A LOOKING GLASS▪  
For Princes and People.  
Delivered in a Sermon of Thanksgiving for the Birth of the hopeful Prince CHARLES.  
And since augmented with Allegations and Historical Remarkes.  
Together with a Vindication of Princes, etc.  
By M. WILLIAM STRUTHER Preacher at Edinburgh.  Psal. 2. Be wise, O Kings▪ 
Printed at Edinburgh, by the Heirs of Andro Hart. 1632.   

TO THE MOST HIGH, AND MIGHTY KING: CHARLES' OF GREAT Britain, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
Most Dread Sovereign,  
BOth these Arguments crave your Ma. kindly patrociny: as Father of that Prince, whose birth occasioned the Thanksgiving: And Son of that King, who went before all Kings, in vindicating royal Authority▪  
Gods Providence over Man (his last Creature in time, but first in Love) is so great; that his care of other Creatures comparatively seemeth a Neglect: He hath distinguished him in Order and Degrees: 
Rom. 13. 1. Proverb. ●. ●6.  Gathered him in Societies: And perfited these Societies with an supereminent power. That Head giveth a native influence to its Body, and the Body subiecteth itself to that Head.  
We bring this Law from the Womb written in our Hearts; and Christ confirmed it by Word and Example: He disposed so his Birth at Bethlehem, that at once he fulfilled his Father's promise, and obeyed 
Micah. 5. 2▪ Luc. 2. ●.  Augustus' Edict being taxed in his Mother: The Church for ten Ages followed her Head in that Obedience. Though her Work be Heavenly by the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven, to win 
Matth. 16. john. 10 ●●bros▪ de dig. Sacerd, cap. ●. Ibid. cap. 2.  Souls ●o Go●t; and her Reward be to sit on Thrones, and judge the Tribes of Israel: Yet she gave to Caesar the things that are Caesar's. And though Ambrose say, that Sublimitas Episcopalis nullis potest comparationibus aequari And nihil esse in hoc s●c●do sublimiius sacerdote; yet he both practised and persuaded obedience to Princes.  
But Bab●l confounded all: And Antichrist (in a more fearful Collision of the Civil and Ecclesiastic Powers, than the two Hills in Marius & Sylaes' 
Vtrum mai●r dignitas pradia dividendi an peccata di●●ittendi. Co●●●d. lib. 1. August. Cavit 2●. 6. Vni●u● in orb I●p. Rex. ●●● niumque Princip●●● s●● pr●●um. etc. Marta. I●ris. Epist dedi●. Paul. 5. Suarez defen. 6. 6. ●ellar. Apol.  time) trod the honour of Princes in the dust: he thought it greater to divide Lands, than remit sins; and thirst himself in their Thrones: He exposed their Kingdoms to violence; and their sacred Persons and Authority to contempt:: These insolences might seem tolerable in times of blindness, as S. Austin speaketh of Romulus Apotheosing: But now after so long contest, they maintain them. Their Advocate affirmeth, & Paul the fifth approved it, That he is the only Emperor and King; the Superior of all Kings, from whom all jurisdiction floweth. What ever in danger they deny; or in necessity they mitigate, this is the just Model of their Pope, and the prime Article of their faith.  
That Luciferian pride was so eminent in Popes, that it is hard to know, whether to wonder more at the Impudency of Christ's Vicar usurping, or the patience of Prince's suffering. Popery was never further from the Truth, and meekness of jesus, then since it was jesuited: That name is not a denomination of a new Zeal or goodness, but the mask of exquisite craft and cruelty; and the tincture of impenitency: And 
Cypr. de Ie●u●.  as the Apostle maketh the opposition of Christus and Antichristus; and Cyprian of Spiritus and Antispiritus, somay we of jesus and Anti-Iesus.  
But God by Reformation hath mended that confusion: The light of the Gospel hath at once revealed his heresy in Doctrine, and tyranny in Usurpation. 
Revel 17.  This is a trial of Princes; for they are free and happy Princes who have shaken off his Yoke; and reform themselves, and their Kingdoms to the Gospel of Christ: But thrice miserable are they who lie still drunk in her fornications.  
God in mercy hath put your Ma. in the first rank: The Titles of Defender of the Church from King William of Scotland, 
a Innocen 3  and of Defender of the Faith from Henry 8. 
b Leo. 10. Bull. 12.  of England; are both Ensigns of your profession, and remembrancers of your royal Duty; to defend the true Church, and the true Faith, your Ma. devotion testifies the peaceable part of the discharge: And doth promise the other part by the Sword, when GOD shall honour Kings to execute his will on the Whore. And in GOD'S time, they who now adhere to her, shall count it their happiness to follow your Ma. Example.  
Behold now your Ma. Happiness in their misery: Their common end (to destroy Protestants) hath 
Card. Lothar. Practic. Cancel. Hisp. Aphor. Card. 16 22.  made them Confederates▪: But God hath divided them by their private ends like Sechem and Abimelech: And juggling Prote●s, of a bloody Dragon, it turned a crafty Serpent, and seeketh his safety, by winding betwixt the jealousies of these great Princes. He is carried violently as hope and fear, canvasse him: 
I●d. 9 20.  Rutilio fire will break out from Abimelech and devour Sechem And these Princes shall dwell in brotherly love, when they receive the Gospel of peace.  
This private offering is a fruit and testimony of a commoun joy: the Flower of the States of this land (present in this City, at the glad news of the Prince's birth) were overjoyed: And this city expressed their loyalty in all significations, so that no place of these three Kingdoms could exceed. 
Virum negotiosis●imum in Repub. Epist. 54.   
It was S. Austin's discretion to Macedonius a judge, taken up with public affairs, not to detain him with long Epistles: What shall we do to so great a KING?  
Almighty GOD, who hath set your Ma. on these three Thrones, multiplee royal gifts on your sacred person, 
Psal. 21. 6  and make You a King of many Royal blessings: That great Britain under you, and your clement Name, may more and more be a terror to Anti-christ, a comfort to the Saints, and a Land wherein GOD delighteth to dwell.  
AMEN.  
Your Ma. most humble Subject, and Servant, M. WILLIAM STUTHER.   

The Table of the Thanksgiving.  

THE Preface of the Prince's Birth. Pag. 1  
1. The first part. King David a Supplicant. 4.  
2. The second part. Of a Monarchy. 6.  
The Author of it 7.  
2. The Necessity. 8.  
The Excellency. 11.  
The Character of K. 12.  
Their Limitation. 13.  
Monarchy the best Government. 15.  
Affectation of Divinity is a frenzy. 16  
The PoPe taken with that frenzy. 17.  
Errors about Magistracy. 19 20.  
We should pray for Kings. 21.  
And obey them in the Lord. 21.  
Three ways to come to a Kingdom▪  
1. Conquest. 24.  
2. Election. 26.  
3. Succession is better than both. 28.  
women's Government lawful. 29  
Queen Elizabeth's instance determineth the question 30.  
King JAMES instance. 30.  
A new borne Prince a great blessing. 31.  
3. The third part of the Royal Gift.  
1. The habit of justice.. 33.  
Religion falleth under the care of Kings. 37.  
Popes debarred them from it. 38.  
He gulled them by Cannonizing. 39  
Some Princes abused Religion.  
Reformation a blessing to Princes and People. 40.  
Pope's tie God to themselves, and lose themselves from God. 43.  
2. The work of the royal Gift is Government. 44.  
1. The rule of it good Laws. 45.  
Difficulty of judgement, in cause, parties, witness. 46.  
The necessity and danger of Forture. 50.  
Prince's Difficulties and Dangers. 52.  
Flatterers of Princes are Pests. 54.  
It is faintness to lay down their Crowns. 56.  
Piety and Prudence the Reme●de of their Difficulties. 59  
2. People the Subject of Government. 62.  
Man is most obliged and most disobedient. 64.  
God's Church most easily governed. 66.  
King● governing of themselves▪ 67.  
Of their Courts. 69.  
3. The fruit of good Government. Peace. 73.  
Of the fruits of Peace. 74.  
Of Wars. 78.  
The Purity, and peace of true Religion, their greatest task. 81  
It is the greatest blessing of Mankind. 82.  
No Mixture with a true Religion. 84.  
Reconciliation with a false religion is impossible. 85.  
Confusions of Holland. 86.  
Damage of schis●●es. 89.  
Three sorts of Kings.  
1. Of Gods King. 90.  
2. Machiavells Tyrant. 91.  
3. Of the Pope's Vassal. 97.  
The pourtrate of ● perfect King.▪ 98.  
Tyrants both affright, and are affrighted. 102.  
People's hearts a King's greatest conquest. 102.  
Their love his best Guard. 103.  
An happy land. 105.  
Scotland's happiness. 106.  
Great Britain's Happiness. 107.  
Speech to the Nobility. 108.  
To the college of justice.. 108.  
To Edinburgh. 108.  
Aprayer for the King. 109.  
For the Queen. 109.  
For the Prince 110.  
For the Subjects. 110.  
True Thanksgiving is true obedience. 111.    

ERRATA.  
Pag. Lin. ●ault. Mend. ●. in Marg. Peremptores. Pa●eicid●●. 44. ●. do more. Do no more. 47. 2. the their. ●● ●1. is best. is most. 76. 21. more. deal. 86. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

A LOOKING GLASS for Princes and people: Delivered first in a Sermon of thanksgiving for the Birth of our hopeful PRINCE CHARLES', etc. In the great Church of EDINBURGH, etc.  

The Preface.  
REJOICE in the LORD, ye righteous 
Psal. 33. 1.  (saith the Prophet) for praise is comely for the upright.  
I presume so far of your Christian affection (Dear beloved in the Lord) that I need not exhort you to joy: The cheerfulness of your Countenance testifies the great joy of your heart; so that it shall only be necessary to direct you in the use, and expressing of so just and great a joy.  
The Lord hath blessed us in great mercy with the birth 
The Birth of the Prince: May 29. An. 1630.  of a Prince on Saturnday last, and refreshed us yesternight with these good tidings: That blessing hath many blessings in it: A Child, a Male Child, and a first borne Male Child that came to perfection: A Son to a Father 
Polydore hist. lib 5. Azor. in●●st▪ tom. 2. lib▪ 10. cap 1. Ecbertus' tot●●● insula Monarcha. & Edmundus. La●francus totius Insula Britaniae Primas. Concilium. Angl. Anno. 1085. Binius. tom. 3▪ part. 1. pag. 395.  that hath no Brother, the apparent Heir of all these three Kingdoms, and (I may say) The first born Heir that ever They had. Some Histories wrongouslie affirm, that some Kings were Monarches of this whole Isle, and that same error did creep in the Counsels, speaking of Primats: But the first spoke as they affected, and the other followed that error in simplicity: They borrowed that style of (a Monarch of the whole Isle) from Severus time, and took the march of it from his wall. Some have been borne Heirs of several Kingdoms in it, but till now we find none borne Heirs of them altogether, and that to a King, standing in the just title and peaceable possession of them all.  
These are Gods great mercies to us; and the greater if we consider what our sins deserve: They cry for judgement and our Conscience tells that we deserve it more than other Nations that are scourged beyond Sea; but behold when he might shower down deserved plagues, He sendeth us undeserved Blessings.  
God's worship hath two odd solemnities, of Fasting, 
Fasting and thanksgiving two odd solemnities.  and Thanksgiving; but it is more pleasant to have the occasion of solemn thanks for Blessing received, than of mourning for plagues imminent or incumbent: And better to hear now our Drums in the street, and Canons in the Castle, by their sound calling us to these joyful meetings, than to hear them in the feats of War.  
There is no Affection so pleasant to the heart, as 
Thanksgiving is more pleasant.  joy; it was created in us as a power to make use of good: When the heart hath desired and hoped for good, it cannot but rejoice at the obtaining of it; and in all these actions about good, it abideth most gladly in itself: We brought evil in the World by sin, and so a necessity of sorrow: In grief the heart is closed within itself, and hath a selfe-consumption for its own folly. No temporal good entereth into our heart, but the joy for it filleth it, and then it delyts to dwell in that joy as the own Element, and dilateth itself to utter that joy conceived: As the Ear is opened wide to hear good, and the Eye to see it, so the Heart to enjoy it, and the Mouth to express that joy.. And what better expressing, than to pour out our hearts on GOD by thanksgiving? That as He is the Author of our joy, so it may return to Him again. A well expressed joy maketh a sweet Sacrifice to GOD, and bringeth down a new blessing, but excess of joy e●anishing in fleshly insolences, and not reflecting on GOD, provokes him whom we should please: Such was the rejoicing of Pagans in their solemnities, but God's Word 
Sicci●e exprimitur publicum gaudium per publicum dedec●●. Tertul. Apolog. 35.  directeth us better. We ought therefore to praise Him for the Blessing received; and pray for a blessing to that Blessing, that his Mercy there in may every way appear. And because of ourselves, we cannot do this as we ought; let us call on the Author of the Blessing, and crave such direction from his Word, that in this solemn and public joy, we may approve ourselves too Him.  

The Text. Psal. 72.  1. Give the King thy judgements, O GOD, and thy righteousness unto the King's Son. 2. He shall judge thy people with righteousness, and thy poor with judgement. 3. The Mountains shall bring peace to the people, and the little hills, by righteousness.  

The first part: K. DAVID a Suitor.  
LOOK not (Beloved in the Lord) for a full explication of every part of this Text, 
The sum and order of the words.  with their doctrines and uses, as we do in Sermons, but only for such points as this occasion craveth: In sum it containeth a prayer of King David for his Son Solomon, and offereth three things to our consideration. The Suitor who prayeth is King David: Next, for whom he prayeth, it is for Solomon: And thirdly the things that he suiteth, which are three: First, the Gift of Kingly wisdom; verse 1. 2. The use of that Gift in righteous judgement: verse 2. And thirdly the fruit of that Gift so used, Peace and Tranquillity: verse 3.  
For the first, the Suitor is King David, a Father for 
King David a Supplicant.  his Child, a King for his succeeding Son, and a Prophet for one that GOD was to bless. Nature might move him as a Father to seek the good of his Son; and Civility as a King, a greater Father of a Kingdom, to seek the good of his Successor: But as a Prophet he is moved divinly to suit that which GOD had shown him he was purposed to do: In the first two respects, he had an ordinary grace as a Father, and a King to seek this Blessing. In the third: he had an extraordinary gift to augment the former two, being privy to God's mind in this particular. Therefore it is not only a Prayer, but a Blessing: The one suiting a Gift, the other conferring the sought Gift, or rather declaring that it was to be conferred on Solomon.  
Parents have a Fatherly authority over their Children to bless them, and are obliged to seek their good (because 
Prius peremptores quam parents Bern. hom. 2 super missus est.  like Adam and Eve, they are first their murderers ere they be their Parents) And Kings as Fathers over their Subjects; but Prophets are above them both in this point: what the former have by nature, and 
Parents sensimus peremp tores, etc. Cypr. de lapsis Sect. 7.  God's power committed to them, that and more had David, a Prophet, as being privy to God's purpose. So that this Prayer is not so much a Prayer for obtaining, as a prophecy that he shall obtain. That extraordinar Gift is now ceased in the Church, yet every one 
Amos cap 3 5  should take heed how he prays: That as the matter he seeks is good in itself, needful for us, and promised, 
Cum ipse Pater qui largitur ista suggerat peti, etc. Cypr de ascens. cap. 4. Rom. 11. 34.  so it be sought with confidence and liberty. If the Lord so open our hearts to seek it, he will also satisfy our hearts in granting. None knows his mind, nor hath given him counsel, but when Providence is performing his promises, he will give some notice of his purpose to his own in these particulars.  
GOD had purposed this blessing to Solomon, and now he moveth David to pray for it as a means both to give his purposed Gift to Solomon, and to oblige David the more for obtaining of it by prayer: The Blessing he hath ordained for us, he gives an heart to seek it, and in the very time of so free and affectuous seeking, worketh in us an hope of receiving: For we know not what 
Rome 8. 27  we shall pray for as we ought: But the Spirit itself maketh intercession for us, with groan which cannot be uttered. And he that searcheth the hearts, knows what▪ is the mind of the Spirit, because he maketh intercession for the Saints according to the will of God. God's Spirit will not assist us with a spiritual liberty and confidence, in seeking that, that God is not purposed to give; for GOD is ever like Himself. 
Grace completes all the parts and degrees of our happiness.   
Prayer is on our part a Condition required, and a mean to obtain; and on God's part, a sort of beginning and obliging to give us that blessing that he hath made us to seek. These are both temporary effects of Gods eternal purpose, and means to perform it: This is the covenant of grace, to turn the Condition in a promise, and then to perform it in us, that as GOD presenteth Salvation under condition of Faith and other works of grace, so he promiseth these conditions, and worketh them in us. He promised that they should believe, who said, And they shall not teach every man his neighbour, 
Credituros promisit, qui dixit, & non docebit ●nusquisq, proximum suum. Reconciliandos promisit qui dixit propitius ero inquit atibus eorum. etc. Prosper de Vocat. Gent. lib 1. cap. 9 Ephes. 2. Psal. 10. 17 2. Sam. 7. 27. 1 Chr. 17. 25.  Know the Lord. He promised that they should be pardoned, who said, I will be merciful to their iniquities. He promised that they should obey, who said, I will put a new heart in them. He promised that they should persevere, who said, I will put my fear in their heart, so that they shall not depart from me. So then, Grace purposeth, Grace promiseth, Grace maketh us to pray; and Grace performeth the promise in answering our prayers, that it may be seen We are saved by Grace. This wonderful disposition of God's Grace in prayer, is summed up in one verse. Lord, Thou hast heard the desire of the humble, thou wilt prepare their heart; Thou wilt cause thine Ear to hear: And David on this same purpose: Thou hast said, That thou wilt build me an house: Therefore have I found in mine heart to pray this Prayer to Thee.   

To the KING. The second part: Of a Monarchy.  
THis much for the Person that prayeth, To wit King David, the next is, for whom he prayeth, and that is the King, even his Son Solomon, and that for three causes: The first is common to Kings, whom GOD respects 
Solomon prayed for.  as his Deputies among men: The next is particular to Solomon, as being designed in God's promise to be a successor to David: The third is typical, because he was the type of Christ, the King of his Church; and so had a right to competent gifts for his place, for the better typifying of such a truth. 
God's great respect of Kings.   
here is the great respect that God hath to Kings, he causeth pray for them, mark their business, and write portions of Scripture for them: So solomon's designing to the Crown gave us this Psalm▪ and his Marriage the 45. Psalm, and their Acts hath given us many Histories in Scripture, that his Providence about them may be more manifest, and his care of them, may witness his care of all mankind. God hath set them up to be respected as the Heads of humane Societies, and though there be innumerable people in the World different in Laws, Manners, Languages, etc. Yet he hath summed them up in several Societies under Princes, and provided not only Order but also degrees whereof Kings are the Heads. Therefore the holy Apostle calleth them, 
Rom. 13. 1  supereminent Powers: and the primitive Church expounded that clearly. We honour the Emperor next to God, 
Colimus imperatore 〈…〉, etc.  and less than God alone.  
This leads us to consider in principality the Author, 
Tert. ad Scapul. cap. 2.  the Necessity, the Excellency, and Limitation. The Author of Principality, is GOD, the King of Kings; 
1 The Author of Principality is God.  either immediately designing them, as he did David and Solomon, etc. or mediately moving the hearts of people to choose them. He hath made man a social 
Cum res sit praestantissima ordo politicus, etc.  creature delighting in Society: and Necessity, and Profit, hath confirmed that sociablenes, and drawn them together in Societies and Incorporations: they know 
Calvin▪ in hunc locum  by the light of Nature, that Society is better than Solitariness, and that a multitude with equality hath confusion, and Order without Authority is an Anarchy with Oppression. Therefore, as GOD wisely ordained, so they willingly admit these gradual respects of higher and lower degrees, and take on that beautiful Order which he established: He appoints an outward Government to mankind, and gives the influence of it not indifferently to all, but to Kings and Princes as the most eminent parts of mankind.  
If we look to man simply as he is reasonable it 
2. The necessity of principality.  is not impossible for him to live without public Government, but if we consider him as he is now with corrupt reason it, is altogether impossible: He could not live alone without Society, and in Societies he was worse than alone, because of injuries: the wealthy oppressed the poor, and the stronger the weak, so that by time Societies agreed upon a common Government, and set up some one who excelled the rest to govern all, and that common consent gave him power to rule, and disposed the rest for more hearty obedience. So GOD by his Law written in their hearts, led them to Government, to devolue their power in the hand of one, for eschewing of injuries, and procuring both public and the private good: Society remeeded Solitariness, and Principality remeeded the injuries of Societies. 
Chessan. Catal. part. 5. cons. 1.   
Some have drawn Principality simply from the Ambition of men, because Cain, Nimrod, and such like were usurpers. But they should distinguish betwixt man's Ambition and God's institution: Man had his own ends of vain glory, Avarice, Revenge, etc. But as GOD was therein punishing sin, so also providing Order among men, and therefore he taketh with principality as his own ordinance. By me Kings reign and Prince's decree justice.. There be sundry ways to come 
Prover. 8. 8  to a Kingdom: The suffrages of people in Election: Victories in Conquest: Birth in Succession: But GOD is the Author of Magistracy who gives Kingdoms, and transfers them at his pleasure. That Kings are, it 
Dan. 2. 11.  is the divine Law written in the hearts of men: But that such or such a man is a King, is by divine providence. They are the most eminent and conspicuous Things in the World: Their beginning, course and end see●es to some to be of Fortune: And such as contemn that blind idol, ascrive them to Fate, an imaginary necessity beside the will of GOD and Man, but divine Providence disposeth all humane Kingdoms. 
Divina providentiâ regna constitu●ntur humana.   
Man by sin hath drawn on many Necessities, but GOD hath appointed lawful Callings as their remede and Supply: and if we compare him to a Body, they go 
Man's necessity, & Gods supply by Callings.  in four sorts: The first is of Callings, absolutely necessary for our Being, as Husbandry and Pasturage, the two Legs whereon the great body of man standeth. We are of the earth, we walk on it, and live by it, and these two Callings draw the substance out of it, in Fruits and Flesh's for our necessity. The profit of the Earth is for all: The King himself is served by the Field. The second is 
Eccles. 5 9  of such Callings as beside Necessity have great Profit for our well being; as Crafts and Merchants: these are busy about the fruits of the former Callings; the first perfecting them by Art, the other changing these fruits of Nature and Art; these are as the two Hands, in this great Body. The third is of such Callings, as beside Necessity and Profit have also Ornament for our better Being. These are as the Heart of this Body in liberal Sciences and Professions, etc. They frame and fashion the Soul which is the Man, and make him a Man properly. The fourth is of such Callings as beside Necessity, Profit and Ornament, are for human Perfection for our best Being in this life, & that is Principality & Government; as the Head in the civil Body perfecting it with humane excellency. But the Pastoral calling answereth all these respects spiritually.  
GOD made all this plain in the beginning. First he 
Gen. 1. 26.  gave Adam a Being, then appointed him Maintenance, 
Gen. 2. 16.  and a Law to lead his life: And when he fell, his first business was tilling of the ground by Cain, and pasturage 
Gen. 4. 2.  by Abel, as means to help the difficulty of maintenance that came by the curse laid upon the ●arth for his sins. Thereafter came the invention of Mechanic Trades, 
Gen 4 22.  to make use of the fruits of these two simple Callings, and Government came in also in the own degrees and periods. Lastly, when men were sensible of their misery 
Gen. 4.  spiritual & temporal, and from that sense Seth called his son Enosh (that is, Miserable or Calamitous) ●hen Religion 
Gen. 4. 26.  was solemnly exercised by in-calling on the Name of the Lord. They found such misery, as neither humane Invention, Industry, nor Government could help; & therefore took them above all to the Religious worship of God, that he would mitigate the just curse by his supervenient Blessing, and lead them to a better Paradyse than they had lost.  
Three sorts of Government were in Adam: The Husbandlie 
Government founded in Adam.  government over Eva his wife: The fatherly over his Children, and the Princely over all mankind so long as he lived. The first was more, a bond of love with his Wife, another himself: The third was a sort of authority, as a Superior over inferiors: And the second was mixed of Love and Authority. As mankind increased, so GOD drew out the Line of principality in Families, Towns and Countries, etc. which are both several parts of Principality and Images of it: to testify that mankind cannot well subsist without Government. Every man carrieth the image of it in himself, he hath a body of many parts, and every part hath the own temper and form, to be a seat or instrument of some power in him. The Soul likewise hath diversity of powers, to understand, remember, will, etc. And yet notwithstanding of this diversity, they have all such a respect unto other, that they submit themselves to a government for the good of every one severally, and of the whole man, in which respect we may call Man, A little Kingdom.  
Government then is of absolute necessity, without which 
Princes give a civil life to a Land.  neither House, nor City, nor Nation can stand, no not the nature of things, nor the world itself: For what is a multitude of people without it, but a liveless and confused mass? They are not set to work in their several callings, neither have they fruit of their labours, neither use, nor enjoying of their fruits: But Government as a vigorous life quickeneth all, gives a beauty to the body, and a sort of ability to every particular member. It is principally in the head, and from thence floweth to every member, to enable it for its own office: I need not to enlarge this point. This City, & other places of this Kingdom that were sometimes quickened, and warmed civilly by the presence of Kings, are now in a languishing Widowhood, because of the far distance of that warming Sun.  
Principality maketh a great relation in mankind: It is the 
3. The excellency of principality.  Head, and such an Head as receiving due respects from other Callings, employs itself again to their good: They sustain it by their offices and labours, and it recompenseth them with a mutual sustaining, in that it provideth for them both liberty to labour in their Callings, and peace to enjoy the fruit of their labours, without which the better their Lot be, the greater cross, if it be pulled away by war or oppression.  
It is God's Wisdom to rule man by Man, and to set up 
The kindly and sweet relation betwixt Prince and people.  some of Mankind above the rest: Though Kings be of the same kind by Nature, yet their degree and Spirit make them seem to be of another kind, that the mutual duties of commanding & obeying, may be the more distinct: And then to make them the more pleasant, he hath bound these far distant degrees in the bond of one kind: Kings command their Inferiors, lovingly as their own kind, & Inferiors obey Kings willingly, as their own kind: The communion of the kind distinguished by God in degrees keeps that Relation contentedly: The Head, the Hands, and the Feet differ in their places & offices, yet are all one flesh in one Body: The Head commandeth them not rigorously, neither do they obey it grudginglie, but all their Offices are done in love to other. The disposing of these places and degrees are absolutely in God's hand, and he commands every one to apply themselves to other according to their place. This is the Finger of God to make Authority as a vigorous life to quicken a Kingdom, and then to bind it up in such agreement, that many thousands of different conditions do submit themselves to one.  
Princes have this Excellency of Spirit, not so much from 
The Character of Principality is of GOD immediately.  their Birth or bodily temper as from God immediately: He createth in them a reasonable Soul, to m●ke them Men, and gives them a princely Spirit to make them Kings among Men. David was of private breeding, but so soon as GOD took him from behind the Ewes and set him upon the Throne; he gave him an heroic Spirit. Their Birth indeed giveth them great Privileges; but the royal Spirit is not infallibly annexed to it: GOD reserveth it to his own free dispensation: he hath set them as Heads of Societies, and the Head is plenished with Understanding, and with more Senses than the Body, for it is the seat of all the Senses, and none but the sense of Feeling is diffused through the whole body, & that floweth from the Head. So Kings by their place should be accomplished with humane perfections above their Subjects. This hath with it a largeness of heart to overreach private spirits as far as their place is above them, and that both in foresight to project their business, and Prudence to manage it. And they have as large affections of joy and grief, and their fruits answerable in Contentment and miscontentment. Their ordinar measure in these things would be excesses to over whelm private Spirits: Their greatest place occasioneth them greatest humane contentments, but lest they become insolent as great miscontentments are annexed. So God hath counterpossed these great things in greatest Spirits, both to keep them from extremities, and to hold them on the Balance of equability.  
Power and Authority are invisible in themselves, but visible 
The signs of principality.  in their outward signs, and the more evident, the greater difference they make betwixt Kings & Subjects. Princes are men as other, yet are they far in dignity above other, as the patterns of native Nobility that cometh of Birth, and the Fountain of dative Nobility that flows from Prince's favour. Though it fall out otherwise, sometimes for just causes, yet in an abstract consideration they ought to be, and usually are the choicest Men in humane perfections.  
A special sign is that Majesty wherewith God stampeth 
1. In their countenance.  their countenance, to tell what Spirit dwelleth in such a Body: Though they be but Men, yet that Majesty in their countenance equalleth their place. This 
Quantus motus sit ad unam iussionem imperatoris, Aug hom 16. Prov. 19 12.  maketh their very silence to be awful and imperious, it confoundeth sometimes the most resolute Spirits, and putteth posed wits to precipitation. His whispering in his Chamber setteth all his Kingdom on work, and the only moving of his lips putteth all his Provinces to business: But if they speak in passion, it is like the roaring of the Lyon. This can be no thing else but the hand of GOD, that maketh so sensible a difference between ruling and ruled Spirits in one kind of Creature.  
Next, God hath given them four Ensigns of a kingly 
2. In their Ornament. Aut capite Diadema, aut in manu Sceptrum. Tertul. advers. jud. cap. 10.  Power. The Throne as the ground of their Authority under God: The Sceptre, the sign of their Lawmaking, or Nomoth●ticke wisdom, by its touchgiving life to Laws: The Sword to execute Laws, as a token that all the Swords of their Subjects are at their command for War and Peace: And the Crown, as the sign of Glory, arising of the right use of all the former. God bestowed on Solomon such a royal Majesty as had not been in any King 
1 Chr 29. 25 2 Chr. ●. ●.  of Israel before: For the Lord his God was with him, and magnified him exceedingly.  
Their Place is great indeed to be Gods Vice-gerents on Earth, yet that greatness is not absolute, but hath the 
The limitation of Princes.  own limitation: Their power is as well bounded as their Persons: Mortality boundeth their life, so doth Providence their Power; & that on God's part by Communication for the original, and overruling for the use, and on their part dependence on God, and subjection to a reckoning hemmeth it in. I said, Ye are Gods, and all of you the Children of the most High: But ye shall die like men. It is 
Psal 82. 6. 7. Sciunt quiillis dederit impertum a quo sunt secunds post quem primi, etc. Tertul. Apol cap. 30.  not of themselves, but lent of God, and not for themselves but for him and his people: It carrieth in itself an obligement to use it to his glory whom they represent, and a care in that use to do nothing that is not worthy of him: When Goodness and Greatness meet in them they are glorious Images of God, but when their greatness is void of goodness, they are hurtful to mankind, and make the Name of God to be evil spoken of: So long as they govern aright, their government is acceptable to God; but if they abuse their power, and follow their own will and not Gods, than he disclaims their government: They reigned, but not of me. The excellency 
Host 8. 4.  of their Calling cannot expiate these faults of their Person, but procures a double wrath:  
If they look only to their place; as coming by Birth or people's favour, or their own worth, without respect to God, they cannot but swell in pride with Nebuchadnezar: But when they take them as out of God's hand, they will reverence him, and use them to his glory; and that wise employment shall prove a way to a better 
Eccles● 5. 9 Psal. 51. Soli Deo reus quia hominem non habet qui ●ius facta d●●udi cet. Cassiod. ibid.  Crown in Heaven. They are indeed above their Subjects▪ yet God is above them, the most High and higher than the highest: David knew that he both injured Uriah and his people, & that they could not correct him for his offence, yet he saw the punishment in God's hand, and being afraid thereof, cried out, Against thee, against thee, only have I sinned. He confessed himself guilty to God alone, because he had no man who might judge his fault.  
Of all that is said ariseth a confirmation for a Monarchy: 
1. Monarchy is the best sort of Government.  a Refutation of some errors: And a Direction in some duties. For a Monarchy this Text is plain, because it speaketh of a King, appointed & allowed of GOD in mercy: Sundry sorts of Government have been devised as Monarchy, Aristocracy, and Democracie▪ and these either simple or in divers mixtures, but so that some one form did preponder 
Tum Resoub. id est res popul● bene ac iuste geritur sive ab una Rege▪ sieve a paucis optimatibus, sive ab universo populo. August▪ de Civi●. Deilib, 2. cap 20.  the rest, & gave the name to the whole. Though all be good in themselves, and God can serve himself of any of these, yet they all point at a Monarchy as the best: For supreme power is to be found in them all, but the difference is in the number of the Persons: For that same supreme Power, which Monarchy hath in one Person, Aristocracy hath it in some few of the best, and Democracie in the multitude of the people, so that every one of them is a Monarchy indeed diversified in the number of Persons.  
As for their Practice, when more ruled, they feared the usurpation of some one, and upon that fear as they saw 
Their practice is Monarchy.  any excel the rest in Riches, Wisdom, or Friendship, they served him with an Athenian Ostracism, or a Syracusian Petalisme, and for one years ruling, cast him in ten year's banishment: But by time they saw the ill of that censure, that it made worthy men hold back from public meddling, and opened a door to unworthy ambitious men to misguide all: And the Romans who like a feverous man, changed all sorts of government to find out the best, as Kings, Consuls, Tribune's, &c. were forced in great danger to choose a Dictator, and in end turned to a Monarchy, which is nothing but a perpetual Dictatorship. And when Augustus feigned politicly to lay down the Empire, the Senate requeasted him to keep it still, they had been burnt so oft with the violence of a tribunitious government, that they choosed rather to hazard on the faults of one Monarch, than the furies of a multitude.  
Every form of government hath the own Commodities, but Monarchy hath more, and all these disputes 
Monarchy is the end of all.  that conclude for a Monarchy, do understand such a Monarch as is furnished with these three most essential gifts: perspicacity in judgement: Honesty in designs: and constant stability. There is but one head and one heart in the Body, one Sun for the day, and one Moon for the night: And Birds, Beasts, and Bees, have but one Leader of their company: And God set up but one Moses, one joshua, and one judge in Israel at once. He reproved Israel for seeking a King, not because of the unlawfulness of a Monarchy, but for loathing the government of judges which he had established, and that ruled more moderately than the Kings of the Nations:  
The errors to be refuted are these which have fallen either 
1. Error in Princes: affectation of Divinity.  in Princes or people. Some Princes looking only to their greatness above their Subjects, have forgotten that they were men, & sought to be counted & called Gods: They doted so on their prerogatives as to be ashamed of Humanity, and puffed up with Victories above men, would not be men any longer, but set forward their Conquest to Heaven. So Alexander in his flourishing state, and Domitian and Caligula in the midst of their pleasures, and Caius was so confident of a Divinity, that he pitied the jews, who would not count him as a god: That same pity (if we trust the Stoics, who banish that passion from their wise men) might tell him, that he was but a frail man. But they were as senseless of the inward convictions of their error, as they were ignorant of the Truth.  
There fell never such a frenzy in man, as to be tickled with 
That conceit is a great frenzy  a desire to be a god, or a conceit that he is so: Sound Humanity knows that Divinity is a thing transcendent, and they who are sick of that disease, are void of sound judgement and have put off Humanity itself. it was Satan's bait to Adam in the beginning, but he proponed it afterward in a grosser sort to such as was sick of Ambition: And it fell not in good Princes, but in the worst, for Domitian, Caligula, and such Monsters were greedy of that honour, but Augustus, Titus and Traian were not so. They were conscious to themselves of great wickedness, and knew that the world abhorred them, yet they would cover all with that fair colour, as to be better than all men, while they were the pests of their time: But a good King needeth not seek to be counted a god, for he is better than any of the gods of the Heathen. But all that affectation of a Godhead 
Ante ●mnes Deos & super ●mnes Deos. Tertul. Apol. Cap. 30.  was gross Atheism; for if they had thought that there were any Gods, they would not have usurped upon their place or office: And it proved that these injured gods were not at all, for if they had been, they would not have suffered themselves to be oppressed by a multitude of Monsters, who did not so much vex them by that encroaching, as destroy their account by profaneness. That multiplication of gods destroyed their fear and respect among men.  
I know not whither it was a greater trick in Satan, or 
It is Satan's policy.  madness in them, to seek a place among the gods: But it testified in them both, a mocking of the gods, whom they counted no better than Companions to such Monsters▪ for they were as far dishonoured, as these men were honoured imaginarilie; but indeed all was alike here. Though we follow that distinction of Lar and 
August. civet. lib. 9 cap. 10  Larvae good and evil Spirits, or their Manes, whose good or ill was uncertain, yet it is sure, that the best of their gods were but men, and the most part either cruel oppressors or filthy Atheists. Bacchus was a drunkard, Hercules a Palliard, jupiter a Parricide, Venus a Whore, and 
Gentium numina scelerum nomin. ●.  in a word, the gods of the Gentiles were but the names of Vices: But indeed Satan had an higher intention to dishonour the true GOD, and exalt wickedness, while he purchased a commendation to Vices (which are too alluring of themselves) by the colour of Religion, and a Divinity. GOD punished that frenzy in Herod, for suffering 
jovem non magis regno quam vitijs principem Cypr. Epist. 2 Portenta non numina, Cyp de va●t. idol. sect. 2.  the people cry, The voice of God and not of man; he refuted their flattery, and punished his pride, by making worms at once to breed of him, and feed on him: He is a miserable god who is turned in the matter and food of worms, and in one instant is both their Mother and Nurse. God took that summar course with him, because he usurped upon the true God, whereas Pagans usurped upon the false gods only, who were as wicked as themselves.  
We would count that madness fabulous, if the Popes brought 
The Pope is taken with that frenzy.  it not on the Stage again, and none but they in the Christian world; for Pagan Princes find no Successors of their pride in the Throne of Kings, but only in Peter's Chair: And what wonder, since they profess a power by Consecration, to make stones and stocks to be adored with a relative and terminative worship; and give 
Pontificale de Consecratione Imaginum. Minor est si tune Deus dicitur. Tertul. Apol. Maledictum est, ante Apothensim Caesarem Deum nuncupare. Tertul. Apol. 34. Nec Deus es nec bomo.  power to Priests, by mumbling of five words to create their Creator: Why may not the Author of so many gods call himself a God? and crave adoration: The concoat of their transcendent power, hath transported them from their wits; for under other names and colours they follow the pride of Alexander and Domitian to be counted gods, and of Diocl●tian to be adored as a god while he lived: And that more damnably than they, because these Princes were ignorant of the true GOD, and the Divinity they affected was worse than Humanity: But Pope's prosessing the true God, and usurping his Name and Titles, are more sacrilegious than they. They will not bide so low as to be Men, and cannot be gods, therefore they must be some third thing, and what that is may be known by their Luciferian pride.  
The errors about principalitiie in people are two especially: 
1 Anabapenemies to Magistracy.  The first of Anabaptists who think that Magistracy cannot stand with Christian Religion, as though Christ who came to perfect man by grace, destroyed good order among men: His Redemption looseth us from sin, but not from the ordinance of GOD; he came to destroy the works of Satan, but not the works of God: And Christian Religion in the Magistrate is so far from taking away his power, that it addeth moreover an aptitude to use his Power aright: And in Subjects it looseth not the obligement of obedience, but confirms it 
a Si quis putat quoniam Christianus est, etc. Aug. propos. 72. ex Epist ad Rom.  For if any man think because he is a Christian that he needs not pay tribute, nor give due honour to Superiors, he falleth in a great error. 
b judai non peccarunt dicendo non habemus Regem nisi Caesarem, sed quia abnegarunt Christum. Aug. Ps. 55.  And the jews sinned not, because they said, they had not a King but Caesar, but because they denied Christ. It is a singular work of God to erect and maintain a right Government in the world: 
c Singular Dei opus est rectum in mundo princi● patum erigere ac tueri. Calvin in hunc locum. Rom. 13.  And the Apostle hath commanded us to render tribute to whom tribute is due, custom to whom custom, fear to whom fear, honour to whom honour.  
The mystical Body of Christ is not a multitude of one gift, one degree, & one office, but in diversity of gifts and Operations doth respect other. Preeminency in Princes, & Subjection in people stand well with grace, & the holy Spirit can direct the one in commanding, & the other in obeying without any disparagement of grace: for he who said, By me Kings do reign, says also, Let every 
Grace and Magistracy agree, Prov. 8. Rom. 13. 1.  Soul be subject to the higher Powers: Since grace then hath the own order and degrees in his mystical Body, it can well agree with the order and degrees he hath made in the civil Body of Kingdoms. The like may be seen in Heathen Princes, 
d Potes & officio ●urisaictionis tuae fungi & humanitatis meminisse. Tertul ad scap cap. 4.  for their jurisdiction destroys not their humanity but they may keep them both, it enableth Humanity in them to curb the inhumanity of oppressors. The heavenly City of the Church is here lodged in the earthly City of worldly Kingdoms, and it were a bad requite all for that her lodging to destroy them: Therefore let that heavenly City obey the Laws of that earthly City, so long as she sojourns in it, that since mortality, is common to both Cities, concord may be keeped between them in things that concern it.  
These men do sin against God; the law of Nature, & the good of humane Societies 
e Ambros. Hexam. lib. 5 passim.  for even reasonless creatures have a King of their own kind, & submit themselves to him. It is but a fleshly licence that they seek under the name of a Christian liberty 
f Secundum istas vestras fallacissimas ●anissimasq. rationes habenis laxatis. Aug. contr. epist. Gaud▪ lib. 2. cap. 1●.  as was said of old to the Donatists their forefathers, according to these deceitful and vain opinions the reins are loosed to humane licence, and all sin left unpunished, that a boldness to hurt, and a liberty of wantonness may reign without the bar, and opposition of Laws: Yea, take away that which wholesome Doctrine commandeth wisely by the holy Apostle for the health of the World: Let every Soul be subject to the higher Powers.  
The second is a popular error of some, who think that 
2. A popular error that Princes get good, but gives none to their people.  Magistrates receive only benefit of Subjects, and give no recompense again: But they should remember that duties betwixt Princes and people are mutual, and their fruits also: The wise governing of Kings, and peace following, is as great a good as people can give to them: GOD hath tied them together by mutual respects & the more they are keeped by both the parties, the more they increase; and there is neither possibility nor hope of safety to either but in their agreement. The people of Rome fell in this same error, they departed from their Senate, because they sat in ease, while the people endured labour and lose of war: But Menenius Agrippa cured that error by a popular comparison.  
All the parts of the body (said he) were angry on a time at the Belly, because by their care and service all things were purchased for it, which in the mean time had ease in the midst 
●ivius Dec●d. 1. lib. 2  of the Body, and enjoyed the fruit of their labours: Hereupon they conspired against it, that the hands should not bear meat to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it, nor the teeth bray it: But while by this anger, they would dantoun the Belly, all the members of the Body fell in extreme consumption whereby it appeared that the service of the Belly was not in vain, and that it was no more nourished, than did nourish the body, while it sent out prepared food to every part: Therefore they resolved to quite their miscontentment, and do their wont offices to the Belly. By this rude and populare Oration, the people of Rome began to hear of concord, and at once were reconciled to their Senate: The Bees give the like respect to their King, he alone among 
Ambros. Hex. lib. 5. cap. 21  so busy labourers, is exemed from labour, and yet is placed in the midst and largest room of the throng Hive.  
The directions for people are to pray for Princes, & obey 
People should 1. pray for Princes.  them in the Lord: Gods care of Kings, is both for their Place which he assigneth unto them, and for their work to be his Instruments for the good of mankind: And therefore, people are bound in the Lord, to honour them for their place, so far above them: To love them for their work, so profitable for them: And to commend 
Nos pro salute imperatoris Deum in vocamus a ternum. Ter. cap. 30. 1 Tim. 2. 1.  them daily to GOD, that he would hold their Heart in his hand, and magnify his ordinance in their government: So David's example in this place, and the Apostle commands us to make Supplications, Prayers, Intercessions for all men, for Kings, and for these that are in authority. Their condition also craves this, for their education is usually in liberty without controlment; and since corruption in Subjects breaketh out in great insolences, What may it do in Kings? great power without great wisdom, and a special assistance of God is dangerous both to the possessors and those they rule. Their place lays them open to many dangers, and therefore a necessity on our part to pray earnestly for them.  
Our prayers are both for their good, and our own: though 
Such prayers are our profit.  the fruit come first on Princes, yet in the next room it cometh to us: The rain that falleth on the mountains bideth not there, but slideth down to the Valleys: So when servant prayers bring down blessings on Kings, the people are therein blessed also. When the Apostle biddeth us pray for Kings, he telleth that our fruit shall be a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty, and 
1. Tim. 2. 1.  when God biddeth his people pray for the peace of the City where they dwell in captivity, he promiseth that in 
jer. 29. 7.  their peace they shall have peace.  
The standing and falling of Princes importeth their Subjects 
1 Kings 24.  greatly: So long as David walked in his uprightness, God blessed him & his people, but when he waxed proud, Satan tempted him to number them, & they were punished. And when Rehoboam forsook the Lord, he fell not alone, but all Israel fell with him. When one of the people goes wrong, he alone perisheth, but the error of the Prince involveth many, & hurteth all that he ruleth. 
g Si quis de populo deviat, solu● perit: Verum Principis error multos involvit. Bernard. Epist. 1●7.  The fall of Kings is the punishment of people, for as by their virtue we are safe, so by their error we are in danger. Therefore we should pray to God that we may have a glorious and perfect King. 
h Regun● lapsus p●na populorum est Amb. Apo Dav●d. Quapropter utile est ut bon● diu lateq. regnent. Aug. Civ. Dei lib. 4. cap. 3.  It is then most profitable that good King's reign long, and that profit is not so much to themselves as to these they rule: For their Piety and goodness (which are the Lords great gifts) suffice them to true happiness, but the blessings of their good government cometh down to their Subjects.  
The next duty required of Subjects, is to obey them in 
2 Obey them in the Lord.  the Lord, and that not of fear but of Conscience. If it be of fear only, than their subjection is servitude, and themselves are Slaves, but when it is of Conscience, their obedience is Sonlie, and they themselves loyal Subjects. Then they obey for Conscience, when they reverence God's ordinance in Princes, and have reference to God, the Author of their power, and the judge and Rewarder of obedience. Let every Soul be subject to Superior Powers, 
Rom. 13. 1.  for the powers that are, are ordained of God: And that not for wrath, but for Conscience.    

Of Succession in a Monarchy. THE KING'S SON.  
THis is King Solomon: For David was a King, but not a King's Son, and Absalon and Adonijah were King's Sons, but not Kings; so according to the Letter, this Text is proper to Solomon and his Posterity, whereof two things arise: God's designation appointing him to be King, and the Prophets acquiescing thereto.  
God's designation was that Solomon among all Davids Sons 
God's designation of Solomon.  should succeed him in the Throne: Behold, a Son shall be borne unto thee, who shall be a man of rest: He shall be my Son, and I shall be his Father, and I will establish 
1. Chro. 22. 8 9 2. Sam. 7▪ 13. 1. Chro. 28. 5  the ●hrone of his Kingdom over Israel for ever. Whereupon King David said to his people. The Lord hath chosen my Son Solomon among all my Sons, to sit on the Throne. He was not a stranger, but known, and near to David▪ not a friend or Cousin, but his Son, whereby God established the Kingdom in David's Line by Succession.  
Herein we have a clear Doctrine for Succession in Kingdoms: Great disputs have been made about these three ways of coming to a Kingdom, Election, Succession, 
Three ways to come to a Kingdom.  and Conquest, but God here concludeth for Succession. Every one of these hath both the own good and ill, but that is best, which hath least ill and most good, and that is Succession. Man by nature is desirous to reign, and oftimes the least worthy are most ambitious to conquer. Therefore the ordinary remeeds against Conquest are 
1. Conquest is violent.  Election and Succession: Conquest is nothing but violence, and a formal tyranny, it beginneth with blood, it grows, and is keeped with blood; Pride and fear in the Conqueror, and Hatred in them that are conquered, are the due relations of it. Their subjection is not of love, but constraint; and while their bodies are awed, their wills rebel with a continual wishing and waiting of opportunity, to oppress their oppressors: As it beginneth with violence, so it must stand, and the usual ●illers for that standing, are the destroying of the Race of former Rulers, and the making of new Laws, that their new Body may have a new life, and new sinews, 
Machiavelli de principe. Conquerors abuse Providence.  and may live by the death of former Laws, and Races.  
But two things seem to warrant Conquest, Providence and Prescription: Providence putteth such a people under the Conquest of such a King; and Prescription in civil matters seemeth to mend the error of a faulty right. But concerning Providence, men's faults should not be fathered on it; GOD is ever just, in punishing a Nation by oppressing her liberties, when the cup of their sin is full: And vet the Instruments of that oppression do sin grievously; for while God is in the work of his justice, they are serving their own ambition: They have neither God's end before them, nor the disposition that he requireth, but in their Conquest are like Nimrods' mighty Hunters, and oppressers, while GOD is a just judge, So he speaks of Ashur. O Assyrian! the rod of mine anger, and the staff in their hand is my indignation: I will 
Esa. 10. 5. 6.  send him against an hypocritical Nation, and against the people of my wrath will I give him a charge to take the spoil, & to take the prey, and to tread them down like the mire in the streets. Howbeit he meaneth not so, neither doth his heart think so, but it is in his heart to destroy and cut off Nations, not afew: They look neither to God's glory, nor man's good, but to the satisfying of their own humour.  
Prescription is not a full and just right, it can neither denude 
Prescription alone is not sufficient.  the lawful Possessor of his right, nor invest the Usurper with a sufficient right before God, or in conscience, It is rather tolerate, for eschewing endless pleads then allowed: Though it make a fashion of right before men, yet with GOD it is nothing, but a long usurpation (except consent of people follow) for what is not valide from the beginning, cannot be made valide by process of time. GOD indeed hath ever just cause to punish Nations for sin, but if we ask Conquerors, wherefore they trouble peaceable people, and destroy men, women & Children? we shall find no other thing written in their heart, but Pride in a burning desire of reigning. 
Infer bella ●in. timis qu●d aliud quam grande latro einium nomi● nandum est. Aug. de C●●. lib. cap. 4. 6.  They trouble the peace of mankind and shed blood for this only end, that they may be called Conquerors, whereas more justly they may be called the Pests of mankind. To make war on Neighbour Nations, and tread down innocent people for no other end but desire of reigning, what should it be called else but a great Robbery.  
Therefore that Pirate 
a Elegante● enum & veraciter Alexandro Magno Pirata respondit. Aug. C●vit 4 c. 4  is ●ustlie commended for his witty answer, he gave Alexander, who den anded, Why he troubled the Seas with Piracy?? He answered. And why dost thou rob the world? for there is no difference between us, but that I do it with a little Ship, and thou dost it with a Navy. So slaugh ere committed by one, is counted a Crime, but don▪ by Armies is counted Courage. 
b Impunt ●itatem sceleribus ac quirit, &c Cyp. ad D●na.  And the greatness of the cruelly: and not Innocence makes great sins unpunished. There is no difference between a Brigand and such conquerors, but that the one is liable to the Laws, and is punished, because he is weak; the other is counted a Conqueror, and makes Laws of his own, because he is strong.  
This Prescription is now the main ground whereby the 
Prescription the main ground of the Pope's Usurpation over Princes  Pope maintains his usurpation over Kings. He sees that Reason hath beaten him from his three old pretended grounds, of divine right, Tradition of the Apostles, and Donation of Princes. Therefore he is come now to this fourth ground of prescription the last refuge of oppressors: But it is as weak as it is new and kindly to such a new Usurper. They should remember their own laws. He who allegeth Prescription ought also to prove a just Title, 
Dur and, spe cull lib. 4. 2. 25 marta de lurisdict part, 1. cap. 33. num. 13.  because Prescription without a title is but corruption. They could never as yet prove a Title, but a late Usurpation, as is manifest in their usual sophistry; for when we require a reason from Scripture and antiquity of their usurpation over Princes, they give us the fact or deed of some usurping Pope.  
Concerning Election to Kingdoms, if men were patient to suffer Providence rule the matter: Or they who 
Election to Kingdoms is tumultuous.  have voycetherein, were so just as to give it where they see God hath given worth▪ surely it were a good way to enter to a Kingdom: But since all men are corrupt, and the most un worthy are most ambitious, they supply that want of worth by the purchase of voices: They also who have suffrage, are usuallic carried more with Hope and Fear than with Conscience, therefore it cometh to pass that Election makes ofttimes Butcheries in Kingdoms: and what difference is there between foreraine invasion by Conquest, & factions within by Election? but that the one is from without, and the other at home. Election is both the occasion and matter of tumults: And it is as hard to find many Electors agree in one, as it is to find their agreement in good. But Succession is ruled of God, who provydeth himself of Princes in the womb, and thereafter blesseth them with a more princely Education than if they were elected: It is not so much free election that caries the matter as the force of a prevailing Faction: Even as in the factious choosing of Popes, he is not enrolled as an lawful Pope, who was canonically elected, 
Satiut esse exist●mabant eos intrusot qualescunq, tolerandos. Baron. An. 897. num. 1.  but he who had the strongest faction: And his Competitor, though both more worthy, and chosen canonically, if he could not make his cause good by force, is called the Antipope: They give us the reason hereof, that though they came by tyranny, yet it was better to tolerate them, than to rend the Church with a Schism.  
This also brought on the ruin of the Empire, for 
It hastened the ruin of the Empire.  Augustus invented a Praetorian band of 1200 old Soldiers, in show to strengthen the Empire, but indeed it ruined it; and that by the occasion of Election, making themselves master of Armies, Senate & Emperor: For after that julius' race ended, they took too much on them, and afterward carried the matter absolutely, and set up, and cast down Emperors at their pleasure. In so much, that they cared not to change Emperors every day, that they might find daily Donatives and Rewards. So the way 
Tertul, apol.  to come to the Empire, was neither men's worthiness, nor the Election of the Senate, but the violence of the Praetorian band, who being altogether saleable, preferred them, who gave largest money. In like manner do the janisars, the Turk's Praetorian band; and so will the jesuits, the Pope's jamsars do, when they have hanked up the affairs of Popery in their hands.  
But Succession is better than either Conquest or Election: It 
3. Succession is the best way.  wants the tumults of Election, and the violence of Conquest, and is most acceptable to people, beginning with birth, and confirmed by education. It burieth the seeds of changes, but Election keeps them green and fresh as a tusked wall in building, makes more way for building. It relieveth Kings of many cares how to come to a Kingdom, and how to gain the love of their people. Their birth prevents these cares, and at once possesseth them both in their Kingdom and their people's heart. It is also most pleasant to people, because it secures them from fear of changes, that come of Conquest or Election and settleth their Affections sweetly on their native Prince. They delight rather to be under a known Lord, than a stranger. The Sons of their Kings are brought up amongst their; they know their dispossion and manners, and how to deal with them in their afaires: They need neither an Interpreter for language (a great band of humane Society) nor a Mediator to the love of a native Prince: They count them their Fosters and Consorts in a manner, and from the very womb their hearts embrace them as their desired Heads. What is the great joy at the birth of Princes? such as (blessed be God) I see in you all this day, bot the hand of God wedding the hearts of people to their new born Princes, and the earnest & engaging of a constant love to them hereafter. That bond is native and strong that beginneth at the Birth, yea, and sooner in the great desire that people have of native Princes before their Birth, and God who beginneth so soon, confirms it by time to the mutual comfort of Prince and people.  
Moreover, both Election and Conquest yield to Succession 
Election and Conquest yield to succession.  as the best way to come to a Kingdom: For Conquerors being settled, do labour to establish it to their Posterity by Succession. And many Kingdoms sometimes Elective are turned to Succession, and it is likely that the remanent will do so be times: And so both Conquest and Election by an open consent do acknowledge Succession to be the best way in that they affect to be changed in it.  
Some (good men otherwise) have spoken harshly of women's 
women's government lawful.  Government as an inconvenient of Succession; But that was more from some particular, than the matter itself: They distinguished not betwixt the faults of some persons, & the equity of God's ordinance. They wrested the These to their own Hypothese, and in a prejudicate manner determined the cause by some bad accidents of their 
Scripseram cum resinter nos turbulentissima essent.  time, as though the matter were so in itself, and had ever been so as they saw it practised in some. This was to give Laws to God, and not to expone his Providence as it runs in the own liberty and latitude, but to force upon it such a construction as pleased them. But others speak more moderately, that there was nothing more unjust, than the 
b Lata est illa Lex Vocon●a, nequis haeredem faeminam faceret, nec unicam siliam. etc. Aug. Ci●it. lib. 3. cap. 21 Numb. 7. 8.  Law of the Romans, that discharged men to make their Daughters their Heirs. And God gives this Law in the case of Zelophehads' Daughters, that they succeed in their father's portion of Canaan as they were Sons. If a man die, and have no Sons, than he shall cause his inheritance to pass to his Daughter.  
This Island in our time hath seen two great instances 
Q. Elizabeth's instance.  in the right of Succession: The first in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth (of happy memory) in whom God refuted really that Objection that is taken from women's government: He blessed her forty five years Reign, with such prosperity, both spiritual and worldly, as few Kings could equal. Of former times only Zenobia seems to strive with her, but she is nothing like: for what she did was by borrowed forces; and after she had proven valorous for a time, was taken captive to Rome, led in triumph, and died private: But Elizabeth did all (under God) with her own Forces; she lent Armies to others, as this Land, France, and the Low-Countries can testify: and after a long prosperous Reign, died in her own Palace, in a true Religion, in peace with God, love of her Subjects, commendation of her enemies, 
Thuan.  and admiration of the world.  
The other was in the succeeding of K. james (of happy 
K. james his instance.  memory) In his Youth Papists fed themselves with a conceit of the possibility of his turning and that without any occasion of that fancy offered by him: But when he expressed his love to the Truth by his Letters to Q Elizabeth, and by the Monuments of his ingrne, and specially in that Basilicon Doron; they turned their hopes in despair, & took them to plot his debarring from England: and when the Pope had written Brieves for that end, and all men looked for wars, God in mercy according to the right of Succession, gave him a peaceable entry to that Kingdom, and keeped this Island from the invasion of strangers, and factions within: They found their former peace continued when God had provided him one, who could as well by his Tongue and Pen maintain the Truth as by his Sword.  
But we need not dispute where God hath determined, he 
God's determination.  promised to the King of Israel, that if he would adhere to him in his government, he should prolong his days▪ and the days of his Sons in the midst of Israel. And when 
Deut. 17. 26  he had set David on the Throne, he established the Crown in his Line by Succession, & put it in a promise as a blessing. When thy days shall be fulfilled, and thou shalt sleep with thy Fathers, I will set up thy Seed after thee, 
2 Sam. 7. 12.  which shall proceed out of thy Bowels, and I will establish his Kingdom. Therefore (all things being duly considered) Succession is the best way to come to a Kingdom.  
The next point is David's acquiescing to God's designation, 
David rests on God's designation  testified by this prayer for his Son: Herein he found sure grounds for rest: He had obtained a great blessing, he rejoiced and prayed for the continuance of it, and thanks God for giving him such a Son as was able for so great a Kingdom: Shall not a soul rest in the sense of God's mercy, in a joyful praising and confident praying for more? It is kindly to a Father to rejoice in his Sons succeeding and a work both of sound Nature and of grace: Nature maketh them love the Child who is another themselves, and Grace maketh them rejoice in God's ordinance: Where can it fall more pleasantly to them, then in their Son, who is not so much another person as themselves, and that not decaying or dying, but waxing and surviving.  
Some Kings have been so unnatural as to cut off 
Barbarous Princes cruel against their Children.  their Sons in jealousy, as Solyman did to Mustapha, and some write, that Constantine moved with Calumnies killed Crispus his Son, though other deny it; but let that cruelty bide with Barbarians. Barbarity is the dreg and ure of Humanity, till it be refined by Letters, and Sustition, and false Religion makes them more unnatural. So soon as the father dies, the most powerful Brother embrues his Funerals in the blood of all the rest of his Brethren; but there the father bathed himself in the funeral of his son. God's fear teacheth Christian Kings to rejoice, when they see their Sons in their Thrones; but Tyrants, as they desire none to reign with them, so they wish that the Kingdom and world ended with them.  
Of all this second point, is manifest, that a King's Son 
A King's Son is a great Blessing.  is a great blessing; he is a pledge of God's love both to his Parents and people, and a band to tie all their hearts to God, and amongst themselves: Kings are the more bound unto God that gives them that fruit of their Body, and the more tied to their people also, because a Son is the best Pawn of their love to people: He is also a strong motive to move them to a loving & peaceable Government, that thereby they may endear him in the people's affection: The Son of a good King is precious to a good people, and what ever love his personal worthiness deserves, it is doubled for his Father's cause: There is no such Rhetoric to persuade a people to love the King's Son, as the good government of his Father: Their love to the Son diminishes not their love to the Father, but rather augments it; and the increase of the Object increaseth loyalty. It was the error of some to worship rather the Sun rising, than going to: But Christian Subjects are taught of God, not to make them opposite Objects of their affection, but in a Christian loyalty, to love each of them the more because of other.  
Our new born Prince then is God's great Blessing to this 
The Line of this Kingdom▪  Island: He is a Guard to his Father, and a comfort to the Subjects, in stopping their perplexities about Succession, and the plots of factious and ambitious men. This Land for almost eleven Ages was ruled by elective Kings: Thereafter for some eight Ages it hath been ruled by Succession: And the race of Stewarts above two hundreth years hath succeeded one another, and the new 
Hector▪ Both Les●●ns. A Zorius Tom 2, lib. 10 1.  borne Prince (whom God preserve) is the eleventh of that Name, and the hundreth and ninth of the never interrupted Line of Fergus the first.   

The third part: Of the royal Gift, And first of justice.. Thy Righteousness and judgements.  
THe third thing in this Text is the Blessing that he cra●es to Solomon, and that in three things: The Gift, the work of the Gift, and the Fruit of that work. The gift is Righteousness and judgement wherein we shall consider the Nature, the Necessity, and the Extent of it. I will not trouble you with School distinctions of these words, because the excess of Affection is impatient of Subtlety. For 
Quoniam Gaudium sem per properat. &c Cyp. Ep. 33.  joy ever hasteneth, neither can Gladness suffer delays. And I must say with one, that your Affection hath prevened my words, so that I cannot satisfy you: yet with another I promise to speak briefly lest in such a solemnity the length of 
Praevenit omnia verba mea vester affectus Aug. Psal. 147.  speech burden your Devotion. In a word here is meaned the gift of Kingly government in the Spirit of righteousness & prudence. So David exponeth it in his prayer to God for Solomon. O Lord, give Solomon a perfect heart. And in his 
Dicemus bre●●iter. Bern. de resurrect. serm. 2.  Blessing of him: The Lord give thee Wisdom & Understanding. And Solomon cleareth it by his desire, when God ●ade him choose what he would, he choosed not Riches or 
Spiritu rectitudinis. etc. Calv. in hunc locum.  honour, but a wise heart, even the heart of a good King: Give thy Servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern betwixt good and bad: and this is justice, an habit of the mind keeped for the good of the 
1 Chro 29. 19 ibid. 22 12. & 28. 9  common, giving every man his due.  
It looketh to Ius or Right as the object; to justice the 
1 The nature of justice..  Habit or Virtue: and to judgement the sentence or fact flowing from both, & containeth three things. The first is a discerning knowledge to understand exactly, and judge between right & wrong, together with a conscience to temper the rigour of right with equity in some considerable cases: This is as the Eye of the judge: The second is purity of the Will and Affections flowing from that knowledge, that they love the known Right, though it were in cause of their enemy, and hate the known wrong, though in the cause of their Friends: This keepeth the Heart free from the base affections of fear or hope. The third is Courage clad with Authority, both to pronounce and execute according to that knowledge. A private man may have exact knowledge of causes in his mind: with equity and purity in his affections: and yet wanting authority, his sentence hath no weight, nor his work any efficacy. But God hath joined all these three in this Kingly gift, as their place is above privacy, so are their eyes to see, and their hearts above these base and perverting Passions, and they are clad with supreme authority, to give life and power to their words: They have both a Mouth to pronounce, and an Hand to do, 
Eccles. 8. 4.  for where the word of the King is, there is power.  
jethros counsel to Moses hath all these: Choose (said he) 
Exod. 18.  men of courage, and that because their administration will encounter many rubs of miscontent humours, which they cannot through, without Courage. Next, men that fear God, because that is a Bridle to keep them from ill, and a Cordial for faintness. thirdly, men that love the Truth, that is, have Verity in their mind, Veraoitie in their word, and Sincerity in their actions, that Heart, Tongue and Hand go all one way. And lastlie, men that are not greedy, because it is impossible for an avaricious man, either to be just in private Bargans or righteous in judgement.  
God hath established that Sovereign power amongst 
2. Necessity of justice.  men for three special reasons. The first is the unjust and 
1. It is the bridle of man's corruption.  selfish disposition of man: We are all in societies, & aught to seek the good of the common and of our Neighbours, but self-love turneth every man into himself: It killeth in us the love of the common and of our Neighbour, and sucks in our own particular good with the hurt of them both: God hath written this law in our hearts, and in his word, Do to other as thou would be done to, and hath 
Luk. 6.  given us a Conscience to check us for the breach of that law: But the violence of self-love caries us away against both Law and Conscience: Therefore there must be without us an justice clad with a coactive power, to repress that corruption that Conscience cannot mend: This correcting justice God hath primelie seated in Princes. So there is a necessity of a living Law, armed with authority, to urge the Observation of the written Law: This is God's arrest on man's corruption: For the power of Kings, and the force of the Sword and the instruments of the Burrio, & the Arms of Soldiers & all the Discipline of Rulers, are not appointed for nought: For when men 
Nec sane frustra institutae sunt potestates. Aug Epist. 54  fear these things, both the wicked are daunted, and the Godly live more peaceably among the wicked. Innocen cie is safe among the unrighteous, that while their desires are bridled by the fear of punishment, their will may be healed by calling upon God.  
The second Reason is from our Lot: God hath given 
2. It is the Guard of our Lot.  every man his Lot, and fenced every part of it from the Injury of his Neighbour with commands: He hath fenced our Honour with the fifth Command, Thou shalt honour thy Father and Mother: Our life with the fixed, Thou 
Exod. 20.  shalt not kill: Our Chastity with the sevent, Thou shalt not commit adultery: And our Goods by the eight, Thou shalt not steal, etc. These Commands are like Marches in a field divided to a Commonalitie, whereof every one hath his portion designed unto him: But man, who can never be content with God's appointment, is given to pass these Marches, and incroacheth upon his Neighbour, to hurt him in his goods, name, etc. Therefore God hath set Princes as Wardens of these Marches, to see that they be keeped as his Providence hath fixed them; and every man's Lot secured by the ministration of justice, which is nothing else, but a perambulation upon the Lots and Marches of people. 
a Remotá iustitià quid sunt regna nis si magna lafoy▪ trocinia. Aug. civet. lib. 4. cap. 4.  What are Kingdoms without justice, but great robberies. 
b Per iura Regum possidentur possessiones Tract. 6. in joh. Noli dicere quid nihi & Regi?  And by the just government of Kings we possess and brook peaceably our possession: This is God's Guard on every man's Lot.  
The third Reason is for settling innumerable and 
3 deciding questions.  endless questions, for every calling hath the own gift for its work, and righteousness is the gift and accomplishment of Kings, and God hath given them power as an Usher of that righteousness to make way for it through the body of their Kingdoms. Right and Equity are 
Summum in Regibus bonum, etc. Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 120▪  a strait Line, and being rightly applied, make a clear difference in men's causes, between Contentment and miscontentment, Peace and oppression, etc. But man's affairs furnish many questions to his contentious humour, and the least circumstance maketh a new case, and every case altereth the state of the Question. It is impossible to write such Laws as can either meet with all cases, or decide all questions: That same question the day may be divers the morn, by the smallest change of place, Person or Time: For this cause, God hath set 
Rex est lex vi● va, & Lex est Rex iustissimus. Philo. de vita Mosis. lib. 2.  Kings as living Laws, in respect of the habit of justice in them; and speaking Laws to express that justice by word & Edicts: And doing Laws, to apply the generality of the Law to every particular by execution. It was said of old, That the Commonwealth could not be governed without wrongs, so native to man is iniquity: And 
Rempub. sine iniuria regi non posse. Au. Civ. 2 ca 21.  therefore the best Remeed is justice, without which (said an other Proverb) jupiter himself can not reign.  
judgement is justly put in the hand of Princes because their place setteth them above outward things that 
Prince's fittest for to judge.  may corrupt, or passions within that may be corrupted: They are above honour, riches, etc. And so need not be ambitious of honour nor greedy of goods: And within four things especially pervert judgement, fear of Hurt, hope of Gain, hatred of Boes, love of Friends. Where these rule, the Balance is deceitful, & persons & causes are confounded together. They see the right of their Foe as a wrong, and the wrong of their Friend as a right▪ What ever judge puttethon the person of a friend or F●e in judgement, he lays aside both the person and Conscience of a 
Qui person nam amici induit exuit personam & conscienti ●●● iudicis▪ Aug.  judge: But righteousness seated in the heart of Princes, purgeth them of these base affections within, and secureth them from these temptations without. There is no temper nor disposition of itself more capable of Equity, or more able to pronounce & execute judgement a●ight.  

Of Prince's care of Religion.  
THis much for the necessity of justice: The extent of it is not to be restrained to civil things alone, as 
3 The extent of justice..  though Princes might not meddle with Religion, but God hath given them an interest therein: For if the proper work of justice give every one his due, then surely that must be her first task to see God get his due: 
Reges terrae serviunt Christo, &c Aug. Epist 48. In hoc enim Reges▪ etc. Aug. con. Cresconium  and so Religion cometh within her compass as the first and main task. The Kings of the Earth serve Christ, when they make Laws for Christ; and herein they serve God, if in their Kingdoms they command good, and forbid evil, and that not only in things pertaining to humane Society, but also in divine Religion.  
In matters of Religion three parties have interest: First, GOD hath absolute power: as He is the only Author 
Three have enteresse in Religion.  and Object of religious worship, so is He only Director and judge of it. Next, Pastors are not judges, but Indices, or interpreters, to point out that, that God hath set down in his Word. thirdly, Princes are neither judges nor indices, but Vindices or Promoters of true Religion: They are neither the Rule nor exponers of it, but Vrgers of men to do according to the Rule proponed of God, and exponed by faithful Pastors.  
Constantine the great made this distinction to Churchmen, 
Constantins exact distinction.  God hath made you Bishops of the inward things of the Church, but he hath made me Bishop of the outward things. That is ye have a calling to discern between Truth and 
Vos eorum quae intra Ecclesia geruntur, Episcopi esti● etc. Euseb vit. Const. ● 24.  heresy in doctrine, hurtful or wholesome in worship or manners: To preach the word, minister the Sacraments, and lead people in religious Worship, to deal with the Inner Man, and instruct the Conscience in the Truth: But my place is to maintain Religion in the Professors and their maintenance, to deal with the outward Man, and to see that my Subject's worship and obey God according to the Rule, that he hath given, and ye point out of his Word.  
All his business about the Council of Nice, was nothing but a Commentar of that distinction: he saw the Church poisoned with the Heresy of Arrius, and rend with the Schism that followed thereupon: And not being able of himself to judge and determine these questions: he conveened the most learned and godly Churchmen, to whom that inquitie appertained: and when they had determined the matter, he repressed the Heresy that they damned, and maintained the Truth that they proponed. So Theodosius the great kerbed the Macedonians in the Council of Constantinople: Theodosius the younger, the Nestorians by the Council of Ephesus: And Marcianus the Entychians by the Council of Chalcedon: And when the Nestorians raised up their head again, justinian kerbed both them and Pope Vigilius their Patron, both by a Council, and by his Edicts against their tria Capitula, the sum and marrow of Nestorianisme.  
Synods and Counsels assembled in the Name of the 
Synods for Religion.  Lord, are as Counsels to Kings, in matters of Religion, and the Word of God is to rule both Princes, and Synods. So though David was a Prophet, yet he did nothing of himself in God's house, but with consent and advise 
2 Ch. 29. 25  of Gad the Seer and of Nathan the Prophet: for so was the Commandment of the Lord by his Prophets. He had God's 
1 Chro. 17. 9  command for the warrant of his Command. And jehoshaphat sent through the Cities of judah, and they taught the People, and had the Book of the Law of the Lord with them. This was their Directory. 
Popes debarred Princes.   
Concerning the extent of their power, some Princes got wrong of others, and some did wrong to themselves. They got wrong most of the Pope, who after he affected Antichristian greatness, closed up Kings within civil affairs, and counted them but profaine 
a Bellar de Laicis. cap. 1. Pet Thy. les. de Eccl Thes. 3  Laickes, who had no intresse in matters Ecclesiastic. If they meddled with Investitures of Benefices, it was called Simony, and oppressing of the Ecclesiastic liberty. 
b Francise. Boz. de Monarchia.  And the discharge of that duty which God hath founded in their Thrones and Sceptres was called the Henrician heresy, 
c Pla. Gre. 7 Canonising of Kings, the pope's bait to gull them.  and a fight against God.  
On the other part they bewitched Princes by the show of Canonising. This was a deep policy by the hope of that bait, to steal from Princes their authority as the best way to that Canonising, and to turn them Babes in this life, under hope to be Saints after death. It was too superstitious simplicity for that hope to disgrace themselves and their places, by surrendering their power to the Beast. He knew that Princes were ambitious 
Bella de offi●. Principis. lib. 3 à cap. 3. ad finem.  of honour, and there was none greater than they had already, except it were to be sancted: He persuaded them that there was no way to that honour of sancting, but by his Canonising; who had the Keys of Heaven at his Girdle. Therefore, when Princes were tickled with that Ambition, they cared not how basely they prostitute themselves, and their dignity, to him for that Imaginary Advancement.  
Or rather shall we say, that God in this politic abusing 
And the pope's discover.  of Princes, was discovering a part of the Mystery of iniquity: For about th●se times: when Kings were made Saints, the Popes were Monsters: 
a In Cathedra Petr●, solio Christi erant homines monstruosi vitá turpissimi, etc. Barron. Ann. 897.  In the ninth and tenth Age's Ignorance reigned in the Church, & barbarous Cruelty in Popes; every one disgraced his Predecessor, and abrogat his Ordinances: then Princes abhorring that wickedness, were the more stirred up to Piety, and so (comparativelie) they seemed to be Saints in respect of these monstruous Popes. It was the complaint of these times, That it was easier to find many Laymen turn good, than one religious man grow better: And that it was 
Bern. Ep. 96.  a rare fowl on earth to find one ascend but a little, above the degree that he hath taken in Religion. The Chair of Peter was some time broodie of Saints, but than it became so barren, that it brought out none but Monsters; and that justly: for the Pope's loathed that Chair, and affected the Throne of Princes: And holiness being banished that Chair, found her place more in Princes than Popes. This was God's justice, that since Popes would be Kings, that Kings should be counted Saints: And yet both of them were but usurpers, for neither did God admit these Saints in Heaven for intercessors, whom the Pope's thrust on him; neither did he allow the Pope's kingdom, which he threw from Princes.  
Again, some Princes wronged themselves, concerning Religion, 
1 Politic abuse of Religion.  & that in Policy, Superstition, & Neglect. For Policy, some of them harboured Religion in their Kingdoms, but abused it politicly to their own ends: They measured it by the persons of Preachers; and seeing them in worldly things the meanest of their estates, did think as basely of Religion itself; & so served themselves of it, as the fairest colour to lustre their foulest purposes. jehu 
2 King. 10. 16.  in show was zealous for God, but indeed all his zeal was to establish the Crown of Israel in his own house. So soon as he obtained that end▪ his zeal for God was quenched, and he followed the idolatry of Achab It was the Authority of Achabs' house, & not their Idolatry that made him 
1. Kin. 12. 26 28.  zealous. So jeroboam followed the counsel of his own heart in making two calves, and sparing the people's pains in going to jerusalem. But indeed he cared neither for God's glory, nor the people, but for stablishing his own house: He pulled the hearts of the People from God, and from the house of David. So julian when he thirsted for the Empire, he gave 
Animian. Marcellinus.  up his name among the Clergy, and frequented the Assemblies of Christians, to make him mor acceptable to people, as Basile objecteth unto him: 
a Memini enim me & ●e communiter aliquando etc. Basil Ep. admirand 4. jusia. desert.  So Mahomet made himself great by the colour of Religion, though he neither believed nor keeped these Precepts which he feigned to be of God, 
b Quam quod Deo & religioni &c. Cusan. Crib. Alc●r. lib. 3. cap. 8.  and the Pope's seeking a Monarchy have used Religion for a cloak, as Leo the tenth in his last words, told his Secretary: 
c Leo 10. P. Be●b.  Thou art not ignorant how much vantage that Fable of Christ brought to us. But such politic abuse of Religion, moves God to cast down these Thrones which they seek so to establish: Never sin was either more severlie or justly punished than this, when God the chief end, and Religion the only way to that end, are turned in base means to bad purposes.  
secondly, some Kings have superstitiously taken too much on them in things merely spiritual: Uzzah would do 
2. Superstitiously abused themselves in it.  the Priest's part, in burning Incense: and Constantius took upon him to moderate a Council alone in favour of the Arrians, and prejudice of the Orthodoxes. And Sigis mund would play the Deacon at Constance, in assisting the Mass, and that, as appears more, because that day's Lecture began, Exijt edictum a Caesare, then for any love of the work; or possibly because he was bound to that service, as being a Cannon in S. Peter's Church, or 
Prateolus. lib. 2. hares. 8. Durand Rat. lib. 2. cap. 8. num. 6.  the Lateran: for the Pope imposeth these Tittles on Emperors, as an homage, for holding the Empire of him. But God showed his anger against these preposterous courses Uzzah was smitten with bodily Leprosy: Constantius found confusions in the Empire, and julian to usurp on him: for he was an enemy to Christ, and a more cruel persecuter than Nero or Decius, as Hilary 
Hilar. lib. 3. contr. Const.  calls him. And Sigismond had a worse leprosy when he gave way to burn john Hus, and Jerome of Prage.  
thirdly, some Princes have either with Gallio neglected Religion as a light matter and impertinent to them: 
3. Neglect of Religion.  Or like Herod, held Christ out of their Kingdoms: as though his Throne and theirs could not stand together. This was a main motive of the persecution by pagan Princes: They thought that Christian Religion would overthrew their Kingdoms: But Herod needed not fear Christ's coming, for he who gives heavenly Kingdoms, will not taken 
Et nune Reges entelligite id est n●lite tristes esse, etc. Aug. psa. 2.  earthly kingdoms from him. But beside the neglect of their own Salvation they look not wisely to their worldly standing. It is never better with Kings, than when Christ freely reigns in their Kingdoms, and there is no such prop to their Thrones as his Sceptre. True Religion 
Non auferet mortalia qui Regna dat cale●●ia, Sedul.  in a Land is more forcible to hold people in obedience to Princes, than many thousand Soldiers in Garrisons: Every heart that hath the grace of Christ is a loyal heart to authority: Every Parish where God is truly worshipped, is a Garrison, and great Cities planted with faithful Pastors, are as Citadels for the security of Princes.  
Obedience goeth under one name, yet it hath many 
True Religion makes people more obedient to Princes.  branches, it beginneth at God, who is both the first Object and the fountain of Duties: We ought to respect him before all, and that for himself: But we respect other things for him and in him; as he hath ranked them in the order of his commands, or the degrees of place or goodness: If therefore we fear the Lord, we are thereby prepared & enabled to do a duty to man: Our Faith, Love, and other religious bonds to GOD, are so far from defrauding Superiors of their due, or disabling us from doing of it, that on the contrary they get more respect, because we love God; and we are both the abler and readier to do so to them: Our hearty Obedience to God gives a life and cheerfulness to our obedience to man: Godliness and righteousness are the sum of both Tables, the twin-fruites of one Faith, and the works of that same Spirit. The more godly, the more pliable to righteousness to man, and the more righteous, the more sincere in godliness: the Soul that loves God truly, will also respect man dutifully in the Lord.  
This is manifest in Europe; so long as Princes were 
Princes owe their liberty from the pops tyranny to reformation under God.  popish, & suffered their people to lie in popery, they were never sure of their people's hearts: They had no care to bind them to God by a true Religion, & therefore God suffered them easily to be loosed from them: Every roaring of the Pope from the Capitol in excommunication, made people rebel against their Princes. But since the truth of the Gospel shines amongst them, they are not so soon moved: It bindeth them to God, and their Princes in God, and maketh them contemn these thunders of Rome, as wisemen do, that fatuous wild fire that hath a colour of fire without burning: The Pope's excommunications were fearful in the darkness of popish ignorance, but now in the night of the Gospel, wise people do scoff at them justly. 
Truth an usher of loyalty.   
After Hildebrands' time, Princes were pitifully abused: bot since Luther arose, Popes have learned more modesty in their Censures; and Princes have found more respect of people: Such as harboured the Gospel in their Land are free of that abuse, and even they who adhere to the Pope, are obliged to the revealed Truth, that they are not so oft beaten by Excommunications as of old: And people have their own blessing by the true Religion, that thereby they are taught more cheerfully to obey Princes: So great a blessing is the Truth both to Princes and people. 
Kingly prudence is the gift of God.   
We may close this verse with this Lesson: That the gift of Kingly Government is not infallibly annexed to Crowns, but the gift of God to Kings: So Christ jesus telleth us, By me Kings reign, and Princes decree justice: By 
Prov. 8. 15. 16 Nam si propria virtute satis instructi essent Reget, etc. Calvin. in hunc locum.  me Princes rule and Nobles, even all the judges of the earth. Their Spirits makes them capable of royal gifts, and when he gives Kings in mercy he ever gives that gift. This is more than either their Birth in Succession, or people's consent in their Election can give them: And it is a main difference betwixt God's calling and man's: Man's calling can do more. but fill the place with the man, & apply such a person to such a Station: But God's calling sits the man for the place, And maketh the person meet for his Station: His providence putteth them in it; & his liberality furnisheth such gifts as the place craveth to justify his providence, Man's calling giveth an outward warrant to the wrok, but God's calling giveth the sufficiency, and ability to do the work, & that with a conscience of his Calling and furniture. This was a ground for David to ask this gift for Solomon: He knew it was Gods will to set him upon the Throne, and therefore he suiteth of God who had appointed him that Station the answerable gifts for it: He saw that same Throne without these gifts in the person of Saul, but found them in himself, and craved the like to his Son.  
It is therefore a great folly in Popes to tie Apostolic 
The pope's tie God to their Chair▪ but not themselves to God. Ceremonial. lib. 1. 6. 2.  gifts to their triple Crown, or pretended Apostolic Chair: These things come of a free dispensation, & not of the merit of any place: If we ta● it for a material Chair, all is uncertain; for they know not whither it be the Chair of his installing, or the other of his repose; or the third for proving his sex, which now hath no use since their Children end that question. If we take it for a mystical Chair. it must be either in Apostleship, or Doctrine. But the first died with the Apostles as a personal Privilege, and the second is lost, 
a Non Cathedra facit Sacerdotem. Chry hom. Matth. 43.  because they have not the Chair of S. Peter, who hold not his Doctrine: This their opinion of not erring, is a Capital error, thereby they tie God to them and theirseate, while they lose themselves to sin. 
b In sedem Apostolicam horenda. etc. Barr. 900 n. 3 Per A●nos ferè centum, etc. Genebr. lib. 4. sect. 10  But God hath confuted their folly, and showed to the world, that that seat is but a seat of scorners, for their is no Line of Christian Princes or Prelates, that hath more monsters in it than the Succession of Popes: For the space of an hundreth and fifty years some fifty Popes fell close away from the virtue of their Predecessors, and were rather inordinate and Apostaticke than Apostolic, and in a word, they were flagitious Monsters, as 
Barron. An. 897. num. 4. Stertentibus. omnibus quibus fuerat vigilandum. Idem. Anno 899. ●. 3●. Idem Anno, 900. n. 1.  I said before, from their own confession. Indifferent men would think that where truth forceth their Conscience to confess so matchless wickedness in their Popes, they would grant also a possibility of erring: the interrupting of Succession at least in Doctrine: and so the Apostasy of their Church, etc. But they infer the contrary conclusion: That not witstanding the wickedness of Popes who both neglected to guide the Ship of the Church, and did rather what they could to drown it; yet God had a care to keep a Church amongst them. These are the conclusions of hardened hearts, who take the work of their own sin and God's punishment to be a work of mercy: We grant they have a Church, but an whorish, and heretical one, not an Apostolic, as they pretend, but an Apostaticke as they confess.   

2. The work of the royal Gift. Just Government. That he may judge thy people in righteousness.  
THis is the second thing he prayeth for, the work 
The work of the royal gift is good Government.  and use of the gift, the governing of God's people aright: Every gift of God is his blessing to mankind, and that both to the possessor and others. It maketh the possessor idonous, and fit for to do some good to mankind: And the want in other it respects as a remeedie to work such a good as they need: Therefore, there is required a work of the gift, to prove the liveliness of it in the possessor, and to produce the work of helping others: A gift without its own proper work, is but liveless, and a Talon digged in the earth. The gift itself is a sort of God's presence with the possessor, but the right use of it is a greater degree of his presence: And for this cause a gift even in a Mechanic calling, is called a Spirit: I will pour my Spirit on Bezaleel, etc. To testify it is all in action, a vigorous and actuous power in man setting 
Exod. 31. 30.  him on work: The end also of all gifts is for action, whither it be a gift of common providence, the possession is personal, but the use is common, or whither it be a gift of grace for edification, the possession is also personal, but for a common use.  
We shall consider this work in the rule, the Practice 
1. Good Laws the rule of Government.  the Difficulty and Remeedes: The rule is the Law: As all gifts are for work, so the gift of Kingly government, and that both to make good Laws by common consent, and govern according to them: In the beginning Societies had no enacted Laws, but a power committed to one. 
Populi nullis legibus tenebantur. Aug. Covit. 4. 6.  But when they saw that one to abuse his power, GOD by that same Law of Nature, that led them first to Government, took them a step further to make Laws, that both Ruler and people might have a standing and set Directory, by common consent: So that as tediousness of solitariness drew them to Societies, and injuries of Societies drew them to Government, so the tyranny of Governors drew them to Laws for the good of the whole Body.  
Laws do not only teach what should be done, but also 
Good laws have both direction & sanction.  enjoin that it be done, and that with respects of rewarding obedience, and punishing disobedience: so God gave his Law hedged with promises to allure, and threatenings to terrify; for he knoweth our slowness to good hath need to be alured by rewards, and our forwardness to evil, to be bridled with punishment: These respects are proper to man, for other creatures, as natural Agents work according to the Law that God hath given them: They have no more but a common assistance of God▪ as the first cause; neither hath the work the moral respect of virtue or vice, or of reward, or punishment: But man cometh in another estate, he hath a mind to consider the equity of the Law: a Conscience to be sensible of the obligement: and a will to incline to do: And therefore his obedience: hath the Name of righteousensse, looking to the promised reward, and his disobedience, the name of sin, looking to the threatened punishment.  
Good Laws are the sinews of Societies; though they direct 
Good Laws the sinews of societies.  us in outward things, yet they stick fast on our Reason which being in kind but one in all men, maketh a great sibnesse of Notions in all: so that reason in every man can easily conceive, or condescend to that equity, which universal reason (the extract of the eternal Law of God) directeth us to do.  
All Laws have a binding notion and use, though in divers 
The divers respects of of Laws.  respects: The eternal Law is in God his will, the fountain and rule of all Laws: And amongst men, the Noetick Law of Nature written in the hearts of all people in principles. The laws of nations Dianoetick or discursive in conclusions drawn out of these principles, which are diverse in sundry places, because of the diversity of circumstances. The greatest perfection of humane Laws is in their conformity to that prime and eternal Law in God; and in their vigour, when they are put in execution, like the effectual providence that executeth the prime Law.  
Written Laws are for direction, and the living Law 
They are both for direction and execution.  (that is a King) is for actions, to see that direction obeyed. As their calling prescryveth this, so the people crave it. For justice is an habit dwelling in the Souls of Kings, and cannot be seen but in the work; and people are not so subtle as to consider royal justice in an habit▪ but as they see it in practice: When they see sin punished and virtue honoured, that is more forcible to persuade them of the gift of government in Kings, than a thousand subtle demonstrations. This is plain in the end of Solomon's desire; he craved a wise heart, not for that end to dwell in pleasant theory, but for practice, that I may go out and in before thy people. No King abounded more 
1 King 9 3.  in profound speculations: yet ●ee made them not his end, but used them as means to fit him for a practic Government, and to give the world a proof of his hability for his calling. It was not the habit of wisdom in his heart, but the practice that made him famous to the world: The words that he spoke, the order of his house, and wise dispatch of his affairs, made the hearers & beholders 
1 King. 10. 4  astonished.  
Laws are not made for Theory, but for Practice; and 
2 Practice of Laws.  the best practice on the part of the people is Obedience, and on the part of the Magistrate execution: And the best execution is when rewards and punishments (the paces of 
Leges benè stabilitas sed sed malè observatas▪ Ber-Non eris innocent. Bern. Consid. lib. 2 The due application of Laws is fruitful.  the world's Clock) are applied as men deserve; the god lie rewarded, & the wicked punished. It hath been an old complaint, that Laws have been well made, but evil observed: And he cannot be innocent, who either spareth him that should be punished, or punisheth him that should be spared.  
By just punishment three things are procured. First, the amendment of the offender; for so the evil of punishment laid upon the evil of his disobedience, will curb that corruption in him; since it bringeth upon him a worse evil in his account. Next a bettering of other, who seeing iniquity punished, will fe●re to do the like, lest they incur the like punishment: thirdly, the peace of the whole Body, when such as trouble it with their wrongous dealing, are condignly punished for their wrong●. On the other part, when righteousness is rewarded, three answerable fruits do follow. First, the righteous are made better, when the good of their righteousness is augmented by the good of their reward: Next, others are provoked to righteousness, when they see it rewarded: thirdly, the whole body is rejoiced to see the good honoured, for when the godly are exalted the 
Prov. 29 2.  people rejoice; and so public peace is keeped by the universal care and study of well-doing.  
But when the application of these things go contrary, 
Their wrong application is hurtful  both to the meaning of the Law, and the deserving of the persons, then fearful confusions follow: All men are discouraged from righteousness, which they see neglected and punished: And none sleeth from evil, but rather followeth it; when they see it honoured with the reward of good: The wicked are both emboldened to commit sin, and proud of their reward: The godly are grieved that matters go so cross, and lament to see good men clad in the liveray of the wicked, and the wicked in the liveray of the godly: It is a shame for the sons of men when the wicked are exalted. In such a case Laws are 
Prov. 29. 2. Psal. 12. 8.  without life, their execution is contrary to their direction, and their direction serveth for no other end but as a shining light to discover the iniquity of such application.  
Impyres and Kingdoms are no less mortal than a man: 
Unrighteous nesse is the mortality of Kingdoms.  they have their own Infancy, Adolescence, and Vigour; and from that, their inclination, decay & death, and others arise of their fall: Their greatest high is in Piety and justice, and their deadly disease is in profaneness and unrighteousness: As the heat decaying in the heart, so is profaneness in a Kingdom, and injustice is as a palsy that dissolveth the whole Body. 
Ministration of justice.. Eccle. 3. 16.   
It was one of Solomon's remarkes of vanity, I saw under the Sun the place of judgement that wickedness was there and the place of righteousness that iniquity was there It is grievous to see iniquity any where, but most in the seat of justice: and it is great boldness in iniquity to outface justice in her own seat: and great presumption in the unrighteous when they dare either prosecute or 
●nter leges ipsas delinqui tur, inter iura peccatur. Cyp. Epi st. 2.  defend iniquity in judgement: The case of that ●and is lamentable, where justice ●eats are ●ade seats of injustice, and the remede of inquitie turned in the disease: there is no hope that justice can reign where iniquity usurpeth so upon her as to thrust her out of her place, and from thence under her name maintaineth wrong. That case seemeth so desperate to Solomon that he putteth 
Ecclc. 3. 17 Perverted justice is a case reserved to God.  it amongst these cases reserved to Gods own cure, and the great appellations to be discussed at the last day. I said in mine heart, God shall judge the righteous and the wicked, for there is a time for every purpose, and for every work. God hath established justice amongst men to do them right, but when she is so oppressed as to be displaced, and her name borrowed, to colour iniquity, then of a judge she turned a Plaintive, compleaning to God of that violence.  
Though Laws were wrong exponed in their meaning, 
It shall be censured at ahe last day.  and their rewards wrong applied yet, supreme reason (the life of the law) liveth with God, and will vindicate the own true sense, and apply rewards aright. This is the law of Laws abiding in God, which we may know and aught to follow, ●ut may not judge, so that we may say, THAT THE LAW OF THE COURT OF HEAVEN, 
Lexcuria c●● lestis & Re●pub. est voluntar Dei. Aug.  AND OF REPUBLICS IS THE WILL OF GOD. He hath appointed Indicatories to keep men in order, but when they are abused to maintain wrong, and oppress right, he hath the last judgement for a remede, to call all proceedings to a new trial, and to discuss the appeals of the distressed.  
King's indeed have long ears to hear, and long hands to do many things; yet they cannot hear, and do all by 
Difficulties of judgement.  themselves: Therefore jethroes' counsel to Moses was good to divide his burden, and set up judges and Magistrates with authority under him. But that work is full of difficulty, & that in respect of the Laws, the parties 
1. From the Laws.  & Witnesses. Laws are many, & yet short for all incident and daily emergent causes. justinian thought he had put out a perfect body of the Laws, when he caused digest the Roman Laws for twelve hundreth year; and yet these many Volumes may be called short for so universal a purpose: and the matter appointed to end Pleas, is turned a seminary of pleas, because of briefness: Though all Laws and Decisions were gathered together, they cannot meet with every new circumstance: Man's corruption is ever devysing new wrongs, and new colours to colour them withal. ●he divers interpretation of Laws increaseth this difficulty, and that Emperor misseth 
Ad citiorem litium decisionem. Cod, ●●. in it para. h●c igitur.  his end of the hasty decision of pleas, when after long disputing, the question is more doubtful than when it was first stated, albeit the small brooks of Laws before Lotharius time, are turned since in Mare magnum, a great ocean of Laws.  
The parties usually whither of simplicity or purpose, 
2 From the parties.  are bold to bring the evil cause to judgement, they are confident of their cause▪ and oft times the worst cause hath most diligence, to supply the want of equity by the excess of business. If righteousness ruled men, judges would have little to do; and if Truth were in their words, questions were soon decided. But the Client's information to their Advocats is so bad, that it is hard either for them to know, or the judge to discern where the Truth is.  
Witnesses also help this difficulty: They are subject to their own corruptions, and may deceive the best judges, 
3 From witnesses.  who by their office are bound to judge, according to things alleged and proven. If the religion of one Oath had force, the matter were easy, for God hath ordained it to put an end to controversies: but man's wickedness hath 
Heb. 6. 16.  turned it in a means to hide the truth: If Aequivocation had place in judgement, God had never ordained Oaths for ending of questions; though the jesuits have perfected that coloured perjury in our time, yet it is natural to man who is a liar. It confounded all judgement, 
Psal. 116. 11.  so that neither the oath of calumny in the parties, nor the oath of verity in the Witnesses wants the own suspicion: But possibly betime judges will be forced to invent a third sort of oath (occasioned by Aequivocation) to make parties and Witnesses swear that they swear truly.  
Moreover, though Knowledge and Experience in 
Remeedy of these difficuties.  judges overcome these difficulties, yet their frailty of affection is inclinable to the Parties: Therefore it was a good devyce to plead causes without designing the names of the parties, but under the feigned names of Seius and Titius etc. And that suffrages should not be given by Word, but by Notes on a Table or by White-stones for assenting, or blackestones for dissenting. So 
Rev. 2. 17.  a way was provided for liberty in votting▪ and for security from challenge for that liberty. But the absolute best remede for Parties, Pleaders, Witnesses and judges, is to set God the supreme judge before them, and to remember that God sitteh in the assembly of gods, and to proceed 
Psal. 82 1.  as in his sight. When cause is simply compared with cause, and reason with reason, the sentence will easily rise according to right and equity.  
But this difficulty is greatest in criminal causes, and 
Necessity of torture is a torture to the criminal judge.  hath brought on the necessity of torture, which is a sort of torment to a pitiful judge. It is a miserable supplie of the want of probation, and so insufficient, that the urgers of it permit the sufferer after torture to go from his deposition or bide at it. It was first devised by Pagans, and is justly called a Tarquinian cruelty: They had not spiritual and divine motives taken from GOD or Heaven, or Hell &c. to press the Consciences of the guilty: therefore they took them to that brutish motive of a bodily pain: Man is reasonable, and truth should be sought out of him by reasonable motives, which chop on his reason and Conscience▪ and that in the respects of eternal reward or punishment: But the way by bodily pains is more fleshly and the order is preposterous, by the bruising of the flesh, to open the mind: An extorted confession is but a bastard confession as fire forced out of the flint.  
It is lamentable, that among Christians there is as 
It is as necessary among Christians as among Pegans.  great necessity of torture, and as small fruit of it as among Pagans: What ever be the lawfulness of it, the mind of he judge is tortured. He would know the Truth, and must use such a means to search it: He knoweth not whither the sufferer be guilty or not yet must he suffer as suspected of obstinacy in denying, lest he die as guilty; and in avoiding death, he suffereth death in torments; he suffereth not, because he hath done the crime, but because it is uncertain if he have done it: And so the unavoidable ignorance of the judge is the calamity of the Innocent, and the more he press to help his ignorance, he hurteth the innocent the more: This is lamentable, and to be washeth with floods of tears, that while the judge tortures the suspect person lest he kill an innocent, he killeth that innocent whom 
The innocent sometimes punished.  he tortureth lest he should kill him: And when their pain maketh them choose to die, rather than to be tortured, they confess the crime that they did not, and so are innocent both in torture and in death. And yet when they are execute the judge knoweth not whither they be guilty or innocent: And so oftimes both tortureth and killeth an innocent, while he laboureth to eschew it; By these things a wise judge is drawn on not by desire of hurt but by necessity of ignorance, and yet (since humane Society craveth it) by necessity of judgement. This is contrary to the tortures of the old persecutors, they tortured 
Ideo torque●●ur confiten taes & absol●imur negantes quia nomin●s proelium est▪ Tertu.  confessing Christians, and let them go free if they denied; but the criminals torture that they may confess, and destroyeth them for their confession.  
On the other part, how oft do the guilty endure torture with obstinacy, and harden their hearts to conceal the truth: Such obstinacy at the first is resolved, but if 
Apologet. The guilty some times escape.  it turn judicial by a wilful denying, with cursings and execrations, than it worketh either a stupifying senselessness in their flesh, or else (by way of diversion) fasteneth the mind so upon loss or shame (that followeth a confession) that it lets not the flesh feel pain: Satan can stupefy his martyrs in maintaining lies, that he may play the Ape to GOD, who mitigateth the pains of his martyrs by spiritual comforts. It is not therefore for nought, that God took of the Spirit of Moses and put upon the Elders, because they had a Calling full of difficulty: In all which cases it is best for a judge to look to God, and that eternal Law in him; and withal to crave his direction that 
Psal. 25. 17.  he err not in judgement, and cry, Deliver me, O Lord, out of all my necessities. But there is no better spur than Iehosapha●s exhortation to judges, Take heed what ye doc, for ye judge not for man, but for the Lord, who 
2 Chro. 19 6. 7.  is with you in the judgement. Wherefore now, let the fear of the Lord be upon you, take heed and do it: For there is no iniquity with the Lord our God, nor respect of persons, nor taking of gifts.   

Of Prince's difficulties & dangers.  
IT lieth then on Princes to exercise their Gift, as they 
3 Kings have great difficulties.  would prove the liveliness of it: and this brings on them a world of difficulties: There is none in their Kingdom of a more laborious life. The Head that moveth all must have action in it, and the heart is in a continual motion, to furnish fresh Spirits to the body: Great is their task to know the state of their Subjects, to hear the plaints of the poor, to repress the insolences of the 
Qui imperant serv●●nt eis quibus videntur imperare. Aug. Societati humanae dominando consulitur & consulendo servitur.  proud, by causing minister justice to all. God hath set them above their Subjects, but that same exalting in some sort putteth them under, because they are servants to their Subjects, in that they watch for their weal and safety. I herefore the Apostle in that same place where he calleth them supereminent powers, calleth them also the Ministers of God, to minister justice, for he is the Minister of God to thee for thy good. They are Gods Ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. They have 
Rom. 13. 1. 4  supreme power, bowing down to a Ministerial work, and a Ministry clothed with supreme power.  
Many are quicksighted to see the defects of Government, 
And great dangers.  who will not see the difficulties and dangers of it: for beside the weight of such a Calling, the most lawful use of their coactive power, beareth them on many dangers, either in punishing the unjust, or affraying them that would be so: Every kerbed humour by fear of punishment fretteth against them; God hath fenced them indeed against briares and thorns with their supreme authority, and yet sometime they feel their sharpness. It is impossible to them to please all, yea, not to curb many in executing justice, and their danger is not so much from open Enemies and secret malcontents, as from their friends and Attendants: The force of the one is not so fearful as the treason of the other: Their guards are to keep them safe, and yet are they often in greatest danger in the midst of them: So both solitariness and Society are dangerous to Princes.  
They reign over the multitude, wherein are more unjust 
justice irritateth unrighteous men.  than just, and more that will be offended than pleased: And in every Kingdom, the mighty and the people are as two factions▪ and Princes sail betwixt them as two extremes, but the upright ministration of justice is the best wa●: Private men can hardly please both parties, but Princes clad with authority need not stick in these strai●es, but to give every man his due. This is the 
Causa supplicis non est iusticia iudicis. &c Aug. de Trin. lib. 4 cap. 10.  great benefit of justice, that beside the native & intrinsical goodness, it hath also this accessory good, to make a safe way for Princes, betwixt contrary factions. When a judge inflicteth punishment, the cause of punishment is not the justice of the judge, but the merit of the Crime. (a) 
God guardeth Princes by a special providence.   
Greatest Princes have greatest cares; and the largeness of their Dominion enlargeth their labour; as great hollow Statues overlayed with gold, are full of worms, and Spiders, so the greatest Monarches under show of worldly glory are full of noisome cares: All these cares should endear them in the hearts of their people, because they are not for themselves, but for their people: A good Prince's wakerifenesse keeps the sleep of his Subjects: His labour, their idleness: His business, their vacancy: and his care maketh them careless. The greatness of a Prince is as much for his people's good, as it is above them. Great business with dangers and difficulties are their ordinary diet, under which they would succumb, if God supported them not with as great a Spirit to dispatch business, contemn dangers, and expede difficulties: So that though their Crowns be of Gold, yet they may be called Crowns of thorns and their just emblem, is a man sitting in a Chair of state with a naked Sword hinging by a small hair over his head: But God the King of kings hath a special care over them, and guardeth their persons by a particular providence, l●st his sacred image in supreme authority should be violate by every miscontent humour. 
Flatterres are a snare to Kings.   
These are their seen dangers, but they have another enemy less hated, but more hurtful, and that is, Flattery, (the bane of greatness) it followeth it as the shadow doth the body, and looks not to truth but to acceptance, and putteth a visorne on the native face. Satan durst thereby assault Christ though he despaired of success, how much more will he assault sinful man where he is sure of victory: He knoweth that even they who overcome vice are often corrupted with praise. Scarcely is there one who giveth not patent cares to flattery, and as they will not patiently suffer evil to be spoken of them, so if they live well, they would be counted of: And who is he whole virtues breaking forth desireth not to be commended? Or that contemneth the praise of men? Prince's therefore are most exposed to the praises of mankind, both for their eminency as an object, and for their power to requite with reward: Flatterers have suggested that poison to Princes, as to make them think their will is a law, their power the measure of their will, and that supreme Reason and their pleasure are all one: They labour to possess them with the opinion of complete absoluteness from dependence on any Author, from limitation by any Law, from error in their doing, and from reckoning for their doings to God. All men by nature like to be rubbed with this Comb, and with a deceiving delight admit that praise which their Reason and Conscience refuseth: But the angry countenance of a wise King will scatter these flies.  
For expeding these difficulties, some Princes have 
It is faintness to lay down their Crowns.  used the faint remede to lay down their Government. Diocletian re signed his dignity to Galer●us, and turned private. It was not so much for sa●ietie of honour as impatiency 
Nicephor. Euseb. Ruffin. Diocletianus post cruentam ●aedem in persecutione, &c Constan. apud Euseb. lib ●. cap. 25.  of disappointment: He had for eighteen years cruelly persecuted the Christians, and not being able to root them out (as he desired) he satisfied his miscontentment by retiredness and privacy: The Martyrs' courage made him a Coward, and he broke his own spirit in despite, because he could not break them, the Name of jesus was more glorious by his persecution, and 
Bar●n. Ann●. 304. nu●. ●.  in end he died miserable. This was the hand of God throwing him down from the top of honour which he abused: He would be worshipped as a god, but fell low from the Throne to a Garden; and from the Sceptre to a Spade: & more from an affected Godhead to a male-contentment; but indeed that swelling conceit of a Godhead was a worse fall than when he turned private. Lotharius also resigned his Kingdom to his Sons, and being weary of the imperial Crown, he would take on him the Monkish shaved Crown, and render himself to a Monastery. This last age also saw some of it in Charles the fist; so long as he was zealous for God, and earnestly sought Reformation, God blessed many great things in his hand. But when the Pope fed his ambition with the bait of the Empire of Germany, and he had devoured it by hope (a conceit where with his house is drunk until this day) than he 
Bell. Smalea.  persecuted the Protestants with an unjust and civil war. After that, never thing prospered in his hand, but God cast him in such disastures, as suffered him not to brook the public; and therefore choosing retearednesse to digest them, he was digested and overcome by them. Such a disposition in Princes is a deserting of their place, their gift, & themselves; and on God's part a just desertion dryving them in the straits of a private spirit, who have prevaricat in his public service: The largeness of the heart is the uprightness of it When it dilateth itself on God by Faith and affection; but when men close their Heart upon God by seeking themselves, they are both separate from him and excluded from themselves in that selfe-respecting.  
But the best remede to overcome all these difficulties 
1 Piety the first remeed of these difficulties.  are Piety and Prudence. Piety directeth them in all actions towards God, & makes them in their adoes to depend on him, it holdeth them daily with him to seek both the gift, and the use of it, in his assisting and blessing of their labours. Though he be high, he must day lie do homage to God, who is higher than the highest, as he would have his presence with his Government. The more he pray ardently and look on God, he shall the more find wisdom in that Fountain, & have a pattern to work himself to, in the use of that Wisdom. The complete furniture beginneth at the Spirit of the Lord, and is specified in 
Isa. 11. 2.  the Spirit of counsel and might, the Spirit of knowledge, and closed with the fear of the Lord, or true piety.  
The height of their place exempts them not from this dependence, but subiecteth them the more to it; the heavier their but then be, the greater need have they to seek God's help: Their business seemeth to stay devotion, but the necessity is a spur to prayer: The more business, the more necessity of help, and the more felt necessity the greater earnestness with God for a blessing: david's a does made him not forget his devotion, but he 
Psal. 119. 164  keeped his day lie diet thereof: Seven times a day do I praise thee because of thy righteous judgements. God hath ever noted religious and devote Kings with excellent 
The pope's profaneness in the Consistory.  Blessings in their Government.  
This makes me remember a gross impiety in the Consistory of Rome. When the Pope is absent, the oldest Cardinal 
Palaot. de consul. Consist. pag. 373. M●rum nemini esse debeb●t— quod propter sactissim● Christ's Vicarii praesentiam— sed ad secretioris my sterii significatione●●.  prays unto God to bless their adoes, but when he is present, he praves none at all: Let no man (sayeth their Cardinal) Think it strange if the Pope pray not for the assisting grace of God's Spirit, because it is likely he prayed before he came thither. Besides it hath been observed that because of the presence of the most glorious Vicar of Christ, who is thought to be assisted by the grace of the Spirit, that Ceremony is not keeped as in other places, and that not to withdraw any thing from due devotion but to signify a more holy and sacred mystery: So that the imploring of God's assistance is but a Ceremony to them: That is a mystery of iniquity to think any man exeemed from a necessity of praying unto God for a blessing to his a l●es: What is it, but to tell that the Pope is a god, and needeth not implore God's assistance? As though God's presence were superfluous, where that pretended god presideth: Or shall we say, That God maketh him proclaim himself the man of sin, by so profaine a misregard of God in his weightiest adoes. 
Dist. 40 cap. Convivia.  Their Canon Law enjoins their Clergy to bless their meat, and hath not their Consistory affairs greater necessity of a blessing? It was the height of Pelagius pride 
Recede a me non te ●abe● necessarium. Hieron. advers felag  to bid God adien, for he had no need of his help: And what other doth the Pope? He contemneth the preaching of the Word as a base service, though it b●e indeed the most Apostolic, and thinketh the consistorial affairs only worthy of his greatness: If therefore he be so profaine in that he counts most weighty? What devotion hath he in lesser matters? Since they have left off to preach, no wonder they cease to pray, 
Nullum tibi venenum, nullum gladium magis formido quam, etc. Bern de consid. lib. 3. Bellar. de officio Principis lib. 1. cap 22 Illius ergo ●●bis virtus quaerenda est, etc. Gregor. lib. 6. Epist. ●●. 9  and their style to Princes that was to bless, request, exhort, is turned now in a mandamus & volumus to command and will. Bernard feared this pride in his Scholar Eugenius: and Bellarmine exponeth it rightly, that the business of the Court of Rome would stay devotion in him: If he condemns that slackness in Eugenius, why reproved he not that gross Impiety in Paul the fifth, whom he saw act it in the Consistory: But the older Popes had more devotion, and acknowledged that in their adoes his grace was to be implored, without whom we are no where without peril and sin.  
The second necessary virtue is Prudence: There is no creature more unruly than man, and the more reasonable in nature, the more unreasonable in his actions, turning the 
2. Prudence expedeth difficulties.  quickness of understanding to plot and practise wickedness: He is more untractable than the Beasts, impatient of equity, but more of servitude, and in a natural blind love of liberty, he hateth them that govern. As for the multitude, it is called a Beast of many heads, but void of judgement, they measure all things more by the events than causes, and the events by gain or loss: Their knowledge is rather a guessing than Science; the 
The multitude untractable.  vulgar opinion maketh all the Topics of their Logic, and the fashion of the world is all their moral wisdom; they know nothing but extremes Hosanna, or crucify: extreme love or hatred without moderation. They are credulous of all surmises, and expone all to the worst sense: They are so desirous of Novelties that Providence is counted Lazines, but headie-violence is taken for Courage. They are the basest part of the Kingdom, yet they crave greatest consideration: The terror of Princes to hem in their absolute power: And a raging sea that cannot be stilled by force, but must be sailed by the Card and Compass of prudence if Princes would eschew ship wrack. Therefore there is no moral virtue more necessary to Kings than Prudence, and that amongst other studies (to enable them to govern) they study the disposition of their people, and specially of such as they trust with their affairs: Nations, Families, and Callings; have their own complexions as well as particular men, and will change with times and occasions, by prosperity or adversity, a peaceable or a severe government: and it is a part of fatherly prudence to know the temper of his Son: So David led his people in the integrity of his heart, and according 
Psal. 78. 72.  to the discretion of his hands.  
This Prudence leadeth Princes to Moderation a special 
Moderate Government is durable.  pillar of their Thrones: Extremities are only necessary in extreme cases, which cannot fall oft to them in respect of the eminency of their power: If Rehoboam had followed the moderation of the Ancients, he might have keeped the ten Tribes to the house of David: Man's rashness 
2 King. 12.  and peremptory courses make way to a precipice, which hath no evasion but ruin. Moderate Government hath ever proven durable, but violence is a degree to tyranny, and overthrows itself. Moderation is both God's command, and ever followed with his blessing, and most powerful to rule man, who is a reasonable creature, but violence is forbidden and abhorred of God, and punished with selfe-ruine. Wisdom then is as necessary to King as reason is to a man: It is his greatest hability enlarging his heart to conceive, and direct things aright, as he conceiveth them: He compasseth his affairs in his mind, and levels all to the best end: It is in him the Image of the Ancient of days, who hath all things ever present, and disposeth them sweetly and powerfully: Thereby things past are made present by remembrance: things to come are present by foresight, and present things by that universal view, are rightly ordered and applied to their circumstances: And so the King by wisdom stablisheth the Land. 
Prov. 29. 4.    

Of the subject of Government: God's people: Thy people: the Poor.  
But whom shall the King judge? Thy people: a people 
David's subjects are God's people.  gathered in a Society; and by God's providence subjected unto him: And thy people, even the Church of God for the time, and his choice of mankind: He had blessed them with true Religion, and the means of grace, to incline them to righteousness amongst themselves, and yet for all this they have need of civil Government. The best man hath some remanent Corruption, and in the best particular Churches are some who have not the power of Religion, nor are disposed for righteousness  
Herein appeareth man's unruliness: God's mercy supplying 
Man most unruly of all creatures.  it with Government: And the happiness of such Kings as rule the people of God: This is man's unruliness that though he be reasonable, and of one stock in Adam, and of one condition in sin, (which should make him to love his Neighbour) yet we are most unreasonable and inhuman to other: Neither the bands of common nature, nor common misery, no not of Religion can make us live in righteousness. It was truly said, That the necessitis of many Physicians in a City argued great intemperance in a people: So the necessity of Magistrates argueth great unrighteousness amongst men. If we had stood in Innocency as we were created, we had been to others as harmless Lambs and gall-less Doves; our pure mind took light of God fully; our Will followed that Light freely, and our Affections and the whole man went one way to obey him: But by our fall that furnishing is lost, and that harmony broken; our mind taketh not God's Light, our will and affections miscarry the whole man violently; we break to God, and so cannot do a duty to man.  
That fancy of some Schoolmen of a mere and pure 
No pure and mere Nature.  Nature is a pernicious error, that ignorance and concupiscence were the conditions of that Nature, and that man in his first estate would have been carried to the desire of sinful things: This obseureth the integrity of our creation, the misery of our fall, and God's mercy restoring us: In our innocence we had no disposition to sin; our original righteousness was a sweet applying of every power in us to another, and all of them to God. But now being void of that original justice, and full of iniquity, we 
Psal. 49.  are like unreasonable creatures. Man is in honour, and understandeth not, he is like a beast that perisheth: As the greater Beasts devour the smaller, and ravening fowls pray upon the weaker, and greater fishes eat up the lesser: So every man as he hath a gift above his Neighbours useth it to their hurt: The wise man turneth his wisdom to entrap the simple; the mighty man his power to oppress the weaker; and the rich man maketh his riches as feet and hands to fulfil his evil purpose against 
Philo de ●ita mosis▪ lib. 1. p. 475.  the poor. So, though it would seem an easy thing for a King to rule a multitude of reasonable men 
Idem de Agricultura. p. 150.  brought up in civility and Religion, yet it is a matter of great difficulty: Therefore one said right, That Kings ought to be Pastors, and that because they rule men 
Affectu bruto d●cuntur.  who are led by brutish affections.  
This is a Glass for man's infirmity: That he is the most 
Man most obliged and best furnished, is most disobedient.  disobedient creature: the will of God is an eternal Law, the cause and rule of all equity and reason; thereby he disposeth his own actions, and giveth the extract of it respectively to creatures, and all of them (except man) obey that Law according to their power: This power is specified in their essential forms, and these forms are the immediate cause of their working, and Character of their work: Man's disobedience is the greater, because he hath the most excellent form; is best obliged, and best furnished; he hath a reasonable Soul, and the greatest extract of God's eternal Law both written in his heart, and revealed to him in Scripture. He alone hath a Conscience to charge him with obedience in the Name of God: As a Centre he is compassed with obedient creatures: If he look above, he seeth the Angels keep their celestial Law, in loving, adoring, and imitating God; if beneath he seeth all creatures keep their Law: the fruit of their obedience is his comfort, and if they altered their course but a short space, he would perish: And yet notwithstanding of the excellency of his form, the riches of his furniture, and his compassing with a cloud of so many obedient witnesses, he remaineth still untractable.  
Secondly, herein is God's great mercy to man, that he 
God hath set Magistrates to curb men's outrages.  leaveth him not in this disorder: He knoweth that he would be as a beast, pushing and goring other therefore he hath set up Magistracy as a sovereign remede of that fury, and given it power to secure the weak from the injuries of the mighty, & wisdom to save the simple from the snares of the crafty: That if the great sort will abuse their power in tyrannising over the weak, they may find in Kings a power to control them. The greatness of Kings above their Subjects is both a staff to the weaker to lean to, and a bridle to restrain the outrages of the mighty, as the Prophet expresseth. Defend the poor 
Psal. 82. 3 4  and fatherless, do justice to the afflicted and needy, deliver the poor and needy, rid them out of the hand of the wicked. This vindicating power of Princes is as great a blessing to the oppressors whom it restraineth, as to the poor who are rescued.  
Thirdly, this is the happiness of Kings that rule over 
Kings in God's Church are most happy. Psa. 16. 6.  God's people, that their lot is fallen pleasantly in God's inheritance. They who reign over Barbarians are Kings over beasts rather than men, and they who rule over civil Countries where true Religion is not, are Kings but of men; but they whose Kingdom is a particular Church to God, are Kings over Kings, or Christians more than men; and their common Subjects by grace have more true worth, than such Kings as are over Barbarians, because we are a royal Priesthood. The one reigneth 
1. Pet▪ 2. 9  in a Paradise, the other as in a barren Wilderness. This excellency hath also an easiness with it to overcome man's native unruliness; for God's Sceptre bringeth people to obedience, as this Prophet acknowledgeth: It is 
Psal 18. 47.  God that subdueth my people under me. When man's rudeness is broken with a true Religion, it is most pliable to authority as to the ordinance of God: he both commands and alloweth that obedience, and disposeth people thereto willingly. Numa by Religion plied his rude Romen more to the offices of War and peace, than Romulus austere government: If a false Religion, did this in Pagans, what shall the true Religion, and the grace that accompanieth it work in Christians?  
It is far more easy to rule good people, than bad, because there is none so rebellious to Authority, as those 
Good people easily ruled.  who rebel against their own reason; & a good man is more obsequious to Princes, than a Russian: The godly do fear Princes more, than they are to be feared of Princes: but no bands can keep the wicked in order: True Religion binds us to God, and the grace of it is our greatest perfection in this life, and that partaking of the divine Nature maketh us the more respectuous to God's ordinance: 
2 Pet. 1 4.  Where that is not, Laws, Rewards, and Punishments are but weak motives; but where it is, they need not a Law: The least notice of God's will, is sufficient to move them to do his will.  
God communicateth his eternal Law to creatures according 
Best people most capable of equity and disposable to obedience.  to their kind and capacity: He giveth to heavenly creatures a celestial Law to adhere to him; to reasonless creatures a natural instinct, to direct them in their course, without either sense of his goodness, or reflecting on him: But to man renewed, such a Law where of Reason is capable, and Conscience sensible, and that both in piety and righteousness: The first is all in respect to him, the other to man: Natural men can exerce materially the works of justice, but not spiritually, because they have no grace, nor the bands of a true Religion to God. justice and piety of the old Romans were but a forced curing of the contrary vices, that their ambition and pride (whereof they were sick) might rule in them.   

Of Princes ruling of their own Persons and of their Court.  
THis princely government is not to be restrained to the people alone, but beginneth at the person of 
King's ought to rule themselves.  Princes, & goeth to their Families: So David who conceived this Prayer, wrote that Commentat on it, that he would sing of justice and of judgement, not only exercised amongst his people, but also in governing himself and his 
Psal. 101. 1. vers. 2▪  Family. For the first he saith, I will behave myself in the perfect way: That is a good government that beginneth at himself: Private men are tolerably called Kings, when by 
Quic●●que proprium corpi●● subegit, etc. Amb. in psal. 118. ser. 14.  God's grace they command their own passions: For whosoever subdues his own body, neither suffereth his Soul to be troubled with passions while he refraineth himself by a kingly power, is justly called a King, because he can rule himself: And if we rule the earth, even this our earthly body, we are 
Rege terram & eris Rex terra, etc. Aug. Psal. 75.  Kings of the earth. But this is more in Princes, who have as much native corruption as private men, and more power to utter it.  
The wise ruling of themselves is necessary to moderate 
Selfe-governement is a safe government.  their great power: The Heathen could say, If thou wilt subject others to thee, subject thyself to reason. And the Empire agreeth to none, but to such as are better than any of their Subjects. 
b Xenoph●n. Cyr.  But the Divines spoke more clearly; 
(a) Seneca Ep. 37.  by Kings, understand these who direct the motions of their soul according to the will of God. 
c Greg psa. penit. 5.  And they are good Kings who can prove themselves Governors of their Body. 
d Ambros. psal. 47.  And justly they are called Princes who exerce ever a principality, over their own thoughts by sound judgement. 
e Greg. mor. lib. 11 cap. 12  It is often seen that greatest power hath greatest righteousness joined with it, and that for the good of Princes and people: If their passions were like their power, they would soon ruin their state, or persons, or both; but Piety and justice joined to their power, moderateth their passions, and preserveth all, as the King of the Bees hath a sting, but never useth it to revenge. 
f Nam etsi ha bet aculeum, tamen eo non utitur etc. Amb. Hexa mer. lib. 5 c, 21  And where shall justice have the own work, if not in the heart of Kings. It must first begin there, else it cannot have the work on other.  
justice distributeth duties to each one; and there must 
justice beginneth at Kings.  be in a just man, a just order, that the mind be subject to God, the body to the Soul, and both to God: If this be not, there is no righteousness in us, and so there cannot be an 
Aug. civ. 19 4  external governing righteousness. This is the glory of Kings, when their power is accompanied and sweyed with justice in their own persons; when the living law liveth according to the written Law, and authoritative justice becometh exemplar justice, their life by example 
Tot Dominorum quot vi● tiorum servus civ. 4. 3.  insinuating that to people, what the Law and authority commandeth them; then justice is not so much a gift annexed to their power, as a grace changing their persons: An evil King is a servant to as many masters as he hath vices, but he who commandeth his passions, is a 
Multae bestiae nobis sunt. Basil, exam. hom. 10.  King indeed; because he ruleth himself, and is neither taken captive of sin, nor carried violently of vice.  
Man that ruleth over beasts, hath beasts within him: 
Qualiter alios corrigere. poterit. etc. Aug. Abus. grad. 2.  anger barketh more fiercely than a Dog; he that is speedy to wrongs is a Serpent, and he that is set for revenge, is a Viper. Shall man have Empire over the outward beasts, and leave the inward beasts lose? This is most necessary, 
Malus etiam si regnet ser▪ vus est. Aug. civet. 4 c, 3.  that rulers of men rule themselves, lest they fall in contempt: For how can he correct the manners of others, who cannot correct his own? An evil man though he reign, is a slave to his passions.  
The King's example is a Law to his Subjects: Their 
King's are examplers.  minds are lift up to his Eminency, and what he doth, he seemeth to command: The people's inclination to imitation is the greater, because of the greatness of his person: They pass the good or bad quality of the fact, and take his greatness for a reason: The faults of a King overwhelm a people, and he hurteth more by example than by the sin itself: And his good example is as forcible to make his people good: If they be godly, chaste, temperate, etc. they draw many of their Subjects to God; but if they be profaine, or dissolute, etc. they draw multititudes to Hell.  
Pharaoh, Herod, Nero, and such can tell what evil great 
Great power without grace is hurtful.  power joined with great wickedness can do: Therein Satan exalted sin, when he vented it by so great persons, and disgraced Magistracy when he made it an instrument of monstruous sins. But God had his good work therein to teach us, what men clothed with power are in themselves; and that principality without his Spirit is but a naked sword in a mad man's hand; and what a blessing good Princes are, who use their power in such righteousness, that the world must say, They are as good men, as they are great Kings.  
This is the Privilege of Christian Kings; God giveth 
Christian Kings are Kings over themselves.  them a greater blessing than other Kings; he maketh them by grace Kings over themselves as well as over their Subjects, as they give Laws to other, so they take Laws of God, and use their power, as they may be best countable to him; they have principality of authority as Kings, and they reign by grace over themselves as Christians. There is no truly free King but a Christian King, and 
Tune enim verè Regi Regum amplius placebit. etc. Gregor. lib. 5. Epst. 106.  such as is neither captivat by the corruption of Nature, nor popish superstition, but set at liberty by the Law of the Spirit of life in jesus Christ. Such a King is an Image of God, who governeth all in righteousness and wisdom, and then he shall most please the King of kings, if restraining his power, he think that less is leasome to him than he may.  
The other task of his government is his Family: I 
The Government of his Family.  will walk within mine house with a perfect heart. I will set no wicked thing before mine eyes, etc. And in all that Psa. he 
Psal. 101.  setteth down the diet of his house or court-governement, a fit pattern for Princes to follow. The court of Kings is an abridgement of their Kingdoms, and the circle of the Subjects nearest to them: It is a proof of the Government of their persons & an Image of the ruling of their Estates. If every house be a beginning and part of a city, and every beginning 
Civit. 19 16  ought to be referred to the own end; much more the Families of Princes, which are not simply parts but rather compends & extracts of their Kingdoms. People cannot always see the person of their Kings, but they may guess at their disposition by the manners of their Court: As is the Prince so is his Court, because they seek by his imitation to procure and keep his favour; and as the Court is, so will the Country be. Such as his servants are, such is he counted: For men can hardly think but they are such by his command, or connivance, or example. If therefore they be godly and righteous, they win the hearts of people to the King: But if they be profaine and godless, they procure his contempt. This care ought not only to be of his nearest Attendants, but also of these whom he intrusteth with his affairs abroad: If they minister justice, defend the people, exact no more than is due, than the people ascryve all that goodness to the King, commanding his Officers to handle his people tenderly: But if they be violent and outrageous, the contrary followeth, as if all that severity were commanded of the King. A good king by doing good, maketh his Subjects good, & is as eminet in example before them as in dignity above them.  
The Roman Empire had a great proof of the force of 
King's are as helms swaying their Kingdoms.  their example both in their Court and people, when in fifty four years' space it found five changes: First, Diocletian like his Predecessors was a Pagan: Next, Constantine turned himself & the Empire to Christianity: 3. Constantius his son turned all Arrian: 4. julian the Apostate went back to Paganism: And fively, jovinian following Constantine's zeal brought them back again to Christianity. So important is the example of Princes either in good or evil, 
2. Chro. 28. Ibid. 29. Ibid. 33. Ibid. 34.  and so changeable are the people to follow them. The Kings of judah were not vn●●k: Achaz an idolater, Ezekiah a zealous worshipper of God, Amon and Manasseh restorers of idolatry: josiah a destroyer of idolatry etc. And their Courts and Countries followed their steps.  
Constantius the father of Constantine tried his Courteours 
Constantius wise try all of his Court.  wisely; he offered preferment to such as would worship Pagan gods, and when some for fear, and desire of honour did so, others laid down their honour, rather than that they would quite Christ; h●ereby he saw the ground of his Courtiers hearts; he degraded such as had forsaken Christ, and said, They would never be true to him that were false to God; but he honoured such as were ready to loss all for adhering to God; he made them his Guard and Governors of his Kingdom, saying, That such men were to be numbered as his special Friends, and Familiars.. 
a Itlos' tan. quam Dei proditores imperatoris servitio indignos censuit; etc. E●seb. in Vit. Constan. lib. 1 cap 9 & 10. Baron Anno. 304 num. 18.  And Theodoricke the Goth, an Arrian King, had some like practice, but with a more summar censure; for when one of his Court willing to please him forsook the faith of Christ, and turned Arrian, he was so offended that he killed him with his own hand, affirming, that he would not be trusty to him that was a traitor to Christ.  
To close this point, the fruit of David's prayer is manifest in Solomon's extraordinary wisdom; and that both in speculation and practice. For the first, he knew all mysteries, and wrote of the nature of all things from the Cedar of Lebanon to the Hyssop on the wall: Beside his heavenly Doctrine in his Song (whereof none of all the wise men of the earth could so much as dream) in his moralities in the Proverbs and Ecclesiastes he passed them all: Though they came long after him, and had the benefit of his Writs by some two Greek translations before the Septuagints, yet they are no more to his wisdom, than a aram of unfined silver-ure to a talon of pure gold.  
As for his practice, his first trial proved an excellent 
Proof of solomon's. wisdom. 1 King. 3▪ 16 17. etc.  practical gift: It was a plea betwixt two Harlots; both of them claimed the living Child, & no doubt, with the like boldness, & cursing, & execration the usual companions of passionate pleading: here God offered a fit purpose, to prove the truth of his promise to Solomon. The question was not of civil things, but natural: to find out the mother of the living Child; and there was no witness, but both parties alike peremptory in their alledgeance. His wisdom leadeth him to find out the truth by natural affection: He laid this sure ground, that the Mother's affection is tender, and the bowels that bred the Child, would never agree to see him killed: On the other part, that the cruel affection agreeing to the division of the Child, was but a strange and stepmotherly affection: On these grounds he pronounceth, That the living Babe shall be cut in two: It might seem a cruel sentence to kill the Babe, but some equity in the just division; but the truth was, he found the decision of the matter 
Maternus affectus parcens affectus, sed novercalis affectus crudelis.  in the show of division, and adjudged the living Babe to her, who in a sparing affection choosed rather to want her Babe, than the Babe should want his life. He saw in the tender affection of the one, the equity of her cause, and in cruelty of the other, the iniquity of her claim. This was a proof of deep wisdom: The people heard of it, and were both glad of such a King, because the wisdom of 
1. King. 3. 28  God was in him; and yet feared him, because they saw he was such a one as could discover the secrets of their hearts, and countermine their deeepest policies.   

3. The fruit of their Government.  

Of PEACE.  Vers. 3. The Mountains shall bring forth peace. etc. 
THis is the third thing he craveth, the fruit of kingly Government in the blessing of peace: whither we take 
Peace the fruit of a good Government.  the Mountains & hills figuratively, for the estate in general, or for the degrees of power in greater and lesser Princes, etc. all is to this end, that justice well ministered brings peace to a Country: for the mighty (who are as mountains) when they shall see justice reign in the King, are stayed from oppressing the poor, and become a shadow to them. So justice is both the mother to bring forth, and a Nurse to foster peace. Peace is the desired and sweet end of all blessings, and prosperity itself, without it, is but adversity: All our labours are for Peace, and Wars (the wreck of mankind▪ and br●ake of Peace) are undertaken t● purchase and keep Peace. And God, the Author of all hath contempered the variety and dis●rds of creatures, to bring them all to a purposed peace. All men are of him, he summeth them all up in Government, and peace is the beauty of all.  
This Peace may be considered in four sorts: The first is Peace with God, which cometh of a true Religion: 
1 Peace with God.  When men are led by the truth to believe in God, to repent their sin, and sinde remission in Christ, that is the way to God's Peace. Being justified by Faith, we have peace with God: No faith justifieth, but the true Faith, 
Rom. 5. 1.  & no Religion informeth men in the true Faith, but the true Religion: As it leadeth us in a sure way to peace in Christ, so it leadeth us to keep that peace in sincere obedience. In which respect when God getteth his due, he blesseth us with his Kingdom within us. For the Kingdom of God is righteousness, peace, and joy in the holy 
Rom. 14. 17. justitia non est nisi in ●a Repub. etc. Aug.  Ghost. This is the peace that no Kingdom can have, but such as have a true Religion; they may have a civil and politic peace amongst themselves, but none of this peace with God.  
The second is a civil peace with man, when every one keepeth his place, and doth his duty as he standeth 
2 Peace civil.  bound; the body is then in good plight when every member is whole, and exerciseth the functions in order: So in a Kingdom when every one in his calling doth his duty with a loving respect to other, there is peace; or if any be not peaceably disposed, their broiling humour is hemmed in by justice that they trouble not the peace of their Neighbour. This is a civil peace, the health of the civil body, and a comely beauty in it; when every one brooketh another in love, and worketh to others hands: And though there were innumerable men in callings, places, offices, etc. Yet they seem all to be but one man with one mind, seeking the good of other, and of the common body: As in Musical instruments sounds 
Aug. ●●vit. 2. 21.  are divers and contrair, high & low, etc. and yet make a sweet harmony; so in a Kingdom are divers estates▪ rich and poor, etc. Yet they have an harmony and concord, and that concord is peace. That rule is general for all things, Let no man seek his own, but every one another's good. 
1 Cor. 10. 14.   
The third is a particular peace of our Lot; when every man brooketh his lot peaceably without oppression, either 
3 peace, particular.  violent, or coloured by Law: This is as the life of our lot, when our right and possession have a peaceable use following, and every man may eat under his own vine, and under his own figtree: It is the very lot of our lot, and a pleasant 
Micah. 4. 4.  sauce to sweeten our use, a sort of fruition of our Lot, the fruit of that fruition, a way to Contentment, and the very prosperity of prosperity.  
The fourth may be called, a Kingly peace, when people 
4. Kingly peace.  are in love and peace with their King. They are his body, and he their Head, under whose shadow they have these peaces: The use and enjoying of them will reflect upon him as a procurer and maintainer. None can find comfort of a true Religion in liberty and peace, but he must love and pray for him, under whose government he hath that great blessing: None can look on that public peace the health and beauty of the civil body, but he must love and honour that Head, from whom the influence of the public peace floweth: And none can enjoy the private peace of his Lot, lying down & rising in peace, but he will love the preserver of it: Yea, that peace that floweth from supreme justice, is a native and kind Daughter, and so just as to make us honour him who ministereth justice for the procuring of peace. All these are strong bands to tie the hearts of good people to such Princes, by whose government God blesseth them with so inestimable blessings.  
This order is in the Angel's Song, Glory to God in heaven 
Luk. 2. 14.  peace on earth, and towards men goodwill: When man giveth God his glory, worshipping him in Spirit and truth, than God giveth Peace to man, being reconciled to him in Christ; and the ground of both is God's good will towards man, whereby he elected him in jesus Christ; that good will sendeth down true Religion to man, to direct him in the obedience of Gods revealed will.  
These are the fruits of justice in their several branches: 
The harmony of these, peaces.  The first is God's peace in our mind: The second is, man's peace in the civil body: The third is Peace of our Lot: And the fourth is, a peace with the Head of the common body. The first appeaseth the terrors of our Conscience: The second stayeth sactions and divisions amongst Subjects: The third, private oppression: And the fourth, Rebellion against Princes: And all of them are our ends in their several kinds: when God dwelleth in us, and maketh us enjoy him in his peace, than he maketh us brook one another, and ourselves in him.  
Where justice is not, these fruits of peace cannot be 
No justice, no peace. Levit. 26. Deut. 27 28.  found: Where God getteth not his due honour in a true Religion, there can be no peace with him, but he sendeth war or other calamities to trouble their peace and revenge the quarrel of his Covenant: As long as Israel worshipped him a right, matters went well with them; but when they fell to idolatry, he raised up bordering nations to punish them: In like manner he can punish injustice among people: Lawful Government ministereth justice, and justice bringeth peace, so want of justice bringeth confusion, and confusion breedeth discord. Hereupon also cometh the loss of particular Peace, when by tumults no man can securely possess his goods, his blood or life. Where violence rageth, there reason is not heard, and the Laws are silent more where Arms do speak.  
justice's well administrate is a great preservation to a 
Saving severity.  Land: It purgeth it from sin committed, by punishing the sinner, & keepeth many from sin, that they would otherwise commit, and so holdeth off God's anger, and procurreth his blessing, But neglect of justice is cruelty and 
Cruel Clemency.  not clemency, or rather a cruel mercy; it fostereth sin, and hasteneth God's wrath; when grievous sins are committed, they defile the Land, and the Land defiled can 
Num. 35. 34  not be expiate, but by the punishment of the malefactor: What shall God do, but power out his plagues, and make the Land spew out her Inhabitants, where sinners will not repent, and the Magistrate will not punish.  
These two then justice and peace go in others hands in 
justice and peace go in others hands.  a well governed Kingdom: justice without Peace is a fruitless severity, and peace without justice is a conspiracy against God: justice is God's arrestment laid upon man's corruption, and peace is the quietness that followeth that arrest: Both the necessity and difficulty to keep peace are as great, as to purchase it; for peace bringeth wealth, and wealth because of our wickedness bringeth insolency, and insolency bringeth violence, so that the daughter Peace would devour justice her mother, except justice did her second service, to keep men from violence: Her first service is to give every man his due, and her second is to secure him in it: Peace of herself is a thankful daughter to her Mother justice, but our corruption 
Deut. 32. 15.  that abuseth all, can abuse her also, and jeshurun waxing fat, will kick against his feeder; but peace is both best purchased & preserved, when justice absolutely reigneth: Therefore good governor's of Provinces may tightlie be called justices of peace: their name beareth these twin blessings of justice and peace, and if they answer to their name, they are worthy instruments under God, and the King by ministration of justice, to keep peace amongst people. 
Solomon answereth to this peaceable name. 1 Chro▪ 22. 9 10.   
In this point David alludeth to Solomon's name, for God told him: Behold, a Son shall be borne to thee who shall be a man of rest: And I will give him rest from all his enemies round about: For his Name shall be Solomon, and I will give peace and quietness to Israel in his days. On that prophecy David foundeth this prayer, and Experience proveth both the truth of the Prophecy and force of this prayer. He answered to his name; as he was called peaceable, so he ruled his people in peace, and God blessed them with great prosperity under him: judah and Israel dwelled every one under his vine, etc. They had peace 
2 Chro. 1. ●5  with God, so long as they keeped his Commandments, and peace with neighbouring Nations and amongst themselves: And the fruit of long peace was gold and silver as Stones at jerusalem.  
Herein he was the type of the true Solomon Christ 
Christ the true Solomon Multa de Solomone dicuntur quae e● conventre non possunt, etc. Aug. Civit. 17. 8. 1 Cor. 1.  jesus, whom this Psalm principally respecteth, and who for this same end was shadowed by Melchisedecke; he is first King of Righteousness or justice, and then King of Salem or of Peace. He proved the King of righteousness, when he fulfilled all righteousness, in satisfying the justice of God for us: and then applying and imputing that Righteousness unto us, is the Lord our Righteousness: for he is given of the Father to be our Righteousness, Redemption, etc. He proveth the King of our Peace, in that he hath purchased us peace by righteousness: For 
Esay. 53.  the chastisement of our peace was on him, and by his strips we are healed: When we are covered with his righteousness, 
Num. 23.  God seeth not sin in jacob, nor iniquity in Israel: His justice being satisfied, hath no quarrel against us, but by virtue of that satisfaction, justly adjudgeth peace and salvation to us. It is as proper to justice to pardon a penitent sinner in Christ, as to punish an impenitent 
1 joh. 1▪ 9  sinner: If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just to forgive them. Christ's obedience hath a double respect to justice, the one of satisfying all it can claim of us, the other of meriting all good to us. The first putteth away the demerit of sin The other possesseth us in peace and glory.   

Of War.  
THus a good King ruleth his people in peace; but 
Necessity of war.  some time necessity will draw him to War, and that either for defence of the truth, his Crown or Country, the just causes for a lawful war. Some have thought Wars unlawful to Christians, 
a Tertul de Coro●, militis  but that was only in some times and cases, when the Heathen Emperors urged Soldiers to offer to idols, and if they refused, they were shame fully cashired or martyred: In such a case it was good to abstain from a voluntary or mercenary warfare: To go to war is not sin, but to do it for prey is sin. 
Non enim militare delictum est, sed pro praeda, &c Aug de verb. Dom. in Matth serm. 19  And though warfare be a lawful calling, yet war is one of the three plagues wherewith God usually breaketh the pride of man's body: As by withholding of nourishment in Famine, So by violence with his Arrow of pestilence, or by the hand of man in wars.  
Our sins procure war at God's hands: For when we will not serve him in peace, he maketh us suffer in wars: And when our lust's rebel against his grace, why should he 
War is for sin. Galat. 5. Rom. 7.  not punish us with the wars of man? Yea, our lusts fighteth within us, before we can fight with man without: For if man could dwell in himself in the contentment of his lo●te, he would not encroach on his neighbour in ambition, cruelty, avarice, etc. Miscontentment with our lot, and too great love of earthly things maketh us quite peace, and fall in jarring: Wars are sweet to them that have not felt their misery, but a taste of them giveth a sweeter relish to peace, and this is among other reasons why God afflicteth a Land with war, that thereafter they may count more of the blessing of peace.  
The fruit proveth it to be a plague: Thereby peace is broken, Laws are silent, oppression and iniquity do 
It shaketh all.  reign. There is neither marches of possession, nor property of use: and no man hath place to judge, or power to set things aright: beside the violence of the enemy, the insolence of our assistants is intolerable: They who come to help us, think they cannot hurt us, but under colour of defence they bereave us of our goods, and of our lives also if we resist; and though neither the enemy, nor assisting Friend use violence, the licence of people in their own Country is no l●sse hurtful: The Soldier's girdle looseth the most part from all fear of God and respect to man: children & women (the objects of pity) find no pity, but their chastity and lives destroyed at once, and their defyling is more bitter than their death; cities of many years building, in one hour turned in ashes: And though a ●and be a Paradise before Armies, yet after them is an horrid wilderness.  
Man exceedeth all creatures in Hostility: Lions against 
Man cruel against man.  Lions, and Dragons against Dragons are not so cruel as man against man: Their fight is but at occasional encounters, yet out of sight of other their rage ceaseth: 
Neque enim unquam in●er se Leones aut inter se Dra● cones, etc. Aug. civet 12 22.  But man can spend days, nights and years in devysing mischief against absent man; their yoking in Battle is but the fruit of their former plotting: Reason (our privilege above Beasts) when it turneth furious, putteth us far under them. We are borne naked, but cruelty hath turned us all in armour: And where it might be called prudence to invent defensive weapons, yet cruelty is more inventive of offensive weapons to hurt other, and more forward to destroy others than save ourselves. This last Age (the Rendezvous of all wickedness) hath fetched from the hels the invention of Guns and fire work, and that with a defect on the defensive part: There was no hurting weapon before, but Nature found a Guard for it; but firework hath not yet found a shield. Corrupt Nature is more ingenious to destroy than to preserve, and decaying mankind falling further from God, turns more to Satan's image, both in an active and passive destruction.  
When Armies join in Battle, man is going out of himself: And though he be reasonable, yet being clothed 
Armies are men transported.  with Brass or Iron, he is more brazen and irnish, than his Armour: He hath none other respect to his enemy but to destroy him, and that rage is so b●nded, that they cannot help their Friend: Though wounds strike their neighbour-Souldier to the ground, yet the necessity to keep their rank turneth them out of love and humanity; and if they be straited, they must trodden on his belly to keep their order: The feet of horses on their head or womb, pressing out their Brains and Bowels, are the usual comfort that fallen men can finde. Their death is violent in rage at their enemies, and without comfort in soul or body from their friends: A Roman Soldier spoiling his slain enemy, found that he was his Brother, and killed himself for grief: And what is 
Aug. Civ. 2. 25.  all warre-fare, but a kill of our Brethren?  
Wars than are the last of all remeeds: A wise Physician goeth not at the first to cutting and burning, but after all other cures have failed: So a wise Prince goeth not to war, till all peaceable treatings fail. It is not undertaken for itself, but for peace; and some in a tolerable peace have made war for a better peace, As a man evil cured of a broken leg will break it again, to have it better cured. This is the task of a good King, in peace to be furnished for war, and in war to aim at peace, and if he must have wars abroad, to keep love and peace at home with his Subjects, and amongst themselves.   

True Religion in purity, & peace, the greatest care of Kings & Subjects.  
OF all that is spoken, a general duty riseth, both for Princes and people, that if they would have all these 
True Religion the great care of princes and people.  former blessings, they strive carnestlie to maintain a true Religion: So Theodosius on his deathbed exhorted his Sons above all things to maintain the true Faith: And justine told the like to Tiberius his Successor. It directeth Kings to be Kings according to God's heart, and people to obey as the Lords people: It tempereth authority in Princes, and sweeteneth Subjection to people: The great power of Princes that might turn in tyranny, is made profitable for people; & the natural antipathy that is in some people is mitigate, and so Princes rule meekly, and people obey willingly: Thereby Kings are taught the form of Government from God, who disposeth all things sweetly and powerfully; and people submitteth themselves to his ordinance, as to the will of their Father: Kings see great meekness joined with great power in Christ, who being the Lord of all, made himself a servant to all; and people see in him a willing subjection to joseph and Marie, in the course of his education: And both of them respect other, not only as men but as Christians, the Brethren of Christ, and partakers of that same grace and glory in Heaven. Out will by nature is captivated to sin, and the fountain of disobedience; but being made free by grace, it sweetly inclineth that way that God directeth it: God dwelleth in Kingdoms where true Religion is harboured, & by grace giveth an higher qualification to men; as it maketh them true Christians in their Persons, so their actions and offices are good service to God, when they are done at his command, and respect to his glory.  
Impyres have their beginning, growth, height, and fall: But they fall not as they rise▪ They rise by small degrees 
True Religion is the health of Kingdoms.  but fall at once, as by a precipice. Belthazar in one night lost his life and his Kingdom, and the Persian Monarchy fell to Alexander in one day. But there is nothing more forcible to make a Kingdom immortal, than Religion truly practised, thereby God dwelleth in a Land as their glory and their Shield.  
Kingdoms without true Religion are not so: the old Monarchies of Assyria, Greece, etc. and republics, as 
Pagan kingdoms far behind Christian Kingdoms.  Rome, Sparta, &c, are but bad patterns of Government; they went no further than Nature, because they had none other guide: And neither knew God in Christ, nor sanctification by grace: They had indeed a right to secure them from the challenge of man, but in the use of it were almost as far behind Christian Kingdoms, as flock, of Beasts are behind Pagan societies. The Heathen saw this far, that Religion is most necessary for Estate: And some of them gloried, that the Romans came to their Monarchy, 
Religio & timor Dei est qui custodi● etc. Lactantio▪ de ●ra. 12. & 8.  not so much by power and craft, as by their Religion. But what they spoke of their superstition, we apply it to the truth, for it is Religion and the fear of God that keepeth the Societies of men in order, without which the life of man would be filled with foolishness wickedness, and cruelly.  
As true Religion bindeth Princes & people together, so 
True Religion keepeth peace among Kingdoms.  doth it Kingdom with Kingdom. The pride of conquerors falleth not in a godly Prince; all the four Monarchies were founded by Pagans; & when the Roman Emperors turned Christian, they left their conquering humour▪ though they had power to conquer more: Christ the Prince of Peace, maketh such Kings (as he ruleth) peaceable; his Gospel is a Law of peace, and his grace maketh men as Lambs, to do as they would be done to: though the beasts in the Ark keeped their natural fierceness, vet God suspended it during their biding there, and the Lion & the Lamb lived peaceably together. Nature and superstition bid men use their sword to conquer and destroy, but the grace of Christ maketh them turn their Swords in Syths, and 
Isa. 2. 4. Micah. 4. 3.  their Spears in Mattockes. Pagans and Mahumetans war against other, and both of them against Christians; and amongst Christians the conquering humour is not in Protestant Princes, but in Papists: because their superstition mortifies not their corruption, but giveth it full liberty. Since the Catholic Kings became jesuited as well in policy, as in Religion, they are the oppressors of Europe; but when they turn to the truth, they will lay down that invading and encroaching humour, and content them to rule their own Subjects in peace: But since popery directeth them to oppress other, and for that end hath set up the negociating and statizing order of the jesuits, it is not the Religion of the Lamb, but the cruelty of the Dragon. France, Austria & Spain have their own jealousies and encroachings on other, and will keep them so long as they are Popish: But when they become reform in the true Religion, they will accord among 
Regna in orbe ut domus in urbe etc. Aug  themselves. So true Religion is a bond of peace, and maketh Kingdoms in the world like houses in a City, who delight in a neighbourly concord.  
By all means therefore Princes and people would 
No mixture of Religion.  maintain the true Religion, and that without any mixture, or liberty to profess a false Religion. There is but one God, and one true Religion expressed in Scripture, and all false 
Religio & ve●●eratio nulla alia quam unius Dei, etc. Lactant. lib. 1▪ cap. 20.  Religions, and their mixtures with the Truth offend him. He forbade Israel to till the ground with divers sorts of Beasts, or to sow it with divers seeds, or to make garments of linen and woollen together: and that not so much for these things in themselves, as to tell that he abhorred all mixture in Religion. Therefore Constantine spoke like 
Istud omnium maximè— una fides— etc. Theod. l. 1. cap. 10.  himself: I have thought that most of all to be proponed by me, that in the multitude of the holy Catholic Church one Faith, and sincere Charity should be keeped.  
Politics call this mixture an Accommodation or Toleration: 
Such mixture is unlawful.  the Cassandrians call it a mitigation or condescending; and Atheists call it a liberty of conscience which is nothing but a passport to run to hell: For what a worse 
Qua est peior mors anima, etc. Aug.  death is there to the Soul, than the liberty of error? But God calleth it, An halting betwixt God and Baal, and gross Atheism in the want of God's fear: The people that were sent to dwell in Samaria, worshipped the Lord, and the gods of their own Nations; they thought themselves 
2 King. 17. 32 33 34.  sure in that plurality of gods, and liberty of worship; but the Scripture saith, They feared not God at all. The Papists fall in that same sin; they have multiplied gods with the true One. Beside God, they have their gods and goddesses, and they honour their cannonized 
(a) Qua Divorum nostr●rum apotheosis. Cerem. p. 1  Saints as the Pagans did their Apotheosedmen: and their Pope used it more eminently, in calling the blessed Virgin a goddess when he is suteing timber to build her Church at Loretto 
b Ne D●am ipsam, etc. Leo. 10. lib. 8. Epist. 17.  But their patron granteth that these names savour of Paganism, and desireth them to be a mended in his Books; 
c Bellar recog. p. 2.  and as for the worship given to them, another 
d Vives add Aug. civet. 8. cap. 27.  granteth that he saw no difference betwixt their opinion of the Saints, and that, that the Gentiles held of their gods. Varro 
e Civit. 4. 22 It is a fleshly policy.  boasteth that he appointed to the gods their offices & sacrifices & what else are the Rituals & ceremonials of the Papists, but that same business under other names.  
The Kings of Egypt granted liberty of Religions to their people, and that in a fleshly policy, that while every faction courted them for favour, they might keep all factions obnoxious to them: And julian at his entry gave the like liberty to jews, Gentiles and Christians: with the 
Aug Epi. 146.  same spirit he rendered the Churches to damned Heretics, and opened the Temples to devils.  
Many Christian Princes have a slayed reconciliation of 
It is impossible.  Religions, but God never blessed that work in their hand: Constantius made his Typus Heraclius his Ecthesis, Zeno his Henoticon, and Charles the fifth his Interim; but all of them kindled the fire more than quenched it. They found the truth of the old proverb, Isthmum perfodere, to dig through the Isthme, which was spoken of works, neither lawful to attempt, nor possible to do. And though some proud kings thereby assayed to correct God's creation, in joining Seas which he had distinguished, yet they were om●nouslie forced to desist: So others have laboured to reconcile the true and false Religion (which he hath made irreconcilable) but their labour to this hour was ever in vain. It seemeth but a small matter (for condescending) to cast one letter in the midst of a word, and turn 
Baron. Ann. 357. n. 12.  homoousios in homoiousios, that is the same-substance in the like-substance; & yet that one Letter overthr●w the Article of the Divinity of Christ. And when Basile in the end of a 
Bin. Tom. 1. p. 519. 520.  prayer, said in the holy Spirit, for with the holy Spirit, great offence was taken by the people: therefore he advised Amphilochius to examine not only words but syllabs and letters in Divinity. So hard it is to work a condescending 
Basil. de Spir. Sanct. cap. 1.  even by the smallest alteration.  
Some reformed Churches have found woeful fruits of 
Confusions of Holland.  such liberty, and he proves now a true Prophet, who said, That liberty of prophesying in Preachers, and of professing in people, would shake Religion in Holland. 
a Libertas prophetand● in Pastoribus, etc. Pareus.  They began modestly with some five disputable points, as the small end of the wedge, to make way for grosser heresies: And if God had not put in the heart of K. james to devise▪ and Prince Maurice to effect their curbing by the Council of Dort, their heresies ere now had overflowed that Land: But God hath justified that prudent foresight of K. james, since they have declared, what then they denied. They have taken Socinus by the hand, whom I may call (as one did Origen) 
b Theophil. Epist. pasch. 1  hydriam omnium haereseων, a mass or surviving monster of all heresies: And to mitigate the horror of these opinions, they are pleading for favour to the Socinians, as men that either err not, or if they do, they are excusable, and not to be censured, because (forsooth) their errors touch not the foundation. 
c Anonym dissert▪ de pace & concordi● Ecclesia. An. 1630.  They laid the seeds of these Apologies covertly long since; 
d Vorst pra● fat. Exeges.  but now they are discovering to the world, that their grounds are the overthrow of the grounds of Religion. Their rule is 
(e) Grot. de Ver. Christ. Rel. in fine. Exam Cens. cap. 10. C●eer. de Di vinat. ●dem de Nat. Deor. lib. 3. in fine.  to preach and profess what they please without censure. Man's original misery in original sin they call with Pelagius, figmentum Augustini, or Augustins dream; and the efficacious working of the holy Spirit, applying grace to us, they call figmenta Calvini, Calvins' dreams. In the matter of freewill they follow the Pagans, as it is pleaded by Cicero: He was so hot in that cause, that not being able to conceive how God's Prescience, and man's freewill could stand together, for maintaining of Free will he denied both God's Prescience and Divination: And rather than these two should stand, he denied a Deity. His arguments taken from Laws, Rewards, 
Aug Ep 107. Ci●it. ●ib. 5. c▪ 9 toto.  Prayers, and Exhortations, etc. to prove the absoluteness of freewill; Pelagius hath borrowed from him: Socinus from Pelagius; and they from Socinus. So in end under colour of Truth according to godliness, they come to the natural Religion of Pagans, the common Rendezvous of all defections from the Truth.  
Thus after long gadding they prove that Socinus is transformed in them, as Jerome said, That Basilides was transformed in Iovi●ian, and that both in sense and style: For they affirm that they teach otherwise, than heretofore was believed: 
a A●●ter quam hactenus cre● ditum est. exam cap. 18.  So said he before them, that his opinions of Christ were hid from others, and that the true meaning was not known of all the Interpreters that are extant. 
b Explanatores latuisse videtur. Socin Explic▪ 10. 1. inifio pag 1. & 3.  And again, our opinion is unheard, not only in our time, but also in many Ages 
c Sententian nostram, ●nauditam scimus Socin. de nat. Christ p. 1.  before: And more fully with disdain of the Fathers: We ingenuously confess that our sentence of Christ's 
d Adversari omnibus, etc. So●in contr▪ V●jek p. 134  Nature and Essence is contrair to all interpreters of Scripture who are come to our time. Moreover, he professeth the novelty of it▪ in his Uncle, who first proponed the opinion which he embraceth of jesus Christ, and telleth us the way how he got it, was by Revelation. 
e Lal. Soc. primu● omniwm docuit. Soci●▪ defence. Asser 1. Soc. de nat. Christi. p. 7.  This is like his friend Puccius, who affirmed that his opinion of universal salvation was revealed to him by God 
f Cert●sumus hanc interpretationem, etc. Puc. Christ ser. rat 120.  This platform of his divinity is for Epicures, and that not far from Origens' mercy, to plead for Satan Annihilation, if not Salvation. What grace could this plat-former of Religion have who refused to be baptised: and when a zealous Preacher challenged him for that he was not baptised, nor would not be baptised 
g Cuteu. Object. 21  he answered like a novelling opiniator. That, what he thought of Baptism he would leave it to his own thoughts. 
a Quid hic faciat aut sentiat▪ etc. Soc. resp ad C●t. Ob. 2●  Surest is, that one who refuseth to be initiate in Christ by sacred Baptism, is not a fit instrument to reform Christian Religion.  
After this same manner spoke the old Arrians, of whom Lyrinensis sayeth, That they overthrew well grounded Antiquity by wicked novelty, and that the ordinances of the Ancient were violate— while the desire of profaine and new curiosity cannot contain itself within the marches of sacred and pure Antiquity 
b Dum bene fundata▪ etc. Lyrin. Con. cap. 6.  And they speak directly like the Pelagians: by us as Authors, as beginners and expounders; condemn the things that ye held afore, and hold these things that ye condemned, cast away your ancient Faith, and receive another: And what faith? I shrink to speak it; they are so proud, that I think they cannot so much as be rehearsed, let be refuted without some guiltiness, 
c Damnate quae ●enebatis▪ etc. Ibid c. 14  in like manner, Abelardus said, All men think so, but I think not so. And Bernard posed him justly, What then art thou? Tell us what is that, that seemeth to thee and to none others? What hath the Law? What hath the Prophets and Apostles, or Apostolic men preached unto us? but that, that thou only deniest? 
d Omnes sic, sed non ego sic. Ber● Epist. 190.  And Hilary speaketh like an Orthodox. These things I have believed by the holy Spirit, so that beyond this Faith of our Lord jesus Christ I cannot be taught. And a little above: I hold fast that, that I have received, neither do I change that, that is Gods. 
e Quod accipi▪ ten●o nec d●muto etc. Hilar▪ ad Constant p. ●81.  I demand of them as Pacianus did the Novatians; Who teacheth so? Did Moses, or Paul, or Christ? No, none of these: Who then? Novatian commanded it after three hundreth years▪ 
f Quis hoc vendi●at an Moses Pacian. Epist. 3 apud Biblio. Pat. Tom. 3. col. 4.  So I may say, That Socinus hath both invented new heresies, and renewed old heresies after a thousand five hundreth and eighty years. And I charge them as Jerome did Vigilantius, If any before thee hath received this thy Interpretation, let it be true thou says; But if the Church of God never heard of such wickedness, and Satan hath spoken by thee, then repent in sackcloth and ashes, and wipe away such great wickedness by continual tears. 
f Et tant● scelus iugibus absterge ●acry●●s Hieron▪ advers. Vigilant.   
This is the damnable fruit of liberty of prophesying, and professing, after that God hath blessed a Church with a body of sound Doctrine, according to the pattern of wholesome words: The minds of people are shaken from the Truth, made susceptible of any opinion, and inclinable to the worst. When Arianisme and other errors, had shaken the Church for a time, the ambiguous minds of people received Mahumetisme greedily.  
For keeping of true Religion, it is necessary to keep 
Schism renteth both the Church & the state.  Peace in the Church: Schism bringeth heresy; and these two renting the Church, do rend the state also: The Church and state are twins, and their peace, and trouble are inseparable: Some Politickes have advised Princes to foster dissensions in the Church, as a way to make the Empire flourish: So did Themistius to Valens the Emperors, but he found confusion in the end: And julian allowed Heretics to vex and trouble the Church, because he thought 
Aug. Ep. 146.  these dissensions a special means to put Christian Religion out of the world. When Peace is keeped in the Church, the state flow risheth, but where it is neglected, horrible confusions follow as well in state as in Church. The Schism betwixt the Greek and Latin Churches could never reconceale▪ and the Greek Emperor lost the hearts of the people for too much inclining to the Pope. The divisions of Germany are most by schism●, and the disputes of their Theologues turn the Courts of Princes in factions: The thrusting of Gregory's Liturgy on Spain divided the hearts 
Field of the Church. pag. 189.  of people from their King, and amongst themselves; for albeit things were good, yet change of custom do more 
Plus no vitate turban, qu● utilitate prosunt. Aug. Epist. 118.  hurt by novelty then help by profit, as Augustine well observeth: When affections accord, men may well brook other in diversities of opinion, but the renting of affection (the marrow of Schism) breaketh unity of opinion: also: By nature we are averse from the Gospel, but if a stumbling block be laid in our way, our averseness findeth a reason for itself. The kingly Prophet's practice is good herein: Pray for the peace of jerusalem, let them prosper that love thee: Peace be within thy walls 
Psal. 122. 6, 7  and prosperity within thy Palaces.    

Of three sorts of Kings,  

1. Of GOD'S King.  
BEfore I leave these verses, suffer me to present to you three sorts of Kings: God's King: machiavels 
God's King.  Tyrant: And the Pops Vassal: First a good King whom we call gods King, comes to his Throne in God's mercy, 
1. His entry  both to himself and to his people, as David and Solomon, etc. Secondly in his Disposition; he is religious, to acknowledge 
2. His disposition.  his placing on the Throne not to come of man or Fortune, but of God: His exalting above man, maketh him not forget his subjection to God, but by hearty devotion he doth homage to him daily; both for the Crown he holdeth of him, and for gifts to use it. His business is not with people alone, but with 
Cuiplus licet qua● aliis▪ plerumq. plus libet▪ quam licet.  God, to enable him for government: He thinks that a Tyrant's verdict, si libet licet, if thou like it is leasome: and knoweth that to whom more is leasome than to others they can easily will more than is leasome.  
thirdly, in his government, he is wise by Rehoboams' folly: He leaneth not to his own wit, or to the counsel 
3 His Govevernement.  of these who are of his own years, but labour▪ th' 〈…〉 to do Gods work with God's wisdom: Therefore he● readeth and meditateth his Word, and with David makes 
Ios●. 1. Psa●▪ 119.  his Commandments the men of his counsel: He knoweth nothing in his government will be acceptable to God ●ut that which agreeth with his word: As he holds his Kingdom of God's will, so in ruling it, he followeth his revealed will, that he may abide in his favour. 
4. His account of his people.   
fourthly, in his account of his people; he counteth them not slaves but free men, even God's people, to judge thy people; and that by Creation, Redemption, and Covenant: He knoweth that God's right to them is first, and more than his; and that his power over them is not absolute, but delegat for which he must be countable 
1 Chro. 28. 2▪  to God: He counteth them as his Children, as David spoke to Israel, Harken my Brethren and people: He looketh not so much to that relation of domination and subjection, as to that sweeter relation of Father and Son. He rejoiceth as much in the name of a Father as of a King, and sweyeth the kingly Sceptre in a fatherly love. fively in his ends: By all means he seeketh the wealth 
5. In his ends  and peace of his Subjects as his joy and glory: But he counteth their divisions amongst themselves, or their hatred of him as grievous wounds: He craveth their hearts more than their goods, and counteth their love his best Guard under God.   

2. Of machiavels Tyrant.  
But Machiavelli, (or rather Satan in him) hath drawn up the Portrate of a Tyrant under the Name 
Machiavells Tyrant.  of a Prince, and that contrary to all the points of my Text. First, he directeth his Prince for his entry, not 
1. His entry  to care how he come to a Kingdom, so that he may have it: Truth or falsehood, right or wrong, craft or cruelty, 
Mach. pr●n. 18 disp 3 42  blood or poison, etc. All are alike to him, if they further his end: He looketh not to God and Providence, but to Fortune and his own fleshly wisdom, not to the equity or iniquity of the means, but to their possibility to bring his evil purpose to pass: And commends to him jointly the cruelty of the Lion and craft of the Fox: Both 
Machiavelli. principis ●. 18 & 19  good and bad may possibly be alike in desiring dignity; but they are not alike in the acquiring of it: The first goeth God's way in righteousness and virtue: The other taketh him to byways with craft and cruelty.  
secondly, for disposition; He forbiddeth his Prince to 
2. His disposition.  be religions indeed, but to seem so: the show of it is enough to do his turn with man, whom he alone respecteth; and that only to deceive him: He knoweth that 
Antimach. 191.  men are carried with outward shows; and though they who are near to him know his piety to be feigned; yet they dare not resist the common opinion of people, who count him to be godly indeed. He counteth the Conscience and fear of God: the care to please him, and to be approved in the last reckoning, and such other practice points of Religion, to be as many cutthroats of his politic designs: If these thoughts fall in his heart, they but drown him in perplexities; and suffer him neither freely to intend his wickedness, nor cheerfully to follow it out: Therefore he holdeth them all at the door of his heart as odious stranglers of his spirit; and setteth up Atheism or deep Hypocrisy in their place: He leaveth Religion to such as he counteth base spirits, who delight (as he thinks profainelie) to terrify themselves needlesselie with the conscience and reverence of a Godhead.  
thirdly, for his Government, he ady viceth him to 
3. HiS government.  have sufficient wit of himself, at least to think that he hath it; and so turneth him in a Pope with infallibility of judgement: 
Mach, de privit. 23  To be jealous of all, and keeps close his intentions; that the imparting of them to other were they never so godly, wise, or trusty▪ may discover, and frustrate 
Antim. 482, 487.  his purposes: If he could be another himself in another Person, he would suspect and decceive that 
Petrus Rex Arragonia.  other himself, and he would rend his inner Coat if it were privy to his plots.  
fourthly, for account of his Subjects, he directs him 
4. His account of his people.  not to count them Gods people but his own; and that not as freemen but as slaves: He is a slave to his own humour, and thinketh them for none other end, but to serve him in serving it, He taketh neither the relation, or affection of a Father, but his actions are full of tyranny. 
5. His end. Mach. Princ. 20.   
Lastlie, for his end, he adviseth to keep his people in continual discord, and to expone their concord a conspiracy against him: There is nothing so terrible to him, as good correspondence in the mutual intelligence of their affairs: If the fear of God, and love of equity keep them in peace, he will cast in the apple of strife, and put them in factions: He seeketh more their goods and service, than their hearts; and like Nero careth not they hate him, so they fear him: So he filleth all with fear, 
Oderint dum metuant.  and most himself, for he that will be feared of all, must fear all: that fear filleth him with suspicion, and suspicion draws him to cruelty, which maketh his kingdom a tragical stage.  
This is machiavels godless direction, whereof he was 
Borgia Machiavells Darling.  not so much the inventor as a polisher; the pieces of that policy lay scattered in Histories, but he put them together, in one form as he saw them acted at the court of Rome under Pope Alexander the sixth; and from the practice of such a father, directed Borgia his Son, an evil egg of an evil Crow: What could the world look for of him, who was the Son of such a Father as Alexander, and the pupil of such a Tutor as Machiavelli: 
a Quae enim meliora novo Principi Praecepta, etc. Machiavelli. Prin. cap. 7.  He took him as the object and Centre of all his wicked devyses; and setteth him out to the world as a most perfect exemplar to be followed. Italy was then desirous of some one Prince to restore her to liberty; and the Court dreameed that this one should be Caesar Borgia: 
b Summa bonitas preces Authoris audivit. etc. Practic. Can. p. 233.  He began his Monarchy with the kill of his elder Brother, and of a Cardinal would be a commander of an Army; and went on, till God made him and his father spectacles of his wrath: They had plotted to poison some Cardinals for their estate, but God by the error of a Cupbearer, made them 
Paulus jovius. Guicciardin.  fall in the snare they had prepared, and drink the poison appointed for the other: here was a time to repent; but when he saw all his devyces disappointed, he blasphemed; and called that work of God's justice, an extraordinar malignity of Fortune. 
Extraordinaria. quadam, fortun● malignitate. Machiavelli. Princ. cap. 7. Borgia fortunes play fool.  This is the temper of godless spirits, to plot wickedness boldly, and when they are disappointed, rather to rail against God under the name of Fortune, than to acknowledge his justice & repent: Such blasphemy is worse, than the calamity itself.  
Borgia was never so right placed, as when he was put in the belly of a Mulet, to draw the poison out of his body: here was a fit place for machiavels darling: he was never more suitable clad than with such a carcase; and that belly was never worse filled, than with such a Monster. here was such lips, such lat tuce, and a worse kernel, than the shell: He was a compleete circle of Fortune's turnings: First her darling in his exaltation, next her ludibrie or mocking-stocke in his downcast: And lastlie, a document of her futility and waikenesse. This was an example of God's just judgement to all Tyrants, who will conquer and rule a state in contempt of God.  
All this is called wisdom in the world, but it is extreme 
Machiavilian policy is madness.  madness: For beside their sin which they misregard, even in sound natural wisdom, they procure their own ruin by these same means, which they choose for their establishment. He is a foolish builder who chooseth for the foundation of his house an hollow ground full of Caves, and these caves full of powder, and other matter meet for fire or earth quacke; then dobbeth the walls with Pitch or Brimstone: Such is the building of Machiavilians; they lay the grounds of pride and Atheism in themselves; and of fear and Hatred in their people: They build up their work with Hypocrisy, cruelty, and craft: Therefore the least sparkle of God's anger shaketh their building from the foundation. They begin with impiety contemning God; they go 
job. 5. 13. 1 Cor. 3 19  on with iniquity oppressing man; and in end some tragical calamity destroyeth them and their state. So the Lord catcheth the crafty in their craftiness. 
He contemneth both Christian Princes and Religion.   
But he is not content to set out his Tyranny to the world; but reflects also upon Christian Religion and Princes; as though it made them effeminate and broke their courage, because it teacheth them to seek the heaven, 
Machiavelli. Disput lib. 2 cap. 2▪  and contemn the glory of the world: And so preferreth Pagan's religion, and Princes to them both: Here he playeth the Atheist in mocking the life to come, and bidding men range like beasts for present contentment: He knoweth not that Kingdoms are but common gifts, because God giveth them to good and evil, lest the godly 
Regna mundi bonis & malis communiter praestat. Aug. Civit. lib 4. cap. 33 Qu● Augusto, ipse & Neroni Ibid. lib. 5. cap. 22. Aug. Civit. 5. 25.  should seek them as perfect happiness: He who gave the empire to Augustus gave it also to Nero, and he who gave it to Constantine, gave it also to julian: Neither knoweth he that true courage or greatness standeth not in a brutish headiness, but in true Faith, and the fear of God, directing them to enterprise nothing but good, and to submit themselves to his will. All the Lines of Pagan Emperors have nothing like, David, Charles, or Constantine the great, whom God blessed with greater blessings than any man lawfully may wish.  
julius, Augustus, Antoninus etc. were great names indeed, and their fame the umbrage of a great fancy; like 
Stat magni nominis umbra.  these Giants before the flood that were men of name▪ but not of worth: and all their greatness was to bring a deludge on the world. They were great scourges in God's hand to plague man; and that not with a lent cure, but 
Gen. 6. 4.  with violence: Like a Paracelsian extract in a plethoric body, to turn all upside down: The Romans for 700. years oppressed the world; and Caesar in three years oppressed them, and overthrew their liberties. Titus called Delitiae humani generis, the dainties of mankind, had no courage; at the approaching of death; he weeped as a Boy in a School, and complained that he was pulled untimously and unservedly from his great Fortune. Traian was so just, that the Senate call him Optimus, & honoured him with a Statue in his life time; his Virtues made some superstitious Monks, to fain that Gregory's prayers relieved him out of hell. They are as gouttish in their mind (who credulouslie believe these fables) as they feign that Gregory was punished with the Gout for his undiscreet 
Ciacconi●●. But Bellarmine refuteth him, de Purgatorio. lib. 2. 8.  devotion: but Traian ascryvedh●s empire to jupiter, and for a time was a cruel persecuter: Principality was never better harboured than in a Christian breast, it maketh them in their life courageous to fight against Satan, and to rule and bridle these passions, which commanded heathen princes; and at their death, peaceably to lay down their Sceptres in God's hand; that they may possess an heavenly Kingdom. There is more true worth and valour in a good Christian King, than in all the heathen Conquerors.  
Mankind hath not ever been so happy in Government 
Tyranny can not destroy Government.  as to be free of Tyrants. Rashness in Counsels, and the sway of passions and factions, do often preponder the best course; and yet not withstanding all these, God hath ever keeped in mankind a form of government. These are like sickness in the body, the blemishes in face, & heresies in the Church; as at the first they are evidences of their corruption who have them, and punishments of the bodies where they are, so to the judicious they are testimonies of a providence, overruling all. Though created speces of creatures by their mixture produced Mangrels, yet these Monsters could neither destroy, nor obliterate the created speces: These errors of Nature pass not further than the first degree, because they are not under the blefsing. Increase and multiply, which was 
Gen. 1.  given only to the created kinds. So right government is God's ordinance, and could never be thrust out of the world by Tyranny. They who took occasion of the miscarrying of things, to doubt of Providence, were but unbiased: They stood at the first step of disorder, and unequal rewarding of humane merits, but they should have looked to the final event. For though God suffer the course and midst to play confusedly, yet at last he never miss his good end. Man's imprudence is both a matter, and evidency of divine Providence.   

3. Of the Pope's Vassal.  
We have heard of God's King, and machiavels tyrant, 
The Pope's Vassals.  the Pope also hath a Mould of his own for framing of Kings: He differeth from them both, but inclineth most to machiavels. God's King is for the good of all, Machiavels' tyrant for the hurt of all. But the Pope over reacheth his policy, & maketh a King for his own ends; a snare to his Subjects, and most to himself, the reproach of authority, and as basely obsequious to the 
1. He usurpeth on their entry.  Pope as any Vassal. 1. For their entry in the Kingdom, he setteth up and cast●h down Kings, as though God had put them under him, as Chess men, or Counters in a Merchant's hand to be changed in their place, and worth at his pleasure. 2. For their Task, he enjoineth them to serve him absolutely in a blind obedience; 
2 prescriveth their task.  to maintain Idolatry and persecute the Truth: If they do so, they are his beloved Children; and he breathes on them his Apostolic benediction, in recompense of kissing of his Feet: But if they use their power against his tyranny, and keep their people in the Truth, than they are excommunicate as pushing Rams that trouble the Flock: Yea, though they were zealous Papists in superstition, 
Bellar. Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 7.  yet if they be not forward to destroy Protestants, they shall be killed as profaine Politics by some jesuited zealot.  
3. For their Rule, he keepeth them always as Babes 
3 Appointeth their Laws.  under tutory; he suffreth them not to rule according to God's word, and the wholesome Laws of their Kingdoms, but thrusteth upon them his Brieves, and Commands by his Legates: His dispensations & Non-obstantes are sufficient to remove the Impediments of divine and humane Laws, and his Mandamus is a warrant good enough to execute his tyranny. 4. For the respect due to them he thrusteth them out of their place, and bestoweth upon them, but the Latter▪ meat of public prayers, and in other places preferreth Presbyters to them, and the occasional modesty or civility of Martin, giving the Cup to a Presbyter at the Table of Maximus the Emperor, shall be called the just valuation, & preferring of a Presbyter 
Sulp. Sever▪ de Vita. S. Martini. Bellarm. Apolog.  to the Emperor. This is the point of his tyrannous usurpation over Princes, which hath tossed Europe these six hundreth years, and craves a fuller handling by itself alone, which God-willing I shall perform. See afterward the L. G. of Princes and Popes.    

The Pourtrat of a perfect King.  
We may also raise of this Text a description of a good King and an happy Kingdom. A good King 
A perfect King.  God descrives in David, I have found me a man according to mine heart etc. And that was in respect of his Election to the Kingdom, which was in mercy, and had a preceding Election of Grace: In his Government, because 
Actor. 13.  he applied himself to God's heart in following his will: And in his Approbation, because God who choosed him in mercy, and guided him in his government, did accept his obedience, and set him up as a compleete pattern of good Kings, whose greatest commendation is to walk in the ways of David my servant.  
This is God's description of good Kings; but how 
Few good Kings.  few such have been in the world? There were none good before Christ but in the line of David: For after the division of the Tribes under Rehoboam, all the Kings of Israel were wicked idolaters; and of judah only two were exceeding good, Ezekiah, and josiah; six were praised in part, and reproved in part, as Asa, josaphat, joaz, Amasah, Vzzah, and jotham: And all the rest were idolaters as the Kings of Israel. The praise of good Kings is, that they know the Truth, and served God accordingly: They were zealous for his glory, destroying idolatry, and holding 
In Israel Reges alios magis alios minus omnes tamen reprobos legimus. Aug. Civit. 18. lib. 23.  it out of their Kingdoms; they maintained the worship of God according to his Truth, and gave neither toleration nor liberty of false Religions to their Subjects; but astricted them by Laws to worship him aright, & went before them in a royal example. They sought not themselves, but God's glory; and he recompensed them again by his blessing on their persons and government, and making their Names to flourish in benediction. But the idolatrous Kings were contrary; they forsook the true God themselves, and permitted a miscellany Religion to their people: Therefore his curse was on them, and their government: He wrote their Names in the dust, and made them vile to the posterity, as may be seen in Histories.  
here is a looking Glass for Christian Princes: Popish Kings though they be in the Church, yet they are like the Kings of Israel in idolatry, as jeroboam with the Calves 
His Pattern.  at Bethel: But Kings in reformed Churches are like the Kings of judah, who have God among them in the Ark of his testimony, and true Religion; and it is their safety, to follow David, Ezekiah and josiah in the maintenance and practice of true Religion. This is a better exemplar than the Cardinals: When for a fashion he hath set down the example of some good jewish and Christian 
Bellar de off ●rin● lib, 2 3▪  Princes, he subjoins the Legend of some canonised Kings, who got that honour when Ignorance and Idolatry prevailed in the Church, That looking to that Glass of the Pope's forging, he may steal the hearts of Princes from God to superstition. I would ask, if joseph, Moses David, etc. before Christ, and Theodosius, Tiberius the younger &c. were not as holy as Vences●aus, Leopoldus, and other canonised Kings. If they were, wherefore are these canonised and not the other?  
A good King setteth God before him as his end; and true 
His end.  happiness in his favour; he counteth his earthly Kingdom neither his e●d, nor a way to the right end, but seeketh the Kingdom of Heaven above the other, and that by the way of godliness and righteousness: It is a 
1. In godliness.  well grounded Throne that standeth on these two pillars: Godliness maketh men eternal; it is his Image that never dyeth, and maketh their persons and works acceptable to him; without it as no man can see him, so with it undoubtedly they shall enjoy him for ever. No jewel nor Dyamount shineth brighter in the Crowns of Kings than true godliness.  
Righteousness is another Pillar, the proper work of the Throne, and God's work in Kings who sit in it; for 
2. His righteousness. Prov. 21. 1.  the heart of the King is in the Lord's hand, and he sweyeth it whither he will: It is a just thing with GOD to maintain the Throne his own ordinance, when righteousness his will and work do both live in it, and issue from it: And what are good Kings on Thrones, but God in them judging the World? God standeth in the Congregation 
Psal. 8●. 1.  of the mighty, and he judgeth among Gods: He delighteth to rest where he reigneth and ruleth with delight.  
A righteous King sitting on his Throne is a more pleasant 
His Throne.  sight than solomon's, & that more for his invisible Attendants than for his visible. Before him standeth Affability, 
1 Kin 10. 18 19 Affability.  as a Porter, to give access to the plaints of the afflicted: Injuries chop the hearts of the oppressed, and they run to Princes for help: And they are set up in their greatness, not to neglect the oppressed, but to hear their complaints: It was a fault in the Kings of Persia not to admit any to their presence, but such as 
Ester. 1. 2.  were called upon; it made oppressors bold, and the oppression of the poor incurable: But it was commended in another King, who gave justice to an oppressed 
Philip of Macedon.  woman, who told him freely, That if he had not leisure to judge, he should not reign: And Traian was honoured with a Statue, because being on horse, and going to battle, he stayed till he did justice to an oppressed Widow. When affability as a Porter hath made way to the oppressed, then love of the people in the King's heart, as a Master 
Love of his people.  of requeasts taketh the complaint in hand, and call Wisdom and Prudence to counsel, they consult to do right according to the cause. 
His courage.   
Before his Throne stand Courage & Clemency: Courage to proceed according to justice; and Clemency to temper 
Clemency.  some times the strictness of justice: Clemency removeth Severity, lest it turn to Cruelty, and Courage removeth too great Indulgence, lest it breed in People a liberty to sin, and contempt of Princes: Clemency can 
Sicuti est aliquando misericordia pun●ens ita est crudelitas parcens. Aug. Epist. 54.  pardon small faults; but great sins and effronts of Authority would be punished; else it is not Clemency, but Cruelty. On either side of the Throne two Sergeants stand, Power and Diligence: Power, to execute the sentence pronounced, which careth as little the difficulties that may follow execution, as justice did the respect of persons: And Diligence doth all with such convenient speed, as the nature of the matter, and the honour of the Prince requireth: At the back of this Throne leaneth Peace and Prosperity, Peace among the whole Body while every one getteth his right, and is secured in it: And Prosperity, as God's blessing following that his own work, of a wife and righteous government.  
As a good King seeketh God's favour above all, so nixt 
He seeketh the love of his Subjects. Exod. 32. 32.  thereunto the love of his people: The heart is the Man, and among all affection's love caries the heart and captives man: Hatred and Fear are troubling passions, and separate the heart from their object; but love applies itself joy fully, and draweth the whole Man to that it loveth: The best conquest of their love is by goodness loves proper object; and there is no heart so hard as to hold itself from these in whom true goodness shineth: We may compel men to fear, but cannot move them to love us, but by sweet motives; the bond that cometh by compulsion is unpleasant to the parties; it is soon broken, and when it leaveth off, is turned in hatred, but the band of love is both pleasant and firm.  
fatherly love in a King to his people, and love in them to 
Mutual love betwixt them.  him again is a sweet relation, and maketh their mutual duties both easy and pleasant: Moses preferred the people to himself: Spare them, O Lord, but raze my name out of the Book of life: And David offered himself to be 
2 Sam. 24.  punished for the people, I have sinned but these sheep what have they done? Next to the love they send up to GOD, this descending love to their people, maketh them careful of their people's good. When he loveth his people he hath conqueshed their heart absolutely; for no affection either deserveth or findeth more recompense than love: Thereby he is Master of their bodies and goods, and Constantius justly boasted, that he had more money in his Treasures than Diocletian, because he had his people's favour.  
Princes are ofttimes uniustly hated, yet not loved except 
Tyrants tormented with fear.  they love their Subjects; but if they hate them, and be terrible, they are repaid in the same kind: Whosoever affrighteth many, is affrighted of many again; for so God by nature hath appointed, that what is great by fear of others, is full of fear itself: The Lion that affrighteth all Beasts, is affrighted at the crowing of a Cock, and cruel Beasts are amazed with cries and sounds in the Forest▪ so what ever terrifieth others, doth tremble itself. A tyrant's government rests not, and the fear he worketh on others, returneth on himself, and maketh him a Centre both of their hatred and fears; who are afraid of him: He is in a continual and dangerous, war, and neither sure before, nor behind, nor on either fide; neither hath he peace within, because he is ever afraid. 
Loving Princes dwell in people's hearts.   
But when Princes exerce their power in love, are easy for access, ready to hear the plaints of the poor, they are loved of all, defended, and honoured as God's Vice-gerents: All men will desire a long life to them, & bestow their own lives for their preservation. So he dwelleth in great safety, who dwelleth in the hearts of his Subjects: As many loving hatrs, so many open ears to hear, eyes to see, and hands to avoid his grief, and procure his good: The Bees defend their King, and count it their glory to die for him; so are loving and beloved Subjects to a loving and beloved King. He is as a Centre in his Kingdom, and all gifts and callings as a circle about him; he sendeth out a royal influence to every part of that large Circle which is augmented by his love: And that influence and love doth 
Regem suum Apes summa protectione defendunt &c Ambros hex. l b. 5. cap. 21.  civilic perfect the gifts of his Subjects: This is recompensed with the love and service of millions of the people, who the more cheerfully bestow themselves & their gifts for him, because of his love. It is pleasant to see this mutual respect betwixt such an Head and such a Body; but more joyful for themselves, to find it betwixt them. 
People's loyalde the guard of Prince's.   
His love and royal virtues procure both the goodwill of his people and Authority: The first is their strongest Affection, the other a great Opinion of their King's excellency, composed of reverence and fear of his offence: All these preserve both the Persons and Majesty of Kings; a●d bar contempt, which undermines the authority of Majesty and Empire's: Conspiracies are the most fearful convulsions of a Kingdom, and there is no better humane guard against them than the love of people; for Traitors seek this as a special ground, if their treason can be acceptable to Subjects: But where Princes are loved of their people, none dare conspire against them; because they will find as many severe Avengers, as loving Subjects.  
But we may take more briefly the description of a good King from S. Austin, after his long discourse of providence over Kingdoms. We do not count Christian 
Civit. lib. 5. cap. 24.  Emperors happy (saith he) because they did reign long, or left their Sons heirs of their Empire— For such common blessings some worshippers of idols have received, who pertain not to the Kingdom of God, to which these Christians appertain: And this was done of God's great mercy, lest the faithful should count th●se worldly dignities the chief good. But we call them happy, if they govern justly, if they be not puffed up, with flattering tongues and base attendants, but remember that they are men, if they make that power a servant to God, to enlarge his worship: If in their own persons, they fear, love, and worship God, and love that Kingdom of Heaven most wherein they will have no Competitors. If they revenge slowly, and pardon hastily— If Lechery and other lusts be so much the more restrained in them as they have the greater liberty: if they had rather rule their own lust than Nations: And if they do these things not for lo●e of vain glory, but the love of eternal happiness. If for their sins they offer to the true God a sacrifice of humility, piety, and prayer. Such Christian Kings we say are must happy.   

An happy Land.  
We may also raise hereof the description of an 
The happiness of a ●and.  happy Land; that happiness is not in the situation lying conveniently to the Sun, or to have rich Mines of gold and silver with all sort of rare fruits & commodities, etc. The best soils for the most part are inhabit by worse people: Turks and mahumetans dwell in that Land which God gave as a blessing to Israel; and Pagans have the choice parts of the world; to tell us that the happiness of people is not in the goodness of a soil, and that the godly have not their biding City on Earth: But that is 
Heb. 13. Psal. 80 Malach. 1  the happiness of a Kingdom where the Sun of righteousness shineth, and the Ours and Treasures of the grace of Christ are discovered, where Christ the desire of Nations, and the glory of Israel doth gather and rule his Church, where he setteth up his Throne in the hearts of their Rulers, and maketh them to authorise by Law, and profess and practise in their own person the true Religion: Where the people ladened with these mercies, know their time 
Luke 19  and the things that concern their Peace. The glory of Canaan was not for that it flowed with milk and honey, but for the Ark of God, that abode in it, and the glory of jerusalem was not in stately buildings, but because God 
Psal. 76. 1 Psal. 132  was known in it, and said, here will I dwell.  
This is the estate of every Kingdom where Christ ruleth by his Gospel. Behold, a King shall rule in righteousness and Princes shall rule in judgement: And what shall be the fruit? The work of righteousness shall be peace, and the effect 
Esay. 32. 1. 17 Deut. 11. 12  of righteousness quietness and assuredness for ever. And my people shall dwell in a peaceable habitation, and in sure dwellings, and in quiet resting places: The eyes of the Lord is on such a Land from the beginning of the year to the end. Happy 
Psal. 144 15  is that people that is in such a case, yea, happy is that people whose God is the Lord.   

The Conclusion.  
I Close with the two main uses of this Exercise, to wit 
We ought to praise God.  Praise & Prayer: Of Praise, to thank God, that he hath given to the King his heart's Desire and hath not withheld the request of his lips: That he hath prevented him with the 
Psal 21.  blessings of his goodness, and made him exceeding glad with the light of his Countenance. That he hath blessed these Kingdoms with a Prince, and apparent Heir to these Thrones. God hath verified on this I land that which Fables feigned of the happy or fortunate Isles; though we lie in a cold Climate far from the Line, yet for our spiritual condition we are under a better line. The Sun of Righteousness sendeth down his direct beams, and fullest influences on us: No land for many Ages hath had a more gracious, and benign aspect of God's favour, than this.  
God hath set over us a King that loveth the Truth, professeth it with us, and in the Exercise of it, is exemplar to 
Scotland's Happiness.  Subjects. Cast your Eyes beyond Sea, and consider what Kings rule over Christians there. The greatest of them strive with other, who shall be greatest Slaves to Antichrist; they affect their own destruction in pleasing him, by destroying their Subjects: There is nothing for God's people, under these three greatest Princes, but either the Imperial deformation rooting out the Truth, where it hath been; or the Spanish Inquisition, bearing it down, that it rise not; or the French Massacres, destroying both Professors and Profession: If the Saints under them were in our place, they would think themselves after a sort in Heaven, in a Goshen for light and security, and in jerusalem for vision and peace. They have drunken these ten or twelve years of the Cup of Wrath, and suffered all the losses of Wars: Their Men killed, their Women defiled, and Countries wasted: If God (as he might justly for our sins) would make us drink of that same Cup but one Month, after such a calamity, we would count mor● of our Happiness, under the shadow of so good a King than we do.  
Our Land hath not such rare Commodities as others, but yet the Tree of life groweth in our streets; and every shaking of it in the public worship of God, sendeth down such fruits, as all the Indies can not afford the like: 
Psal. 147. 19 20.  The knowledge of God in Christ; Remission of sins; Peace of Conscience, & other saving Graces, are better than all the Spicery of the World. God hath shown his Word to jaakob, his Statutes and his judgements to Israel: He hath not dealt so with every Nation: For this happiness, we are a matter of Wonder and astonishment to people beyond Sea, because of our great Peace, with abundance of all things for Soul and Body: and only miserable in this, that we neither know our Happiness, nor thank God for it, We are a part of these ends of the Forth, which the ●ather giveth 
Psal 2.  in possession to his Son: And we find not since the Apostles time a Land blessed with a more sound body of Doctrine, 
Bed Hist▪ Anglor.  than this, which God in mercy continue: We were as soon blessed with the Gospel as any Kingdom, and our numerous and learned Clergy, sent out some as Apostles, who turned to Christ some inner parts of this I land, and sundry Countries beyond Sea: And since our returning from the Babylonish Captivity, God hath set up amongst us in Reformation a more glorious Temple than the first.  
Happy is that Land, where the Sheep of Christ go out and 
Great Britain's happiness.  in, and none affrighteth them▪ Praise thy God O jerusalem, praise thy God O great Britain; He maketh peace in thy Borders, and filleth thee with the fat of wheat: Who 
Psal. 147 12 14.  will not desire to be said for the p●ace for the fatness and 
Bernard. Sermon. 33 Deut. 4 7. 8  satiety? Nothing is feared there, nothing is loathed, and nothing is lacking. Paradise is a sweet dwelling, the Word of God a sweet food, and Eternity is great riches. What Nation is there so great, who hath God so nigh unto them, as the Lord our God is in all things, that we call upon him 
Deut. 4. 7. 8  for? And what Nation is there so great, that hath Statutes and judgements so righteous, as all this Law which I set before you this day?  
For you my Lords of Nobility, Council, and State is 
Speech to the Nobility, etc.  matter of praise, because God hath given you a young Master, and augmented the matter of your joy▪ in strengthening that royal Line: and of your peace, in securing your States and Dignities, by the hope of that Succession.  
For you also my Lords of the College of justice, because 
To the College of justice.  God hath joyfully begun this Summer Session, and turned this day that beginneth the Term of justice, in a sacrum justitium, or holy Vacancy, from justice, and from the Bench, hath brought you to the Church to praise him, and to pray for the Spirit of justice to our King, and Prince: That as God hath given a new Conduit for the Influence of justice on this Land, you may partake there of, according to your Place, and prove thankful to God and to your Princes, in stablishing their Throne, by the Ministration of justice; and may be a blessing to this People, making them obedient to God, and their Princes, when they are comforted by your righteousness.  
For you also my beloved of this Parish, and others of 
To Edinburgh.  this City, God hath given that Matter of joy you have long desired. And at what time came the tidings of it? Even after you had refreshed us your Pastors, with your free offerings to the poor: You made us not ashamed of our boasting of your Charity, but satisfied abundantly fourfold the necessity that we commended to you: And while at night we were rejoicing in the Lord, for that fruit of your Faith, God gladened us with the good tidings of the birth of our Prince. It is ever seen, that when a People are zealous, and cheerful in good works to honour GOD, he meeteth them shortly with a greater blessing.  
And let all the People count of this blessing, as of a Child borne in every house of this Land, and praise God for this new matter of our daily Prayers: For sex years bygone our Prayers had a want, because we had not a young Prince to pray for: But now God hath filled up that want, in giving us a Prince, to pray for after his royal Parents.  
The second general Use, is to pray to God: and that for 
We ought to pray.  our King our Queen, our Prince, and ourselves: For our King, that the Spirit of the Lord may rest upon him, the Spirit of Wisdom and Understanding, the Spirit of Counsel and 
1. For the King.  Might, the Spirit of Knowledge, and of the fear of the Lord, that he may judge not after the sight of his Eyes, nor reprove after 
Esay 11. 2. 3  the hearing of his Ears; but may judge the poor with righteousness, and reprove withequitie, for the meek of the land: That he would bless him with Counselors about him, and judges with him, like jethroes' Elders: Men that 
Cantic. 8. 6  fear God, hate covetousness, and seek God's glory, and the well of King and Country. That he would set him as a Seal on his Arm, and on his heart. That he would multiplee Grace more and more on him, to verify the glorious Title of Defender of the Faith, in maintaining the 
Psal. 61. 6. 7 Psal. 132  Truth, and repressing Idolatry, That God would clothe his Enemies with shame, and on him make his Crown to flourish. That he would prolong the King's life, and his years for many generations, that he may abide before the Lord for ever: and continue the meek race of the Stewarts.  
To pray for our Queen, as the jews did for Pharaohs 
2 For the Queen. Psal. 45.  Daughter: That she may forget her People, and her Father's house; and that as God hath begun to make her a fruitful Mother in Israel, so he would increase that fruitfulness, and make her prove newborn in Israel: And with this bond of the fruit of her womb, that tieth her to the King, and this I land; to tie her heart also to the Truth professed amongst us.  
To pray for our Prince: That the matter of our joy in 
3 For the Prince.  him may be constant: That God with the increase of his Days, would increase his Gifts and Graces, and enable him for the Place he hath appointed him; that when his Father is full of good Days, he may succeed him in all these forenamed blessings, as well as in these Thrones That so there never fail a Man of that Line, to sit on the 
1 Sam 2. 12. 1 King. 2. 4 2 Chron. 6 16 Prover. 3. 1 Luke. 1.  Throne of these Kingdoms. That as Mankind is increased by his Birth, so the number of the Faithful may be increased by his new Birth, in the ●awer of Regeneration. And as God hath made him a Son of our Desires, so he would make him a Son of Delight to us and the Posterity, by growing in favour with God and Man.  
To pray for our Selves: That we may know the Time of 
4 For ourselves.  our Visitation, and the things that concern our Peace, and prove thankful to God for his great Mercies. We are like jerusalem in the Happiness of our Time, and as like her in not knowing of it: We are like that Fig Tree which was long spared; and if we be unfruitful, still we 
Esay. 5  are near to a curse: We are that Vineyard that was well dressed, but if we bring not our better fruits, we shall be destroyed. For all Estates of this Land, from the greatest to the smallest, do meet God's mercy with ingratitude and rebellion. God hath been passing through the reformed Churches these years by gone; with a fearful, yet a just visitation: We are as guilty as they, and yet God in a forebearing mercy is waiting if we will repent: If 
Rom. 2.  we turn not to him unfeignedly, let us resolve that the dregges of this Cup are reserved for us: only let us take heed, and keep our Soul diligently, lest we forget the things which our Eyes have seen, and lest they depart 
Deut. 4. 9  from our Hearts all the days of our life.  
But let us not think, that our present business in this 
True thanks giving is n●w obedience. Psal. 68  Church is sufficient, we must hereafter walk in a new obedience to God, who ladeth us daily with blessings. This is our best thanksgiving, and a most forcible Prayer, to obtain new blessings upon the blessings received; and with all, it is a Seal that God's Mercies are given us in Mercy. If our Thanksgiving be a constant walking worthy of God's blessings, than he will delight to dwell amongst us, and bless us more; than shall we still be a matter of joyful wondering to the World, and of comfort to ourselves, when the blessings of the Sceptre of Christ, and of the well sweyed Sceptres of our Princes are visible amongst us, in Religion, justice and Peace.  
The Lord who hath blessed us with this joyful Occasion, and brought us together in this house, to testify our joy before Man and Angels, put this Day amongst these white and joyful Days, that are marked with rare blessings, and make it a period and beginning of a joyful reckoning of years to come. The Lord make us constant in thankfulness, that his goodness may continue with us: That the end of all his blessings may be his Glory, in the Salvation of our Princes, and of ourselves, through jesus Christ our Lord. To this God, Father, Son, and holy Ghost, King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, be praise, honour, and glory, now, and for evermore, AMEN.    
FINIS.   

A LOOKING GLASS For PRINCES and POPES.  
OR A Vindication of the sacred Authority of PRINCES, from the Antichristian usurpation of the Popes.  
By the same Author M. William Struther.  August. Civit. lib. 4. cap. 7. Ipsi attendant speculum suum. Bernard Consid. Lib. 4. Ipsi sint speculum, ipsi forma. Idem Lib. 2. Admove speculum, faedus se in eo vultus agnoscat. 
EDINBURGH, Printeed by the Heirs of Andro Hart. 1632.   

The Preface of the Uindication.  
REligion is the sacred Bond between God and us: 
Papists are better seen by their practice than controvesies  And the certainty of the Truth professed maketh it stronger. In this litigious age, Contentions have almost buried the Truth: And the inconsiderate Reader of Controversies, shall neither find Papists in their divers and contradictory opinions, nor himself. The best resolution for that certainty, (next to Scripture) is not so much by the theoric of controversies, as the practice of Now-romes' pertinancie: Therefore it shall be a price worth our labour, to consider Rome as now it standeth, and the gradual shifts whereby she hath driven herself to it.  
Her present estate is a judicial hardness: In that most 
They are under a judicial and heretical pertinacy.  obstinate pertinacy, as Saint 
a Obstinatissima pervicacia Civit l. 2. cap. 1.  Austin calleth it, that maketh men defend error for truth, and pursue truth for error: And all their business in writing, disputing, etc. is that made presumption, (as Patianus 
b Praesumptionis insanae est Facian ad Sympron.  sayeth) whereby they seek only the victory in any cause: And like the old Pagans, they choose rather to obtrude their own errors impudently, than patiently to hear our Truth, as Cyprian said to Demetrian: Potius tua impudenter ingerere; quam nostra patienter audire. As Copernicus in Astronomy, and Paracelsus in Physic, loathing old Truth's laid their new Hypotheses, and threw all things by the hair to countenance them; so do they in their new broached heresies: And like Photinus (c) seek not to show a reason of their doctrine to their hearers; but draw things that are simply spoken to the colouring of their error, as Ruffinus 
Ruff. i● Symbol.  speaketh of him, Ut simpliciter ac sideliter dicta, ad argumentum sui dogmatis traheret.  
The first Ages delighted to comment Scripture: But 
They have wedded themselues to the Trent faith.  when Lombard gathered his sentences, their itching engines loathed Scripture, and commented Lombard: And when Thomas (the flower of the School) had diggested his sums, they were made the Text, for commenting, and reading in Schools: And the Canons of Trent are more holy than all; not to be commented, least Truth break out amongst their hands, but to be believed and adored as Oracles: So they stand now in the pertinacious defence of the Antichristian Faith, canonised in Trent.  
This is the present estate of the Romish Church, 
Their miserable shifts. 1 They shift Scripture.  whereunto she hath drawn herself, by seven necessary (but miserable) shift. First, at their great challenge by Luther, they began with Scripture: Though Caietan lurked in the bushes of school-divinity, and Prierias worbled in his Cases, yet Eccius 
a Hosius. Pighius. L●n●anus.  and others appealed to Scripture. But when they had assayed, they found it hurtful: I herefore they cast it away with contempt, calling it a nose of wax, a leaden sword, etc. like the old Heretics, who (as Irenie (b) sayeth) turned to the accusation of Scripture, when they were convinced by Scripture: Cum à Scripturis arguuntur, in accusationem earum convertuntur. 
Colloq. Ratis. 16●0.  Before the Colloque of Ratisbone, when the Protestant Divines intercommuned by letter with the jesuits, that they would agree on the places of arguments: The jesuits in their Preface declared that they would not stand to Scripture, lest (say they) we had lost our cause in the very entry. I his their distrust of Scripture is a real confessing that their faith is not scriptural.  
Secondly, they came to Traditions; and because we 
2 Traditions  stick to Scripture, they called us Scripturarij; to tell us, that 
a ● Prateo●▪ b●res  they are Lucifugae Scripturarum, as Tertullian calleth Heretics: And again, Credunt sine Scriptures, v● credant contra Scripturas 
b Tertul. Pr●scrip. . And yet they find no rest in Traditions: The indefinetnes of their number, the confusion of their kinds, Divine: Apostolic, Ecclesiastic, hath confounded them, who expressly laboured to distinguish 
(c) Lindan Azer.  them. But 
d Lactan. l. 5. cap. 20.  the first times reasoned not from their own asseveration, but by divine testimonies, as sayeth Lactantius, Non asseveratione propriâ, sed testimonijs Divinis, sicut nos facimus.  
Thirdly from Traditions of an uncertain Author, they come to Fathers, and with a froggish and lateran coaxation, 
3 Fathers.  do cry Patres, Patres. But Protestants have driven them from that retreat also; for though in the Fathers some liturgical ceremony may be found, yet in Dogmaticke points they are all for us: Neither can they make Lirinensis 
a Lyrinens commonitor.  triple trial, to fit their Tenets, that they were received ab omnibus, semper & ubique. Father's are worthy of respect, when they speak according to our Heavenly Father: They gave that respect to their Ancestors, and craved no more to themselves. Who ever shall read these things, let him not imitate me erring, but growing to the better: Non me imitetur errantem, 
(a) Proleg. retract.  sed in melias proficientem, sayeth Augustine, even of his retractations 
b Dur. fol. 140. . And they themselves condemn the Fathers, except they speak to their sense.  
Fourthly, from Fathers apart, they come to Fathers met together in Counsels: So Bellarmine every where 
4 Counsels.  thinketh it enough, In hoc conveniunt omnes Scholastici propter Conciliorum authoritatem. But when these Counsels are searched, they are but late Conventicles gathered for their purpose, as Dioscorus did at Ephesus▪ Irene at Niece The Lateran Counsels: of Florence, Constance, Basile. And lastly, their Trent Council by a preposterous order, giving authority to the former. They contemn ancient and lawful Counsels, as Vives remarketh, Reliqua 
Vives in August.  non pluris aestimant, quam conventus muliercularum in textrina vel thermis: These are Counsels to them (sayeth he) which serve their turn, as for other they count no more of them Conventions of Women, etc. 
5 Popes. testimony.   
Fifthly, they muster the Testimonies of their Popes, as the last and greatest ground of their Faith: A matter more ridiculous than serious, to judge a malefactor by his 
Pope's judge and party▪  own testimony: If they think them infallible, why give they them not the first place? They are neither as Primipili or Triarij, but rather Rorarij and Ferentarij amongst the Legions, more for number than for weight: But the wiser ●ort are ashamed to use these shadows in disputs.  
Sixtly: When they find no safety in all these refuges, 
6. Philosophy  they come to humane learning: And for this cause, the jesuits (seeing their Clergy ignorant) affected a Monarchy of Letters: As Jerome 
a Hieron in Esay 19  said of the Heretics, who called themselves Reges Philosophorum, Kings of the Philosophs. They are destitute of Scripture, and run to the supply of Nature & Arte. These old Heretics boasted of the furniture of humane learning: So Novatian 
b Venenata eloquenti●●acula contorquens. Cypr. Epist. 57  threw the darts of poisoned eloquence, and was more hard by the perverseness of secular Philosophy, etc. In like manner Aponius 
c Apo● in Cantic●.  descryveth them, that they turned the truth in a lie by sharp words and syllogisms. And Jerome (d) telleth, that the Htreticke, propter acumen ingenij discurrit per testimonia Scripturarum, and laboureth by Sophistry to oppress the Truth▪ And again, the good Christian, veritatis simplicitate contentus, Haereticorum suppellectilem argumentorumque divitias non requirit: He is 
Comment. in Amos. Ibid.  content with the simplicity of truth, & seeketh not the furniture of Heretics Papists confess a sympathising with Pagans.  
Humane learning is God's gift indeed, but should not 
Polid. invent▪ lib 5. 1. Lactan. 3. 1  be abused to impugn the Truth: And it is Gods will that naked and simple Truth be clearly proponed, because it is sufficiently decored of itself, sayeth Lactance: And to that same sense Jerome, Nolim Philosophorum argumenta sectari, sed simplicitate Apostolicae acquiescere 
a Hieron▪ ad Ctesiph . And Basile likewise, 
(b) Basil C●nc in Ma● Mar ●y●●  Nuda est veritas pa●rono non egens, ipsa seipsam defendens: Though with Nazianzen he profited wonderfully in Philosophy at Athens, yet he calleth it an hiding of the Truth, to trouse it up in humane farthing, ne contegamus veritatem verborum fuco. 
Their new Philosophy   
But they acknowledge their distrust of this refuge also: For Transubstantiation is so contrary to sound Philosophy, 
(a) Scot 4 distinct. 10.  that Scotus doubts against it, are neither solved by himself, nor any other, as Quantum futurum cum quanto: Quantum fine modo quantitativo: Partem extra partem; & tamen in qualibet parte totum: Therefore they have devised a bastard Philosophy, to colour their bastard Divinity: That there is a penetration of Dimensions; that one body of a numerical unity, may be in innumerable places at once: that many compleete bodies may be couched under 
Monsters in Philosophy  these same Speces; that they may be consumed, and yet abide; that in their consumption they neither feel, nor are felt of the consumer; that one body is continued, and discontinued in Heaven and Earth at once; that it hath a locality and illocalitie; that an Accident can subsist without a Subject; that a dimensive Quantity is a Subject of the Speces; that there is a mixed proposition, whereof one part is in the mouth, and another in the mind, etc. If Aristotle, and old Philosops were in the world, and heard these monstruous opinions in Philosophy, they would misknow their own Art.  
With these weapons they have long mustered, and 
Their disputs are many.  their Armies are led with two Goliaths, Baronius and Bellarmine; from whose first syllabs some have wittily found out BABEL: They have done what Nature and Sophistry can, to oppress the Truth, and colour heresy. Bellarmine dogmatickly in great volumes laboureth in the perpetual Elench of the authority of the Church. Baronius practickly in his Anachronismes, Suppressions, Inversions of Order, Anticipations, laboureth in the perpetual ●l●nch facti pro ●ure: And all of them fill the world with large volumes, 
Irene●.  ut stupefaciant ignaros literarum, as sayeth ●r●neus Suarez with his tedious Disputs hath gotten the reward 
Cens. Paris. Val. Analys.  of fire to his treasonable Book. Valentia thinketh his Analysis can not be loosed, and yet it is but a petition of the principle of the Church's pretended authority. Gretzer hath 
But now tastlesse and hurtful to themselves. Vasq de adorat. 409.  casten himself off the stage by his scalding Uasquez with his blasphemous worshipping of Satan is abhorred. Becane with his affected brittle subtleties is tastlesse; he delighteth in his lame and pithless dilemmes, and like a Con in a Cage moveth much, but promoveth nothing, etc. If a man shall cast over their Volumes, with Marshal he shall offend at Homer's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Nothing but trivial iuff●ing, a thousand times refuted by Protestants, and as oft reponed by Papists: Some new quirk of humane Invention, and some new form or lustre put upon old damned heresies and exsibilate Paradoxes.  
There Expurging Indices are Evidencies of their evil conscience in an evil cause: they distrust all, and add, delete, change in books what maketh against them: They destroy 
Expurging Indices a martyring of Books. Sixti Biblioth. praefat.  genuine books, as Bertrame calling it Oecolampadius forgery: And set out supposititious Treatises without number, and raze scriptural sentences out of the Indices of all Writers: Yet they stand not at these Purgations: Sixtus did it with more judgement. Possevine with more diligence, and yet they are not content with them: The purging of Douai and Spain, are not enough, but the Vatican must be added: And when Angelus Rocha hath revised all, joannes Maria must purge out more: But Bellarmine 
a Thuan continuat.  lately urged a further purgation of Books against the jesuits. Their new faith is so ambulatory, that 
No end of their purging.  it knoweth not where to consist. They are convicted by the testimonies of their own writers, and therefore reject them, as Tertullian 
b Tertul, de Test▪ A●●▪ cap 1.  said of the Pagans. But let them purge Books as they will, their faith is damned▪ and stobbed by so many testimonies, as they in revenge do pierce with the Pope's obeliske. It were good service to God and his Church, to gather in one all these sentences which they have purged. And a work worthy of the Church of England, who is most able for it. How ever they deal with Authors, we say as S. Austin did to 
August. Epist. 156.  Donatists, Constantinus quidem defunctus est, sed eius Testimonium contra vos vivit. These men are dead, yet their Testimony is quick against you.  
Men would think, that with all this furniture they 
They shift disputs.  would be bold to dispute; But they are come now to shift disputs. So Salmeron 
a Salmeron. Tom. 8 Tractat. 1.  condemneth disputing with Protestants: So Becan 
b Manual. l. 5. cap. 12.  and Scioppius in the foundations of peace. 
c Sciop. pag. 122.  jansenius 
d Alexipharm. 12.  giveth us a flourish out of Tertullian, We need not to be curious after Christ, nor to inquire after the Gospel. And Baronius 
e Martyrol. praefat.  before him abusing Ambrose, That we need not accuse the Apostolic faith of novelty. But this we crave, is not a curious enquiring after Christ, but a trial of their faith, if it be that Faith that Christ delivered to his Apostles. They confess really, that it is not that same faith, while they eschew the try all of Scripture.  
This their shifting of Disputs is contrary to the ancients 
Contrare to their former practice.  practice, as may be seen in Athanasius against the Arrians: Cyrillus against the Nestorians: Augustine against the Pelagians and Donatistis. etc. And most against their own Practice; for first when the jesuits arose, they made disputs their sacrum Asylum, or sacram Anchoram, and for this cause glutted themselves with humane learning: But now in end they find their furniture as stubble before the fire: For one place of Scripture rightly urged against them, burneth up all their baggage. This shift cometh first of experienced weakness in disputes, and next, of a confidence in bloody massacring: So Austin noted these two: The first in the Donatists (e) Sed quia bonam 
(a) August. praefat. ad Brevic. collat.  causam etc. Because they knew they had not a good cause, they first did what they could, that there should be no Dispute, and that their cause should not be handled all. The confidence 
(b) Contra Faust. l 14. cap. 12.  in other means he noteth in the Manicheans (g) Non enim disputare amant, for they love not to dispute, but pertinatioustie to overcome any ways. In like manner Mahomet 
c Salmer ubi supra.  discharged all disputing in his Religion: And the Iconolaters (the Papists fathers) refused to dispute with Orthodoxes. But if they be forced to dispute, they fill all with clamours as Cyprian 
d Clamosis vocibus personantes  noteth of the Pagans, and boast of victory, though they be overcome, as Pascentius and Maximus, two Arrian Bishops did boast, that they overcame Augustine 
e Possid. Vita August. c. 17.  in disputs. Yet they like some sort of disputs, such as they had with john Hus, and Jerome of Prage, whom they burned at Constance, and the like lately with Padre Fulgentio, and Abbas Silvius at Rome, though inconstant Spalleto could not be wise by their example. This they have learned of the Arrians. For when King Hunnericus called a dispute at Carthage, he began it with burning an Orthodox Bishop, 
f Cent. Luc. 5. col 30.   
Lactance 
a Neque congredi audeut, quia sciunt se facile superari▪ Lactant l. 5. c. 1.  shall close this point, and lead me to their last refuge. Novi hominum pertinaciam, I know the men's pertinacy— They fear lest they be convicted and forced to yield, vn to us: Therefore they close their eyes, lest they should see the light we offer to them: Wherein they show the diffidence of their damned reason, while they will neither understand, neither dare dispute, because they know they will be easily overcome.  
Their seventh and last refuge is cruelty: The Ignatian 
7 Refuge is cruelty.  fiery temper of the jesuits: This Lactance (a) noteth Disceptatione sublatâ pelliturè medio sapientia, vigeriturres: They lay aside all reasonable dealing, and take them to violence. And that because sententiam quam defendere nequeunt, 
[c] Omnia in gladium resolvis. Cusan. Cribrat. Alcor 3. 8.  mutare erub●scunt, 
b August. civet. l 3. c. 18  they think shame to change that opinion which they cannot defend. This they have o● Mahumet, and Cusane objecteth, that the sword was his greatest argument wherein he resolved all (d) And Baronius Macta and Manduca, kill and eat. So Paul the fifth at his death recommended the inquisition to the Cardinals, quo uno niti affirmabat Apostolicae sedis authoritatem 
e Onuph. Vit. Paul. 4.  (a bloody pillar of a bloody Kingdom,) and not content to kill us by Inquisitions, they draw on Princes to be their Burrioes': This is the fruit of their fornication with the whore, in giving their power to the beast against the Lamb. France serveth them at turns, but when she openeth her eyes to see the Butcheries of her own to be the vantage of Spain, she relenteth, till a new deceit set her on again: And yet because the truth shineth greatly in her, they incline more to the Bigotisme of Austria, and the wilfulness of Spain, as bloody in zeal, as pertinatious in error. Their rising (at the least in the Ambition of a fifth Monarchy) is a fit support for staggering Rome. The pertinacy of Heresy and fury of blind zeal, can have no other arguments of defence, but Ureseca, burn and cut, as an absurd man wanting reason, turneth to passion and fury.  
This proves the Pope to be his firstborn, who was a liar and murderer from the beginning. The credulity of 
The Pope a liar & murderer john 8. 44.  his pretended Omniscience; hath long misled the world: Now when they see, and would refuse his lies, he useth the cruelty of his pretended Omnipotence, to destroy them. He is now Abaddon, the author of bloodshed in Europe for many ages.  
Thus we have traced them in their degrees to their present height, in the height of their Apostafie and cruelty, 
See the Treatise Chap. 30. 31  they seek the quenching of the light and destruction of the Church that caries it: But in vain; For their malice shall stay them, and their mischief shall fall on their own head: Their Apostafie killeth themselves; for every error craveth another error to confirm it: And every invention of a new error, worketh in the inventor a new impression of falsehood, and a further degree of departing from the truth. Aristotle most properly calleth the parts of time 
Arist. Phis. lib. 4.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apostasies or distances from the present instant. So they with time depart more & more from God, & the primitive truth. This is the proper notion of their Apostasy.  
But though they both desert and impugn the truth they 
They shall never destroy the truth, or the Church. Hilar. Psa. 63  shall never destroy it, for (saith Hilary) Quid ad Deum humana perversitas? For what is humane perverseness to God? And going on, What can the engine do against the Author of it? Albeit they seek the ruin of the truth omnibus argumentationis quaestunculis, yet their falsehood shall fail by the clearness of the truth. And thereafter: Let them search the secrets of Nature— yet in the intention of their work, they shall fail being refuted by spiritual Doctrines. And Cyprian giveth like reason on the passive part, that a false and deceived 
Deficient, doctrines spiritu● albius refutati. Ibid.  mind is confounded by sincere truth. And Hilary in another part, The force of the truth is great, and is daily the stronger the more it is assaulted. For this is proper to the 
Cypr. de ietum.  Church, that it overcommeth when it is hurt. Hoc enim Ecclesiae proprium est, ut tum vincat, cum laeditur. And we 
Hilar. Trin. L. 7.  say to them as Theophilus did to the Appollinarists: Tendant quantumlibet syllogismorum suorum retia, & sophismatù decipulas: Let them bend as much as they will, the nets of their 
Theoph. Epist Paschal. 1.  Syllogisms, and grines of their Sophisms, they but ensnare themselves. And we advise them with him in that same place. Tandem desinant dialecticae artis strophis, simplicia Eccliasticae fidei decreta evertere. That they would at least desist to pervert the simplicity of faith by their Sophistry.  
Satan knows their approaching destruction, and lest 
Satan blind●th them to their destruction.  the thoughts of it cast them in the dumps▪ either to repent, or relent, he hardeneth them against it by 4. special means. The first is by delaying to the last day, as Vega 
a In Apoc. 14. 17 18.  Ribera, Suarez. Next by a simple denying as Malvenda 
b de Antic. Lib. 4. c. 5.  who reproveth the former for their opinion. thirdly, by an odd conceit of Alcaser 
c In Apoc. 18 19  the jesuit, turning their destruction in her conversion to Christ, & that she is Christ's Bride to be espoused to him at the last day. fourthly, by a fleshly policy, which was suggested by Cardinal Soderinus 
d Histor. Con. Trid. lib. 1.  to Hadrian the sixth. They resolute to hold all fast as it stands, both in heresy and tyranny, and to wait upon the end. So they are gone on in duritiem cordis, as Bernard 
e Bernard. con. lib. 1.  speaketh, and whereas the dolour of their felt decay should bring out sanitatem, as he calleth it, yet it bringeth out nothing but insensibilitatem a senselessness: For (as Aponius 
f Can. l. 4. Theophil. ubi▪ supra.  sayeth) Victi & convicti ad salutem non redeunt: And as was said of, old Apollinarists, they will not amend after many admonitions but contemn the medicens of Scripture, and dow not open their eyes to the clear light, This is like their proxima dispositio ad ruinam.  
If any do ask: How can they abide in darkness in 
They are as blind as their idols?  the abundance of so great a light: Let him know they are not taught of God, but of men: They have wedded them to their prejudices, and hold the Tenets of their erring Church as divine Conclusions: God hath given them over to a reprobat mind, because willfully they will wink, and not receive the love of the truth. All religious adoration con● formeth the worshipper to that he worshippeth. They have 
Psal. 115.  gotten the fruit of their idolatry in conformity to their idols. They have eyes and see not, etc. Even so are all that worship them.  
They have purposely multiplied controversies, to make 
Bloody Rome shall perish in blood.  simple wits stand gazing at them as the people did at Amazaes' corpse: But wiser spirits petunt rei iugulum, they go through their questions to their policy: They see falsehood in their tenets; silly evasions in their answers: And Crambe repetita in their proponing. Under all these is a fleshly policy, 
Revel 17. 6. Revel. 18. 4.  which their deep Politickes hide from their controversers: They set them ever to work to dispute and write etc. And in the mean time laugh in their bosom to see them so earnest in that which they know is but a cozening of the world: They have turned Religion in a policy, and themselves in Politickes: Old Heretics strove only for opinions, but they have a worldly state to defend. They hate the true Religion as darkness doth light, and are irreligious in their own superstition: They use it not as a Religion but as a worldly state, wherein (if they can be secured) they care not what Religion prevail. To take up their present state otherwise, is to be blind with them.  
These are their gradual shifts which an evil cause 
Their Apostasy.  and consceince finding want of reason, and wanting will of repentance hath driven them to; They are drunk with the blood of the Saints, and thirst more till God destroy them. He hath some Elect lurking among them whom he calleth: Come out of her my people: And in due time they will obey. As for others, let them alone, they 
Revel. 18. 4 Matth. 15. 13  are blind guides of the blind: And every plant that my Father hath not planted, shall be plucked up. Antichrist is planted by Satan in the efficacy of delusion, and God will pluck him up in his final destruction. AMEN.  
FINIS.   

The Table of the Vindication.  

THe preface of the State of Now-Rome and her seven miserable shift. 1, Scripture. 2. Traditions, 3. Fathers. 4. Counsels. 5. Popes 6. Philosophy. 7. Cruelty. 1. 2  
Ch. 1. Of her five periodical estates. Pura. Ambitiosa. Insidiosa, seditiosa, Pernitiosa.  
Ch. 2. The first part of this Treatise: Usurpation itself. 1. The matter of it. 1. At King's entry. 4.  
Ch. 3. 2. In their administration. 1. In vile styles. 9  
Ch. 4. 2. In Base offices: Of kissing the Pope's feet. 10  
Ch. 5. 3. In their Laws. 14  
Ch. 6 4. In their censures: and excommunications, depositions, etc. 17.  
Ch. 7. This Usurpation is the head Article of their Faith: 22.  
Ch. 8. Their end is a Monarchy. 25  
The second part of the Treatise. The novelty of Usurpation. Ch. 9 1. The Negative proof of it, not of Christ. 29. 

Nor the Apostles, nor Fathers, nor first Popes etc. 30.    
Ch. 10. Their exceptions against primitive obedience. 34  
Ch. 11. 2. The Positive proof of Novelty. Hildebrands' contention 39 

Usurpation is Hildebrandine doctrine. 46    
Ch. 12. Eight causes of this Usurpation. 48 

Pope's holiness, is profaneness: 51,    
Ch. 13. The third part. Of their colours and defences. 59 

Professions for that end. 1. Schoolmen. 2. Canonists. 61.  
3. Casuists. 4. Orders. 5. jesuits. 6. N●reans. 65    
Ch. 14. 2. Their Recrimination. 66.  
Ch. 15. 3. Their Tergiversations, and Schifting. 72  
Ch. 16. 4. Their Ludification of Kings. 1. Of pretended lo●o. 78.  
Ch. 17. 2. Of feigned Limitations. 80.  
Changed 18. 3. Of futill Distinctions. 90:  
Ch. 19 5. Of glorious Titles given to Kings. 91.  
Ch. 20. 5. Of canonising of Kings.  
The fourth part. Of their madness▪ in Usurpation. Changed 21. 1. Their ignorance of the powers. civil and Ecclesiastic. 94.  
Ch. 22. 2. The fruits of their madness. 1. irritation. 106  
Ch. 23 2. Exact inquiry of the matter. 109  
Ch. 24. 3. Discovery of Antichrist. 111. 

Wrong supputation bred their fancy of Antichrist. 112.  
The Empire is removed 113.  
Antichrist is come: And the Pope is he. 122.    
Ch. 24. 4. Of their destruction. Begun. Perfected. 124 

Their oppression of Protestants doth hasten it. 129.    
Ch. 26. Now-Rome is incurable. 131.  
Ch. 27. Of their treacherous practices. First in France. 136.  
Ch. 28. 2. Their attempts in Venice. 142.  
Ch. 29. 3. In great Britain. 148.  
Changed 30 The troubles of Europe are of the Pope. 152. 

He intendeth the rooting out of Protestants.  
Their policy. 154.  
Perjury. 156.  
Oppression. 158.  
Their matchless cruelty at Magdeburge. 159.  
They urged a godless form of abjuration. 160.  
Their fleshly confidence. 160.  
Their prophecy of our imminent ruin. 162.  
But let them take heed to themselves. 163.    
Ch. 31. That Now-Rome will not reconceale. 164. 

They mind not common Peace 171.  
But our destruction. 170.  
No reconciliation A tolerable condescending. 171.    
Conclusion. A conclusion exhortatory to Princes. 172. 

The Pope's Dittay and doom of God. 173.  
It is faceable to Princes. 177.  
Begun in part. And shall be perfected in God's time. 177.      

Faults escaped of the Vindication.  
Pag. Lin. Fault. Read 33 24 old of old 32 32 and Deal 41 21 great great part 47 34 Proscription Prescription 62 22 must be may be 80 27 a penalty appealing to 96 18 her not her parents 261 28 but Dele Ibid. 31 bids but bids   

A LOOKING GLASS for Princes and Popes: OR A vindication of the Sacred Authority of Princes from the Pope's Antichristian Usurpation.  


CHAP. I. In What respect this Usurpation agreeth to Rome.  
THE challenge which I made in my Sermon of the Pope's Usurpation over Princes, craveth a 
Pag. 98.  more full and press deduction, than a Sermon could suffer; which now in this subsidiary discourse (by God's grace) I intent to perform.  
And first, we shall consider on What Age or respect 
Onus Ecclesia Episcop. Chemensit 1. Ecclesia pu▪ ra.  of the Roman Church, we fasten this Usurpation; and then the Usurpation itself. For the first the Church of Rome cometh in five several periods though some have casten it in seven.  
In the first three hundreth years she was Ecclesia pu● 
1. Ecclesia pu● ra. Ante Concilium Nicenum exiguu● aut ●ullus respectus habebatur ad Eccl Rom. 2 Ecclesia am bitiosa.  ra, a pure Church; professing the Truth purely, and the most part of her Bishops sealed it with their blood in Martyrdom: At what time little or no regard was had of her, as their own Aeneas Silvius confesseth.  
In the next three hundreth years finding rest from persecution, she became Ecclesia ambitiosa, an ambitious Church, tickled with pride, and desire of Usurpation.  
Then Leo the first roared, and stretched out his skirts; and Innocent and his followers encroached on the African Fathers; but when she found herself respected 
Concil. Chal. Act. 16.  for the privilege of the City, the Mother and Seat of the Empire, the number of her learned Clergy, and multitude of Martyrs; she began to usurp upon other Churches: Then she thrust her hand in every business, and turned all meddling to her gain: The brotherly correspondence of other Bishops by Letters, was turned in arguments of Supremacy and jurisdiction: The imploring of help against Heretics, in formal Appellations; Her advice given to them was counted absolute commands; and her arbitrary decisions of questions submitted freely to her, were called Decreets of an ordinar judge. Baronius Anachronismes gave a lustre to these forgeries in the eyes of the ignorant; for every where in the first Ages, he recordeth things as then done, which the Church knew not for seven or eight Ages. Cyprian cleareth this for his time, writing to Cornelius, That thy brotherhood may be informed. This 
Vt fraternitas tu● instruatur. Cypr. Epist 42. Cor nelio. 3. Eclesia insidiosa. Concil. African. 4.  dasheth their tyranny, for fraternity excludeth Supremacy, and Instruction destroys their pretended jurisdiction.  
In the third period she was Ecclesia insidiosa, lying in wait to effect that supremacy, which before she affected; for though she got a great effront of the African Fathers, yet (in a Roman pertinacious humour) she urged the purpose, till she got the name of universal Bishop: And rather than they want it, Boniface the third will take it of Phocas a Parricide: They saw the Empire weakened by the incursion of Barbarians and Factions within, and stirred their time for their purpose. 
4. Eclesia seditiosa.   
In the fourth hundreth years, she was Ecclesia seditiosa, a seditious Church; for having trodden down the Church, there remained nothing for her Conquest but the Empire. And Satan involving all in the darkness of ignorance and Superstition, fitted the minds of princes and people to be abused: Then Hildebrand broke the Majesty of the Empire in Henry the fourth, and succeeding Emperors, which to this day it could never recover. 
5. Ecclesia perniciosa.   
In the fifth three hundreth years she is Ecclesia perniciosa, a pernicious Church: She will neither reform herself, nor suffer Reformation of her Heresies and wickedness: In which respect she is become the habitation of 
Revel. 18. 2. 4  devils, and the hold of every unclean spirit, and God calleth us to forsake her, Come out of her my people.  
In respect then of her sedition and pernitiousnesse, she used this Usurpation, and beareth the name to be called 
2. Thess. ●  Popish: Popery (in its proper Nation) is a pest in the Catholic Church, and a plague of God sent on them who would not receive the truth to be saved thereby: And therefore God gave them over to this strong delusion: It is not the 
Cypriano gloriossimo Papae Clerus Romanus Cypr. Epist. 26. Gregor. 7. Romae Synodum habuit etc. Baron. Martyrol. lanuar. 16.  Catholic Church but a Faction in the Church: Neither is it a Religion, but a Schism and an Heresy. taking the name from the Popes, the head and the heart, of that heretical and schismatical Faction. They grant themselves, that the Name Papa was first common to any reverend Clergy Man, thereafter it became peculiar to Bishops as may ●e● seen in the writs of Cyprian, Jerome, Augustine, etc. But in the end Gregory the seventh held a Synod at Rome, and statute ut nomen Papae, that the name of the Pope should be the only name of the Christian world: And that 
Gregor. 7. di ctat. 11. Vestan. d● osc. Ped. Pont. c. 17 Azor. part. 2 col. 94●. Bellar. Tom. 1. prafat. Lorin. in Act. Apost. Baron. Mar tyrol. Octob. 16 Christianosque appellari, & censeri loco summa dignitatis esse puta bamu●. Nazian. M●nod. Chr. Homil. 33 in. Acta. Francisc. B●zius de Monarch. p. 1. Continuat. Th●an.  no man should take it to himself, or give it to other, but hold it proper to the Bishope of Rome. And though Bellarmine be offended that we call them by the name Papists: yet others are not ashamed of that name, but glory in it as Lorinus: We are neither afraid nor ashamed to be called Papists: And Baronius more fully: The Heretics can not honour us with a greater Title of glory than when they call us Romans and Papists— Let these be our praises while we live, and after death our Titles upon our g●aues that we are called Romans and Papists: But Nazianzen saith of himself & Basile, that they counted it their greatest honour to be called Christians: And Chrysostome sayeth that Heretics taken their name from the Haeresiarch. This Name also distinguish●th them among themselves: For a Papist properly is he who beside the superstition of Rome, burneth in a blind zeal to maintain the Pope's authority: And moderate men who are not zealous, are called by them profane and impious Politickes: And in the time of the League: France was cast in three factions: The one was Hugonotes, or Protestants, the other Catholics, & the third were Politics, who were neither Protestants nor Catholics, but moderate Papists, and good Patriots: But as P●cianus said to the Novatians: I accuse not the name in you, but the Sect; so we accuse not so 
Pacian. Epist. 1.  much the name of Papists, as their factious disposition and proceeding. This usurpation then being the work and character of Rome, as they are papalized, let us consider the Usurpation itself.   

CHAP. II. Of the matter of this Usurpation, And first at the entire of Princes.  
IN the Usurpation itself, four things are to be considered: First, the matter wherein it standeth: Next, the Novelty of it: thirdly, their Defences: And lastlie, their folly and madness in their whole course and Fruits.  
For the Matter of this Usurpation, it goes in two; at the Entry of Princes, and in their Administration: At their Entry, they claim an absolutehand over them, as though Kingdoms were their gift, and that because of their Election, Unction, Coronation, and Oath.  
Their Election they claim absolutely: Though it go now by Electors, yet they will have all depending on them, so john. 8. in the Election of Carolus Calvus; we have elected 
Baron. An. 876. n. 6 Ibid. n. 9 Arbitrio papae imperium est collatum. Cregor. 7. lib. 2. Epist. 13. Facultas eligends Imperatorem, etc. Aphoris. Car. 19  justly and approven, etc. And their Analist letteth in great Letters, elegimus merito & approbavimus, and he putteth his gloss to it, that the Empire is given at the arbitrament of the Pope, and Gregory the seventh more clearly: Thou must acknowledge that thou hast the Sceptre of the Kingdom by the benefit of the Apostolic and not of the Kingly Majesty: And lest it be ascryved to the Electors, the Cardinals of the Consistory have lately published, that the Electors power to choose the Emperor, flows from the authority of the Apostolic Sea. And more clearly: It is of undoubted right, that it appertains to the Pope alone, and not to the College of Electors, to cognosce and decern of the affairs of the Empire. When the Authority of Gregory presseth them to the contrair who saith, That power over all men was given to Maurice the Emperor, and that the Priests were committed to him: They gave us strange glosses: That Imperatori potestas caelitus data est, H. E. à Deo sed per Ecclesiam & Romanum Pontificem, that is from God by the Church and the Pope of Rome who confirmeth, 
Azor. part. 2 lib. 10. cap. 6 in fine. Ideo Imperator à Pontis●ce Diademate decoratur. Aphorism. 16. ●  anointeth, consecrateth, and crowneth him. By this gloss the Emperor holdeth his Crown of the Priests committed to him.  
Their next claim is from the Unction and Coronation of Princes. But that Ceremony (a) conferreth not Authority upon the person, crowned and anointed, but declareth him to be set a part for the office, and is rather a Ministry, than an absolute Superiority. Unction is not essential to Kings, neither was it from the beginning, for justine 2. is called the first anointed Greek Emperor, and Pipine in France, and Edgarus in Scotland; and yet many good Princes were in these Thrones before them; without that Ceremony. And the Empire rightly enacted it to be laes-Majestie: If any Man thought that a chosen Emperor was not an Emperor before his Coronation, Albericus apud Martam de lurisdict. 1. 17. Num. 30. They see that the Patriarches of Constantinople have crowned Emperors as well as the 
Romani P●ntifices in cor●nandis Imperator. etc. Constantinop. Baron. An. 87 9 n. 9  Pope, and therefore lest the Pope lose his privilege, they make the Patriarches Coronation to be only a naked Ceremony, but the Popes to be Operative and confer authority, we have no ground of this distinction, but their naked assertion. But Bellarmine speaketh more truly, when he is correcting the fervour of his Dispute. Though Samuel anointed Saul at the Commandment of 
Bellar. recog. pag. 59  GOD, yet that anointing was rather a predication, than a tradition of the royal power. And again, samuel's anointing of David, was a designation and predication, but not 
Cerem. lib. 1 sect 5. Pontificial. Rome fol, 55 Francisc. Leo Thesaur. for, Eccles. cap 1 n. 22. It. cap. 25. n. 13.  a conferring of royal Authority. Sure I am, they can not ascrive more to the Pope's anointing of an Emperor, than to samuel's anointing of Saul and David, at God's express Command. But if their Coronation & Unction give authority to Princes, it is treason on their part to trodden under foot these sacred Heads, which they have crowned and anointed.  
Thirdly they claim it, by the Oath of Princes, taken at their Coronation; which is not of obedience to God, but of Fealty and Obedience to the Pope So saith 
b Marta jurisc. part. 1 c. 18. n. 12▪ & n. 18.  Marta that it is manifest the Emperor is feudatary to the Church, by the oath of fealty, which is a sort of servitude to the Pope 
c Imperatoris juramento fidelitat. &c Vastan. de os●u. ped. p. 93. . And Vestanus testifieth, that Princes are astricted by their oath of fidelity and obedience, whereby they may be compelled to obey the Apostolic Sea: And more fully he showeth both the ground, and the end of this Oath. When Religion decayed, and Men inclined to impiety, it became the Pope 
d Decuit Ro manum Pen tif●●em juramento fidel & obed. sibi Re ges obstringe re— ut il lorum arrogantiam & teme ritatem inhi beret Ibid. pag 97. Proverb. 8 Ceremonial.  by the Oath of Fidelity, and obedience to bind Kings unto him, both that he might see for himself, and that he might bridle their pride and rashness. For this end they blasphemously apply to the Pope these words that are proper to Christ, per quem Reges regnant. So in effect Princes are but the Pope's Vassals, to reign precario, and no longer than he pleaseth, or rather as they please him. This Barclaius objecteth, and Bellarmine would mitigate it, but their practice sayeth the contrary: And Suarez 
e Suarez de fens. lib 3 c. 22. num. 9 Vicarius Christi habet domi nium in Vassalum suum. Baron An▪ 701 num. 16. 17 Et An 1097 n. 18 1●. &c  telleth, that the Vicar of Christ hath Dominion over his Vassal; And Baronius affirmeth, that the King of Spain is the Pope's feudatory for the Kingdom of Spain, and his Vassal for the Kingdom of Naples, whereupon he maketh his long digression of the Monarchy of Sicily, to prove this Superiority. But Innocent 4. speaketh like a Pope, Dost thou not know, that the King of England is our Vassal, yea our Servant? This exacting of the Emperor's Oath was far from Sergius the second, who swore obedience to the Emperor Lotharius: But of the Nature of this Oath, we shall speak hereafter in the Conclusion God willing. In the mean time it is remarkable, that the Maintainers of Equivocation, and loser's of the Obligen enter of an Oath, do here urge the force of an Oath, when it maketh for their vantage.  
They boast also of the Translation of the Emp●re, 
a Bellar de transl. Imperij  as an unanswerable argument, to prove their Superiority: But the Pope had no other part therein, but a consent as a special member of the Republic of Rome: For if he had a full power, he needed not Charles, nor Pipine, to help him against the Longobards: None can better clear this 
Dresser. de translat. Imp.  than Frederick in the same Contest with Pope Hadrian, Thou sayest, that I came at thy calling: I grant I was called; but give the reason wherefore thou callest me, thou was oppressed by the Enemies, and couldst not help thyself by thine own 
(b) Implorationem potius quam vocationem hanc di● xerim. Otto▪ Frisin digest. Frederic. lib. 2  power, or the greeks cowardice: Therefore the power of the Francs was sought. This was rather an imploring of my help than an calling.  
But Leo crosseth their late claims, and granteth that Martian 
a Martianun Imper. à Deo electum esse. Bellar. Rome Pont. Lib. 5. cap. 3. Potestas— Dominorum meorum pietati coelitus data est. Ibid. Casaub. de libert. Ecclesiast. Cusan de concord. Catholic. lib 3. c. 1. 23. etc. Bell. Recog. pap. 52. Nomen Imperatoris potest & forte debet deleri.  the Emperor was elected of God; and Gregory to Maurice, That power over all men was given from above to the piety of his Lord. Princes also notwithstanding of his Usurpation in the beginning of their edicts call themselves. N. By the Grace of God, King of such a Kingdom. and not by the gift of the Pope, as Casaubone observeth: And Cusan hath so fully refuted that Claim in this errand, as no man needeth to add any thing. Bellarmine objecteth to him, that he erred for want of Books to inform him: But Cusan might more justly reply, that if Bellarmine had either eyes to read, or conscience to judge, according as Books informed him, he had not perverted the Truth as he did. The point of Election vexeth Bellarmine; therefore he telleth us, that in their Canons, Hadrianus, and in Synodo, The Name Emperor ●may, and perchance should be delete. Thus they may elide the Truth of all Histories: Such doubting and staggering shifts became not an old Cardinal, and Contraversar in the head Article of his Faith.  
It is clear then, that their Election is but pretended, their Coronation and Unction are but ceremonies officiously obtruded on Princes, to snare them in a base Subjection. The pretended Oath doth more oblige Kings to correct the Pope's enormities, than to maintain his Tyranny. And their alleged translating of the Empire, is a crafty ingyring themselves on the prevailing side. And so none of these Claims give them authority over Princes.   

CHAP. III. Of their Usurpation over Princes in their Administration: And first of their disdainful Speeches.  
THis much for their Usurpation over Princes at their entry: Followeth their Usurping in their administration, which may be seen in four, In disdainful speeches: Abuse of their persons in base offices: Usurping over their Laws in a directive Power; And censuring them by a coactive power. Disdainful Speeches are the first fruits of their pride, & contempt of Princes: So they call them Dogs or Curs to the Pope the great Shepherd: If these Dogs (sayeth Becane) be 
a Becan. controvers. Anglic quaest. 3. ●. 14 15.  watchful and trusty, they must be ready at the Shepherds hand. This is no other than what the Pope did to Franciscus Dandalus the Venetian, when he made him like a Dog eat crumbs under his table at Lions. And Scioppius 
b Schiop Ecclesiast. cap. 147. Ecclesia est mandra, etc.— Carolus Magnus haud paule mai●r aut sapientior Asinus fuit. Barron. ann. 1073 n. 7 Idem. 1076. n. 8. Baron 1112 n. 17. Platina, Vit. Gregor. 7.  compareth them to Asses, carrying burdens at the Pope's will, and calleth Charles the Great a great Ass: But their Analist aboundeth in reproaching the Emperors: He calleth Henry the fourth Rex Apostata, Exemplum Regibus Henricianae haeresis labe conspersis, an Apostate King, and an exemplar to them who are guilty of the Henrician heresic. Likewise a contemner of God. And again obstinate and perjured and that like Herod he persecuted the anointed of God. And when they had stirred up against him his Son Henry the fifth, who betyme plied not their courses as they would, they paid him also with reproaches, and their Analist calleth him in Patrem Carnifex, his Fathers Burrio, and sacrilegious, a Traitor, a Monster, a Tyrant. Gregory the seventh calleth Henry the fourth Membrum Diaboli, a member of the Devil: And Vestanus uttereth his spleen 
Vestan. p. 75. ●n. 551. n. 2.  also. Fredericus Oenobarbus bellua horrenda fuit. And justinian for curbing Vigilius, both for his prevaricating in the Truth, and defending of Nestorius, is called by Baronius mad, possessed with an evil Spirit, and carried by Satan. So Richeomus the jesuit ●aileth against the Greek ●m▪ perours, for their zeal against Imagery: Leo Isauricus (sayeth he) perduellis haereticus— Constantinus re & cognomento Copronymus Leonis Isaurici Patris nequam, 
Richeom, Expost. Apol. cap 22.  nequior filius— Leo Quartus Copronymi foedus foetus, mali utique Corvi, malum ovum,  
Herein they tell of what Spirit they are, when they despise dominian, and speak evil of Dignities, and no better behaviour can follow so disdainful speeches: Words are a mids between Estimation of the Mind and actions: If they be good, they argue a good Estimation preceding and promise suitable actions to follow: If they be ill, they argue an heart full of contempt, and promise nothing but outrage: Experience hath proven this to be true.   

CHAP. FOUR Of their abuse of Princes in base offices.  
THeir second abuse of Princes in their Administration is by employing their Persons in base service, 
a Stàpham equi Papalis ●enere debet. Marta ●uris. 1. cap. 18. n. 18.  as to hold the stirrup when the Pope goes on horse back, or cometh down. To lead his bridle 
b Deinde accepto equi fre●● peraliquo● etc. Ceremo. Rom. fol. 26. pag. 2.  for some space: And the Pope (forsooth) must refuse that service in show, and yet yield to it in end. This is hypocrisy with pride, for they do so earnestly exact it, that if the Emperor go not to the right stirrup, they will chide him, as Hadrian the fourth did to Federicke the Emperor: To hold the water and towel to his hands: To carry dishes from his Kitchen to his Table: But the Emperor shall have a privilege, for where Kings must go into the Kitchen, he shall receive 
Ibid.  the dishes he caries, at the door. To sit on his knees when he giveth the cnp to the Pope, As Otto did to Urbane, 
Marta juris. 1 18  who of purpose neglected the Emperor, and suffered him to sit long on his knees, till a Cardinal admonished him of that 
jewel. Defence. P. 235  oversight. These things are so odious, that Harding is a ashamed, and denyeth them. But they are registrate in their ceremonial and pontifical. I would gladly understand to which office of the Apostolic Church, the 
1 Cor. 12. 12  Master of ceremonies, is to be referred, or in what primitive rites from the Apostles time shall they find such abuse of the Lords Anointed? This question will be answered by silence.  
But it is a greater abuse to make Princes kiss the Pope's 
— Cuius vestigia adorat— Matuan.  foot; it might pass with Cardinals, who are his creatures, and (since they left off preaching) seem to have no other use for their mouth, but to kiss his feet at all occasions: And there is nothing more frequent in the ceremonial, than Reverentiapro more facta, that is to 
Ceremonial. passim.  say, The Cardinals kissing his feet before the people: I know not whither Adulation be base in them, or affectation of vain glory be viler in him.  
But it is odious that he holds out his feet to be kissed of Emperors, and yet Rome that doth all things under show of Reason (as Vives says scoffingly) by Vestanus, 
a Imprimis Pontificium humilitas, commenda●i debet, etc. Vestan▪ de osc, ped. Pont. cap. 18. pag. 14●.  gives us two reasons hereof. The one is the Pope's humility & devotion, who knowing that the people will kiss his feet, hath put a cross on his Pantoun, that their adoration may be given to the cross of Christ, and not to him. That is but a scoffing, for the foot is not a place to put the cross on, and the Emperor's Theodosius and Valentinian were more religious, who discharged to paint the cross on the ground, lest it should be trod upon: He admitteth men to three kisses, pedis, pectoris, & oris of the feet, the breast and his face. If therefore he would honour the Cross, why putteth he it on his foot, and not on his breast to tell his love to it? or on his face to tell his account of it: And the Greeks are more religious than he, 
Zo●aras▪  for though they take not that Adoration, yet they set it on their face or Breast.  
His second reason is a mocking of men, as his first is of Christ: That since the Pope's office is to teach the world, and the feet of Preachers are beautiful, 
a Romani Pontifices ex▪ pressam Apostolici muneris imaginem▪ etc. Vestan. ibid.  they cannot beautify them better, than by put putting the cross on them— for the spirit and grace descends to the feet— and to make their steps stay in the way. This is a fiction, for neither hath the Pope that office of universal preaching, neither dischargeth he it in any one Church: and the beauty of the feet of Preachers is not by the sign of the Cross, but by their heavenly commission, their fruitful discharge of it, and a godly life. But the secret of all this business is this, he is an enemy to the cross of Christ, and by that seeming honouring of it upon his foot is treading it under foot indeed.  
But he cometh nearer the point at length, that whereas the Popes received white shoes from Constantine, 
I am linte● calceamenta in usu Ecclesia Rom. non sint. etc. Ibid. pag 148  they have taken purpour or scarlet shoes in their place: And what is this? but to tell the world that Rome is the scarlet coloured Beast drunk with the blood of the Saints; and this is the more because they acknowledge such kissing of his feet to come of Diocletian, who thought himself a god, & craved divine honours: And though that his wickedness 
(b) Diocletian● quidem improbitas, etc. Ibid. cap. 2 p. 14.  was, (a) damnable (sayeth he) in craving of it, yet the custom is not to be damned that gave it: This is all one as to condemn Herod who took divine honours, but not the people that gave them. Diocletian then is the father of this pride, and it is worse in them, than in him; for he being an Emperor, took it of his Subjects, but they being Churchmen exact it of Emperors. They should remember their own gloss. The Pope is successor to Peter 
(a) Papa est successor Petri piscato ris & non Augusti In▪ peratoris. Psal. 68 23.  the Fisher, but not to Augustus the Emperor. If not to Augustus, far less should they succeed Diocletian.  
Beside reason: Scripture must also be abused to colour this wickedness, that thy foot may be dipped in blood, and the tongues of thy Dogs in the same. 
a Tum pedes sanguine ●ingunt●r, etc. Vestan Ibid p. 154.  Then the feet are dipped in blood (say they) when they are decored with a cross of Christ, than the tongues of Dogs are dipped therein, when Heretics like dogs lick the Pope's feet. But Augustine exponeth that blood, of Martyrs, and these Dogs of painful Pastors; which pertain nothing 
(b)— Sic convenientius ut arbitor intelligitur pes tinctus in sanguine. Aug. Psal. 67. Esay 49. 23.  to the Pope, for he massacres Martyrs, and doth not preach at all: To this same end they abuse that Prophecy; Kings shall be thy nourcing fathers, and Queens thy nourcing mothers, they shall bow down to thee with their faces towards the Earth, and lick the dust of thy feet: 
c Prophetian illam imple●am esse Imperatori●. & Regi bus etc. Suar Des●ns. Lib 3 cap. 3. cap. 24 ●, 17  This Prophecy according to the Letter is fulfilled in the Emperors and Kings kissing the Pope's feet with their faces toward the ground: The like hath Eudaemon joannes 
d Eudaem. johan. Paral. Tort● cap. 8. Acts 16 Acts 10  the jesuit. But this is a great change, and far from that which Leo the third did, after he had crowned Charles, and made him Emperor, he would worship him before the people, that they might know the greatness of the imperial Majesty. Haymon. apud. Bozium de signis. This is proper to Heretics who steal the glory of God to pervert Scripture for colouring that sacrilege.  
But Marta 
a Marta de iuris part. ●▪ c. cap. 46.  helpeth him, and would prove the lawfulness of it from the jailors falling down at Paul and Silas feet, and Cornelius falling down before Peter, 
b Pipin. An. Do● 752, Marta ibid.  but there is nothing for kissing of his feet in these Texts: and it is a weak proof to allege Abdias Babylonius, a fabler, whom he grants, is ab Ecclesia reprobatus, rejected of the Church. And the antiquity of the practice, he findeth no sooner than Pipine, 
a Alexandri. 3. factum commendari potest, etc. Vestan. p. 75  and Charlemagne: Fables, and the colour of antiquity serve these men who are 
Rex Regina▪ rum. Tholos. Syntag. 18. 1. 11.  destitute of ancient truth: But we shall help them in fathering of this adoration aright, on Darius who called himself King of kings, and cousin of the gods: and Cleopatra, who would be called the Queen of queens: These are the parents of their pride, and would be adored.  
thirdly, they use greatest degree of their pride in trodding on the necks of Emperors, as Alexander the third did to Fridricke Barbarosa, at Venice, That is a more commendable fact (sayeth one) and more just, than the trodding of Ecebolius, because it was against a most cruel enemy of the Church, and Alexander (b) did well that he insulted with his heels against that horrible Beast: While heaven and earth are astonished at that pride, they glory in it. And of this sort was that pride of Celestine the third who did cast the Crown off the head of Henry the six, with his foot, as though the Crowns of Emperors served for none other use, but to be foote-bals to Popes. It is good for Kings who kiss his foot, that they are able again to rise or walk: For the trees of the wood of Loretto, inclined so low to welcome the Virgin's Chamber coming 
Horat. Turs de Aede Loret. Lib. 1. cap. 6.  over the Hadriaticke Sea, that they neither raise again nor inclined to the House when it was settled behind them. Tyranny in Barbarians cannot exerce greater indignities against Princes, than this humility of the Servant of servants.   

CHAP. V. Of their third usurpation over Princes: In their Laws.  
THeir third usurpation over Princes is in their Laws: God hath invested Kings with a Nomotheticke, power, to make laws within their Kingdoms, but the Pope taketh on him to Expone, Mend, Alter, and Repeal them at his pleasure, and that is the common doctrine of the Schoolmen: As for their 
a Potest Pontifex illas emendare, Suarez. etc. Defence 3 22. Ibid. n. 15. 16  Execution, he may stay their use, or set it to some profitable end for the good of the Church, and he power of both resideth in the Pope: And for this end absolutely he taketh on him, to direct and command Kings in the use of their power against Protestants: If they obey him, he casteth them in danger, and hatred of their people: If they disobey, he hath a cause of Censure against them, to suspend or depose them, for if the secular power be denied or neglected, the Seculars may be excommunicate 
b Denegato brachio seculari, etc. Mat juris. part. 1. cap. 5 1. n. 1. . This is also enjoined to their Inquisitours, to compel Kings and Princes to recall their laws, that are against the Inquisition. And because Eymericus is too general in his decision, therefore Pegna is more particular in his Commentar, that commoun and fundamental Laws and Customs whatsoever of that kind are null, and of no effect 
c Eymer. Director. Inquis part 3. q. 34. Fegna Comment 83. . So Bellarmine, Although the Pope be not a politic Prince, yet he may confirm or infirm the laws of Kings 
d Quam●is Pontifex, etc. Bellar. Rom. lib. 5. cap. 6. Baron ann. 878 n 22. 2 Thess. 2. . So then Princes can have no Laws in force, if the Pope mislike them; neither dare they refuse to make such laws, as he thinketh good for the Church, that is to say, for the upholding of his tyranny, though it were with the ruin of their Kingdom.  
Their Analist giveth this in a word, Potest Papa in Regesius dicere, he is set up with full power to judge them, and their laws: And though he be that lawless Man▪ yet he taketh the Laws of Countries, the reins of government in his hand, as though he were the Law of Laws, and Reason of Reasons; for so Hildebrand 
a Quod illi soli ●icet pro temporis. etc. Hildebrand Dictat. 7  professeth, that it is leasume to the Pope only to make new laws according to the necessity of Time.  
But no wonder he use such power over the Laws of Princes, since he hath no constancy in his own laws: for neither Canons of Counsels, nor of his Predecessors or his own can bind him, but upon any occasion he will alter: As it is said of the style of the Court of Rome (that it varyeth every year) so we may say of the Pope's laws, 
Regula Canc. Stylu● curiae Romanae variat. quotannis. Ab eadem sede Apostolica, &c▪ Baron. 878. Baron: A●n. 547: n. 50. Idem Anno. 553. ●. 231  that they are changed, and privileges destroyed, diminished, and augmented at their pleasure. The Apostolic sea may make all these alterations, according to their custom. This is the liberty they take over the opinions of others: The like Uigilius took of his own opinion, and that in fundamental points concerning Nestorianisme. For as he saw either danger or peace, he changed his sentence, and Baronius (whose task amongst other things is to defend the Pope's greatest faults, and prove them to be perfections) sayeth, that Uigilius after great consideration strove diversely: Et cur ei non licuit, mutato rerum statis, mutare sententiam? This is their constancy, even when they define out of Peter's Chair.  
This usurping over Kings concerning laws, is crossed by Pope Nicolaus, writing to Michael the Emperor▪ that 
a Christus distinxit, &c ne ●ut Imp. iura Pontifecis, etc. Bella Rome Lib: 5 cap. 5  Christ distinguished the acts, offices, and dignities of the Pope and Emperor, that the Emperor should not presume to usurp upon the jurisdiction of the Pope, or the Pope upon the Emperor's jurisdiction. When that Pope did so rid these merches, it is manifest, there was no such usurpation, as he condemneth in terms, and that the latter Popes in their usurping, are gone as far from the modesty of their Ancestors, as from reason and conscience. Prince's may be content with that tyranny over their laws, seeing he doth so to the laws of God: He dispenseth 
Gomes▪ Regul. Cancel fol 83 2. Thessa: 2. 8 Tholos. Syntag. Lib. 47. cap. 20. n. 8.  above, and contrary the Apostle, and selleth pardons of the notour breaches of the moral law, because no canon can bind the Pope, sayeth their Canonists. This proveth him to be that lawless Man: And another Phalaris boasting that he can not be subject to laws. This is the losing of the sinews of Government, that as a Beast he may rage a● random.   

CHAP. VI Of their fourth Usurpation, In censuring Kings.  
THeir fourth Usurpation over Princes is in Censures: They are not content with a directive power, but will have a coactive also, to compel Princes to do what they will, because the one power without the other is of no effect: 
a Vis directi va sine coactiva inefficax est. Suarez. Defence. lib. 3 c. 23▪ n. 3  And because that the Christian Church were not conveniently furnished, neither were it sufficiently provided, if it had not a power to compel Rebels, that will not obey censures. This 
b Ibid. n. 18  is in effect Bertrandus blasphemy, who said, that the Lord would not seem discreet enough, except he had left a Vicar behind him, who might do all 
c Nam non videretur dis cretus Dominus fuisse &c Bertrand. de Origin. juris. quaest▪ 4. Bibliothec. Pat. Tom. 4 Col. 105.  things. And Rodericus hath the like, that Christ had not provided well enough, for the World, nor for the Church, if he had not left so eminent a Vicar on the Earth. This is no discretion to speak so blasphemously of the wisdom of Christ: they choose rather to blaspheme, than recall their errors. 
(d) Roderic. Zamor. spec. lib. 2. cap. 1   
This coactive power hath two branches: The one to deprive Kings of the use of their Authority by suspension: The other to deprive them of the property of it, by Deposition. 
a Duobus modis potest Rex contumax, etc. Suarez. defen. 6. 6. 13  But Deposition is no Ecclesiastic punishment, but an Imperial; as when Traian took the Crown from the King of Armenia. And they know that excommunication a censure merely Ecclesiastic, can not extend itself to the deposing of Kings: Yet the Pope (say they) by his transcendent power hath annexed Deposition to Excommunication, as a convenient punishment; for though it exceed the Nature of Excommunication, yet it exceedeth not the bounds of the Pope's power. 
b Esto excedat. etc. Suarez. defence. 6 6. n. 16. 17  His exorbitant power than findeth a right where no right is. And prian affirmeth and Erasmus marketh it out of him: That by Church censures, none is so noted as to be destroyed. 
Cypr. epist. 51  The Church should censure Ecclesiasticklie and leave civil censures (such as is deprivation of Kings) unto the Magistrate.  
Upon these grounds come the absolving of people from their Native alledgeance to Princes, and their rebellion against them: The giving of their Kingdom up to be invaded by neighbour Princes, or such as have any Title to it or power to conquer it. So Suarez, 
a Suarez. Defence Cath. lib. 6. sect. 18  If the Pope depose a King, he may be expelled or killed by them who have commission of the Pope: And if he command the execution of it to none, than it pertains to the lawful Successor etc. And again. After the sentence pronounced he is deprived of his 
Ibid. sect. 24  Kingdom, so that he cannot possess it by a just Title: Therefore▪ thereafter he may be handled like a Tyrant, and consequently killed by any private man. These positions are more bloody than Dracoes' Laws. And we shall have the Pope himself saying by Bellarmine I shall make him 
Facio ut ille qui tibi Rex erat, non sit tibi Rex contra Barclaium. pag 259  who was thy King to be no King to thee. And though absolution from excommunication should relieve them of all things that follow thereupon, yet they have forged that distinction, to absolve & reconceale the person to the Church▪ yet he shall not be restored to his Kingdom. So Franciscus Veronensis, 
b Hunc etiam ingratiam recept— non ●at men▪ etc. Plam▪ tin. dè vita Gregor. 7  Albeit the King were absolved by the Pope, 
(a) jesuit. Sicar. part. 2, c. 8. p. 73. Neque etiam à Papa absolutus Rex potest esse  yet he cannot be a King. This they have learned of Hildebrand, who after he had absolved the Emperor from his excommunication, he held him still as deposed from the Empire; and caused choose Rudolph in his place (c) I have received (said he) that man in favour, and given him only the Communion, but have not restoreed him to the Kingdom, out of the which I threw him in the Synod of Rome. This is a taste of Popish wrath, to keep hatred after reconciliation, and deposition after Communion, he is as void of the meekness of Christ in the first, as he is full of the Serpent's cruelty in the second. But may not humanity, and Mediation of other Princes plead favour for him that is censured? No surely; For neither the 
Penes Impera torem— non amplius stat Palatinun Haeresiarcham, vel haeredes●●▪ ponere— ●●lustris Cardinales v●ani●●ter jurarunt, quod Pon tif. Max. ●evocare non possit. Aphoris. Card. 27. 28  Emperor nor King of Spain may meddle (say their Cardinals) with the restitution of Prince Palatine to the Electorate and his Lands, because to seek these things is no other than to cast down the Apostolic seat from the rights of her Majesty, (d) And lest the Pope prove tractable these holy Cardinals will bind his omnipotency, with their own oath, that he should change nothing that is done. here is barbarous tyranny bound with ropes of sand: They vent their malice and folly, but God hath begun to behold and judge that tyranny, and possiiblie will restore him without their consent.  
Lastlie, if Kings by their power or love of their people be secured from foreign violence, they have their last refuge to cause kill him by stobbing, 
a In vitam ejus grassari, quacunque ar te licet. Marian, de Reg. lib. 1: cap. 7  poison, or powder-plots: And that not only Protestant Princes, but even of such as are Papists, as the world saw in Henry the third of France, for after excommunication, any man may take his life by any means whatsoever.  
But this cruelty must have a warrant, and Scripture shall be thrown to favour it, for these words, Peter, kill and eat, give power to the Popes to excommunicate, depose and kill Kings, if we trust Baronius, for Peter's Ministry, 
(a) Duplex beatisses. Pater ministerium Petri. etc. Baron in vot. ad Paul. 5  is two fold (sayeth he) to feed and to kill— And he is commanded to kill them, that is to resist, to fight against them and to defeat them that they be not at all: And because the Notion of killing soundeth harshly, he will give us a charitable Commentary of it, that killing aught to be in great charity: That the thing killed be eaten, to wit, by Christian charity to hide it in his bowels, and so that kill is not cruelty but Piety: I doubt if the Pope will count it either Piety or Charity, if he felt such a kill: And Bellarmine is as gross though in fewer words. For it is the duty of the head (●aith he) to eat, and by eating to send down meat into the Stomach. 
b Pulch-dici▪ tur ei● macta & manduca, etc. Bel. Rov● 1 cap. 22  This is a strange liberty in glozing Scripture, and to turn Peter a fisher of men in a Butcher of Kings, and the Pope in a Polyphemus to devour men. It is like the jesuit Alcasers conceit on the Revelation. He saw how that Book tortured 
(c) Alcazar in Apoc. c. 18 Ibid. Notat. 7  the Church of Rome, therefore he cast it in a new mould, and exponeth her destruction. Cap. 18. of her conversion to Christ, and the fire of God's anger that destroyeth her, to be the flame of God's love, turning her to Christianity. A fancy contrar to sense & reason, for this destruction is threatened as a plague to Rome, & not promised as a blessing. So these men will never want a colour for their cause so long as they play the Qu●dlibitars, to draw every thing out of any thing: But this gloss is contrare to the Text, which speaketh only of the conversion of the Gentiles, & the Fathers exponded this eating of the Churches turning the Gentiles to herself by Baptism, so Augustine 
d Et ait Petro, occide, & manduca▪ occide quod sunt & fac quod tu es, Aug.  He said to Peter kill and eat, that is, kill them as they are corrupt, and make them the thing that thou art: And this is contrary to Baronius, for the end of his eating, is to destroy them alluterly, but the end of this eating, is to save them by grace. And Baronius himself in cold blood and free of prejudice before the question arose betwixt the Pope, & Venice. What that heavenly vision meant the event declared so that we need no humane interpretation, for it meant that the Gentiles 
e Nimirum eo mysterio Ec lesiam, &c Ann. 4 1. n. 6  should be turned to the Church by Baptism: And their own Onus Ecclesiae telleth us from what Spirit such glosses, and practices come, it is not pastoral love, but a devilish malice, 
[f] Diabolic● maliciae est, etc. On●. Eccles. 17. Cusan. Epist. 2  to scatter, kill, and destroy: This liberty of glozing is that which Basile and Nazianzen call dulevein Hypoth●sei, to serve their turn, and to make the sense of Scripture currrent with the occasion or time, as Cusane affirmeth.  
But such dealing Christian Princes are in the worst cas● of any men: Pagan Princes are without the Pope's jurisdiction and free of his censure 
a Pontificia potestas, etc. Suarez de fen. 3. 26. n. 8  Kings under the Law had authority over the high Priest, but now the Pope claims more power, than the high Priest had: And though Subjects of any quality be excommunicate, they are neither cast out of their possessions nor killed by virtue thereof. 
b Bellar. Rom. Pont. lib. 5. c. 10  They say by word, that when a King becometh Christian, he loseth not his earthly kingdom whereunto he had right, but acquireth a new right to an eternal Kingdom. If it be so, as it is indeed, how is it that under the Pope Kingdoms are looseable, only because of Christianity? They fall here in that same inconvenient they would eschew, that Christianity is hurtful to Kings, and Grace destroys Nature. 
c Alioqui obesset regibus Christi be neficium &c Bellar. Ibid.  The cause of this difference is, that they are Kings, and by their place come in Competition with him who will be absolute Monarch over all. For the Pope (sayeth Suarez) 
d- Suarez. defen▪ 3. 27 Th. Aquin. Ibid.  hath the height of both powers, and is both high Priest and a temporal King. This is a stumbling block to hold infidel Princes from Christ: The Turks stumble at popish images: and at the Siege of Vien when their Canon broke in pieces, the images that were set on the walls, to ke●pe the Town, they cried with disdain, Take up the Christians gods: 
e Erasm. Enchirid.  Their Transubstantiation is another stumbling block, when in one hour, they will create, adore, and eat their god: And that made Averro to cry, The Religion of the jews is 
— Religio Christian●rum impossibilium est anima me● a cum Philosophis.  for Swine: The Religion of mahumetans is for Chidrens: The Religion of Christians is of impossibilies: Therefore Anima mea cum Philosophis, my soul with the Philosophs. So this excommunicating, & killing of Kings, maketh infidel Princes abhor Christianity, whose first reward under the Pope would be this base abusing. Therefore the Turk holdeth him with Mahumet, and though he honour his Muffti, and use his counsel in great matters, yet he keepeth him always subject to him in Civil things.   

CHAP. VII. That Usurpation now is the prime Article of their faith.  
THis was sometimes no Tenet of Doctrine, no not a Problem in the Schools; yea when it began 
a Hac sol● novitas, non dicam haeresis, etc. Sigibert. Ann. 1088.  Sigibert called it an Heresy▪ It was not so much as res fidei, a matter of faith, but now it is made de fide, an article of faith and that not a commoun one, but caput fidei, an head article of faith. It is both their negative, and affirmative 
(c) Paganitatis crimen incurrit. Pelag. 1. Artic. 7▪ Qui Papaeprimatum negat peccat in Spi. sanctum.  confession. Negative: If this proposition be denied, that the Pope may depose 
b S● haec pro positio negatur, fides Catholica abi●ratur, Suarez Defence. 6▪ 8▪  heretical Kings, the Catholic faith is abjured, said Suarez. And who deny this, falleth in Paganism, and in the sin against the holy Ghost, said Alvarez. Pelagius: It is their affirmative confession, because this is the main and principal point of faith, sayeth the Cardinal 
d Bell. resp. ad Apol. p. 7 In hoc cardo totius controversie vertitur Suarez. defen. 321. 3. Eudaem. Apol. Garnet. c. 5  and the chief hinger whereupon all the controversy turneth: And under the counterfitte name of Skulkenius, he sayeth, that this Papal power is the hinger, the foundation; and in a word, the sum of Christian Faith. And Cardinal Peron in his diswasive oration to the communalitie of France; calleth it the greatest matter, whereupon the safety of all Christendom dependeth 
e In qua salus totius orbis Christiani vertitur. Con tinuat. Thuam. lib. 8● . By this they measure their trusty Professors, what ever men hold or deny in other points, so that they maintain this, all is well. But if they oppugn this, though they be sound in other points, they are persecuted as Heretics 
f Onus Ec▪ les. c. 15. ●. 13▪ . They charge us falsely, that we make our doctrine of Antichrist an express article of our Creed; but they hang all their Creed, and Faith upon it. And upon their grounds it may pass, since they make the Pope their Church. They object (sayeth Gretzer) that we 
(g) Gregor. Defen. Bellar  call Papam Ecclesiam quid tum? non abnuo. What of that? I deny it not. And Valentia 
h In secunda secunda.  more posedly Nomine Ecclesiae intelligimus caput Ecclesiae, by the Name of the Church we understand the head of the Church. Since therefore they make their pretended head the Church, no wonder that the greatness of that Head be the greatest article: yea, the sum of their whole Faith. And Baronius 
i Baron, 849. n. 17  a firmeth, that without obedience to this Head, neither Faith, nor good works avail: And again 
k Ann. 504. n▪ 1. & 506. n. 11  that even Arrian Princes prospered, when they obeyed the Pope. This Head is All to them: their Faith their Creed, the rule and cause of prosperity, to bless Heretics, if they obey him, to damn the Faithful, if they disobey him.  
But seeing they will have it an head article, we ask in what Creed they find it? It is neither in the Nicene, nor Athanasian Creed; neither in these larger forms, as 
Bulla ●ij 4 de form, jurament  Jerome wrote to Damasus, or Augustine to Laurentius, or Petrus Diaconus; neither in the Creed of the Apostles, which (credibly) was written before Peter's supposed coming to Rome, and containeth nothing of his Supremacy: Therefore they must come home to their Trent Creed, canonised by Pius the fourth.  
This is their idol of Ecclesiastic liberty, wherein though they speak diverselie, yet all runneth to a lawless licence: Sometimes they restrain it to Canonicke election of Prelates: Some times to the investures of benefices and immunities of the Clergy: but Aventine 
a Tempus hoc opportunum ratus &c Avent. lib. 5 pag. 56 9  descriveth it more partiticularlie that Hildebrand was desirous to shake off the Emperor's yoke, break his authority, and turn all power to himself, and so to confirm the principality of the Pope. That there was nothing better, than to take away all fear▪ and be afraid of no man; and that he might enjoy the Ecclesiastical liberty, and have such an Emperor, whose forces he feared no, as one that did reign at the pleasure of the Pope. This is the first branch of it in his Security: The second is, in being terrible to others, that as he feared not the Emperor, so although he injured him, yet the Emperor must be afraid of him 
b Etiamsi injuria vel ipsum Casarem affecerit etc. Ibid p. 564 . And Gerochus 
c Romani rationem actorum reddere nolunt etc. A vent. l. 5. 563  an eager defender of Hildebrand descryveth it more shortly. The romans (said he) usurp divine honour, they will give no reason for their doing, neither suffer they any man to say to them, why do ye so? But use that verse of the Poet, so I will, so I command, and let my will pass for a reason. But Hildebrand expoundeth it himself most clearly, to be a power to take away, and give Impyres', Kingdoms, Principalities, and what ever mortal men may have. 
d Imperiae,— & quicquid habere mortales possunt, auferre nos posse Plat. vit. Gregor. 7  And what these proud words meaneth, he exponeth it in his twenty seven Dictates, the hammers of all lawful authority. And Vendramenus the Venetian defines it libertatem quodvis agendi & rapiendi impune, a liberty to do and pull what they please. But seeing they must have this Title of Head in their own sense, let them have it, as Aquinas calleth the Antichrist perfect, or an Head, quo modo dicimus perfectum latronum, as we say, a Brigand is perfect: But there needeth no comparison where there is an Identity. 
Tho. 3. sum. 3. 48. 8. Caejet. ibid.   
Their Church cannot be perfect in faith, that is ever parturiens, bring out new Articles of faith. Their Regulars have lately affirmed. Quod Regulares sint de herachia absolute— articulum fidei esse puto. But the Parisian 
Censur. Paris in prop. ex H● bern. Anno 1631.  Divines have censured it thus. Author novum eumque falsum fidei articulum fingit. And that same Sorbone, gave the like censure against Becan, Bellarmine, Suarez, etc. in the point of the Pope's headship. There is as much truth amongst themselves as to refute their new bred 
Azor. Instit part. 2. l▪ 5. c Alvar. Pelag de planct. Ecclesiae fol. 7 col. 4. Ibid. fol. 2— In omnibus. Per omnia. Ante omnia. Supra omnia.  Articles of faith. Asorius is sufficient: Facta pontificum rem fidei non faciunt▪ faciunt tamen probabiliorem sententiam. If the Pope's doing make not rem fidei a Matter of faith how can it make a thing de fide an Article of faith, and that a prime one.  
I will close this point with Alvarez strange positions of this head. Maioritas Papae that the Pope's greatness is in all by all, before all, and above all Christians, This might suffice, but we shall have more. Papa est Deus imperatoris, the Pope is the Emperor's god. And yet more blasphemously, sicut Deus, as God cannot set a god above himself, so the Pope cannot set an equal to himself. These and other like blasphemies they suffer to stand in print, albeit they purge out better things by their Indices Expurgatorii: And when Paul the fifth was lately called, Vicedeus a Vice-God by▪ Thomas Carafa and Benedictus, and offence was taken at these Titles by Plessie, and other Protestants; 
A●●● 160●  the Consistory took it in their considerations to moderate them: But the Pope stayed all moderation, and said, That no more was in these Titles, than agreed to Peter's successor. Thus their Head is far from found judgement, when he will suffer no mitigation of the blasphemous titles of his Headship.   

CHAP. VIII. That the end of the Pope's Usurpation is his Monarchy.  
HIs end in all this Usurpation is; he will, he must be a Monarch: At the beginning he was subject to Emperors as well as other men. 
a Pontifex iis subjectu● e●at non minus quam cateri▪ homines. Bell. Rom. Pontif. 2. 29.  As the Pope's submissive and humble Letters to Princes bears, as shall be seen hereafter. Next they aspired to an equality, as Symmachus with the Emperor Anastasius▪ Itaque non dicam superior, cer●è aqualis honor est, I will not say, it is a superior, but certainly it is an equal honour. But they knew that Equality of power cannot well stand▪ therefore they ascended 
[b] Symmachus Biblioth. Pa●r. Tom. 3. col. 195.  in end to a Superiority. So Gregory the seventh to Henry the fourth. And Hadrian to Friderick, who was angry that he preferred his name to his: This was far from Gregory the first, who reproved a noble woman for calling herself his handmaid. 
c Gregor. l. 9 Epist. 28  For this cause they are not content with the Mitre as Churchmen, but wear the Crown, which they call Regnum. 
d Innocent. 3. Serm. 1. Sigibert●an 550  And Hildebrand hath decreed, Quod solus Papa potest uti imperialibus insignibus: That the Pope alone may use imperial Ensigns: And he hath a triple Crown, to tell that he is greater than all the Kings of the Earth in glory and authority. 
e Merito tri plicem▪ coronam capiti aptavit &c Vestan▪ pag 186  This they make plainer by a strange collation, making themselves to be all, and Kings but as cyphers: For temporalis potestas est in Rege, ut administrante: But they put it in the Pope in five respects: 
f Bellar, Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 5. & 7  The first, as in conferente, by Election. Next as in confirmante, by Coronation. The next three, as in iudicante, dirigente, & corrigente, or in respect of his administration; And what is that one small enters, in respect of these five, in the hand of an usurping and emulous power? And Marta 
g Marta jur●sd part▪ 1. c. 21. n. 29. Ipse est quasi Rex Schacharum.  calleth them, but cyphers indeed affirming that the Greek Emperor is but as the Kings of the Chess, having nothing but names and titles without the Pope. That is, except they hold and keep their Crowns of him, they are but as Chesse-men to be placed or displaced at his pleasure.  
But how can he claim a Kingdom as Christ's Successor, seeing Christ said to Pilate, My Kingdom is not of this world? And when the people would have made him a 
Io. 6. August. ibid. Tract. 25. Am l. 5. Epist. 33  King, he fled, and hid himself. And when Satan offered him all the Kingdoms of the earth he refused. The Pope must seek another Precedent than Christ, to prove the lawfulness of his Kingdom. And another author than God, to wit, the Prince of the World whom Christ refused, But the Pope hath taken him at his Word, and fulfilled the condition of worshipping him; in respect 
1 Cor. 8  that idolatry whereof he is the Father and Foster in Europe, is a worshipping of devils.  
Their own confession is sufficient for us: Christ as a mortal man had not a temporal Kingdom, neither hath the pope as Christ's Vicar any such a kingdom. 
a Christ●● non habuit vl● lum temporale●egnum, &c Bellar. Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 4  In respect then of all this proud Usurpation against God's word, right, & Conscience, it was no wonder that their famous Painter Raphael Urbinas painted S. Peter, and S. Paul too ruddy, and being asked, why he did so? He answered, That he keeped the decorum of his craft, for he was assured that now they were blushing in Heaven at the wickedness of their Successors on Earth. And a Friar, preaching before the Pope and his Cardinals, when he saw their pomp and glory, said nothing in the Pulpit, but repeated these words Phy Peter▪ fie Paul: And being demanded what he meaned thereby? answered, That he thought Peter and Paul were silly men, who ran through the world preaching in great distress, whereas their Successors equalled and exceeded Kings in ease, wealth, and honour. But if that Pope had known the late Divinity, he might have answered, that scoffing Friar with Bellarmine 
b Bellar▪ Recog. pag. 21 Pascere est re● gi● more imperare.  That to to feed Christ's Flock is not to preach like Apostles, but to rule as Kings: Therefore Spalleto calleth it miri●icum pasce a wonderful pasce that admittteth so many divers and contrar senses. It is to them as the Philosopher's stone turning all metals in gold: There is neither Heresy nor tyranny, but it is turned in truth and equity, so soon as it is touched with this wonderful Pasce.  
They mind nothing but a Kingdom, therefore the Mitre is called Regnum and Peter's privileges, Petri regalia. This is the extract of old Rome, who 
c Romans proprium est libido dominandi. Aug. civet. 1. 33 Ibid. lib. 1. c. 1  were carried with desire of Government, and yet that same desire ruled over them, and made them slaves: So the later Rome are slaves to their own pride, and verify Cham's curse in the Pope, Servant of Servants, while his ambition commandeth him. Herein he loseth more than he gain●th, while he turneth from Spiritual things to temporal and falleth in that shameful change, whereof Bernard speaketh, 
b Turpis est mutatio a coelestibus ad ter rena Bernard Cant ser. 35  that to change from heavenly to earthly things, is vile. He knew the Roman pride by their pulse, when he feared that the desire of reigning would pervert him 
c Bernard. Consid. lib. 3 Matth 6 . In their speculations, they make the spiritual state a substantive and the temporal state, an adjective upon Christ's words, ista adijcientur vobis, these things shall be casten to you. And Carerius thinketh it a good argument, for exalting the Pope above Princes: But here they turn the adjective in a Substantive, when they lay a●side Spirituality for Temporality: And Alvarez Pelagius 
d Alvar. Pe lag. 1. 62. fol. 58. Planum est in terdicitur do minatus.  said, that as Christ had Divinity and Humanity so the Pope had Spirituality and Temporality. Why then forsaketh he that Divinity, and turneth all humane? Bernard told, that Domination was forbidden them: And Ambrose 
e Purpura Imperatorem decet. etc. Ambros. lib 5 Epist. 33 Anima humana etc. August. Epist. 1. 19 cap. 5 Th●los. Syntag. 1827  that the Purpure set the Emperor, but not the Priest: And in another place, that Impyres were rather given by Priests, than usurped. Saint Augustine's Allegory of the Moon agreeth to them: The foolish is changed as the Moon, for when man's soul falleth from the Sun of Righteousness, it turneth all its force on earthly things: Let them lie still on the earth, to the which they cleave.  
But if he must be an Emperor, and so called, let him have it in the true Notion. Pliny sayeth, that he is an Emperor who hath slain many with his own hands. And Cicero conformely, that he is an Emperor, who hath killed one thousand, or two thousand with his own hand: And Uarro defineth an Emperor, who oppresseth his Enemies. According to these notions we grant him to be an Emperor, for after Uarro, he oppresseth all his Gainsayers, and over-reacheth Pliny and Cicero's definition, because he boasteth of it, as a privilege, that he may carry 
Dist● 40 c. 5 S● Papa.  millions of Souls to hell without controlment. Herein he is worse than the Frank● arbitrians; for they plead liberty to run to hell alone, but he carrieth millions with him. Such a roving cometh of his pride, but God's providence made them choose such an instance of the carrying of so many Souls, that they might reveal the Truth in the fume of a volant discourse, for he doth so indeed as he boasteth. But he shall find an answer from Aponius, Ant Tribunal aeterni judicis, tantarum animarum sacrilegio condemnabitur: He shall be damned for the loss 
Apo●. in C●●t lib. 1 Aug. Civit. 4. 23.  of so many Souls, before the Tribunal of God.  
Saint Austin noteth, that old Rome did not count felicity for a Goddess before Lucullus time: when their civil happiness got a deadly wound, by Sylla and Marius strife, they smoothed that real misery, with that imaginary Goddess. So when Hildebrands' pride had overthrown the peace of Church and State, he soothed all with the name of a Kingdom, and Ecclesiastic liberty.    

The second part of this Treatise: Of the Novelty of their Usurpation:  

CHAP. IX. And first the Negative proof thereof.  
THis much of the Matter of Usurpation: Followeth 
— Ante p●a ●eam hester num— ●quam ipsanovellitas Praxea h●ster ni— Id esse verum, quodcunq●e primum & adulterinum quod cunque posterius. Tertul. advers. Prax. cap. 2  the novelty of it. Our Lord jesus Christ prescryved against the Errors of Scribes and Pharisees, by this that ab initio non fuit sic, it was not so from the beginning: And the Apostle jude following that rule, calleth the Christian faith; fidem semel traditam, faith once delivered; that needeth no addition of new articles. And the Ancients used this praescription against Heretics, who could not plead antiquity, and praescription of tyme. So Tertullian (a) after that he had set down the sum of faith. That this rule (sayeth he) hath run from the beginning of the Gospel, even before former Heretics, much more before thee Praxeas, who was yesterday: Both the lateness of Heretics, and the Novelty of Praxeas a yesterday-man will prove. Whereby it is equally prejudged against all heresies, that that is true which is first: And that is false that is last. And Hilarius 
b Quicquid a●ud te est pra ter unam fidem persidia, non fides est. Hilar contr. Constan.  against Constantius, what ever is with thee beside that one faith, it is perfidy, and not faith. They know the force of this prescription, and for eschewing of it, maintain both a current, or ambulatory faith, and an unbounded power in their Church, to expone 
d Spal. lib. 7 cap. 12  Scripture according to time, 
c Scriptura secundum cur reiten universalem ritum exponendia, Cusan. Epist. 2 ad Bohemos  and their Mitigators help them in this strait with their new Maxim, that haeresis non est in excessu, sed defectu, that heresy is not in excess, but defect, as though it were not an heresy to have more Gods, but to deny the true God: Or as though it were no deformity to a man's body to have three or four hands, but only to want one.  
By this rule of prescription, we find their Usurpation to be a Novaltie, and that both negatively and positively. Negatively, because it was not so from the beginning, for a thousand years, as shall be seen in this induction. First, not before Christ, for then the high Priest (though a Type of Christ) and bearing the Urim and Thummum was subject to their Kings. Secondly, not in Christ's time; for he used no such temporal power, as they themselves confess. In his Mother's womb he subjected himself to the Emperor's edict, and went to Bethleem, 
Luke. 2  and in that one Act fulfilled both his Father's prophecy, to be borne in Bethleem, and obeyed the Emperor's Edict, in going to his Family to be taxed. After his birth, he yielded to Herod's cruelty, who sought to kill him and fled to Egypt, whereas he might have destroyed Herod, if he pleased: He was subject to his supposed Father, and commanded to give to Caesar the things of Caesar's, and paid tribute to himself.  
thirdly, not by his Disciples, for they followed his example and command: Paul▪ commandeth every soul to 
Rom. 13. 1. Tit. 3. 1. 1 Pet. 2. 13. 14  be subject to superior powers: Put them in mind to be subject to principalities and powers: And appealed to Nero, though he was a tyrant: And Peter from whom they fetch all this power, commands us to be subject to authority for the Lords sake, whither it be to Kings as supreme: And all of them submitted themselves to Princes, they neither inveyed against them, neither stirred up people to rebel, but patiently suffered Martyrdom.  
fourthly, not the Primitive Church, though we take it for the first Ages: They followed Christ and his Apostles in doctrine and practice; They suffered persecution, and did neither practice against their persons nor their estates: So Tertulian: Christians were never found Albinans, nor Nigrians, or Cassians, etc.— A Christian is enemy to no man, farrelesse to the Emperor, whom knowing to be appointed of God; it is necessary that he love, reverence, and honour him, etc. 
a Christianus null●us est hostis, etc. Tertul. ad Scapul. c. 2  And again, we incall the eternal the true and living God, for the safety of Emperors. And thus these Fathers did both to approve themselves to God, & to clear the Christian Religion from the calumnies of Pagans, who charged it with sedition and rebellion: 
b Nos pro sa lute Impera●orum, Deum in vocamus aeternum. Apol. c. 30  But these godly Fathers let them see that Christ commanded his people subjection and obedience to authority. And so a zealous Papist 
c Gregor Tho los. de Repub. l. 26. c. 7 n. 10 Christianos' se ab eo dicerent appellari, cujus sit Hoc pi●ssimum dog ma▪ ut Magistratui parea●t. Ibid.  remarketh that from the death of Christ to Diocletian, for the space of three hundreth years, albeit the Christians suffered innumerable and cruel torments, so that twenty thousand were killed at once, and some times whole cities destroyed, yet it is no where red that Christians (albeit equal in number and power) did attempt any thing against the Laws, or the Magistrate, or his Security, or any ways rebelled, & by this argument show that their Religion should be embraced— And that they were called Christians from him whose holy precept was this to obey the Magistrate. And Tertullian long before him. We are forbidden to wish ill, do ill, speak ill, to think ill of any 
Malèvelle— eo forsi● an ma jus nec in ip sum qui per Deum tantus est. Tertul. ●pol. 36. — that which we may not do against any, far less may we do against him (to wit, the Emperor) who is so great by God's ordinance.  
fively: Not the Fathers of the following Ages, who though they used popular comparisons of the Pastoral and princely calling, that the Pastoral excelled the other as far as the Soul did the Body; Gold did Led; and the 
Nazianzen. Chrysostom. Ambros.  Heaven did Earth. Yet they never dreamt of the Pope's abuse of their comparisons: But in their practice (how ever the Truth held in the callings) Nazianzen, Chrysostome, 
See hereafter, chap. 21  and Ambrose, were most obedient to Princes, Ambrose alone will serve in the two great instances of censuring the Emperor, and answering his unjust command: For the first, he abstained Theodosius rather than excommunicate him: For the second, he refused to render the Churches of God to the Arians: In the first, he 
Rogam●s Auguste non pugnamus.  did not depose Theodosius, or absolve people from his obedience as Popes do. In the second, he did not fight, but pray and request.  
Lastlie: Not the Popes of the first Ages, for they all gave odedience as Bellarmine confesseth. When the Emperors were Heathen, the Pope was not their judge but contrariwise subject to them in all civil causes, no les than other men. 
a Quo tempore Principes erant Ethni●i &c Bell. Rome Pont. l 2. c. 29  And after that Emperors were Christians, the Popes gave them that same respect. As Leo the ●, zealous enough for greatness, writing to the Empress Pulcheria, I entreat thee that thou wouldst deign to present our Supplication to the most clement Emperor. 
b Supplicatio onem nostram &c Leo epist. 26.  And again, to Eudoxia, I have most humbl●e supplicate. 
c Suppliciter postulav●. ●dem ad Eudoxia●  And to Martianus (d) 
(e) Omnibus modis paren●●● est piet● te vestra. Leo. Epist. 44  By all means we ought to obey your Piety. And he praiseth his zeal for the Christian Faith, and that he found a princely affection in a most Christian Prince. He craveth also the gathering of the Chalcedon Council, 
e Epist. 7  and that he would compel a Bishop to return to the profession of his faith▪ 
(f) Epist. 58  (e) And that he would use his power in matters of Religion 
g Epist 75  In like manner to Leo the Emperor. I received the Letters of your Clemency which I am willing to obey. 
h Epist ●5  And acknowledge in a word, that per vos in totius Ecclesiae salutem operatur Spiritus Sanctus. 
i Epist. 78 Serenis●me Domine quod ad me att●net jussionibus o be●●entiam pr●beo. Lib. 4 Epist. 32 Lib 7 Epist. 1 Si c●de hominum v●ndica re me voluis sem. Aut haec non legunt, &c Erasm in scho ●d Ctefiphon O●●m aurei sacerdotes ligneis ministra bant vasis. &c Gratian de Consecrat▪ Can Vasa in quibus. Gratian ca●s. 23 quest. 5. c. 24. Hieron tit. c. 2 Qui non est subiectus- in nullo fidem bonam extendit.  That by you the holy Spirit worketh for the safety of the whole Church. And Gregory the first, to Mauritus: Most glorious Lord, so far as concerneth me, I give obedience to your commandments. And speaking of the Longobards, who were but usurpers: If I would have revenged myself by the slaughter of men, the Longobards this day had not been extant. I must say to usurping Popes, as Erasmus did to the Sophists of his ti ne concerning jeromes' grave censure of such, who spiced and powdered divinity with Philosophy. Either they read not these things, or else prefer their own opinion unto jeromes'. So say I, that the later Popes, either read not these speeches of the old Popes, or else prefer their judgement to theirs.  
Why then have the later Popes departed from the example of the former and better times, and of their own predecessors? They can give none other reason, but to acknowledge their Donatisme or Anabaptisme. Therefore as their Canon Law spoke of the Eucharist, old golden priests did minister in treene vessel, but treene priests Minister in golden vessel: So we may say, that of old golden Popes were subject to Emperors: But now idol and treene Popes usurp on Emperors. If Gratian affirm rightly out of Jerome that to obey Princes is a demonstration of faith, it will follow that the Pope's Usurpation over them, is a demonstration of perfidy. The old Popes spoke, and did like Protestants and Christians in this point: But the later Popes have taken up an Antichristian style and practice.   

CHAP. X. Of their exceptions against the Practice of the primitive obedience.  
THis practice of the former times torments them; and therefore they press to elide it by five shifts. The first is, That the Apostles and Fathers of the first times had the same right, but lacked power to use it, and were afraid to make stirs in the Estate. 
a Quod Chri stiani olim non deposuerant Neronem,— id fuit quia deerant vires temporales, etc. Bel. Rome Pont. l. 5. c. & contra Barcl. cap. 6  I might answer Bellarmine with his own words: That it is ridiculous to give a right, and not a power to use it: 
b Bellar. Ibid. Ridiculun est tale ius dedisse, & non facultatem utendi.  And the forenamed blasphemies of Suarez, Bertrandus, Rodericus, serve to stop their mouths. But I answer directly: That this exception is false in itself; for these first times had sufficient power to repress enemies, but had no will. So Tertullian 
c Externi s●mus, etc. Tertull. Apologet. 37.  We are strangers, and have filled all your places, your Towns, Yles, Castles, Villages, meetings, your Camps, Courts, Palaces, Senate and Market. We have left to you the Temples only— If we had taken from you such a multitude, the loss of many Citizens had confounded your Empire, and had punished you with destitution. Doubtless you had been ashamed at your solitude. In like manner, Eusebius 
d Euseb. hist Eccles lib. 8  telleth that innumerable multitudes of Christians assembled every where, even in the time of Diocletian. And in another place: That Diocletian and Maximinian saw that almost all mortal men forsook the worship of the gods, and joined themselves to Christians. And most clearly Augustine. 
e Et haberet agmina populorum, etc. Civit. lib. 22 c. 6. LudViv. ibid. fuisse.  Although Christ's city had infinite multitudes of people, yet she fought not against her wicked persecuters, etc.  
And julians' instance is peremptory, both for the obedience of Christians, & their power: For the first, he was an Apostate; he persecuted the Christians, and specially Athanasius, whom he called, the enemy of the gods, 
a julian pag 259 & 258.  he charged the Religion with madness, that it destroyed all, 
b Ibid. 159  He discharged Schoolmasters to expone Greek Authors to Children, unless they would worship these gods whom the Poets and Philosophers did worship. 
c Ibid p 304  As Augustine observeth. Confess. lib. 8. cap. 5. He took away violently the Christians riches, and said sco●finglie, he would help them to obey their wonderful Law, in making them ready to go to Heaven. 
d Pag. 300  He mocked the people of Alexandria, that they were so far degenerate as to serve the Hebrews, whose fathers in Egypt were slaves to theirs. 
e Pag. 300  here was a matter to provocke the Christians. And next, for their Forces, they were most powerful, for Constantius before him, had cassered all the heathen 
(f) Pagani di cti quasi eodem fonte potantes, Baron▪ Martyrol. januar. 21  from the wars, and settled thein Villages, or Pages near unto wells, wherefra they are called Pagani or Pagans unto this day. So they had force enough, when the remnant body of the Army were all Christians. And for Captains, they had jovian who succeeded him, and Valentinian whom he banished, for refusing to offer incense to idols, and other religious Captains to set up against him, and yet there was not in all his Reign 
julian.  any such attempt; They bore their cross patiently, and left the flying cloud to God's punishment.  
Next, this exception chargeth the Primitive Church with many faults: As Ignorance, that they knew not their right: And Feebleness, that they durst not use it: Of Prevarication, that they neglected to plead that greatest Article of Faith, And of Infirmity, that they neither knew the right, nor had power to maintain it. And so putteth it many degrees behind the Church in latter times. And if they commend their wisdom in ceasing from the use of their power, for fear of stirs, that convinceth them, for there was as great stirs in Hildebrands' time, as would have been before, if Christians had used their power. And what stirs see we presently in Europe for the urging of their Monarchy? It were wisdom in them to follow Augustine's counsel, which they have put in their Canon Law. 
a Non potest esse sa lubris correptio, etc. Au gust contra epist.. Parmen lib. 3 c 2. Canon. Non potest. 23 quaest 4 Eudaem Apol. Garnet p. 170  that Correction cannot be profitable, but when he who is corrected hath not a multitude joined unto him This shift discovereth them that they want not will, but power and occasion to work mischief, and that the peace they gave to Princes and Protestants is but rebus stantibus ut nunc. Some times they turn their f●ct in a right, some times their power, and so proclaim to the world, that cruelty not equity ruleth them.  
Their second shift is, that these first times called them more to Martyrdom, than to repress Princes, 
a Ea tunc erant tempora ut potius ad Martyrium sub e●ndem, etc. Romul. vel potius Bel contra Barclatum. c. 6  But that convicteth them also, for if these ancients did well in suffering, rather than to raise uproars: Why do not they the like? It is only their earthly mind that teacheth them this Martyrifugium by Regicidium, to flee Martyrdom by massacring Kings: And by their own confession they choose to be milites potius quam Martyrs, Souldirs rather than sufferers, and so have neither that same Religion that these Ancients had, nor that same disposition.  
Their third shift is from Merit: That these Ancients were not obliged to obey infidel Princes, so that their obedience was meritorious, and that they who did the work manfully in resist●g Princes, do no less merit: 
a Et si maximè fuit opus meritorium, ad id tamen non tenebantur. jesuit. Si carius. c. 12.  It is a strange n●erite that hath such a latitude in one thing both to obey and disobey: And more that the command to obey these Princes, was not ordinar to bind at all times, but extraordinar as the command given to the Israelites, to borrow silver and gold of the Egyptians. But the Apostles give commandments for obedience, binding all persons, and at all times: 
b Mandatum per ●eremiam ut subij●iant se Regi. etc. Ibid. cap. 13  And it is as strange how they who boast of Merits, and have devised Counsels to enlarge the matter of Merit and Supererogation, do shift so great a command of patient suffering, where according to their Doctrine, they may have great Merit.  
Their fourth shift is, that there was no matter, or subject of the use of their power, because then there was no Christian Emperors. 
a Suarez. de●en 43. c 23 n. 4 Non fuit materia usus.  But Bellarmine refuteth this, because there was then Philippus a Christian Emperor: Lucius a Britain King, and Donald the first Christian King of this Nation 
b Bell contra Barcl▪ c. 17  There was no such processing of these Christian Princes as now. Shall we think that infidel Princes were a guard to these Christian Princes? Or rather that Rome is now become insolent to abuse Christian Princes more, because their number is now greater in Europe.  
Their last shift is made by Alcaser the jesuit. That these Fathers did dissemble in a private habit. 
c Dissimula tioni se accom modantes & tempori ser vientes. Alca ser. Apoc l. 19  This is like Bellarmine's censure of Gregory the first, that his subjection to Maurice the Emperor was partly compelled of humility. partly of necessity, and that it was not of due, but compelled. 
d Obedientia quam S. Gregor. Mau ritio exhibebat non fuit debita, sed coacta Bellar. recog. p. 25. 16  Waldensis also hath the like censure of him, that he honoured the Emperor, but by way of compliment, and for the fashion. This is worse than any of the former shifts, to damn the Piety and humble obedience of the Ancients, under the name of dissimulation.  
They rub on these Ancients their own doubleness, who like Solomon's whore can suffer the Babe to be divided, and that not in obedience only, but in religious worship: For Pope Pius 5. sent Medals to the English recusants, with this Circumscription, Da mihi fili mi cor tuum, & sufficit, My son give me thy heart, and it sufficeth. He gave them liberty to be present at the exercise of our Religion, 
Regem sibiver bo ●euus praeposuit walden's. lib 2. art. 3. cap 75  if they keeped their heart to him and his Mass. Herein also they trod under foot the Godliness of Gregory, the first to hold up the pride of Gregory the seventh, and to preoccupy the Reader, lest the grace of these ancients should condemn the ambition of their Successors. If Gregory's obedience was but dissimulation, how deeper hypocrisy is there's, who borrow his style of Servant of Servants, and yet trod upon Princes? If for his learning and piety he be called Gregory the Great; what degree shall they have, who in Ignorance, Pride, and profaneness, are contrary to him? Herein also they show, how little they count of Fathers: They cry every where in their writeth, Patres, Patres, the Fathers, the Fathers, & yet they accuse them of dissimulation, prevarication, etc. I'm covered his Father's nakedness; but they call that nakedness in Fathers, which is their glory; and declare what Duraeus spoke of their doctrine, Neque enim Patr●s censentur, cum suum aliquod quod ab Ecclesia 
Duraeus lib. 5 pag. 140  non acceperunt, vel scribunt, vel docent: That they are not to be counted Fathers, when they write, or teach any thing of their own, which they have not received from the Church of Rome. In like manner Gretzer speaking of Bertrame, He who feedeth not the Church with wholesome food, is not a Father, but a 
b Non pater sed Vitricus est, Gretzer▪ de lur prohibent. lib. 2. c. 10.  Stepfather. This is it that Gregory 
c Mutis a mici, ●oque●tib●● adversarij Quo modo potest malus litigator lauda● re judices qui bus ●udicanti● b●●s ●ic●us ●st.  sayeth of Heretics, that are they friendly to them that are dumb; but enemies to them when they speak. We need no more proof of their contempt of the Fathers, than Sixtus Senensis Bibliotheck. But I close this point with S. Augustine against the Donatists, How can an evil pleader praise the judges, by whose just judgement he is over come?  
But they might borrow a better shift than these from Gratian: 
a Gratian. distinct. 63. C. Quaa.  speaking of the Election of former Popes, done by Emperors, but now by the Pope's creatures in the Conclave: That the Church hath authority to abrogate such customs as in former times were without fault, but afterward turned to error or superstition. So be like the subjection of old Popes (as the brazen Serpent) was turned in abuse, and therefore must be turned in rebellion. And Azorius telleth as much, that Gregory called Mauritius his Lord, and was subject to him not of right but of force, sicuti Paganis olim subiecti erant Sacerdotes Christiani. 
a Azor▪ part. 2. lib. 10 c. 6. in ●ine.  In the mean time we have gained this point of them, that in the first Ages their Usurpation was neither in doctrine nor practice: And that we who obey Princes prove the successors of these pious and obedient Fathers, While they prove successors of the Heathen Priests, who on every miscontentment cutted off their Princes.   

CHAP. IX. Of the proof of their positive Novelty: Or of Hildebrands' contention.  
FOlloweth that we prove positively the Novelty of this Usurpation, which we affirm to have begun with Hildebrand: They call it old indeed: This Theology of the Jesuits is not new, but most ancient: 
a Theologia haec jesuitarum, non est nov●, sed antiquissima. Bell. Apol. c. 6. pag. 90.  And the jesuits in their Apology again the Behemians, rest not on that indefiniteness, but affirm their Doctrine to have stood 1610. years. 
b Lau. Aust. pag. 44  But when he cometh to muster his forces to prove that Antiquity, he beginneth at Gregory the seventh 
c Primus ig●tur prodeat S. Gregorius 7. Bellar contra Barcla● 'em pag. 6  who entered to the Popedom about the 1073. and so at the first encounter he passeth a thousand years and more: He stumbleth in the threshold of his dispute, and seeth not a contradiction in that his first reason; primus prodeat septimus, first let the seventh come forth: The seventh in order argues not a priority, but a posteriority and a novelty. Though he had begun at Gregory the first, it had not proven true Antiquity, yet seeing he passeth sex Gregory's in silence, he telleth that they were named by that watchful name in vain, in betraying the Ecclesiastic liberty, and that 
[c] Lego▪ & relego Roma norum▪ etc. Lib. 6. c. 10  this seventh Gregory, did first a wake to defend it.  
The next proof is Otho Frisingensis, I read and read over again (saith he) the doings of the Emperors, but I find none of them excommunicate or deprived of their Kingdom by the Pope, before Henry the fourth. This Bellarmine 
d Bell. contra Barcla●um  presseth to refute, but in vain: For Onuphrius 
e Primus omnium Rome Pont Gregor. 7 etc. O●uph l. 4. de Car. create. Res ante ea secula inaudita.  as zealous for the Pope as he, and a better antiquary confirmeth it, Gregory the seventh, the first of all the Popes, trusting to the forces of the normans, etc. Beside the custom of the Ancients contemning the authority of the Emperor, was so bold as to excommunicate Caesar himself, and deprive him of his Kingdom. A thing not heard of before that time. And where their best reason to prove the practice of it before Hildebrands' time, is taken from some practice against Arcadius, Anastasius, and Leo Emperors. Onuphrius showeth the vanity of that alledgeance in calling them fables not to be respected. In like manner Eberhardus, as he is alleged by Aventine. 
f Hildebran. priv●●● specie religionis An tichristi imperij fundamen ta jecit. A vent lib. 7 p. 684.  Hildebrand before an 170 years, was the first who laid the foundation of Antichrists' Empire under colour of Religion.  
Baronius also confesseth as much, when he prefaceth that contentioun: Gregory (sayeth he) began 
a Gregorius ● constantianimo etc. Baron. Spalat. lib. 6 c 7. ●. 59  a controversy with a constant mind, (although he knew all Christian Princes would be his a iversaries) yet with a mighty Spirit that could not yield, he enterprised a matter very hard, and which could not be compassed by humane power. If it was so hard a work, (as he truly calleth it) than it was not ancient, for long practice would have made it easy. Lessius 
b Apud Widow thring▪ discuss. p ●90.  would make us believe, that Kings and Emperors followed that doctrine without any doubting. But Azorius 
c Magnam semper fuisse ●●●er ●mperatores, etc. Azor▪ part. 2 apud Witbrig pag. 65.  contradicteth him, affirming▪ that there was ever a great controversy amongst Princes, and the Pope's concerning their power in depryving King's. So Azorius expoundeth the cause of Baronius difficulty, to be the opposition of Princes. And Baronius confessed difficulty proveth the novelty of the matter: He insinuateth also the same in his Votum, to Paul the fifth, against the Venetians, when 
d Exulto spiritu, videns etc. Baron. vot. ad Paul 5  he testifieth his joy, because 
Exulto Spiritu videns— vindices collapsa libertatis.  he saw in Peter's chair another Gregory the seventh, or Alexander the third, who were the chief defenders of Ecclesiastic liberty.  
But the contentioun itself will clear the matter: for 
Contention of Hildebr. with the Emperor.  there is not in all the story a more remarkable point, than this fearful collision of these two powers, in Henry the fourth, and Hildebrand. When they respected others in love, they were comfortable to other, as in Constantine and Sylvester, Maurice and Gregory, etc. But when they rubbed one other, both Churches and Policy smarted. They had sundry other rubs in former times, but never one like that. The Emperor thought that the question was no less, than the standing or ruin of the empire, 
a Imperij enim velonium no tollendi▪ etc. Onuph. vit. Gregor. 7 . And Gregory thought likewise of the standing, or ruin of the Church. The Emperor pleaded Prescription, because from the days of Charles the great, under threescore Popes and more, it was in use: And Necessity because by losing the Investures, he would lose a great of the Empire; for when Charles the great goat that privilege, the Pope and Prelates were poor: But thereafter both Kings and Emperors enriched the Church, because they had the investiture in their own hands. Besides when Princes had investitures, scarcely could Prelates be keeped in Subjection; but if they were put in the Pope's hands, they would make many Enemies in the empire: so Onuphrius stateth the question.  
But in the multitude of so many Historians affected to one of the parties, this much may be gathered; That the Emperor beside his personal faults gave occasion to Hildebrand, to make some stir 
b Episcopatus totius Germaniae in aula sua partim venales▪ partim predae expositos habuit. Calvin. Inst. l 4 c 10 n 33. . He abused the power of investiture, in passing by the voice of the Church, and giving Prelacies and Dignities to the unworthy, whom flattery or bribery; or such by respects commended unto him He gave them as rewards for bygone service, or engagements for service to come. And at his Court, Church benefits were either saleable, or exposed to prey. Hereof Hildebrand took occasion to work, that he had long desired, he made a strong faction both of Church men, and Politics against the Emperor, and drove him in that straight 
Plat. vita Gregorr. 7.  to make such a foul agreement at Canusium, as no man can patiently read of, and thereafter put all Europe in dissension and blood.  
They divyded the truth, and each of them had both 
The quaestion betwixt them.  right and wrong on his side: The Emperor had right to the Investitures, but erred foully in their abuse; and brought in ignorant and fleshly men, in the chief places of the Church, who overthrew both Religion and State: The Pope had just cause to quarrel that abuse, but no right to claim the investitures, and far less to oppose seditiously, and trod down the Emperor. This was a consequent of too large dotations: The Dotars were Patrons of the Church rend, and some, abusing the Patronage, did mar the spirituality of the entry of the Pastors: So the Benefice drew the office after it, and the Investiture the Daughter of Donations bred this strife, and corrupt entry in some. But wise Princes have made some provision against such corruption, in giving the Church her place in election, and it is best when Church and Patrons go together. The mystery of iniquity was then coming to ripenesss, and Satan had provided one to hatch that egg of Antichrist, whose seeds were laid in the Apostles times, and that omnious accident in Rome of a Bird that laid an egg with a Serpent, was so expounded 
〈◊〉 l. 5  by many, that the Apostolic Sea had hatched the Cokatrice egg, and brought out a Serpent to destroy the Empire.  
We may pass the things imputed to him by his enemies: 
a Benn● Cardinalis. Sigibert Gemla●. Matth. Paris. Waltran.  As his fornication with Mathildis, the great urger of Chastity, to be familiar with that Countess, (like Cremensis the Pope's Legate, urging Chastity in a Synod at London, was found at night in a Borthell) Or his impiety, in casting the Hostie in the fire: Or his Nacromancie, whereof he gave a proof in that Response: That an unjust King would be killed that year; he took this to be Henry the Emperor, but it fell on Rudolph the Usurper. But even his friends 
b Lambert Ge●ochus. Binius. Baronius. Platina.  charge him with great sins: As his dissimulation, stirring up Rudolph in Germany, while Henry the Emperor was at Rome, fulfilling his enjoined penance. 
c Naucler. Generate. 37 Abbas. Stad. Anno 1076  His idolatry in incalling the Apostles and blessed Virgin, and commanding them speedily to execute his decreete against the Emperor. 
d Platin. Gregor. 7 Aventi●. Platin.   
When he saw that this made him odious to men; he devysed some courses to mitigate their hatred: He sent Apologeticke Letters to excuse him to all men, and pretended the zeal of God, in defending the liberties of his Church, which was nothing, but a fleshly pride of his own broiling Nature. He took the lesson from Stephanus, 
(e) Inductum est, ut Rom. pontiff etc. Azor part. 2 lib. 5▪ c. 43  who sat a little before him in the Chair, being a Brother of the house of Lorraine, and offended with the Emperor, for hurting of his House, he took that Gentilitious enmity into Peter's Chair, and made it Peter's quarrel: And his Successors finding it there, followed it out as the cause of the Church: Even as they took in the Arms and ensigns of their Families.  
Next, he pretended great purity and holiness and urged the Chastity of the Clergy: This was a fair colour both to cover his too ●reat homeliness with the Countess Machildis, & to make the world think that all was good that came from such an one; but it was a liberty proclaimed to Church men, for sundry of them yielded to want one wife, that they might meddle with many. Hereby Europe was filled with troubles, and the Sacraments 
V● liceret sexcent as ●n●re. ●vent 7 Naucler. Ge norat. 36. 37  ministered by married Priests were trod under ●●ote. This was to urge and promone the doctrine of devils.  
But his third and most politic devyce was the holy war, which justly may be called, a profaine war. He made fair pretexts to recover these places where Christ was borne: 
a Vbi Christi●s operatus est salute●● in medio terrae. Been tom. 3. part 2. col. 418 Baron. Anno 1 ●5 n 34  And lived and wrought our salvation. And to make the matter more plausable, they feigned that Petrus Eremita got a Letter from Heaven, 
b B●n. ubi supra. Buron. ibid. n: 34. 51 Tyr▪ de bello sacro. lib. 1. ● 11. & 12  written by jesus Christ, to stir up Christians to that war, though others are shamed of that fiction, and said, He got it by Revelation.  
The motives were as powerful ●o a superstitious Age. They offered to all that would go to that war. First, Security from all troubles under the Apostolic protection Secondly, Exemption from all pennence. 
b B●n. ubi supra. Buron. ibid. n: 34. 51 Tyr▪ de bello sacro. lib. 1. ● 11. & 12  Likewise the going to that war shall be reputed for all Penance. thirdly▪ Remission of all their sins. 
c Sub Ecclesia defension▪ etc. Bar. 1095 n. 41. 50  For their wages who are in that war, they shall receive pardon of all their sins. 
d Item illud pro omni pae●●tentia repu● tetur, Concil. Claramont. Can. 2. ●yrius lib. 1. cap. 15 B●n●us ubi supra. 416. 419. 683. 687.  Lastlie, Life eternal what ever their former life hath been. 
e Pro stipend d●●, &c Bar. 1095. n. 41.  This he learned of Mahumet, who bade his fellowers defend his Religion by force, promising Paradise to good warriors, whether they were killed or not. 
f Fructum ●terne mercedis senon dub●●ant habi●uros.   
In all this business of the profaine holy war, they obtained their ends both over Church and Policy: Over the Church; they sought to establish their Monarchy over the patriarchs of the East, as they had done in the West. Over the Policy; because they diverted people's minds from prying in their tyranny over Princes, and gave them another matter of talking. They found an errand to send away the most wise and valorous Spirits, of whom they feared greatest opposition at home, as Gottofred the chief Counsellor and commander of the Emperors' Ar●ies: That emptying the land of such spirits, they might securely encroach on empty Kingdoms. And all ran to their main purpose, to prove their supperiority over Princes, in that they urged them to 
Co●cil▪ Late ●an. sub Inn● cent 3 apud B●n. 696  vow a journey in Syria, and forced them to obey under the fear of excommunication: And so in this new devised fancy of an holy war usurped an absolute dominion over their consciences and crowns.  
At his death he repented the wickedness of his course, as Sigebert 
a Sigibert Anno 1076. Matth. Paris. pag. 16  and others testifieth▪ when he was at the last gasp, he called to him a Cardinal whom he loved much, and confessed to God— that he had sinned greatly in his pastor all charge— and by Satan's instigation had stirred up hatred and wrath against mankind— And therefore sent the foresaid Confessor to the Emperor and Church to get pardon. Not withstanding of this declaration, yet they deny that Repentance 
b Baron. An. 1085. n. 24  saying, That Sigeberts' lie of Gregory's repentance, for persecuting of the Emperor, is elided, Comentum Sigeberti de paenitentia Gregorij, de eo quod Henricum fuerit persecutus, eliditur: And they affirm that he died ratifying his former violence. This is the impenitent & pertinatious humour of the Roman Church they will neither repent themselves, nor let it be known that their predecessiours repent their wickedness; lest they should grant the Pope may err and their Successors be forced to forsake the wickedness of their Ancestors.  
As they cannot show us a Practice before Hildebrand so 
Matth. Tortus.  not any sanction of counsel before the Lateran, in Innocent the thirds time, Bellarmine calleth it maximum & celeberrimum concilium, because it was all for the Pope's Monarchy: 
Bellar. Apo.  But that statute proves the novelty of usurpation for if it was a constant practice before, what needed it then a sanction: But the truth is, the practice was new, and craved a confirmation by a posteriour sanction. A lawless practice craved a lawless order, first to do, and then by law to confirm it as right; a direction which Machiavelli giveth to his tyrant. That Council ought to be called as well as the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a council of Brigands wherein they were both judge and party, to confirm their own tyranny.  
This was a fit time to work such wickedness, because great darkness had over whelmed the Church in those Ages, And their Cardinal 
a Ecce s●culum inselex. Bellar. Chronol. ann 970  cryeth out on these times, Behold, an unhappy Age, wherein are no famous Writters, no Counsels. And Sigebert expressly, 
b Haec novitas nondum in mundo emerserat, Sigibert ann 108●. Baron. ann. 859. Idem. 845:  This novelty was not as yet risen in the World. And when Bardas' had erected Schools in Constantinople, they could not find so many learned men as to teach in them: And in a conference between the Greek and the Roman Church many things were done ignorantly and confusedly, because there was but one Interpreter, for all the Collocutors. The Histories then written were full of visions, aparations of spirits, translations of Relics, to tell that the Religion was dead in the living, when the living were seeking piety and devotion from the dead.  
Therefore this doctrine is justie called by the judicious, 
c K james Eliensis. Casaub. Spalleto.  Doctrina Hildebrandina, an Hildebrandine doctrine, because Hildebrand was the perfecter of it: And though they would fetch it from former times, yet they say as much as we, when they 
d Baron. Martyrol. Maij 25.  call him the most keen defender of Ecclesiastic liberty. And Onuphrius 
e Totius libertatis defesorem unicum Annot. Plat. ad Gregor 7. Vestan. de ose ped. cap. 17  calleth him the only defender of all the Ecclesiastic liberty. And when as a Dictator he set down his Dictatus, as a platform of that tyranny, he declared that it was his own device.  
We need no more against them than Baronius 
f Baron. ann. 1097. ● 21, 28 29. 30  arguments in his long digression against the Monarchy of Sicily: From the weakness of the Charter, From the novelty that it was unheard in the Church: That the Authority of the Apostolic Sea was pretended against itself: That there could not be two Monarches in the Church, because of a deformity of that body: All those arguments do militate more for us against the Pope's Monarchy. But Tertulian his challenge is pertinent for us. Where is Religion? Where is Reverence have to the Auncieunts▪ You have every way renounced them. You praise ever 
Tertul Apolog. cap. 6.  Antiquity, and yet ye live newly. Whereby it is manifest while ye depart from your forefather's institutions, that ye do keep the things which ye ought not, since ye keep not the things which ye ought.  
I close this point of the Novelty of their Usurpation, with 
a Vos dicitis licet, etc. Optat M●leadvers. Par menian. lib 5  Optatus Milevitanus, as he spoke of the Donatists question: Ye say, it is leasome, we say, it is not leasome, between your leasome and our no leasome, the minds of people stagger, so say we to the Papists. Ye say, the Popes may depose Kings, we say, he may not. Let Scripture be judge between us as the only Testament of our Father, as that same Optatus speaketh: And ex abundanti, we offer the challenge not for six hundreth years only as reverend jewel did in Dogmaticke points, but for a thousands years. Ye have neither Dogmatical positions, nor assassinate practices before Hildebrands' time. Neither have ye sanction of Counsels before that Lateran Council under Innocent the third. This is far from true 
b Illud very us quod prius, etc. Tertul. advers. Martion. lib. 4.  Antiquity, for that is true that is first and that is first that is from the Apostles: And that Martyr 
c Mih● antiquitas Iesus Christus Ignat ad Philad  said right, Christ is my Antiquity, But lest they be thrust from all notion of Antiquity, we shall grant them such as the jesuit Turselline claims to the transporting of the Virgin's Chamber from Nazareth to Dalmatia, and from thence to Loretto: He calleth that fablous miracle, an ancient faith. And yet when he cometh to 
[d] Tam vetustam fidem. Tursell. hist, Lauret. praefa●  the proof, he findeth nothing of that transport in the first a●d thirtteenth hundreth years: Such Antiquity is but Novelty, We have proved our proscription against 
[e] abide lib. 1. c. 2. & 6.  this Novelty, that ab initio non fuit sic, It was not so from the beginning. If pancirol had meddled with divine remarkes, he might have put among his Vetera deperdita the humble obedience to Princes lately left off by Popes; and their proud Usurpation over Princes among his nova reperta.   

CHAP. XII. Of the causes of this Usurpation.  
IT is a matter of astonishment to judicious men, to consider either the insolency of Popes in affecting; or the weakness of Princes in suffering such Usurpation; and some jesuits also have professed no less, 
a Fatness fuisse veteres ●●●eratores, & ●●perij nostri ordinis ●ui sibi tanto eum dedecore or● sublini a Papis sustini● r●nt. jesuit a ●ud G●●dast. Replic.  that old Emperors and states of the Empire were foolish, Who suffered their mouths to be wiped by Popes: By this wondering they make a greater wonder to the world, because they maintain and pursue that same quarrel, at whose iniquity they wonder: But the reasons of it are these especially.  
First: an universal corruption in all Estates, and every one winking at the sins of other: Princes preferred ignorant and wicked men to be Popes and Prelates: And winked at the corruptions they brought in the 
1. Corruption in all estates.  Church, in Doctrine worship and manners: And Popes on the other hand winked at the grievous sins of Princes: The Popes to make them strong against Princes gained their Clergy, not only by pleading their Immunity from Princes, but likewise giving them Impunity for their scandalous lives: And the Clergy finding that fleshly liberty under the Popes, assisted them against Authority: So that when good Princes intended to reform abuses in the Church, they found the faction of Pope and Clergy so strong that they could neither vindicate themselves, nor the Church from the tyranny of the Pope. As Princes than were not timously zealous of God's glory, so he suffered Popes to tread their honour in the dust.  
Next, Satan's malice, who seeing what good the spiritual 
2. Satan's malice.  and temporal powers wrought into man, and how their concord made a bar against him: Therefore he divyded them, and turned the pride of his suppost against the ordinance of God in Princes.  
Thirdly, the decaying estate of the empire offered occasion 
3. Decay of the ●mpire.  to the Pope, which he greedily embraced: It was then come to a great weakness, when Rodolph of Suevia was able to make a faction against the lawful Emperor: And that small remainder was obnoxious to the Pope, by his pretended power over their entry. Prince's also were taken up with great and heavy wars, and had no time to think on the Church, or redress it: And the Pope with his Clergy on the other side turned these distractions in opportunities, to do what they pleased. Besides the long, and far absence of the Emperor from Rome, gave 
4. The Roman ●eper. ●  the Pope liberty to misguide all at his pleasure. For when the like Ambition breakout in Michael the Patriarch of Constantinople, a little before Hildebrands' time, the Greek Emperor dwelling in Constantinople, did soon crush the eggs of that usurpation: But the Emperor's abiding in Germany, made the Pope a free working at Rome.  
Fourthly, we may find some cause in the Roman 
a Libido dominandi ●ne rat universe populo Romano. Aug. Civit. 1. 30.  temper, which was ever set for pride and domination as Augustine marketh; that the lust of governing was in the whole people of Rome: And Bernard 
b Quid tam notum saculis quam protervia & fastus Romanorum?— Gent ensue ta paci tumul tui assueta— usque adeo subdi nese●a nisi cum non valet resistere. Bernard de consid lib. 4  more fully, what is more known to the World, than the pride and partnesse of the romans? A Nation not acquaint with peace but with war: A Nation fierce and intractable; that can not be subject, but where they can not resist. And the Greek Church objected ever to them, supercilium Italicum, the Italian, or Roman pride: And the African council in Augustine's time, Typhum saeculi, fleshly and worldly ambition. They have this temper from Romulus, and not from Christ, for a thousand years it ever vexed itself in affecting a Monarchy: But when a period was fixed to the Monarchy, that pride ren ained, and changed only the object and ran out first upon a Kingdom or Hierarchy until Hildebrands' time; and thereafter iouned both in one, in affecting an Hierarcho-Monarchie: You shall as soon twin a Roman and his life, as twin him from his ambitious aspiring, and usurping humour.  
Fifthly, too great respect superstitiously given to the Pope: For he had now seized himself as God, in the house of 
5. Superstitious respect of the Pope.  God, and possessed the consciences of people by ignorance and superstition, so that all his words were as Oracles to them, and therefore as in Religion they thought he could not err, so in policy they thought all was right that he did; and to assist his most ambitious encroaching on Kings, was nothing less than to honour Christ himself. Moreover of these grounds, he made himself a party in the Empire, by fostering factions amongst Princes, and while they weakened other, every one of them depended on him; either for fear of hurt, or hope of gain. He had also his Cloisters, Convents▪ and Chapters; as also many Garrisons in the heart of Kingdoms, and his volant forces of preaching and begging Friars, who are now both succeeded, and exceeded by the jesuits.  
Lastlie the great difference between the policies of Princes and Popes. In the empire the government was ever 
6 Unequal policy in Church and ●mpyre.  raw and green, and as mortal as the person of the Emperor. He was not ever of one house, and when he died, his counsel seemed to die also; his designs and projects, with all the means, for prosecuting were buried with him: A new Emperor had a new Council, and a new council had new grounds to lay, new ends to intend, and new means to choose: Their wits were taken up with the novelty of the preferment of their Master, and the first occurrent difficulties, and goat not liberty to pry in the deep of the Estate: So they were ever Novices, and Strangers in arcanis imperij and if any of them saw any thing therein, touching the Pope's tyranny, they durst not enter into that quarrel, wherein so many excellent Princes were overthrown; but choosed by obsequy to provide peace for themselves, and favour to their heirs. But Popery was sweyed with a constant and standing council, 
Popery a constant plot.  though an Hildebrand, and Alexander died, their intentions and designs died not, but that same end remained, and the platform of their courses was followed out by their successor, in whom also their decessors lived All things mortal in the empire but in a sort immortal in the government of Popery made the one to outreach the other, as far as it did outlive it. A Pope might die, but his consistory died not, nor the mystery of iniquity, nor the odd 
● Thess 2  knacks of knavery to perform it. Therefore he is called a Man, the Man of sin etc. not for unity of number, but of mind: A succession of Men of one intention, one course: Having one work or mystery in hand, whereof the seeds were in the Apostles tyme. It grew secretly in following Ages: It was perfected in Hildebrand thereafter discovered by the Gospel, and decayeth till it be destroyed.  
Besides these reasons, two other things advanced this 
Pretended holiness a cause of the Pope's greatness.  tyranny: Pretended holiness, as a specious colour, and Excommunication as a terror. For Holiness: the Popes gave themselves out to the world, as most holy, and men counted so of them: when they were holy indeed, they neither exacted adoration of Princes, neither usurped; but o beyed them: But being monstrously profaine they boastof holiness & oppressed princes. There is nothing now but his Title Sanctissimus, most holy; & as though that Superlative were a Diminutive of his worth, he must have it in abstracto, sanctitas, holiness itself. Men would think that he claimed this name, in the proper notion of infused and habitual holiness▪ in his person▪ as a special Grace of the holy Spirit: But their wickedness doth witness so against them, that they take it in another Nation▪ and expone it of a comparative, a respective, a t●ular and putative holiness.  
First, A Comparative holiness: Because he is holy in respect of people: But this is both a base claim, for him hat will be called a Vice god, a god on ●a●th▪ the head of the Church by whom she hath influence: And it is false 
Bellar. Chro ●ol 126.  also, because many Princes and people both, were holier than usurping Popes as Bellarmine confesseth.  
secondly, A respective holiness: In respect of their Office, For there be two sorts of gifts of the Spirit saith Becane? 
a Beea● O pus Tom. 5. p. 500 Duplicia sunt dona Sp. sancti— ad secundum genus pertinet illud quod agnos●imus in Pontifice.  One for salvation in true righteousness, and holiness: The other is given to help others to salvation and holiness and this is common both to good and evil; and of this kind is that holiness we acknowledge in the Pope: And when Gardius objected to him, that some Popes were ignorant and flagitious, he answereth that, 
b Non ●mpedit assistentiam & directionem Spir▪ sancti. Ibid. Matth 7. 23  that did not stay the assistance of the holy Spirit in those things that was necessary to the Pope's holiness, because Balaam was a flagitious man & these workers of iniquity, to whom Christ will say, I know you not, depart from me. This is true indeed, we hold him at his word, for it is a poor pleading, to sure no more holiness for their Pope, than to Balaam or false prophets.  
thirdly, A titular holiness, given for a title, and 
Antique est consuetudo▪ ut R. P. dicatur sancti●simus, & beat●ss● mus Azor. Moral part▪ 2. lib. 5. c. ult. col. 941.  made passant through long custom: (a) As the Emperors were called Augusti, from Augustus▪ and Optimi from Traian, though they were infortunate and dissolute as Nero, Heliogabalus, and Galen, etc. So because some Popes were holy▪ that ●a●e passed as a Title to their Successoures', without any respect of their personal▪ qualification. This Azo●ius confesseth that it is an ●l●e custo●e that the Pope be●alled most holy, and most blessed, etc. So he contenteth him with a custom.  
fourthly, A putative or presumed holiness▪ when men think him to be holy, though he ●e a monster indeed: So Hildebrand in his own cause. 
a Meritis be at●▪ Petri ind●bitanter sanctus effici tur▪ Gregor. 7 dictat 23 Sufficiunt quae a loci decesso▪ re praestantur. Gratian. distinct. 40. Non nos  If the Pope be canonically ordained vndoub●dlie he is made holy by the merits of S. Peter. And who can doubt s●id Symmachus. ●ut he is holy whom the top of so great dignity extolleth. In whom if they lack merits of their own, the merits furnished by their Predecessors will suffice. For this place either exalteth them who are excellent, or maketh them excellent who are exalted. Let the World judge whither they or we put pillows of security under men● head since they come so easily to merit. But their Council of Basile is 
b ●u●●icit reputare San ctum unde non refertur san ctitas ad eum, sed ad ast●mationem subaitorum Apud Been par▪ 4 colum. 367  more clear, & giveth us three sorts of this putative holiness. The first is of his State that he be reputed holy, so that holiness is not referred to him, but to the estimation of people, as honour is in honoran●e non in honorato. The second holiness is religious. The third is the holiness of public justice.. But the Pope as Pope is the highest degree of all these sorts, therefore he may be called most holy▪ albeit he be of a wicked life, so long as he is not judged to be so, but tolerate by the holy Church. This like their State-sanctitie or holiness of their religious orders, which is contrair distinguished to true holiness▪ 
c Bellar. de Monach. lib. 1. cap. 2.  For a man may be truly perfect and not in a religious state, and in a religious state, but not perfect. I admit their distinction, but why tie they Evangelic perfection to that state, except they mean such a perfection as is their holiness, and that is but a fancy? They mo●ke the Imputation of Christ's righteousness, when the godly apply it by ●●ith, Christ alloweth it▪ and the Father imputeth it: And ●et they content themselves with a putative holiness borrowed of man, and imputed by ●an: So in their Priest's absolution of the penit●1nts and in this their holiness of Popes. 
d Em. Sa▪ Aphoris ●it. absolu●to   
It argueth an evil cause, in so great a claim, to be content with so base a portion: in the strife for a Monarchy, they outrack all the notions of the words that signify power, Supremacy, etc. But in the claim of holiness they 
Octava nota sanctitas doctrine. Bellar. de nota Eccl. c. 11 Idem recog. pag. 51.  decline the proper Notion and retrinches all to a Titular and putative sense. This maketh their Patron when he disputs his eight note of the Church, to wit holiness, to shift it from persons, and apply it to doctrine. And in another place to crave no more respect to their Pope, than Caiaphas had, though he was a false Priest and wicked, and such respect as judas had among the Disciples. This is a great change, that he who t●rusteth himself above Kings, yet among the Clergy is content to be ranked among Caiaphas and judas.  
This their not our wickedness seemeth to be the secret 
Change of their name.  cause of the change of their Name, when they enter the Popedom. The most part beginneth at Sergius the second, who being ashamed of his name (Swynes-mouth) called himself Sergius. But Baronius ascriveth it to Sergius 
Bar an. 844. num. 1  the third, Who being first called Peter, would not retain that name, for the reverence he bore to S. Peter: But here is the mystery, they have no part of the holiness of S. Peter. & therefore taken not his name: And moreover, among all who took other names, as of Paul, john etc. yet never one took the name of Peter, albeit some had that name before their Papalizing, as Innocent the fourth, formerly called Petrus of Tarentasia, and Paul the fist, formerly called Petrus Carafa. This is not of humility, but of conviction of conscience, not taking his name to whom they are opposite.  
So long as Sancta Catholica stood in the Creed, there 
Rome's holiness is profaneness.  was some holiness amongst them, but since they thrust Romana on it, they have lost holiness: Roman holiness is but by Equivocation, and in end resolves in monstruous profaneness for at Rome it is all one to be called a Christian, as in other places to be called an Ass. The head of their Church may be a Monster & to be a member of that Church, faith & inward virtue is not required, but only a Subjection to the Pope: 
a Non requ●●● ullam in ternam v●rt● te● sed tan tum externa professionem &c Bellar de Eccles. milit. lib 3. cap. 2  So their Church in the head & members are by Equivocation, their holiness by Equivocation, & all of them in the Church, but secundum apparentiam exteriorem & putative: Campian needed n●t boast us, ad Ecclesiae nom●n rostis expalluit. 
b Campiaem Rat. 3.  As though it were to us as G●rgons head, to make us astonished, but if they have any remnant ingenuity, they should be ashamed of their excrementitious Church, for they crave none other place for it, but as hairs, and nails, and evil humours in the body. 
c Nostra defi●●●●● compre hendit capillos ungues, malos humores, Bel ubi supra. Civit. 1. 33  and their excommnnication is not a curse, but a blessing, to be separate from such a Synagogue. All here agree, such an head, such members: And this was the fruit of their Monarchy; when the Romans wanted Carthage, and other emulous republics they ran headlong to all ●vices, & stantibus maenibus mores ruebant, while their walls stood strong, their lives we●e dissolute. So when the Popes had trod down all competitors, they loosed themselves to all profaneness.  
Herein they seem to walk in an evil Conscience, both in plunging ignorant men, and flattering the Pope. They plunge the ignorant, while they affirm, that the salvation of all Christians dependeth on the holiness, virtue, and example of the Popes. 
d In eorum sanctitate sa lus omnium Christianorum posita est. We stan de oscul. ped Po●t. p. 153.  And Salianus an jesuit writing to Paul the fi●t, saith, Ut per unum te & in communione tantum tua, vis omnis, ac vigor gratiarum & sanct●●atis in omnia membra diffundatur. That Christ hath thee for his Vicar, and as the neck, under such an Head, that by thee alone▪ and in thy communion only, all power and vigour of grace and holiness may be diffused through all the members of his most sacred body. 
e Neminem ●oss● etiamsi ve●●t ●ubesse Christo— qui non su●est ontifici, &c Bel. ubi supra▪ cap. 5.  And to this s●m● since. Bellarmine affirmeth, that no man (although ●ee would) can be subject to Christ, and communicate with the heavenly Church, except he be subject to the Pope. 
a Vnam ●s●nctam De Eccles 3. 9  this is more than Boniface his extravagant, for● that did only tie men to be subject to the Pope, but this bindeth Christ also that he cannot communicate his Grace, but by the Pope's Mediation. And in a word, an exalting of the Pope above God and man. But since he sayeth, that Christ the Head of the Church, is sanctus sanctorum, I demand what necessity hath he of the Mediation 
Bee. Man●, 1 4  of an usurping Pope, who is profanus profanorum. But Becane is more circumspect, than Salianus and Bellermine, while he draweth the influence of that Head no further, than the external government.  
Their flattery of the Pope is clear, for they know his wickedness should be abhorred, and yet they will defend it: And Canus 
b Oculos nos erudi●os habe mus. l. c ult▪  (otherwise modest) will tell us that they have learned eyes, and cover the Pope's faults as Shem and Cham did Noah's nakedness: But that is impudency and not modesty: For Noah's nakedness came of infirmity, and was private within the Tent, but the Pope's wickedness is affected, and scandalously open to the World: It were good for the Pope and them both to use Bernard's liberty, in not sparing the Pope but telling him his faults freely, that God might spare him; but herein they are more like Varro 
d Haec Var r● non credidit, &c August. Civit. 18. 10  who dissembled the vallenies of the gods, lest he should believe things unseemly to them.  
But if they must be called holy, let them have it, in that sense, as Paul the fourth called sanctissimum officium inquisitionis, most holy office of the inquisition 
e Oruphrius in vita Pauli 4. . Or as Tertullian 
f Archi gall lus ille sanctis simus. Tertul. Apol. 25. Mater magna sacris suis non magnitudine numinis, sed crimini●. August. Civit. lib. 5 cap. 26.  scornfully calleth Archi Gallus Cybel● Priest sanctissimus, whose service was so abominable, that reason was ashamed to express it. because that goddess was great not in the greatness of goodness, but of wickedness. Or shall we say, that they make that title sanctissimus, to signify contrary things, both most holy, and most profaine, as the Hebrew Kadosh is holy, and Kadesh is scortum mus culum: All holds in the Pope, safe only that contrate significations in the Hebrew are of divers things, bu● here both agree in him, the good notion putatively, but the ill both really and properly.  
They might have lurked long under this ambiguity, had not their Analist 
a Vidisti du● extrema Ep● scopum sanctis simum▪ & 'pon tificem perditissimum Basilius▪ run. an. 960. num. 7.  discovered all; for where as others have made real profaneness, and titular holiness compatible in the Pope; he hath set them as two extremes and cont●ares, and ascryved true holiness to Dunstane, and profaneness to the Pope; to tell that holiness is more to be found in others than in Popes, yea that Pope's compared to them are but Monsters.  
To close this point, their holiness is the Court holiness of Rome, which (as Bernard 
b Totum ho● nor●, nihil san ctitati datur. Bernard. consid. lib. 4.  speaketh) giveth all to honour, but nothing to holiness; and so they fall under his just censure in another place: That it is 
c Monstrosa res gradus summus, & ani mus infimus etc. Ibid l. 2  a monstruous thing, to see in one the highest degree of the Church, and lewdest life. And I would advise them to follow Ambrose 
d Nomen congruat actions▪ &c Ambros de dign. sacerd. c. 3. upon in Cantic. lib 1 O miserandam Ecclesiam tali creditampa ranympho. Bernard. Consid 3. Al●ac. de reso▪  direction, to show what they are rather by action than profession, that their Name agree with their life, and their life answer to their Name, lest it be a vain name, and an odious crime: Lest it be an high honour, and a deformed life; lest it be a divine profession, and an unlawful action,— because as there is nothing more excellent than a good Bishop, so there is nothing more miserable than a scandalous Bishop; for great sublimity should have great circumspectness. Let him read his dittay and doom from Aponius: If he neither live holily, nor teach right, he shall drink the bitter fruits of his wickedness: And I must say of his Church with Bernard, O miserable Church committed to such a Paranymph; and with Cardinal Aliaco, It is lamentable when the Church of God is come to this estate, that it is not worthy to be ruled, but by reprobates.  
The second furtherance of their tyranny was excommunication of Princes: It had a show to cut them off from the Church: 
Excommunication the terrible motive of their greatness.  but was more terrible by the consequence in losing people from their obedience. The old romans were not so cruel, for when their Laws of twelve tables appointed punishment to every crime, yet to impretie they appointed none, but referred the guilty to the revenge of the Gods: The 
Azorius.  greatest force it had, was from Princes themselves: For as every one was ambitious, or greedy of his neighbour's Kingdom, he sought no more but to be an executioner of the Pope's curse, for so he found a title to the Kingdom, that was exposed to prey, and to conquer it by the Subjects, who were ready either to forsake their native Lord, or take arms against him: As the Subjects of Navarre beyond the Pyrenes, at the excommunication 
Oratio ingenua ad Regem Christaniss.  of julius the second, deserted their native King, and took them to the King of Castille. So Princes for their private ends gave strength to that blow of excommunication, and made it a matter of ruin to them all. This was his policy to bear down Kings, by yoking them by the ears, and making them break one another. He overthrew them whom he hated; and engaged the other who was his instrument, to himself for the benefit of an ill conquered Kingdom. here were both craft and cruelty: they not only stirred up other Kings against the excommunicate King, but also his own Subjects, who should have been his guard: They possessed their superstitious credulity, to make them think him execrable, and that it was good service to GOD to cut him off▪ Herein the Pope proved a Monster, in blowing at once both hot and cold: cursing good Kings; and with an Apostolic benediction, conferring their Kingdom on some other King: This is to have the horns of the 
Revel. 13. 11 Platin. Aventin.  Lamb, but to speak like the Dragon. Thus Hildebrand verifieth what was said of him: That he was terrore pot●● quam Religione magnus. Great by terror rather than Piety    

The third part of the Treatise, concerning their crooked courses to uphold this Usurpation.  

CHAP. XIII. And first of their Professions institute to defend it.  
FOr upholding their Usurpation they use four special things: First Professions for defending it. secondly, Recrimination, charging us with their own crimes, thirdly, Tergiversation, in contesting. fourthly. Ludification of Kings. For the first, Satan knew this Monster could not subsist alone, and that truth could never countenance error; therefore as he begot it on man's fleshly wisdom, he set that same wisdom to foster it when it was brought forth; and so according to the several times, made that Antichristian Church to erect such professions as could best maintain it. These are Schoolmen, Canonists: Casuists: The Hypocrisy of Orders: And lastlie the jesuits.  
The first are Schoolmen, a sort of Theologues slavishlie addicted to the Pope: For after that darkness had covered 
1. Schoolmen.  the Church, and a new light of learning seemed to break up, it was worse than the former darkness, as Error and Heresy are worse than simple ignorance or a a man after long sickness changed from a light fever to a frenzy. It is true, they have some good things, as distinct Notions; exact distinctions and words though rude, yet very significant; but it is as sure they spilt Divinity, and turned it in Philosophy; and like Nadab and Abihu brought uncouth fire in the Sanctuary In divine things they disdained either to think or speak with Scripture 
a Os consecratum est Evangelio, & nihil crepat ni si Averroem, vel Aristotele Erasm Annot ●. Tim. 1  and made their mouth consecrate to the Gospel, to sound nothing but Averro, and Aristotle, as Erasmus wisely marketh. And Canus 
b Plerique ab Aristotele non aliter pen dent atque ab oraculo. Ca nus l. 10. c. 5.  followeth his steps. Marry now depend on Aristotle no less, than on a divine Oracle— And we have heard of some Italians, who spend as much time on Aristotle and Averro, as others do on Scriptures, and trust them as much as the Apostles and Evangelists. They inquired all things curiously, and determined boldly, affecting more to close with the Philosopher's words than with Christ, and that with endless ●angling: For quo plus est eiusmodi questiuncularum, hoc plus etiam subscatet 
Erasm. ubi supra. — Etiamsi millies mille milla produxeris. The more petit questions they made, the more questions ever grew, whereof though a thousand times a thousand thousand were determined yet more were behind. They made Divinity like cornered Spectacles, through which one thing seemeth to be forty or thirty according to the number of the corners, so that a man putting his hand to take up that one thing, knew not how to find it among so many speces. So the 
(c) Verum est unum falsum vero multifidum Nazian  truth that is in every thing, but one indivisible point was lost amongst so many Questions. 
d Non sine manifesta suspicione adu lationis. Eras. ubi supra.  Their main end was to hold up the Pope in his tyranny, and that by base flattery 
e I am verò de Rom. Pont, potestate etc. Eras ubi supra Bellar. contra Barcla●um p. 27  They disputed more of his power, than of the power of God; and questioned, if he had a twofold power, and if he might abrogate that which was decreed by the Apostles: If he might coin a new Article of faith. If he had a greater power than Peter, or equal. If he might command the Angels. 
f Hominem acerrimum op pressum fuisse suae civitatis consuetudine, ac legibus. Civit. l. 6. c. 2  etc. The Pope was their god, the current opinions of the time was their rule: And natural reason and Philosophy was their grounds. He had them at hand, to turn his fact into a right, and to determine all questions in his favour: And these seventy Divines reckoned out by Bellarmine, were all of that sort, and defenders of this Usurpation. We may say of them all, as Augustine did of Ʋerro, that these quick and skilled men were oppressed by the custom and Laws of their own City, in so far as being preoccupyed by an evil time, they went the way of the common error, and though they would father their fashion on Augustine's disputs, specially against the Priscillianists, yet it is nothing like: For every where he presseth Scripture: But they disdain it as trivial, and delight rather to say, At contra Philosophus, than contra Christus.  
They were not all alike, but time brought out three distinct Classes of Schoolmen▪ The first like Lombard had s●me Scripture: The second had less Scripture, and more Philosophy: The third was worst, that neglected Scripture, and had nothing but a mass of Philosophy and humane 
Possevin Ap p●rat. C. Mar Victor. Possev. Ibid. Bonaventura.  subtleties; They could not have sound Divinity who (as Possevine witnesseth of Marius Victorinus) were wholly taken up in profaine learning, and ignorant of Scriptures: And if any of them joined knowledge with affection, and turned Theory to Piety, as Bonaventura did he was contemned of the rest, albeit Gersome, Trithemius, and others call him a most compleete Divine. But notwithstanding these differences, they went all one way to 
Bin. Tom. 1. pag. 239.  maintain the Pope's tyranny. The most of their business was as Constantine speaketh of Arius inanis dissoluti otij certatio. The vain jangling of dissolute idleness. But all their work is the building of Babel; they hurt Rome more in their doctrine, than they help their government, for scarcely is there any point controverted, wherein they plead not for us.  
The second sort of defenders are Canonists, and these 
2 Canonists.  more shameless flatterers of the Pope than Schoolmen: They made Laws of their own, and wrested all to the wrong end: As a Tyrant when he hath oppressed a Kingdom, abrogateth the ancient laws, and makes laws for his 
[b] Machiavelli. Princeps. cap. 6.  own behoof to approve his tyranny, and secure his possession, (a) So did the Pope by his Canon Law: they gave it a proud name, as though it were a ruling Law: Their Catholic faith is Roman heresy, and their Canon Law a Roman rule. So long as they lived Ecclesiasticklie, God's word sufficed them for a rule of Faith and manners, and the Canons of Counsels for government: But when they turned Monarches, they would have Traditions and school-divinity for a rule of Faith, and a Canon Law for Government, So Lancelotus 
a Libris ●●ris Pont diligenter intuentibus, facile apparebit eos ad quandam imitationem, etc. Lancel. Inst. ●ur. Can. proem.  confesseth, That it is made to the imitation of the civil Law; for as the one dependeth on the authority of the Emperor, so the other on the authority of the Pope. Few things they have from Scripture, more from Fathers, and more yet from Counsels, but most of all from the Popes own Letters.  
After many compylers, as Cresconius, Isidore, Hincmarus, Ivo, Burchardus, and others whereof their Analist 
b Baron a●. ● 6 5. n. 4. 5. 6  writeth at length. Gratian put forth his Decretum; thereafter came the Decretals far worse for these wings put to his Decretum, carried them downward to an earthly Monarchy. But the Clementines, are cruel, and the Extravagants are extravagant indeed, and lay the grounds and process of a bloody inquisition. 
c Francis. Peg. disp. de aut. extr●.  And lastlie, the seventh of the Decretals 
d Constit. Pontif. edit. a Petro Math.  is worst of all. Gratian'ss Decreit, pointed at his Monarchy as a thing that must be: The Decritalls urge it as a thing must be: But this last setteth it out with an absolute power. But what ever their Laws bear in their sense; they can turn and expone all to the Pope's behoof. Even as Martinus the jurist, who for to please Fridericke the Emperor, 
Radiu. de gest. Fred.  declared that by Law, all the goods of the Insubrians pertained to him in property, and therefore got his palfrey. So the Canonists expone all Laws for the Pope's end, and put all under his foot, and so they get Benefices. They follow the Schoolmen in their confusion, and their resolutions agree as well as Clocks in a City.  
The third sort of defenders are Casuists: Conscience is 
3 Casuists.  the most authoritative power and act in man, and therefore must be taken in for their defence. The Pope saw that men's minds might be possessed with school-divinity, and with the Canonists in the outward iudicatory, there la●ked only the captivating of their Consciences in foro interiori; therefore the Casuits were erected. They run the same way with their Brethrens to maintain the pope's usurpation, but with a more press strain, giving him power to bind & lose in Heaven, Earth, & Purgatory what he will: They make people so pliable by superstitious credulity, that what he bindeth or looseth, biddeth or forbiddeth, etc. All floweth from a plenitude of power, and is ratified of God in Heaven. They abuse the name of Conscience in their profession, yet they rack Conscience more than direct it, and a man after reading shall come more perplexed from them, than when he began. 
Summa Angelica. Summa summarum. Tolet. Instruct Sacer. Vivald. Candle. Sayri casus Conscience   
In all their large Volumes (wherein as Sheep they follow the beaten rod of the current opinion) there is little that smelleth of Conscience▪ or that serveth to keep it, but rather to destroy it: And for instance; if we look to their cases and resolutions on the fifth and sixth Commands, they are like Dracoes' Laws, and on the seventh Command they are more vile than Arrius Thalia, or Sotades filthy poesy, 
a Malven. de Antichristo lib. 1. cap. 12.  & seem rather to be written by Sannio or Messalina in the Borthell, than by Christian Divines under the vow of Chastity. 
b Caie●. de Delect. mo●osa. Gerson. de mollity. Casuist. Tit. de debito conjugali.  It is a wonder how either they had hearts to think, or mouths to speak such villainies. But their main drift is to hold up the Pope's tyranny in absolute power of judging, dispensing, absolving, reserved cases, etc. and to set his Throne upon the consciences of men.  
fourthly, because people are not aye capable of the subtleties of these three squadrons of defendants, but crave some visible thing, therefore the juggling of the last 
4 Religious orders.  orders, was brought in, specially of Franciscus Hypocrisy, & Dominicus cruelty, who like Pandarus and Bittas at the Port of Aeneas Town, held up the tottering Lateran Church. He enriched them by spoiling the secular Clergy of Tithes, to make them a counterpose to the Clergy, and as Garrisons entertained by Princes against themselves: Their Hypocrisy served much to lustre his wickedness, for what could the world but think all was good stuff under so glistering colours. They gave out their Monasteries as as many Armies to fight 'gainst Satan, and by their merits and supererogation to help men to heaven: But in effect they were the Pope's spies and Garrisons. First to eat up Kingdoms, and then to hold them in his obedience. This their politics 
Nostro hoc s● culo tam multae sunt religiones à Pontisi● cibus confirma tae, etc. Can. lib. 5. c. 5. fine.  do, But the wiser sort thought, this folly and hurtful to their state: So Canus saith in their name: In this our Age, there are so many Religions confirmed by Popes, that who ever would defend them as profitable, or necessary to the Church: He may justly be convicted of imprudence, if not of foolishness.  
Lastlie, the latter times hath drawn them on their deepest devyces: Valdensis, Wickliff, Hus etc. gave them 
5. jesuits.  great blows, and their former provision, sufficed to make some defence; but Luther and Calvine came with the great ordinance; and have battered their Walls, therefore they took them to a new sort of Soldiers: These are their Triarii or Soldiers of trust. The jesuits 
a Thuan. hist. lib. 1●0 Hasenmull. hist. jesuitic. Arnold● orat. lesuit. Lubin. praefat. ad Philippen.  Ignatius Scholars; who like another Atlas putteth their shoulders under staggering Rome. They are the last order, but the worst, and have extracted from the rest all that may complete them for this great service. They have borrowed subtlety from the Schoolmen, Impudency from the Canonists, a cauterised Conscience from the Casuists, Hypocrisy from the Franciscans, cruelty from the Dominicans, And because these are not sufficient to perfect them, they have taken from the mahumetans Assasinisme, to kill and destroy Princes,. The Romans afraid of Porsenna, sent out Scevola either to kill him or boast him to p●ace: So the Pope's fearing the power of Princes, houndeth out jesuits, either to cut them off, or make them pliable to his tyranny.  
This order perfecteth his tyranny, for after Hildebrand, they held the● with excommunication, deposition, etc. But since the jesuits arose, there are more Princes stobbed, than in sex ages before; and all these Wars in Europe, since their rising, and this fearful combustion these last twelve years, are of their plotting. Their hand is most about Princes, and States, and make their Crowns, liberties, and lyves problematicke: They lay them at the staike at their pleasure; and being impatient of their life, do consult Satan about their death, as Cotton did of Henry the fourth. Such consulting Tertullian called devilish in the Pagans, Magos consultat de capite Caesaris. 
Tertul. Apol. 35.  Their fourth vow 
a Ignat. Epist. ad Lusi●anos.  proper to them alone, proveth them to be the Popes Devotists, as Mutius, Curtius, & the two Deccis offered themselves for their country; so have they bound themselves to do, and suffer all for the Pope's Grandeur. This Gregory the thirteenth observed, when reading the jesuits Annals, and seeing what pains they took▪ cried out, I have so many thousand 

Tot sunt mihi milli● Clericorum, sed soli Iesuitae omnes superant, etc. Lucij. hist. jesuit p. 144.  
Laur. Austriac. p. 49 Antonius Gallon. de ●ita-Philip. Nerij pag. 200.   Clerks; and yet the jesuits overcome them all, in stablishing our Kingdom; therefore they are worthy to be entertained above the rest: Hereupon he augmented their privileges, and exalted them to hold up the Pope's dignity: And the Jesuits in their Apology against the Bohemians declare, se velle totum orbem Rome Pont. subijcere, that they would subdue all the world to the Pope.  
And lest Ignatius Soldiers be not sufficient to keep such a breach, Philippus Nerius (whether of emulation like Themistocles burning for Miltiades victory, or of a blind zeal) did institute his congregatio Oratorij, that hath brought out unto us most rigid zealots: Of this sort was Baronius, the two Bozij, etc. They are more mild in carriage than the jesuits, but more peremptory (if more can be) in maintaining the Pope's power. They condemn the moderation of their own Complices, and count them Heretics, and profaine Politics, who mitigate any thing; sometimes these distinctions of juris divini, & humani, directly and indirectly, etc. had some use, but now they have casten them over the bar, and propone 
Gul. Barclai●s contra Bel. cap. 13.  their tenets in broad terms of a power divine in original, direct in use, and absolute in kind. It is like that Ignatius & Nereus Scholars, are stryving who shall most endear the Pope to themselves by their service; and sure it is, that Sixtus the fifth was more pleased with the Nereans, than with the jesuits, as shall be seen hereafter. All these are but fleshly subsidies to maintain an earthly Monarchy, and do rather procure, and hasten its ruin, than hold it up.   

CHAP. XIIII. Of their second Coverture: RECRIMINATION.  
THeir second Coverture of this Tyranny, is Recrimination: They charge us with their doctrine, and treasonable practices; and like the old Pagans, crimina sua nobis obijciunt, as said Tertul. Apol. Salmeron 
a Non audiunt Principes seculares, nec Imperatores, Salmer. tom. 6. Tractat. 23.  hath it summarily, that we obey not secular Princes and Emperors: And Scribanius 
b Societati h●retici sua appingunt scelera. Scriban. Amphitheat. lib. 1. c. 10  The Calvinists (sayeth he) layeth over their own wickedness upon the jesuits, for al●● the troubles of France are to be ascryved to them. But Richeomus 
c Omnes Gal li● calamitates, etc. Richeo● Expost. Apol. cap. 26  the jesuit most fully, that all the calamities of France are brought in by the pestiferous doctrine of the Protestants: And that the doctrine of Luther and Calvine armeth men, and powseth them to wickedness and treason: And jesuit 
d Lutheri, atque Calvini disciplina suapte natura ad scelus ar● mat atque impellit.  Fisher is so bold, as to attest King james of happy memory, That their doctrine was not so prejudicial to Princes, as the opinion of most of the Calvinists. This is their calumnious disposition, whereof they gave a proof at the Massacre of Paris: when under colour to make a perfect peace, they drew in the chief Protestants to Paris, 
Thuan. Hist.  and murdered them treacherously: They dispatched letters to foreign Princes, bearing. that the Protestants had conspired against the King; and what he did, was done upon his own defence. But they were soon ashamed of that colour, and dispatched a Post to the Pope, 
Oratio Sixti 5 Antisixtus.  to feed him with the news of that cruelty; and his gratulation in the Consistory telleth who were the Authors. Thuan relateth, and abhorreth both this calumnious 
Rex alia habuit crimina praemeditata, etc. Cardinal Lothar. apud Goldast. polir. pag. 1139. Genes. 31. 32  dealing, and the Massacre itself: And the Cardinal of Lorraine confesseth, that the King had other crimes premeditate, to make the Huguenots cause abominable. But we say to them, as jacob did to Laban, search our stuff, even all the doctrine of the reformed Church; and show what positions or practise they find like their bloody doctrine. Some Humanists and Poets, or others, have spoken some things, that may be so thrown; but it was in the Hypothese of some particular abuse, and not the doctrine of our Church. But the kill of Kings amongst them is disputed, determined, and put in execution: And when a treasonable plot was ready, their jesuits and ●riers vented in the Pulpits bloody Sermons, both to encourage 
Thuan. Continuat.  the miscreants who attempted treason, and to mol●fie the minds of people about parricide: And Ravilliacke being posed what moved him to his parricide, answered, The preachings of the jesuits and Friars against the King.  
Beside their express Tenets of that doctrine, they have also some other points to maintain it (for no great heresy can be alone) but hath a brotherhood with more heretical points, which have a concatenation to maintain each other: So this point of kill Kings hath auricular confession: The seal of confession: and Equivocation 
1. Auricular confession.  to defendit. Auricular confession is a secret and sure way for consulting with a Priest or jesuit, upon the matter of ●reason, and to press his Conscience with a necessity to do it.  
The pretended seal of confession maketh the Traitor 
2. Aequivocation. 3. Seal of confession.  bold to reveal himself to his Confessar, because of secrecy: It secureth also the Confessar, that though he be privy to Treason, yet he shall not be punished because he must not break the seal of confession. This is a main point of that mystery wherein though they differ 
Malder. de sigillo. c. 2  among themselves (as Panormitane calling it, but juris Ecclesiastici, & Malderus, juris divini) yet all of them agree in this: That neither the Pope, nor Church may cause the Priest to reveal it: 
a Maldonat. summul. pag. 310. 317. Casaub. Epist. ad Front. Duc.  No not though the world should perish, as Binetus the jesuit affirmed to Casaubone. And another jesuit being privy to Ravilliacks treason testified, that God had given him such a gift, that so soon as he heard of any treasonable matter in confession, he forgot both the persons and purpose. Tertulians' speech of the Heathen Altars fits them, inter aras lenocinia tractari: But we may add that they treat not only of filthiness, but also 
Tert. Apol. C●vit. 2. 22  Treason, so that S. Augustine's speech is likewise true, that men discedunt peiores ab eorum sacris, they depart worse from their Sacraments, than they came to them. So their Sacrament of pennence is a Machiavilian devyce, to plot practice, and keep treason secret, in alibertie of consultation by auricular confession, in pressing their conscience with the equity of the fact, and encouraging them to do it under opinion of satisfaction and merit. France had a proof of this under Henry the third: The jesuits in their confessions, urged men to join them to the League against their King, and refused absolution to such as they found 
Oratio vera & ingenua.  steadfast in loyalty to him: And as their own Author says, Two hundreth jesuits' did more hurt in few months, than an hundreth thousand men could do: And they caused such as they absolved to swear. that they would neither acknowledge Henry the third, nor his Successor forlawfull Kings. And then all must be confirmed by taking their Eucharist. 
a Lud. Lucij hist jesuit p 368.  So they abuse their Sacraments: Pennance serveth to plot treason and practise it securely, and the Eucharist to harden them in that wickedness. 
b Casa●b. ad Front. ●17 130 & 136   
Equivocation is a shelter for the traitorous complices that he shall not reveal them, but illude the judge by Ambiguities and mental reservation: So 
c Licet ei uts equivocations dicendo non fe ci & ipse non habuisse complices, etc. Tolet. de In struck Sacerd. l. 5 c. 58 n. 7  Tolet affirmeth that 
4 Aequivocation.  the guilty Person may use Equivocation, and say, that he had not complices, albeit he had them— And he must be wily to speak according to his own intention, as to say, I did it not (understanding with himself, in the prison) and I had not complices in other crimes or such like. This is a point most defended by the Jesuits, and that to serve their turn for particide, as their Barnesius 
d Barnes. toto lib. de aequivocatione.  proves in his large Book which he hath written, fathering Equivocation upon the jesuits as their proper Arte. And some others confess, that it is the Art of our jesuits to deceive Magistrates in their Oaths. 
e Sacerd Vis bic●n. Epist. ad Catholic.  Ars est nostrorum jesuitarum ut in iuramentis suis Magistratibus illudant: Seeing therefore the reformed Churches hath no such Doctrine as Equivocation, auricular confession with the seal of it (which are the masks of King-killing) their Recrimination is calumnious.  
Their practice also proveth this, in that fanaticke dementation of some whom they either find or make for such a mischief. If they find one ladened with grievous sins, that craveth great penal Injunctions, or Melancholic in complexion, or hardened in a blind resolvedness to be a Scholar in that School, where caeca obedientia blind obedience reigneth, them they work on him by their speech and illusions in their Chamber of meditations, to make him think it his happiness to do such things as they enjoin, though it were to kill a Prince, and withal to be secret and dye silent. This they have learned of the Assasines 
a Goldast. Replic. c. 1. ex Tyrio & Paul. Venet. Princeps c. 10  and for their choice of the instrument, Machiavelli hath taught them that Caedes quae ab obstinati & obfirmati animi proposito accidunt, evitari non possunt Machiavelli. the slaughter coming from the purpose of an obstinate and obfirmed mind cannot be eschewed, and of Seneca: 
c Qui mortem suam con● tempserit tuae dominus est. Senec.  That he who contemns his own death, is Master of thine: As for their silence in death, it is native to them through Ignatius their Master, For when Piso was treacherously killed by a Spainiard, no torture could move the Traitor to reveal his complices. 
d Tacitly.   
Lastlie, the rewards they have promised them for that fact, remission of sins in this life, canonising and eternal life: Becket was sancted for his treason, and counted a Martyr: So is Garnet for the powder plot: and because they thought it gross to call him a Martyr in t● arms, they devysed the conceit of spica Garneti: 
e Cydon Apol Garnet. cap. 14  That feigned picture of a strae-Sainct was a sufficient motive to canonize him: But since they call it a Palea, 
f Tantum vulnus palea inflictum Calviniane super stiti●ni▪ Ibid. pag. 552.  it is but a ehaffie argument, and may pass with the Paleas in their Canon Law: And Garnet was more ingenuous himself, than the Cretian; for being asked, What if the Church of Rome after his death would declare him a Martyr? He answered, Me a Martyr? 
g Martyren's me? etc. Gar, net. apud Casaub. Front. pag. 163.  Oh! what a Martyr? I pray God, that the Church of Rome never think such a thing.— Now I acknowledge my fault, and confess that the sentence pronunced against me is most just. here their Martyr dissavowes his martyrdom. But they have found out a new way to heaven by Rebellion, Perjury, and slaughter. 
h Ibid. p. 170   
But I dare hazard the decision of this point upon Richeomus own ground, That pestilent and abominable seat (said he) which King David calleth the Chair of Pestilence— that is the Monster-bearing seat 
a Illa est por tentifica sedes etc. Richeom. Expost. Apol. cap 27  whence floweth the Doctrine, which all Kings, Princes and People should abhor as the Pest. We subscrive this proposition: As for the assumption, he meaneth it of Geneve, and we of Rome: But let Baronius 
b In Cathe dram Petri in ●rusi sunt homines monstruosi. etc. Baro. Anno 897. num. 4.  make the assumption for us both. In Peter's Chair (saith he) were intruded, Men monstrous, most filthy in life, most dissolute in manners, and every way most vile. And Genebrard more fully: For the space of an hundreth and fifty years, 
c Apotastici Apostaticive, potius quam Apostolici Genebard. Chron. 1. 4 saec 10  some fifty Popes fell close away from the virtue of their Predecessors, and were rather inordinate and Apostaticke than Apostolic. What can be the conclusion but this, That therefore the Church of Rome is this pestilent seat? Or let them show any seat in the reformed Churches so broodie of monsters as the seat of Rome?  
Lastlie, they purge us: As yet (sayeth Bellarmine) 
d Nondum parasiti principum exorti fuerunt, etc. Bellar, contra Barcl. p. 31  The flatterers of Princes were not risen, who pull the Kingdom of Heaven from them, to establish their temporal kingdoms. To pass both their uncharitable censure in adjudging Kings to hell, and the falsehood of their challenging us of flattery, we easily evince this from their own mouth, that we neither preach nor practise King-killing, since they accuseus of flattery: And I am confident that so horrible a fact as the kill of Kings, had been still abhorred in the world, as the greatest parricide, if first the Assasines, and then the jesuits had not made it common in Doctrine and practice. I close this point of Recrimination with 
e Viderint qui vel furore suo etc. Cyprian. Epist. 42  Cyprian: Let them consider who serving either their fury or lust do forget divine Law and holiness, and yet vaunt of the things they cannot they prove, and when they cannot destroy the innocence of others, think it enough to rub blottes on them by lying and false rumour. And with Augustine 
d Isti attendant speculum saum, & si milia conqueri, si ullus pudor est, eru bescant. Ci vit. 4. 7.  I desire them to look in their own Glass, and (if they have any shame) to blush to object such things to us.   

CHAP. XV. The third colour of their tyranny, To wit: Tergiversation.  
THe third colour of their Tyranny, is Tergiversation, 
Richeom. les. Expost. Apol.  wherein they carry themselves variouslie: denying Excusing: Transferring it on others: Or making apologies. For their denying Richeomus denyeth plainly these positions which jesuits' affirm: As that it followeth not on their Doctrine that King's excommunicate are tyrants & may be killed: 
a Capite 21 pag. 174.  That Subjects are absolved from their obedience: That the facts of Clemens, or Castellus were approved by them, 
b Ibid. 174  That the violence that falleth out, cometh not of their Doctrine, but of the nature of the Catholics 
c Ibid p. 222 Defence Aphoris. jesuit. . The like hath Becanus, and Hussius, an jesuit, following his Master Gretzer: And Scribanius spends some Chapters of the first book of his Amphitheatre to that end: Thus they spoke in a strast, when they are taken red hand with some mischief.  
If they can not get it denied, than they excuse it. So Cydonius speaketh of Mariana's bloody doctrine: Mariana 
Cydon. confut. Anticot Scripsit Mariana nescio quid  wrote I can not tell what, etc. But the Parliament of Paris told that his little diminutive was a superlative, even a damnable treason, when they damned the book to be burnt publicly.  
Thirdly, they transfer it, and shift it from hand to hand. The Clergy cast it on the Laics, the Laics on the Clergy, the secular Priests on the religious orders: The other Orders on jesuits, and the jesuits cast it on other Orders again.  
fourthly, when they see some Tragical event of their 
Cydon. Apol. Henric, Garnet.  doctrine, as a King killed, a treasonable plot disappointed or discovered, when the World cry out against them, as in the powder treason, than they take them to A pologies So Cydonius wrote his Apology for the jesuit Garnet, to lay that crime off him, and his society. And 
Richeom. Expost. Apol.  Richeomus when he saw France abhorring the fact of Castellus, the Parliament condemning them, the Pyramid erected, and the jesuits banished, he laboureth to purge their order of that treason. This was but a flourish of words, for in the mean time, the jesuits of Douai set out a refutation of the Parliaments sentence against Castle.  
But in a free contest and dispute, they maintain these matters flatly. The Pope sayeth Bellarmine 
a Potest sum mus Pontisex ●igare Principes saeculares &c, Bell. contra Barclaium. cap. 3 pag. 46  may bind secular Princes, by excommunication by his spiritual power: He may by that same loose his people from the oath of fidelity and obedience; may bind these same people under the pain of excommunication, that they obey not the excommunicate King, but choose another King to themselves: and more peremptorly: Kings 
b Possunt, & debent Reges privari suo dominio. Recog pag. 45  both may and aught to be depryved of their dominian. And D. Marta giveth him that same power over Kings, by virtue of his temporal jurisdiction. And Franciscus Veronensis 
d jesuita Sicarius. p 49  affirmeth that the anointing that made 
[c] Marta de juris. part. 1 cap. 23 to●o-  them Kings, was w●●ed off by excommunication, and they made private men, and by private men may be killed: That they are furious men, and 
e Ibid. 61  aught to be killed or bound: And when they are so, the people ought to have recourse to the Pope, as a commoun father for remede 
f Ibid. 63. . As for Castellus attempt to kill Henry the fourth, he calleth it a just fact; that it was holy and lawful; that it was most holy and humane, in so far that it is blasphemy to condemn it; that it was divine, as the arrow or stroke that came from Heaven upon julian, and as the fact of Ehud 
g Ibid. 44. 133. 142.  etc. And as though that were little, it is plus quam Ehudi, more than that of ehud's; and in a word, it was good service to God, and meritorious: That it was an Heroic work, both in attempting, and constant enduring torments for it; and that in his honorary punishment he was so far from confessing of sin in that stroke▪ that he craved God pardon for his miss, in not killing him, but striking out a tooth. As for jaques Clement's killing of Henry the third, he calleth it an heroic work than which there was nothing more generous 
h Ibid. 272  etc. And Mariana 
i Henricus eo nomine 3. jaceat manu Monachi peremptus de Princip lib. 1, cap. 6  insulteth upon that killed King: Let Henry the thirdly killed by the hand of a Monk with a poisoned knife thirst in his bowels.  
Hildebrand also alloweth this doctrine, as a father doth his child. We holding the Statutes of our Predecessors, do absolve by Apostolic authority all these who are bound by oath or Sacrament, to excommunicate persons 
a Gratian, Caus. 15. quast 6. Can. nos. , etc. And Vrbanus 
b Gratian, Caus. 23. quest 5. Can. Excommunicatorum.  the second following his steps, forbade these who were sworn to their Prince, to serve him so long as he was excommunicate: But more clearly in his bloody Canon: We judge them not Man-slayers, who burning in the zeal of the Catholic mother, against them that are excommunicate, do kill some of them. And Becane 
c Becan. Controvers. Anglican.  in his latter writes is more jesuited, affirming that the Pope having excommunicate, and deposed Kings, may take their life from them, and their Kingdom also, that he may depose them two ways, one by absolving his Subjects from the bond of Obedience:— The other by way of compensation, that seeing they will not protect people, but trouble them for their Religion, they are no more bound to them. In like manner, Sixtus the fifth delyvered a gratulatory oration in the Consistory, for killing of Henry the third, preferring it to the fact of judith. Cydonius denyeth it not 
d Confut. Ant. p. 49  And while the world was astonished, and France sunk in sorrow for the death of their last King, a Preacher at Culen publicly commanded Raviliacke. 
e Thuan. Contin l. 3 Oratio. Sixt. 5 Ballar. resp. ad Apol. oratio Sixti, etc.  But we nee le not inquire the opinions of their I heologues: Let us hear Sixtus the fifth, commending the fact of jaques Clement in the Consistory: And how Bellarmine defends that Oration. What can be found (saith he) of Sixtus Oration, but praises and admiration of the wisdom and providence of God?— The Pope extolleth to the heavens, that a simple Monk with one stroke killed a great King in the midst of his Guards. And then giving us the uses of that Oration. Thereby the Pope would admonish Kings— for that King commanded to kill a sacred man (the Cardinal of Lorrane) and God caused a sacred man (a Monk) to kill that same King, not without a manifest miracle of the providence of God. Here the Pope's Oration, defending Clemens Regicide is defended, and the fact itself fathered on God. With what face then do they deny that they allow Regicide? Cyprian said of another wickedness, that it was not only committed but taught, and we may add 
Scelus non tantum agitur sed & docetu. Cypr, epist. 3  more, that by them greatest treason is both taught, practised, and (which is the top of iniquity) ascrived unto God.  
Some times disapointment maketh them speak moderately. I excuse not the fact (sayeth Bellarmine) 
a Non excuso factum, odparricidia execror conspirationes. Bellar. resp. ad Apol. de jurament. pag. 22  of the powder-plot, I hate murder, I abhor conspiracies: But If God for our sins had given way to that blow, we should find them Apologists, defending the lawfulness of it, who now abhor it; and his damning of it, is not for atrocity of the matter, but for the disappointing of the success, as in Castellus attempt: And how can it stand with the posed resolvedness of the jesuits, to maintain the Doctrine, and condemn the practice? And what meaneth Garnets' 
b Apolog. Garnet. pag. 263.  exhortation to his Catholics to prey profelici successu gravissimae cuiusdam re● in causa Catholicorum at the beginning of the Parliament: It could not be for the disappointing, for that he might have done by revealing it, which he knew without confession. That happy success therefore was the blow itself. These facts are such quae non nisi peracta laudantur, they praise them when they are done, and consequently frustrata damnantur, they are damned, when they are frutrated.  
How ever then they deny, excuse, or transfer the matter▪ it standeth on their doctrine and practice, that Kings may be excommunicate and killed, and Richemous speeches, were neither from his heart, nor according to the truth, but to serve the time in glozing a wise and offended King. The jesuits than were in great disgrace, and the sacrifice of public hatred, as a Fox in the snaire, they gave fair words; but being at liberty, returned to their nature: So soon as they were restored, the Pyramid cast down, and the King himself pleading for them, whereof they boast, 
a Henricus 4 patroc●nium jesuitarum suscepit, & publicè pro iis perora vit. Becan Opuscul Tom. 1. p. 500  they proved irreconciliable: For though he of a Princely clemency pardoned their treason, yet they neither laid down their native or first hatred, nor the second, that they conceived of their supposed disgrace in banishment, but cut him off; and so declared to the world, that their Apologies 
b Apolog Iesuit Bohemorum. Laurea Austriaca. l. 1  were nothing, but feigned compliments. That good Patriot 
c Oratio ingenua p. 102.  (whom jesuits call a profaine politic) proved a Prophet in the end of his diswasive Oration to the King, and foretold with tears, That if he restored them, they would destroy him, and so it came to pass.  
This is the sum of their Tergiversation, wherein the jesuits labour to purge their order: 
d Apolog. Garnet. 57 Confut. Ant. Cott. 32.  So when that order is justly pressed, than some one must suffer: But when France is in a broil, Mariana must be sacrificed to quench the fire. Cotton 
e Continuat Thuan. 99  condemneth him; Gretzer calleth it his provat opinion: Cydonius extenuats it, but Aquaviva 
f Confut. Anticot p. 39 Vno Mariana aegre excepto. Casaub. ad Front. p. 8.  censures it severely in show: The Author of the jesuits Apology defendeth all, praiseth all, except Mariana alone. But that niceness is needless, for he is guilty of a crime that commandeth to do it as Cyprian 
g Non est immunis a scelere▪ qui ●t sieret, impera●it. Cyprian Epist. 31.  sayeth. In the mean time of all this shifting, they give no security to Princes, but they are cutted down, and cannot tell who doth it, they join scoffing with violence, 
Matth. 26.  as the Soldiers did to Christ, when they buffeted him, and said, Prophesy who smote thee?  
But some may think, that these Effronts which they have suffered in the late tossing of their cause, hath brought them to some moderation. No, but they are as hard set against Princes as ever. Let us hear the Cardinals of the Consistory 
a In man● Pont. Mux. est— Majesta tem●mperatoriam redintegrare, etc. Apboris. Cardin. 12.  It is in the Pope's hand to set up the Majesty of the Empire, to transfer the Empire from Nation to Nation, and alluterly take away the right of Election. They think matters succeed to their desire, and therefore tell plainly, that their intention is no less than to overthrow Impyres', for the establishing of their Hierarcho-Monarchie. And Marta 
b Caveant igitur Principes▪ expellere, vel parum honorare Episcopos▪— si volunt eorum regna, & status longo tempore possidere. Iu●is part. 2. c. 34. nault.  giveth a strange advertisement to Kings, Let Princes (sayeth he) beware to cast out or misregard Bishops, or other Prelates and ecclesiastics if they will possess their Kingdoms and States, for a long time. This is plain talk; and the just extract of that which the King of the Assasines caused one (carrying a long spear full of sharp knives) proclaim before him: Fugite ab eo qui portat exitium regum flee from him who caries the ruin of Kings. But I answer: Let Princes look to this piece of Divinity so deeply contrived for their ruin, & ex ungue Leonem: judge what a Religion it is that maintains such bloody Doctrine and canonizes the executioners of it: And that so much the more that they are not ashamed of it as a sin, but glory in it as their perfection, in setting large Catologues 
c Azor 2 5. 43. Becan controvers. Ang▪ l c. 122. Bellar, contra Barclaium.  of Kings excommunicate, deposed and cut off by them: And that specially to terrify Kings, in showing them their doom, if they do not adore the Pope.   

CHAP. XVI. Of their fourth coverture, to wit: LUDIFICATION. And first of their pretended love to Kings.  
THe fourth Coverture of their tyranny, is Ludification. They are not content with indignities done to Princes; but scoff them also; and that five special ways: Pretext of love: Feigned limitations of the use of their power: Futile and idle Distinctions: The bait of glorious titles while they are living, and canonising after death.  
First, they profess great love to Kings, and that all Usurpations and censures are for their good, as Baronius 
a Pro Rege agimus, imo cum Rege veritatis am antissimo Baron an. 1097. no▪ 8  intending to throw the Monarchy of Sicily from the King of Spain, will make him think that he is pleading for his good, and in a flattering style calleth him a Tutor and keeper of the Faith, etc. But how that King 
b Edict. Phi lip. 2. contra Baron. Thuan Cont. Spalat. l. 6 fine  expondeth his flattery, may be seen by his Edict, condemning that Tome of Baronius to the fire in all his Dominions, and that for presuming to dispute the right of that Kingdom. This is like joab and judas kiss, under friendship to destroy them: And like julian 
c julian. epist, ad Ecebol pag. 308 Semper insidi● osa est, callida, blanda adulatio. Hieron. adver, Pelag. lib. 1.  scoffing of Christians, saying, He would help them to heaven by causing them keep their Master's command: If any man take thy Cloak from thee, give him thy Coat also. Wise Princes know their flattery to be but insidious, according to jeromes' censure▪ that flattery in Heretics is insidious, crafty, and full of insinuations.  
Of the same sort of mocking is their offer of good counsel to Kings: So Bellarmine 
d Bellar. de office Princip lib. 1. cap 4  sayeth: Be wise ye Kings, be learned ye that judge the Earth, etc. Men would think by this Text, that their wisdom were to kiss the Son of God: But their sense is to kiss the Pope's feet And a Commenter of this we have in Baronius, 
a Baron. an. 701. n. 22  ascryving the prosperity of Sancius, and others then Kings of Spain, to the obseque of the Pope. So they abuse Scripture contrair to its end and meaning, for therein Kings rebelling against Christ, are exhorted to repent, and turn to him: But here they mock both God and Princes, in bidding them go on in their rebellion against Christ, and adore Antichrist. Even as the Pope writing to that Apostate 
Clemens 8. jan. 1601.  justus Calvinus (who called himself thereafter justus Baronius) abused that Scripture, Come out of Babylon, 
b Vides ut delivarit Rex, dum ista furens scripsit. Baron.  The head of Babylon called Zion by the name of Babylon, and Babylon by the name of Zion: They count Kings wise, when they serve them, as though they had taken on the jesuits fourth vow: But if they use their Authority, than they call them mad and furious, as Charles of France, because he wrote as a King, behold (say they) how the King roveth when he wrote these things in a fury, 
c In sensum reprobum dati non fnissent. Bellar. ubi supra.  And when God in mercy openeth the eyes of Kings to see the tyranny of Popes, and forsake them they call that work of God's grace in reformation, a giving up to a reprobate mind. 
d Aperuisti Regum oculos etc. Cor. Cornel. praesa. in Proph. min. August. Psal 2.  as though that were not rather a reprobate mind to give their power to the Beast in fight against the Lamb: In like manner, (e) another jesuit calleth Kings serving of the Pope in destroying of the Saints, an opening of their eyes, and thanketh God that he opened the eyes of Lewes of France, to destroy the Hugunotes. But Augustine expoundeth that Text better, that to kiss the Son, is not to be sorrowful, as though any benefit were taken from them, but to be wise in not reigning rashly, but serving the Lord in fear.   

CHAP. XVII. Of their second Ludification, To wit, their feigned Limitations.  
IN their second Ludification of Princes, they tell them, that they need not fear the Pope's transcending power, because though it be plenary in itself, yet it is limited, and that in respect of the judge. The cause, and the proceeding: For the judge, they say, he is limited, and doth it not alone, but with advyce of Council and Consistory of Cardinals. 
a Pontifices ordinariè in Synodis Episc● porum, etc. Bellar. contra Barcl. c. 12  And Becane sayeth, that whither a King hath deserved deposition, it is to be tried by the judgement of learned and godly men. But that is a scoffing of the world, though in word they join to the Pope, the advyce of 
(b) Ex prudenti piorum ac doctorum hominum judicio aesti●andum est. Becan. controver. A● glic. pag. 252  Synods and Consistory, yet they put all in his hand alone, for without the definition of a Synod, the definitions of the Pope are sufficient sayeth Suarez. 
c Sine concilij definitione, etc. Suarez. defence 6 6. 27  And Castaldus is more clear to the point, 
d Lib de Imperatore quaest. 81  That the Pope alone without a Council may depose the Emperor. And Dominicus Bannez 
e Bannez. 22. quaest. 10  is more peremptory than both, affirming that it is left to the Dominion and judgement of the Pope when to use this power: And though it were a general Council, yet all its firmness and infallibiltie is from the Pope alone, sayeth Bellarmine 
f Bellar. Rom. 4. 3  And Pius the second, 
g Bulla 2. pag. 120.  cutteth short this Limitation, when he dischargeth all appellatition from the Consistory: So they must stand to his excommunication unless they will incur an other excommunication by a penalty of Council. Yea, and Augustinus Triumphus affirmeth more blasphemoussie, that the Pope's power is such a qua non potest appellari ad Deum ipsum 
h De potest. Eccles q. 6  as from which we cannot appeal to God himself: Let Counsels than stand content, seeing God himself is excluded. What ever their Theologues dispute in Schools, matters are carried absolutely according to the Popes will.  
As for the respect he hath to the College of Cardinals in the consistory, Palaeottus a Cardinal can tell us best, who for his practice wit, and great performances at the Council of Trent, got 
a Hist. Trident. p. ult.  a Cardinal's hat for his reward. He maketh them the Pope's creatures absolutely, and that it is their best to give their voice in the consistory, according to the Pope's pleasure. Quemadmodum illi (sayeth he) qui Divinam voluntatem, tanquam primam, ac potissimam rerum omnium regulam sequuntur: As they (saith he) who follow the will of God, as the first and chief rule of all things, are counted wise. So i●n may be said, that the Cardinal, who in giving counsel, adhereth to the judgement of the Pope, (which is the reerest rule of humane action) he followeth the best course in doing his office, and exeemeth himself from all danger of error; and with all, giveth wholesome advyce to the matter itself. This ground being laid, he telleth us, that the College of Cardinals assisteth not the Pope by way of limitation of his power, but by way of Ministry 
b Paleot Consult. consist part. 5. pag 251.  and that the consent of Cardinals, or other in matters consistorial, is no ways necessary 
c Collegium Cardinalium non assistit Pa pae per modum limitationis sed instar mi nisterij Ibid. part. 1. quaest. 3 artic 2. : For what ever they advise, it is in his power to follow, or not follow at his pleasure 
d Ibid art 3  Where is then the limitation they speak of, seeing it is here denied in terms: And what is this else but as Paul the second said to Platina, Dost thou not know, that all reason and law is in the shrine of our breast 
e Ibid. art. 4. ? And what moderation he useth in the Consistory, Paulus Servita in his considerations for the republic of Venice, declareth 
Pope Paul his quarrels. lib. 1  how contrary to laws divine and humane he carried that matter in the beginning, in the fury of his passion 
f Plat●na in vita Paul 2 An nescis not omnia jura in scrino pectoris habere. ,  
The limitation of the causes is like the former, which they sum up in some generals. Animarum 
g Causis exigentibus Be●● contra Barcla tum. p. 21.  salus; Aeternum & spirituale bonum, and bonum Ecclesiae: The salvation of Souls, Eternal and spiritual good, and good of the Church: These are fair pretexts, as though he sought nothing but man's spiritual good; but they are only colours for his ambition: For if he can come be his Monarchy he careth neither for the good of the Church nor of Souls; for he hath varifyed Basiles saying, That 
Basil. Epist. 8  how much a Church decayeth, the more are they desirous of government: And it seemeth that he had a Prophetical Spirit in that place, when he said, that the domination of Bishops was devolved ad infelices homines, servos servorum, to unhappy men, the servants of servants, This is the Pope's proper style: But the discerning of the weight or lightness of these causes, is restrained to the Pope alone, because he as a spiritual Father can best discern when Kings do wrong to their Subjects in things spiritual 
b Became. controvers. Angl p. 252 . And they have a more compendious course; for beside Dogmatic heresies in points of faith, they have also a practical heresy or schism, which they call the Henrician heresy 
c Ort●▪ est haeresis Henrit ciuna, etc. Bin. Tom. 3 part. 2. 406 : For as they call Antichristian usurpation, Ecclesiastic liberty, so they call the lawful defence of imperial authority, by the name of Henrician heresy. Binius defineth what it is, to wit, the same that the Politics of our time affirm. Behold we have witnesses for the liberty of Princes, under the name of Politics; as well as we have witnesses of dogmatic truth, under the Name of Heretics: And it were wisdom in these Politics to join themselves to reformed doctrine, as they do in the vindicating of Princes. They gave the Name of Henriciana haeresis, from Henry the fourth, who was opposite to Hildebrand the father of the Hildebrandine tyranny. And a 
d Concil. Quintil cont. haeres Henrician●. Bin. ibid. pag 405.  council at that time, was indicted by Hildebrand against that pretended heresy.  
And though they do none of these, but be slack in rooting 
e Sed etiam propter negligē●ian● potest excommunicari. Ra●mond apud Bellar. contra Barcl. pag. 17  out of Protestants, that slackness is a cause of deposition: for a secular judge may be deposed, not only for his heresy, but also for his negligence in rooting out of heresies. So when the Pope is angry, he shall never want a cause: heresy, (as they call it) or Schism negligence, etc. that is to say, the love of the truth, the defence of their liberties, and clemency to their Subjects, are sufficient causes with him to cast them down. And smaller things than heresy o● schism are found causes relevant: If they but violate the least privilege of a monastery, they shall be cast out of their Kingdom: So Valdensis concludeth it for the power of Gregory over the French Kings, and Bellarmine approveth his Conclusion 
f Bellar. Ibid. 26. . But Bozius holdeth us not long in suspense, 
Bozius de sig●nis. 17 4 vel sine causa.  affirming that the Pope may transfer greatest empires upon just causes, or without a fault. Persidiou men (said Tacitus) 
g ●ersidis nunqam causa defic●et &c Constit. Pont. pag. 120. Azor. 1▪ 5. 15  will never want a cause to break their promise, for they will ever set some colour of law upon their deceit. Lastly Alphonsus à Castro putteth us out of doubt saying, that they hold firmly many things pertaining to faith, by the Pope's definition alone, wherein the Pope hath given no reason of his definition▪ The Popes will then is a sufficient cause; h●e careth for no cause, though it were to break his own oath: For when Gregory the twelfth was perjured in keeping still the Popedom, which he swore to lay down; yet it was not perjury (sayeth Azorius out of Panormitane, because he had a just cause so to do. This c●use was his own will, and the love of the Popedom.  
Their third Limitation is from the manner of proceeding. It is not rash 
h Bell. Barc. 7  (say they) but all is in love and wife's doom, for this is the Pope's custom, first to rebuke fatherly, next to deprive them of the Sacraments by Ecclesiastic censure: Lastlie to lose their Subjects from their oath, etc. Azorius 
i Azor ●ar. 2 lib. 10 c. 7  putteh three conditions: First, to be admonished. Next, that the cause be notour. thirdly, that he be disobedient. The like moderation is set down by their ●ateran● 
k Concil. lateran. sub. ●●●oc. 3.  Council. And as for their sentence of excommunication, it is to be understood clavae none errand, if the key do not err. 
l Gratian cause 11. qu●t 3. cap. Sententia.  But their Law proves this a scoffing, for the sentence of the Pastor whither just or unjust, is ever to be feared, where the gloss and their Doctors every where affirm, that the unjust sentence of excommunication is valide and differeth from that that is null. And Navarrus 
a Navar. Enchir. c. 27 n. 3.  affirmeth, that even the unjust sentence regularly is valide. And Bellarmine taketh away all doubts, saying, Peccabit princeps spiritualis; sed non poterit tamen princeps temporalis iudicium sibi sumere 
Bellar. contra Barcl. c. ●7  For if a spiritual Prince abuse his power in excommunicating v●iustlie a temporal Prince, or lose his Subjects from obedience without a just cause, and so trouble the state of the Commonwealth, the spiritual Prince sinneth in so doing: But yet the temporal Prince may not judge of these things, etc. And Hildebrand speaketh more 
b Tamen eum supplicem venire oporte● Aventin. lib. 5. pag. 575.  peremptorlie: Although that he, to wit, the Emperor had been v●iustlie excommunicate by us, yet he should have made supplication to us, and sought the benefit to be absolved. And what they speak of the not erring of the Key, is in vain for they maintain that the Key cannot err in the Pope's hand, and have laid that fearful yo●ke upon the Church, to taken that for good, which he commandeth, 
c Tenetur in rebus dubijs Ecclesia acqui escere judicio summi Pontificis etc. Bel de Rom. Pont. lib. 4 cap 5  although it were vice. For the Church (say they) is bound in doubtful things to acquiesce to the Pope's judgement, and to do what he commandeth, etc.— And lest she should do against her conscience, she is bound to believe that to be good which he biddeth, and that to be evil which he forbiddeth.  
But they need not a long Procedor, for how soon 
d Quamprim●m Reges fiunt haeretici, etc. Simanch  a King becometh Heretics, his people are loosed from their obedience. And though he be not excommunicate by man, all is one, ●not●●● matter needeth no pronouncing of a sentence. And there is yet more, for the Pope needeth neither to call a Cou●cell nor a Consistory▪ for his interpreta●●●●●●● 
e In hac ca●sa 〈◊〉 ad est 〈◊〉 interpret▪ 〈…〉 ●●●nnes●  is sufficient. There is then no more for Kings, but after the condemnatory sentence of deprivat●o▪— He may be ●●pry●ed of his Kingdom, 
f ●e●● 〈…〉 vare. lib 6 c▪ 4 n. 1●.  And Thomas closeth all; affirming that Subjects of an excommunicate King are indeed loosed from his Dominion and oath of fidelity,  
This is contrary to the wisdom and lenity of the primitive Church, for Cyprian 
a Cyprian epist. ●8 ex pe●sa enim moderatione libranda est.  telleth, that in consuring Philumelus and Fortunatus the meanest of the Clergy, he would not proceed without the consent of his Brethren and the people.  
But they agree not amongst themselves in their limitation. Simanca will have the cause declared; and Thomas sayeth, It is enough that the sentence be pronounced; And Cydonius dare determine nothing therein. Yet Princes must be content with that they know not what, declared or undeclared: The Key erring, or not erring: In Council, or out of Council: justly, or uniustly: But all agree to cast 
Azor part. 2. l. 10 c. 8  down Kings, and that with so many frivolous causes, as the justest King cannot eschew some of them.  
All their moderation in proceeding, which they call aliqua ratione: Omni ratione necessaria: Commodas ratioones: Congruum remedium: Convenientem medelam: And 
Bellar. Rom. Pont. 5 6 Idem contra Barcl p. 19 Simancha.  such like flourish of words resolve in a summar & violent destroying of Kings: Their Church is like some late Physicians, who weary of Galens Methodicke curing, taken them to Paracelsus minerals and extracts, so they leave the method of lenity and Love, that Christ gave to his Apostles, and are come to a summar dealing, ure, seca: burn & cut: And of all cures of the sickness of their Monarchy which they think cometh of Kings, they like best to cut the Basilicke vein. The k●ngl●e head of Nations is that they shoot at, and that not at the ●are as Peter did to Malchus but at the heart and throat, ●● Clement, Castellus, and Raviliacke did to the Kings of France. So all this Limitation, is but a mist cast in the eyes of the world, and the sword put in the Pope's hand to use it absolutely and summarily at his pleasure.   

CHAP. XVIII. Of their idle and futile Distinctions.  
THeir third Ludification of Princes, is by idle and futile distinctions: And first of the judge, pronouncing such bloody sentences: That it is not the Pope 
a Non potest Papa ut Papa Bellar. Rom. Pont. 5. 6 Idem contra Barcl. c. 12 Idem recog. pag. 23. Suarez. 6. 6 Platin. vitae Gregor. 7.  as Pope, but as he is the chief spiritual Prince. Next they distingiush the Nature of the power, that it is not a temporal power, but a power in temporal things. thirdly, they distinguish the manner of the power, that it is not direct, but indirect, and in ordine ad spiritualia. That they allow not the kill of a King, but of a private man: That an excommunicate King is but a private man, and so may be lawfully killed. Of this sort are these, that albeit deposition of Kings exceed the bounds of excommunication, yet it exccedeth not the Pope's power. Item, though absolution from excommunication restore a King to the peace of the Church, yet it restoreth him not to his Kingdom.  
I doubt if the jesuits speak of these distinctions without 
Discrimen vocum directè & indirectè▪ non refertur ad modum ac● quirendi, sed ad explicandum obiectum secum darium, Bellar contra Barcl. cap. 12  smiling, for they know they are but Cousening, as though we would say, that David caused kill Uriah, not as a King, but as an Adulterer to cover his adultery with Bersheba: Was his sin the less before God? Or if a thief shall deny that he stole his Neighbour's goods, because he did it not directly by coming in at the door, but indirectly by creeping in at the Window, shall he escape punishment? And when Saul pretended a spiritual good end to Samuel in sparing the cattle of the Amalekites for sacrifice, was he allowed of the Lord? Such are these foolries, they are feigned to obscure the truth, and harden their own hearts in a wicked course.  
Besides, they do not agree amongst themselves concerning the Nature of this power, and the quality of it: Some afrme it absolutely, as the most part of the jesuits and Philppus Ner●us Scholars Congregationis oratorij, others deny it absolutely such as they themselves call profaine politics. And a third sort like Meteors, hang between these two, pressing to agree them with distinctions and mitigations. The Canonists go from the Schoolmen, and the Schoolmen, are divided amongst themselves. So Bellarmine▪ 
a Non desunt altercats ones quid sit, & qualis est, etc. Bellarm. ubi supra c. 3 Dubiae quastionis est inter Catholicos ● Azor. pag. 2. lib. 4. cap. 19  confesseth that there lacketh no chydings among them of what sort & quality that power is, that is, whither it be by itself & properly temporal: Or necessary, if it be spiritual itself, but by certain consequence and in order to spiritual things dispone of temporal things. If it be so, that they agree not amongst themselves of the Nature, the quality, and use of this power, why trouble they the world in tyrannical exercing of it? This is (as Augustine noteth of Heretics) that they are like Sampsons' 
b Opinio diversa vanitas una. August. Psal. 80.  foxes, though their opinion be divers, yet their vanity and wickedness is one: Two of them speak not one way of the matter, and yet they all agree to fire the world.  
They use Papa ut papa like jugglers, playing fast and loose: When they speak of his knowledge they grant he may err ut Doctor, but not ut Papa. There Papa carrieth away the privilege: But herein the use of his power, he may not use it in temporal things ut Papa, but as summus Princips spiritualis: here Papa hath lost his privilege. I require them to agree these two, that since his knowledge and power are transcendent things, why the one resteth on him as Papa, and not the other? This is a trick, they care not what they say, so that they say some thing, and serve the time and their turn. For this cause Bellermine 
c Bellarminus in●elicissimus distinctinum architectus.  is justly called by some of them, an unhappy devyser of distinctions: And we may say of them all, as he doth of them, Qui defendunt Imagines adorarilatria, coguntur uti subtilissimus distinctionibis, quas vix ipsimet 
Bellar. de imag. c. 22.  intelligunt nedum populus imperitus. Who defended that Images ought to be worshipped cultulatriae, that their distinctions per se & per accidens, propriè, & impropriè: Relatiuè terminative, & conterminatiuè, etc. are so subtle, that scarcely they who use them do understand them, far less the ignorant people.  
Cardinal Peronius hath a new devyce, which he calleth a double wall about Kings: That the Execution of their down casting pertaineth not to the Pope alone, ●ut to the body 
Thuan Con rinuat. lib. 8 pag. 495. Duplex vallum adhi●e●●●, etc.  of the Kingdom: And therefore, if the Pope err, the States of the Kingdom shall adhere to the King. This he did to gull the Estates of France, and to hold off the Oath of a leadgeance (a better Guard to Kings than his fancy.) Where was his double wall when both their Kings were killed? The Parricids waited neither on the Church's definition, nor the Subject's consent, but went on at the Jesuits instigation: With his Eloquence he blew that Assembly blind, and turned them to a blind passive obedience, that the jesuits active blind Obedience, might ruin all.  
All this argues that they presumed on the simplicity of Princes, as though they could be content with such distinctions: Neither are miscreants stayed from attempting treason, but rather inboldened, while as Coneys they may play under the Clapper, of such sandy distinctions: neither are Princes secured from violence neither comforted hereby if it shall overtake them. What comfort would it have been to Henry the third, to tell him: This is not done to you by the Pope, as Pope in an ordinar course by a direct power, but as a supreme judge and indirectly for the good of the Church. Who can suffer himself under such injury to be so mocked? I turn Gretzers' word upon them, reproving Plessie, for chopping at the cutting off the ●e● pears, But thou art come, O Plessie too lat● 
●t n●mis se●us & tardigra●● Advocatus es— ejusdem ut litat●. sunt serum & null●m patro cinium. Mysta sal  and slow an Advocate for them. The matter is long si●● judged and done And a late, and no Patrociny are of alike worth. So their Cardinals late fancied Guard proved no Guard.  
But how shall Princes stand content with these distinctions, seeing the Pope is not content, for the hard temper of the Canonists and Nerius Scholars please him better. Doctor Marta 
a Marta juris c 19 & 20 Azor part▪ 2 lib. 4 cap 19  mocketh Bellarmine's niceness of potestas in temporalibus, & non potestas temporalis. Carerius calleth him and other mitigators by the name of profaine politics, so do the two Bozii, and Azorius professeth a simple mislike of their mitigations. Mihi non placet modus loquendi quo utuntur Victoria Sotus, Bellarminus— In iure enim Can absolutè & simpliciter dicitur, etc. I like not the manner of speech which Victoria SoTus, Bellarmine etc. Do use to insinuat that the Pope hath only spiritual power, and not a temporal▪ And Sixtus the fifth was so angry at Bellarmine for his distinction of direct and indirect power, that he was minded to cause burn all his Books, as Barcklay 
b Bellar satisfacere non potuit ambitioni imperio sissimi ●xti 5 &c Barcl▪ de potest. Pap. cap 13.  objecteth to him. And when he cometh to 
c Bel. contra Barcl. cap 13.  answer that part of Barcklayes Book, he passeth it in silence; Whereupon Barcklayes●onne ●onne 
d ●o Barcl. pietas. c. 13  in his reply to Bellarmine taketh that silence or preterition of so weighty a challenge for a confession. Like to the Remonstrants in our time, ●hen they are challenged of Socinianisme 
e Censura confes. c 19  about the state 
(f) Examen censur. 19  of the dead, and desired to declare themselves herein, they pass that weighty challenge with silence, and neete it with an impertinent Recrimination which is in effect a taking with that imputation: silence in such a case is to plead guilty.   

CHAP. XIX. Of their fourth Ludification of Kings. In glorious Titles.  
fourthly they mock Princes with glorious Titles: So Charles the Great goat the name Christianissimus: And King William of Scotland was called Defensor Ecclesiae, Defender of the Church, which style the Council of Mentz had long before given to Ludovicus 
a Baron. an. 847. ●▪ 25. Connaeus de stat. relig. p. 63.  And james 4. of Scotland was called Protector 
b Camerar. de Sanctis Scotia. lib. 3.  Christianae religionis, protector of the Christian religion, by julius the second. Henry eight of England was called defensor 
c Leo. 10. Bulla. 12.  fidei, defender of the faith, by Leo●0 ●0. Ferdinand was called Rex Catholicus, the Catholic King, which Alfonsus many ages before him had used. And the Helvetians were called Defensores 
d Goldast. replic. p. 432  libertatis Ecclesiasticae, Defenders of the Church liberty, by julius the second.  
The ground of such denomination was some benefit received. Charles enlarged their patrimony. King William 
King's Titles are the Pope's triumphs.  enriched their Church, with the abbacy of Aberbrothoke. Henry the eight wrote against Luther. The Helvetians at julius the seconds desire scattered the Council of Pisa, when it was gathered to reform the Church. And Ferdinand was fi●te for their purpose, by his Catholic Monarchy, to build their Hierarchy. The end of this denomination was, to prove their Superiority over Princes, and please them with that Title while they were pulling their honours from them, and to engage them more to a base subjection. But there is also some presage herein, for these Titles were somewhat Prophetical that the Kings of these Kingdoms should ●e● in God's time reformers of the Church, to purge her from that superstition which reigned in her, when these titles were given them: For even Caiaphas serving his own humour and prejudice, will sometimes Prophetically light upon a truth. It hath also proven true in some part. The Kings of England prove now defenders of the Ancient and Apostolic faith: So the Kings of Scotland prove also defenders of the Church; and France and Spain will follow in that same work, in Gods tyme.  
This is like another conceit, when the Pope sendeth to Prince's Roses, or Swords consecrate in the day of Christ's Nativity: So Pius the second sent a sword to King james 
(a) Bull 15.  the second of Scotland: And Sixtus the fifth sent another to the Prince of Parme, for to overthrow the Hollanders, etc. Tiberius gave great honours to Sejanus, while he feared his greatness, and plotted his ruin: So the Pope sendeth childish toys to please Princes, while he pulleth their honour and power from them.   

CHAP. XX. Of their last Ludification. In Canonising Kings.  
LAstlie they mock Princes by Canonising, and a long list of the Names of canonised Kings is set out as a Glass to them to look in, but in effect to let them see their reward, if they will serve the Pope. They have learned it from the old Senate, with whom divinity was weighed with humane pleasures as sayeth Tertullian 
a Nisi homini Deus placu erit, Deus non erit, homo iam Deo propitius esse debebit. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5.  For except God pleased man, he was not made a God, and man was propitius to God: And as it now practised amongst them, it is but a novelty, and their Patron 
b Bellar de Sanctorum beatitudine. Baron. 998 num. 3.  bringeth not a practice of it before the eight age: The Church till then was destitute of canonised patrons, and had none in Heaven but jesus Christ for their Advocate: First (sayeth h●e) they were worshipped by custom, and thereafter 
Bellar. recog. pag. 68  came formal canonising. But when Idolatry grew, they joined patrons to him, as though he alone sufficed not: And this conceit they turned also to Kings, and sancted them at their pleasure, as they found them superstitious in religion, or obsequious to Rome. Augustine observed that Aesculapius was made a God, but not the Philosophers, because men felt the benefit of bodily health by medicine, but not the health of their soul by Philosophy: and he avouched, that Plato was more worthy to be deified than any of their gods: So Popes being sick of ambition and avarice, canonised such Kings as cured their diseases: No good and ancient Pope did so, but when they turned monsters, and were farthest from God, they took on them to make Gods by canonising, they resigned holiness to Kings, or rather declared that they were more holy than themselves 
c His tempo ribus quibus P. R. apieta te veterum de generaverant Principes sae culi sanctitate florebant. Chr nol an 1026  They distribute their charity with discretion, and gave to Kingdoms their kindly titular Kings, the pride of Spain, and policy of Italy, either afforded not, or admitted not many such Saints, but the simplicity of the Transalpine people was more pliable to the Popes they filled them with Saints, while at Rome they were drowned in Atheism.  
I demand if these canonised Kings ●●●e holier than Melchisedecke, Moses, David, Ezekiah, josiah before 
Better Kings not canonised than canonised.  Christ? Or then Constantine, Theodosius after him? I think they will not call them so. If they were not; why are they canonised, and no the other? Why suffer they these who are honoured by Scripture, and true histories, to stand amongst the people without respect, while as the other are in the Roll of Heavenly Advocats, and honoured with Temples Days, Alt●●s, Services, & c? And if these other b●e holier as they a●● indeed▪ why is the Church defrauded of their int●●c●ssio●? They are like their forefathers the Romans, who apotheosed many wicked men; but did not so to Cato, of whom Velleius sayeth, that he was in all things nearer to gods than men, and that he was free of all humane vices. Neither did they refer in the number of their gods, S●ip●o Nas●ca their high Priest, whom Augustine calls better than all the gods. 
a Augu C●vit. lib. 1 cap 23. & 32.  So of some of the Pope's gods, the common speech is verified, that many men's bones are worshipped on earth, whose souls are tormented in hell. 
b Multorun in terris cineres veneramur, & ossa, Quorum a nimas Orcit●r● m●na dira necant.   
But herein the Popes would prove their superiority over Princes, for he that deifies, setteth himself above that that is deified. They would really be Kings, and therefore pleased Kings in making them titular and imaginary Saints. But it is no Divinity that is subject to men, and that mutual protection is ridiculous, when gods keep living men, and men keep the statues of dead gods. 
c Tertul.  So they know nothing about Kings, but the two extermities of Excommuication or Canonization: If Kings serve them basely, they shall be deified by canonising: If not, they shall be damned to hell: But there is no truth in any of these▪ and both of them argue an Antichristian presumption in Popes: They usurp over Kings, in casting them down, and setting them up at their pleasure, and over God himself, in making gods and thrusting them on him as intercessors.  
I close this point with Cicero 
d Magis est in Romul● admirandum, etc. August. Civit. l. 22. cap. 6.  wondering at Romulus' Apot heosing: For though times of ignorance made men gods, yet it was wonderful in the midst of learning, men were so exalted, but he satisfieth himself; in that none, but Rome counted Romulus a god, and that when she was little and b●ginuing. So it was no wonder in the middle Ages of darkness, to see Rome canonize men, but now in so great a light of the Gospel, and in the Contest with Rome for her Idolatry, to see her multiply her ●ut●ar gods, it is wonderful. But we may content ourself with Cicero. Who taketh these to be gods but Rome (a) & that no● in her minorite & beginning, but in her majority and declining to 
[●] Quis autem Romulum Deum nisi Roma credidit. ubi suprae Ecce attendite etc. b●d▪ lib. cap. 32  destruction? I entreat you therefore with Augustine, to consider of this your Pagan impiety if your mind, so long drunk: with errors, suffereth you to think of any wholesome thing. And this much of their cloaks of shame, or their Spider-web-covertures of their open tyranny.    

The fourth and last Section: Of their foolishness and madness. manifested in their fruits.  

CHAP. XXI. Of their affected ignorance in the consideration of the two great powers Civil and Ecclesiastic.  
THeir foolish madness is plain if we consider their course and their fruits that follow. Their folly considered 
Two great powers.  not aright these two powers civil and spiritual; and their ignorance was rather affected than simple; to make greater way to their violent pride.  
God ruleth the world by two distinct powers, Civil and Ecclesiastic: For Religion must be in the Republic. and the Republic must be in Religion (sayeth Optatus) 
a Reli●ionem in repub▪ & Re●publ. in religione esse oportet. Optat. Mile vitam Spalat. Ostens'. Error. Suarez c●ip. 3. n 61 I●em, lib 6. ●●p 3. toto.  The Church and Commonwealth are as the two Estates, and every one of them hath its own full power and authority in things that concern it. They are both of God, and none of them is that way more worthy than the other, as to subject the other to it. Neutra potestas est altera eo sensu dignior ut alteram sibi subijciat utraque enim est in suo genere prima, & ab altera independens. Each of them in its own kind is prime & independent from other. But yet they are distinguished from other in their ends, Task and means for that end. They have both God for their Author, and generally the good of mankind for their end, but their proper ends are different: For the spiritual power leadeth only to a spiritual and eternal good, whereas the civil absolutely looketh first to an humane & temporal good: All mankind lieth flat on the Earth, notwithstanding of all other Callings: But the Pastoral calling pulleth him from the earth and lifteth him to Heaven.  
The Task of the Spiritual, is the preaching of the Word, ministration of Sacraments, and the use of the Keys 
Their task.  of the Kingdom of Heaven, directing men's consciences in the will of God, and correcting them Ecclesiastickly. For which cause the Pulpit is called the Tribunal of the 
Super pulpitum▪ id est tribunal Ecclesiae. Cypr. epist. 24  Church, because therein Pastors do publish more glorious I awes than the Praetor. The task of the civil power is notoure in things civil; and for Religion, it is appointed of God to defend the Church, and truth in it: Indite and gather Counsels, and ratify their Canons, to abrogate superstition and idolatry, to provide Pastors with hou●st maintenance, and maintain their provisions against the Sacrilegious. In a word, the power of the Church is not temporal but spiritual; not a coactive, but a directive power: And the power civil is not spiritual but humane; not directive but coactive; to see all these spiritual duties performed in their Kingdoms. God hath not set them up as contraire and opposite; but as divers, and that for agreement and mutual help, to make up an Harmony of government in mankind. 
Incompatible in one person.   
These two powers cannot compete to any one person 
a Causab. de libert Ecclesiast. Hin●mar. de potest. eccls c. 1  It is neither lawful nor seemly for Princes to preach, baptise, communicate people, excommunicate, delinquents, &c Neither is it tolerable in Pastors to denounce war, lead Armies, shed blood, and sway a coactive power. Ambrose (b) riddeth the marches clearly, We pay (sayeth he) to Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and to GOD the 
●olvimus quae sunt Caesari Caesaris &c Ambros. de basil tradend.  things that are Gods. The tribute is Caesar's, and not denied. The Church is Gods, and ought not to be adiugded to Caesar, because God's Church cannot be Caesar's right. Which none can deny is spoken with the honour of the Emperor. For what is more honourable▪ than that the Emperor be called the Son of the Church— For a good Emperor is within the Church, and not about the Church. And in another place, 
a Quae divina sunt imperatoriae potestati non sunt subiect●▪ Idem l. 1. epist. 33  Divine things are not subject to the power of the Emperor— And thereafter places pertain to the Emperors, but Churches to the Priests. The right of the public walls is committed to thee, not of the sacred, so sayeth he to the Emperor, who craved the Church to be delivered to the Arrians. Athanasius, and Ambrose speak distinct lie: That Princes are in the Church by profession and possession of grace, and so the Sons of God, and of the Church: They are not over the Church, for her direction but for her protection: her Parents, but her Nurce-fathers'.  
Wise Kings ever granted the different power and interest 
Constant. Imp. Basit. Imp. apud Baron. 886 n 1. K james in Deus & Rex Casaub de libertat Eccles.  in things civil and Ecclesiastic. That in the first they were Lawmakers, but in the second were directed and admonished themselves: In the first, they had a power both to make and allow Laws for the public good: in the second, they are preservers of Laws, not to decern therein with authority: But to order matters Canonically according to the Laws of the Church. The Church first discerned Truth from Heresy, and then discerned: And Princes ratified their decrets. Pastors' decrets according to the truth obliged men's Consciences to follow 
A sort of mu tuall subordination.  the truth, and Princes outwardly enjoined the People to follow a known truth.  
Though these two powers or callings simply considered b●● not subject to other, yet there is a sort of mutual subordination 
a Spalat lib. 6 cap. 3 ●d. Ostens●er ●or. Suarez c 3 ●. 61.  in the persons that are clothed with them: Princes are above Pastors in respect of civil Eminence of outward government, and compulsion, to do their duty as Pastors; though not in the intrinsical 
Interna vero Ecclesiastica, integrae relin quit judicio d● recti●● Eccles cur suam quo que animam & conscientiam submitt●t Deus & Rex pag. 56. Rome 13. 1 Heb. 13. 17  direction. And Princes are subject to Pastors, in respect of the informing and directing of their consciences in Religion The one is subject to the other civilly, the other spiritually. Pastors are subject to Princes. Let every soul be subject to superior powers. And Princes are subject to Pastors spiritually. Obey them who have the oversight of you and submit yourselves. And yet not withstanding of the comparision of the callings, GOD hath wisely subjected Pastors to Princes. First, because the Kingdom of the Church is not in this World 
* Christ being the only spiritual Mother narch.  But principality, hath the beginning, use and end in this life, and therefore here must they have the pre-eminence or else never. Next, because of universality: For the Church of God is not in every place: And yet these humane Societies without a Church have both need of, and are governed by principality. thirdly, because of Ancietie; for albeit God had a Church ever since he called on Adam in Paradise, yet ere the Church came to any greatness in number or conspicuousness in the use and work of spiritual power, Principality had the own Government and eminency among men. For this cause some 
a Hermas Let. de pace Eccles. l 7 c. 5  have pressed the name of secular power from the Ancietie, as though it began cum saeculo: Though more properly it be called a temporal power from the object and means. 
Their merches Ne principes quasi bruta at nimalia tractantur▪ Luther.   
This great blessing reformation bringeth unto Kingdoms, to rid merches between these powers: Amongst other things this inrage● Luther, (b) that he saw Princes mocked and abused as beasts: Therefore he vendicate their honour from the Pope's tyranny. We teach according to God's word, that Princes and Preachers are mutually sheep to other: Princes to Preachers in respect of their spiritual office, informing, and counselling them out of the word of God: And Preachers to Princes, in respect of a temporal coactive power, to protect them, or correct them, if they offend. If we consider in Mankind a spiritual Sphere, Preachers are above all: In which sense Nazianzen sayeth, that 
a Lex Christi subjecit imperium sacer dot●. Nazi ●nz ad C●v. No●eminenti oribus potesta ●ibus subiecti sumus. Ibid. Bellar.  the Law of Christ hath subjected the empire to the Priest. But if we consider it in the Sphere of Temporality, than Princes are above all: And so that same Nazianzen, We are subject to super eminent powers; but they will have Princes as Sheep to Preachers simply, and their Priests to be sheep to none but to the Pope, of whom they will be ruled, not only in spiritual things, but also in temporal.  
When these two Powers keeped them within their bounds, they were helpful to others: Pastors by religion 
Their concurrence.  wrought the consciences of people to the obedience of Princes, and Princes by their coactive power held people in the obedience of the Gospel. And Leo 
b Reshumanae aliter tutae esse non possunt, &c Leo epist. ad Pulc●er.. 6.  commendeth this concurrence: For humane things (saith he) can not be safe, unless both the Kingly and Priestly authority defend these things that pertain to religion. And our more royal Leo said, that 
c Deus & Rex. pag. 3  these two powers are so straight conjoined, that either of them dependeth upon the safety and incolumity of the other: And Isiodore 
d Gratian. cause 23. quaest 5. Can. Principes  civil powers were not necessary in the Church except to fulfil that by terror, which the Priest can not do by his doctrine: Oft-times the Kingdom of Heaven is furthered by the earthly Kingdom that such as do contrary to the faith, and discipline of the Church, may be broken by the rigour of Princes, etc. And Bernard 
e Bernard. Epist. 243.  showeth both the possibility and expediency of their agreement, in his peaceable resolution. Non veniat anima (sayeth he) in concilium eorum; non enim viris usque institutor Deus, in destructionem ea connexuit, sed in aedificationem: Let not my Soul come in their counsel, who say that the peace and liberty of the Churches will hurt the empire, or that the prosperity and glory of the empire will hurt the Churches: for God the Author of both hath not conjoined them for destruction, but for edification. It had been good for them, if they had followed his advice, that these two powers would join their minds together, who were joined by God's institution▪ let them mutually cherish other, and mutually defend other 
a ●ungant se animis qui iuncti sunt. In stituto. Ibid. . But where Princes and Pastors pass their bounds, and encroached upon other, the exercise of their power was the Apple of strife The matter itself was two great powers in their kind, and the respects of mutual subordination, and subjection, was a fair colour for ambition to usurp, and for the rebellious to resist.  
It cannot be denied, but there were faults on both sides: 
Extremities are noisome Iliacoes intra muro●  Some Princes have given too much to Clergy men, as they who gave homage to Popes. This came of Superstition, which first playeth the juggler to blind, and then the tyrant to force them to do as that blindness leadeth them: When they were possessed with Superstition, the Pope's ambition could exact nothing of them, which they thought not reasonable.  
Some Princes again have fallen in the defect, and 
Neglect of Pastors.  given too little respect to Pastors: They saw their persons base in worldly things, and considered neither their calling nor their work; and so counted them base than any of their Estates. This misreguard was helped by some flatterers of authority, who either of ignorance, or Invy have spoken and written disdainfully of Pastors Calling, and equalled it to the basest handy craft in Cities. To let that pass (in respect of personal subjection to outward Government, and of civil censure in case of breaking the common peace) yet the comparison of these Callings is odious; 
Deus & Rex. 3. 56  for both judicious Princes 
a K. james in De●u & Rex Nazianzen ad cives terror. Chrysost, de cacer● l. 3. Ambros. de dign. sacerdot. c. 2.  and ancient Divines without passion or contest, have given it greater respect, and casting these two powers in the Balance, Nazianzen compared the one to the Soul, the other to the Body: Chrisostome use the comparison of the Heaven to the Earth: And Ambrose the comparison of Gold and Lead.  
We allow not the bad Consequences and Practice, which Papists draw out of these popular comparisons, yet there is a considerable Truth in the things; for the Pastors' calling is only about things spiritual and eternal. The Angels would think it no disparagement, to dispense the mysteries of the body and blood of Christ, to cleanse men in the Lawer of Regeneration, and to stand between God and man, in delyvering his will to them, and presenting their prayers to him. Beside that comparison of Callings, the person of Pastors have a great excellency in respect of Gods choosing them to the work, his furnishing 
Pastors' Cha racter. 1 Cor 3. 9 1. Thess. 5. 12. 13.  and assisting of them in it. men's greatest excellency indeed is by the Grace of Christ▪ as they are Christians renewed and sanctified: But particular callings give also some qualification to the persons that are clad with them; and the Pastoral calling qualifyeth their persons with a spiritual respect, because they are Gods instruments in a spiritual work. Their aptitude to a spiritual work, giveth them a spiritual habitude and God's employment therein giveth a sort of transcendent specification. Second causes though of one kind, take a divers respect, both from the object, and from the employment of the first cause: And it is greatest excellency to be God's instrument, in converting, renewing, and saving men: For they that turn Souls, shall shine as the stars in the firmament, whereas others shall shine but as the firmament itself. If 
Daniel▪ 12  sanctification be joined in Pastors with the excellency of their aptitude and employment, than they are Gods first borne with a double portion of holiness: And that without prejudice of the external supereminency of honour, and authority, which God hath seated in Kings: The one breadeth a sacred, inward, and spiritual reverence, as to God's Ambassadors. The other an out ward, and civil reverence, as to the top of humane Majesty: This is 
1 Cor. 4. 1 job. 33. 23.  proper to the supreme Magistrate alone, whom God hath invested with Nomotheticke prudency, and Architectonick power in matters sacred and civil. 
Papists abuse these comparisons.   
But Papists abuse these comparisons of the Ancients, while they turn them in arguments for the exemption, and deny obedience in temporal things to Princes, and claim a temporal precedence and pre-eminence. God is the God of order, and alloweth on Princes supreme honour as their due in civil Society: As for spiritual excellency of Pastors, it doth neither contain intrinsically, neither clameth by way of consequence, any pre-eminence in temporal things, but in spiritual allane●lie. All their jurisdiction is merely spiritual, as Halensis sayeth, that 
Bellar▪ respon add Apol. c. 4. Halensis part 3. quaest. 40. num. 5.  the spiritual power judgeth according to the spiritual punishment, and not according to the civil: And it may be instanced by the Apostle who (doubtless) if he had civil power would have used it against the incestuous man, and punished him civilie: But he knew the reach of the Apostolic power to be spiritual, and therefore censured him spiritually with excommunication. But most clearly, S Augustine disclames it in Christ's Name. Harken, O 
Audite gentes August▪ Tract joh. 115.  jews and Gentiles— harken, O kingdoms of the earth: I stay not your domination in this world, etc. 
Dumb Pops have lest ex cellencie.   
Herein Popes usurp most who have least right, the excellency of Pastors flowed from their pastoral calling, and their discharge of it; but he is an idol pastor, who hath thrust himself in the most eminent place of the Church, and yet is least in worth. The lest Pracher is worthy of more honour than he though he were in his pontificals: 
Bellar. de office▪ Princip lib. 1. cap. 22  He preacheth not and so can neither be the Vicar of Christ, nor successor of his Apostles. For Christus Rex & Dominus noster (as Bellarmine acknowledgeth) non erat occupatus in rebus temporalibus, sed praedicatione verbi, & conversione animarum: Christ was not busy in temporal things, but in preaching of the word, and conversion of Souls. But he inver●eth Christ's Diet, neglecting preaching & employing himself altogether in temporal things: Neither can he be Peter's successor, if we trust Bernard 
a Past. remte populo hu●c, aut nega, aut exhibe, etc. Bernard consid. lib. 4  Prove thyself a Pastor to this people— lest thou deny thyself to be his heir, whose seat thou holdest. This is Peter who never went out decked with jewels— ●nd yet without these he believed that command might be fulfilled: If thou love me, feed my Sheep. For in these things thou succeedeth not to Peter, but to Constantine— Thou art a Pastors' heir, be not ashamed of the Gospel, to Evangelize is to feed the flock, do the work of an Evangelist, and thou hast fulfilled the work of a Pastor. 
Ancient Pops preached.   
Their Analist 
b Baron. ●55. ●. 21▪ 26.  commendeth preaching Popes, Serigius secundus for that he was praedicatione liberior, a free Preacher, and Leo the fourth, that he was a preacher of the word, and left an Homily in register, to direct Churchmen in their office, which Baronius closeth with this mark. Pervigilis curae pastoralis, nobile documentum, a notable document of a wakerife pastoral care. It is a notable document indeed to prove Leos pastoral care, and to convince the later Popes, who are all together void of that care. Becanus 
c Nec facit ea visibiliter quae fecit, &c Becan. refut. Apol. Reg. Ang. paradox. ●1.  also overthroweth the Pope's Vicarshippe in that same place, where he pleadeth most for it. He scoffeth at that saying of Tertulian, that Christ reliquit vicariam vim Sp. Sancti, the vicariat power of the holy Spirit to rule his Church: And proveth the holy Spirit cannot be such an Vicar, because he doth not these things visibly, which Christ did in his mortal flesh, for he neither administereth Sacraments, neither preacheth in public▪ This concludeth as strongly against the pope, for as the holy Spirit cannot visibly & bodily exerce these offices, so the pope (though he may visibly exerce them) yet doth it not at all, but in place of a Vicar, he is that abuse and blot in the Church, whereof S. Cyprian speaketh (if that be his work) The tenth abuse 
a Decimus gradus Abusi onis etc. Cyp. de Abus socul▪ c. 10.  is a negligent Bishop, who requireth his degree of honour among men, but keepeth not the dignity of his Ministry before God, whose Ambassage he bearetth. The pope is wholly taken up in consistorial business.  
But since he must be called a Preacher, let him 
Latter pope's are bloody, pastors.  have it in that sense that Gregory speaketh of: Nova atque inaudita est ista praedicatio, quae verberibus exigit fidem: This is a new, and unheard sort of preaching, which exacteth 
Lib 2. Epist. ●1.  faith by strokes. And if he will have honour for doing his office, let him have it, as 
b Extra ipso Rege superior. Philo de profugis. Item de vit Mosis. 2. 3. Sixt. Senens. 5. Annot. 176  Philo telleth, the high Priest amongst the jews, albeit he was inferior to the King, yet so long as he was in his Ministry entering in the Temple, clothed with Aaron's garments, etc.— In that respect he was above the King. Let the Pope then exerce hierarchical functions, as Christ, his Apostles, and the first godly Popes did, and then let him pretend his spiritual eminency, and claim the honour due to it. But so long as his preaching is the roaring of Bulls, Curs●s, Excommunications, etc. from the Capitol, he is Aba●don, and not the Vicar of Christ.  
But what would the Pope and his Clergy say, if the 
Emperor's may as justly be Popes, as pope's Emperors.  Emperor upon the ground of his supereminent power, would raise contrary positions and practices, and so pay the Pope home in his own coin? As first to exempt himself and Kings and Princes, from all sort of Ecclesiastic subjection, as to hear the word, partake Sacraments etc. Next to use proscription against them, cutting them off from the commoun liberties of subjects. Thirdly, to depose them from Ecclesiastic offices, and discharge them from all exercise of their calling. fourthly, to cause their people contemn them and set up some other ambitious Churchmen in their vaking room. &c, That claim of Princes over them in spiritual things, were as just as their usurpation over Princes, except we trust the conceit of Bozius who affirmeth that the ecclesiastics take upon them the secular 
Boz. Mon. 1. 12  power and jurisdiction, but the seculars may not take upon them the Ecclesiastic power. But their own Pope Nicolaus 
a Nec imperator ●ura Pontificatus arrip●it. etc. Nicol. 1▪ Epist. ad Michael. Imp. dist, 96 Cum ad verve.  crosseth this conceit, and maketh the opposition equal, that the ecclesiastics may no more have a temporal power, than the Emperor may have a spiritual.  
Herein was a Mass of their follies, they confounded things that God had distinguished, spiritual and temporal, heavenly and earthly; and so verified Philoes' first and better exposition of Babylon, to agree to them, to wit, 
Babel's confusion in Rome.  that Babylon signifieth Confusion. 
a Philo de confus. & de Gigant.  Next with that Confusion they inverted all, and made temporal things their end, and neglected spiritual: They pretended that they used temporalia in ordine ad spiritualia, but in effect they used spiritualia in ordine ad temporalia: And so verified of 
They succeed Pagan Priests.  themselves Philoes' other exposition (b) of Babylon, that it signified inverting. No right, no reason could content them to keep their own place, and suffer Princes to 
(a) Sed Regem Christo & Po●tisic●, &c Bellar. contr. Barc. cap. 17  keep theirs, as God had designed to both, but they will have the King subject to Christ, (c) and to the Pope, and the Pope, subject to Christ only. Therefore with this their Babylonish confusion and inversion, they prove themselves by Nicolaus 
d Pagani imperatores ●d●m etc. Nicol prim. ubi supra.  testimony to be the successoures of Pagan Emperors, who would be both Priests and Kings: But we need not draw this by way of consequence. Doctor 
e Pontifices & Religioni but Deorum, & summae re● publicae praef●. isse.  Marta granteth it in a plain Assertion, that in these ancient times all business were dispatched by the Priests, and confirms it by Cicero's testimony, that the chief Priests among the Romans did sway both the Religions of the Immortal gods, and the chief matters of the Commonwealth. For which cause it may b●e conjectured that their controversar 
e juris. 1. 25 50.  speaking of their Pope, calls him rather Pontifex Romanus, then Episcopus Romanus, that 
(a) Bellar lib. de Rom. Pont. Pope's profaine●esse, made holiness.  under that old pagan name, h●e may insinuate the Notion of his twofold Pagan power.  
As for his consistorial business, whereof I spoke before, Palaeottus 
a Dicatur Papa his ipsis &c Pal●ot de consult, Consist. Conclus. Pag. 364.  hath plastered that sore, and telleth that the Pope's business in the Consistory about temporal things are hierarchical acts, because they are ordered to a spiritual end. So great is his power, that treasons, deposing of Kings, overthrow of Empires, etc. are all turned in hierarchical acts by his meddling. But I would know to what sort of hierarchical act these may be referred, for Dionysi●s 
b Dionies de Ecclesiast. high rach. Matth 10. Luk. 9 Act. 6  recounting the acts of Ecclesiastic hierarchy, hath no such matter: Therefore they are his Monarchick exercises, which he hath taken up, since he disdained the Ecclesiastic hierarchy.  
This is far from Chrysostom's mind, who thinketh that Christ forbade his Apostles to take provision for their journey, that they might only wait on preaching, as the Apostles also did. How then doth the Pope, who is altogether taken up with temporal business? Gregory 
c Amissis bonis c●lestibus terrenum est omne quod sitiunt Greg. moral. 25 c. 10.  calleth it an earthly disposition, when men forget heavenly things, and thirst only for earthly things. If their Visions tell that the Bishop of Anconaes' 
d Inter Epist. Aug 20●. Aug. contr. Parm. l. 3. c. 3  Soul acknowledged itself justly in hell because neglecting preaching, he waited only upon Worldly shows, banquets, and such other toys. What shall become of the Popes who are worse employed in oppressing the Church, and disturbing Europe? And if S. Augustine say truly, That the heart of the Wheat is in heaven, but the heart of the Chaff is on earth: Then surely the pope's must be Chaff, and not Wheat, since his heart is all on the earthly Monarchy.  
This then is their wilful ignorance, whereby they deny to Kings not only their Architectonik power, which maketh them custodes v●riusque Tabulae: And pastors populi: 
Isa. 49. 23. Ibid ●0. 1●.  Keepers of both Tables: Pastors of people, and Nurce-fathers' of the Church: but also their Eminency in temporalibus. For the Pope hath supreme temporal jurisdiction temporalie and directly (saith Marta) And again, he hath universal Dominion, universally and over all. Papa habet 
Marta jur is. 1. 19 toto. bidem part. 4 Cas. 79. 41  supremam temporalem iurisdictionem, temporaliter & directè. Item habet universalem iurisdictionem & Dominium in universali in omnibus.  
Petrus Damianus was the first who aff●irmed the Pope's tempo alitie, and though ever since it hath been in vigour yet 
About. Ann 1070.  as an exposed foundling of an uncertain father: For the defenders of it cannot agree on the original: Some father it on Christ's institution: Some on the tradition of the Apostles: Others on Counsels, exponding Scripture so: Some on the Donation of Princes: And some on Prescription. It is a staggering faith whose prime article knoweth not the father. But let 
Cap. per Ven.  them stand at Innocents' the third decretal. Reges in tem● poralibus superiorem non recognoscunt.   

CHAP. XXII. Of the fruits of their folly, and first: Of Irritation.  
THis much of their foolishness in the course of usurpation, follow the fruits, which are either in regard 
Their tyranny irritats Princes.  of the party offended, or of themselves: In the party offended it worketh irritation, and an exact inquiry of the matter: In themselves, it worketh a discovery and destruction. Irritation came necessarily of so violent and insolent courses, as to use Princes for Lackeys▪ to cause them wait on bare footed in winter not to find access, to tread on their 
Platin. Aventin.  neck. These and the like indignities were intolerable: For though Princes can oversee small offences, yet when their Life, Honour and Authority are trodden underfoot, it were not patience, but senselessness not to be moved: And so these matchless indignities put supreme 
Ecclesiast.  powers to supreme perturbations of indignation and anger; for oppression maketh wise men mad. Their generous pirits were as far irritate by indignities, as they have the prime and flower of ingenuitic.  
This was augmented by many respects of their iniurers: In their Persons they were subject to Princes, their 
Their vile in gratitude to Princes.  calling was spiritual, and aught to have procured every way their good: Their obligement by good deed was exceeding great, for they had received liberties and territories from Princes, and so were obliged to gratitude. But all these could not move them to their duty: Therefore their injuries were more grievous to Princes. This foul ingratitude was contrar to that which Charles 
a Carolu● Madge— omnes penè terras Ecclesiis contulerat. etc. Wi●hel Malmes. l. 5. apud Spalat. Lib 6. cap 7 ●. 89  the great expected in his liberality to the Church: When he saw the Germans inclining to rebellion, he thought the best way to secure the Empire to his house, was by giving large Lands and principalities to Churchmen, and that because of their holy calling, and that their Children succeeded them not, and in case that Princes rebelled against his Posterity he thought Churchmen both by their excommunication, and civil power would hold them in order. But all turned here contrar to his expectation. 
b Sed quod Carolu● putavit sibi etc. Ibid.  for in all stirs the Empire had not such adversaries as Churchmen. And herein was verified the old Apologue 
c In sylvam amplam venit olim securis ferrea inermis atque, etc. Spalat. Lib. 6 cap. 5. n. 173  of the Axe and the Oak tree. The Axe without an handle lay on the ground, and entreated the Oak for as much timber to be an handle unto it, under promise to cut down the brambles that molested the Oak, but when it was so mounted, it turned against the Oak, and cut it down also. So when the Pope got the temporal power by the gift of Princes, they turned it against the Givers. And the parable of joannes de rupescisa 
d Froward. vol, 2,  is not unlik of a naked Bird who begged feathers from other Birds, and when they had busked it with lent feathers, it began in pride to smite them who had decked it.  
And most of all, they provocked God to anger, for they made his Name and truth to be blasphemed, when men saw nothing in them but the desire of a worldly dominion: They laid a stumbling block before people, to hold them on the earth, when they should have led them to Heaven: The piety of old Prelates, turned Pagans to Christianity: But they did what they could to make Princes and people forsake the Religion of so proud and fleshly Prelates. That which seemed to be peace between Emperors and Popes for some three or four Ages, was but a conspiracy each of them flatetred other in offending God, but he turned this ●ust irritation of Princes in a preparative to reformation, that Princes being sensible of the Effronts done to their honour by the Pope's tyranny, might be led to feel the wounding of their Soul by his heresy, & so stirred up to reform the Church in both.  
People were also irritate: For beside their defrauding of spiritual comfort, whereof as then they were senseless, they 
They irritate people:  were cast in civil discord. The factions of the Guelves & Gibelins, so called from Gu●lfus D. of Baveere, & Conradus Giblingen Ann. 1140. etc. The excommunication of Princes turned them all in division, some of duty & conscience adhering to their princes, other of superstition and treason falling from them; Kingdom against Kingdom, & Kingdoms, Cities, and Families divided amongst themselves: So soon as the alarm was given by excommunication, there was neither peace, nor place for neutrality, but the old bloody proscriptions of Sylla and Marius were acted every where. This made them weary of such broils, and disposed them to embrace a more peaceable Religion, that would keep them in peace with their Princes and Neighbours.  
Their intolerable cruelty against the Emperors enforced 
This irritatation is a disposition to Reformation.  the world to this remede, Gregory the seventh, against Henry the fourth, Paschal the second, against Henry the fifth, Innocent the third against Philip. Innocent the fourth hired men to poison and stobbe Fridericke and Conrade. john the twenty two, and Benedict the eight vexed Lodovicus Bavarus. They excommunicate them, stirred up other Princes to invade them, and forced them to base & unreasonable conditions of peace, they poisoned 
Otho. Frisin lib. 6. cap. 36 Deus & Rex. pag 64. Tot mala, tot schismat●, tot tam animarum quam cor porum pericula in volvit. etc. Casaub libe. Eccles.  them with the hostie or cup. It is impossible to consider what miseries these jars brought on people: For Otho testifieth that they brought so many evils and Schisms, and involved the bodies and souls of men in so many dangers that the cruelty and durance of that persecution was sufficient to prove the misery of mankind. In all these broils, people smarted, & being brought to desperation, were forced to take some course to vendicat themselves. Their law provyds that feudum meretur amittere, qui feudum inficiatur.   

CHAP. XXIII. Of the second fruit of their folly: An exact inquiry of the matter.  
THe second fruit of their foolishness, is an exact 
Inquirie bringeth knowledge.  inquiry of the matter: When men saw their tyranny, they inquired the cause, and as Tertullian 
a Et inquirere accenditur quid sit in causa, etc. Tertul. ad Scap. cap. 5.  speaketh of the Martyrs, when they know the truth they follow it. For as he speaketh in another place, who so studieth to understand, 
b Qui studu▪ erit intelligere, cogetur & credere. Id Apol cap. 18.  shall be forced to believe. Their tyranny is so gross and manifest, that the world shall be forced to see the thing they could not imagine. The more that Princes inquired, the more they found their own innocence and the tyranny of the Pope. Moderate injuries are tolerable, but extreme indignities put men to the highest degree of redress, & so bring them nearer to a remeed, than lesser wrongs. This was a meeting of their Inquisition: For their bloody inquisitours, inquire persons to destroy them: But this inquiry seeketh out the cause to follow the truth.  
If they had keeped themselves in moderation, the world 
Their extremities bringeth their ruin.  possibly would have bidden in their implicit Faith, in the point of jurisdiction, as well as in doctrine: But when they went to intolerable insolences, men were forced to inquire in the state of the matter, as a man brangled in his Possession, searcheth all his writs. So Princes set Lawyers Divines, etc. to work, to plead their cause at least by writ, for there was no place for judicial pleading their party being their judge, and stopping all means of redress by his tyranny. Every onset that the Popes made, 
The Pope's onsets are his foils.  brought both a new search of the matter, & a new discovery of their shame: Divines & Politics were divided amongst themselves, and their contraire disputs and treatises made the world see more in these deeps, than otherwise they could have seen. Their strife with the two Henry's gave some light: the other with Fridericke Barbarossa gave more: Even in these times of greatest tyranny, God raised up some good Patriots, to plead the cause of Princes, as well as he had Witnesses of the truth: And though the Pope bore down the one under the name of Heretics, and the other under the name of politic Shismaticks, yet their works testify, that God let not Antichrists' pride go without a witness.  
It is a wonder that so many durst write so plainly in 
God provided pleaders for the authority of Princes.  those Ages, and of that argument that was then tossed de potestate imperiali & Papali: Beside the Sorbone who proved loyal to their Princes: Many Divines else where made it their task, as may be seen in Otho Frisingensis, 
Lego & relego guessed a Romanorum.  I read and I ●read over again the doings of the Roman Bishops, etc. And the fruit of their reading (at least so many of them as were honest minded) was with Occam 
(b) Defend me gladio tuo & ego defendam te calam● meo O●cam  to implore the Emperor's protection. Defend me. O Emperor with thy Sword, and I shall defend thee with m● Penne; so dangerous a thing it was then to write the truth. Goldastus 
c Goldast. Constitut. It. Politica. It. Monarchia It Replica.  hath done good service to God, and authority (but hath given a blow to the Pope) in gathering together in great volumes these many Treatises, which were scattered in obscure corners: As a Physician by seeing the Recepts and Medicine of a diseased Age, will▪ easily know what hath been the Epidemicke disease of the time: So a judicious Reader will perceive that Christendom was then in a burning fever by the Pope's ambition. Such were then the Emperor's best defences with Apologies▪ Protestations, etc. Their authority was broken, the Majesty of the Empire defaced, and their Sword so blunted, by Superstition in their people, that they could neither defend their right, nor revenge their wrong. And if we consider exactly the enginings of these times, we shall find that God stirred up for the defence of 
Best spirits defended Princes.  Princes the most godly, judicious and learned men; but a rabble of fleshly flatterers defended the Pope. This great exact search of the matter was a second preparative to reformation: Irritation gave the first by the Alienation of 
Slavish spirits defend the Pope.  Prince's minds from the Pope: And this inquiry gave the second, by the illumination of their minds in the truth.  
It will befall him as to the Ass, who not content with his long ears, asked two horns of jupiter: And being importune in his pleading, he got his ears cut off: And when the Persians were not content with their dominions in Asia, but encroached on Greece; they stirred up Alexander to ●ast them out both of Greece and Asia. So the Pope not content with his spiritual power, but usurping on the temporality of Princes, will lose both powers together: For Princes and people see now more in that question, than in many Ages before.   

CHAP. XXIIII. Of the third fruit of their folly, The Discovery of Antichrist.  
THe third fruit of their folly is Discovery, whereby 
The pope is Antichrist. 2 Thesse's. 2.  the Pope declareth himself to be that great Antichrist, the head of that Apostasy, Some expone that Apostasy of Heresy, falling from the truth: Others of rebellion▪ falling from the Empire, but both go together, and the Pope is the head and heart of both: He began with Heresy, and Emperors cared not for it; therefore God punished their carelessness, by letting pope's fall from their obedience, and the discovery of both came jointly, though Princes were more sensible of the discovery of rebellion than of Heresy. 
Why Antichrist was obscure of old. 2 Thess 27.   
This purpose of Antichrist was obscure in the first Ages by three special causes: First, it was not an open iniquity, but a mystery of iniquity: The Essence of it was in opposition to Christ, but it was coloured with the pretext of a Vicariat to Christ: A Vice-Christ in show, but an enemy to Christ in deed: Next, because it was a Prophecy and the best interpretation 
a Optima interpretatio prophetiae est ejus comple mentum Aug.  of prophecies is their accomplishment, for till they be accomplished, they are as dark Riddles, but when the time is come, and the thing prophesied is done, they have a clear and certain exposition (sayeth Irenie) 
b Omnis prophetia priusquam habeat efficaciam, etc. ●ren l. 4. cap 43.  thirdly (which is not well adverted) this obscurity was helped by two errors in Chronologie: The one was in fixing a certain time of six thousand years to the world's standing, according to a fabulous tradition of one Rabbi Elias: The other was in the wrong supputation of that fixed time, according to the reakoning of the seventy Interpreters, who added more than twelve hundreth years 
c Graecorum supputatio Hebraicam superat in 1236 Sixt. Senens. Bibl. lib 5. Annot. 68  to the Hebrews just reakoning.  
Lactantius and Phylastrius, following the opinion of their time reakoned five thousand, eight hundreth years before Christ, and so Elias six thousand years were fulfilled about the five hundreth year of Christ; whereupon the Fathers of the third and fourth Age were forced to an Individual and Trieterian Antichrist; because they saw no time for an Antichristian succession. This made the Fathers in the first Ages to speak of the last day as coming presently on them: So Cyprian said 
a ●ppro 〈…〉 quante secul i sine. Cypr. de unit. Eccles, ●●-14  The last day was approaching: And in another place 
b Inter saecu li labentis ruin as. Idem ad Demetrian, n-17  That he was in the ruins of the decaying world. And it is probable that these same errors of Chronologie, made Papias and the Chiliasts to speak of a thousand years' joy in this life; they looked for Christ's coming very shortly within two or three hundreth years, and so were forced to refer these thousand years to a time after his coming. That might seem tolerable in them who wanted the benefit of exact supputation, but it is a gross error in them, who renew it ●n our days.  
Imperfect supputation in Chronologie, hath bred many errors 
The error of supputation.  inhistorie. The Egyptians, and Chaldeans are ridiculous for their innumerable thousands of years: And the Romans in the first Ages of their Town, reakoned their years by the Praetor's fixing of a Nail in Minerva's Temple in the Calends of September. But God in our time hath perfecte● supputation. The truth of the Hebrew text, the bases of Eclipses, jubilies, and remarkable Conjunctions of Stars, etc. Have made now a certainty of reakoning of times: And among other things do tax old supputations of error, and the conjecturs of Antichrist founded thereon of temereity.  
Now then supputation is mended, the Prophecy of Antichrist 
Supputation is mended.  accomplished, and that Mystery revealed: for many things are known to after times, whereof these ancient writters were altogether ignorant, saith Alphonsus 
a Multa sunt posterioribus nota etc. Alphons a Ca stro h●res tit. Indulgent▪ Onuphr add▪ ●latin● Vit Petri.  And Onuphrius, to that end. Posterior hominum diligentia multa, quae ante parum comperta erant, invenit The after diligence of men hath found out many things, which before were not known The Apostles layeth the proposition, who opposeth and exalteth himself above all that is called God. The pope takes the Assumption, and plainly crveth to the world in his usurpation over Kings, me me adsum qui feci. His opposition we have heard, in that he maketh the two powers spiritual and temporal opposite, which God hath joined in a friendly concourse and conspiration for the good of man: His exaltation is also plain in depressing Princes: He will neither be inferior nor equal, but superior to them; and that as far as the Sun is to the Moon: The ignorance of their gloss in Astronomy, in reakoning the proportion of these Stars is no grosser, than their Divines inpudenc●e on the Apostles 
Can. Solitae.  text. Rom. 13. 1. turning sublimibus in sublimioribus, and thereby pulling themselves out of temporal subjection, and setting them in a superlative degree above Princes absolutely.  
If we consider the thing that stayed his coming, 
Antichrist is come.  and the removing of it, we shall find that both Antichrist is come, and the Pope is he. This is the Empire of Rome, which the Apostle darkly insinuateth, 
a Aiunt Apost hac sub tegumento verborumque involucris posuisse, etc. Otho Frisin. lib. 8 cap. 2 Servius in Virgilium.  lest he should stir up the Romans to a persecution for prophesying of a decay of the Empire. They held Rome to be eternal, and Capitolij immobile saxum: Imperium sine fine dedi; Roma urbs aeterna, were the common titles of the ●owne, and that forsooth, because when Traquinius would have built a Temple to jupiter all the other gods yielded to that great one, except Terminus and juventas, whereupon their flattering Augurs 
b Placuit Vatibus contumacia Nu minum. Flor. apud malved, de Ant. lib. 4 cap 9 Tertull Apol. cap. 32  inferred that Rome should have no end of her endurance, but flourish in a perpetual youthly vigour. Liminum Deus abscedere noluit— Terminus cum Iove remanens aeternum urbi Imperium cum Religione significaret. That the primitive Church took this for the Empire, it is plain by Tertullian. We pray (sayeth he) for Emperors and the whole state of the Roman Empire, because we know that the great cruelty coming on all the world, and the last days that threatened horrible calamities, are stayed by the standing of the Roman Empire. 
The Empire is removed out of the way.   
This was removed three special ways. Frist by Constantine, who translated the Seat of the Empire to Constantinople, Which translating Genebrard 
a Non sine, Let Numine— Vt regnum Ecclesiae— Romae haberet Sedem.  calleth a work of God's providence, that the Kingdom of the Church spoken of by Daniel might have a place at Rome. We grant it came of God's providence, but not for the end that Genebrard assigns, but for a contraire, to fulfil the prophecy of Antichrist, and to provide him a place at Rome. And Rupertus 
b Diabolus locum aptum Antichristo novit. Ruper: Tuit. De Antichr. lib 4. cap. 10. Maximè congruebat— & citò pervios haberet populos pradicatio generalis. Leo. ser. 1, de not Pet. & Pauli.  beside God's providence observeth also the craft of Satan, in choosing Rome as a most fit nest for hatching the mystery of iniquity. And Malvenda sayeth, plainly, That Rome is fallen in the hands of the Church. Next, the Barbarians weakened the Empire; for when Constantine had taken away the Guard of the Empire, the Legions that lay on the Rhine and Danube, the Goths, Huns, Vandals, Her●l●, Longobards, etc. Come in as deludges upon the Empire. here is a wonderful change of Rome; Leo marketh it well, that it was most conducible to further the work of the Gospel that many Kingdoms should be confederate to one Empire, that so the general preaching of the Gospel might have more sudden passage: But now that same Empire must be dissolved, to make way to Antichrist▪ that from that city he may the more fitly send out his heresy and Apostasy.  
thirdly, the Pope had an hand in that Removal of the Empire, for what remained; he broke down by deposing 
The Pope helped that Removal.  Kings, and absolving their Subjects, etc. And it is worth our remark, that their first Rebellion against the Emperor was for Images, which the Greek Emperors in a godly zeal had put out of Churches, as Onuphrius 
b Primus Rom. Pont. etc. ●mpr. Graeco. in nos resistere ausus fuit etc. Platin de vit Constant. p. 108.  marketh that Constantine the Pope was the first that durst resist the Emperor Philippieus: And after him Gregory the second 
c Gregorius ma●ora ausus, Ita licum. Imperium ●ure eripuit Ibid.  was more bold, and cutted the Empire of Italy from the Grecians. So idolatry and rebellion began together, and when they had left God in the one, they forsook the Emperor in the other. But more fully they weakened the▪ Empire when Hildebrand and his followers brought in Excommunication, etc. And it is the Apostles phrase, speaking of the removal of the Empire, 
2 Thessa. 2. 1 Cor. 5.  that shall be taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the mids, And of the incestuous Corinthian to be excommunicate, he biddeth take him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Augustine 
a August. quaest in D●u 39  observeth, that the Apostle borroweth that speech from Moses, and it hath a different sense in the old and new Testament; in the old it signifieth to sacrifice, or slay, but in the New to excommunicate, and that excommunication now is come in place of killing. But Baronius 
b Baron. Paranes. ad Vene.  Macta & manduca, kill and eat, hath brought the Evangelic censure back again to the legal kill, and so every way they helped the removing of the Empire by excommunication, breaking the reverence of Emperors in the hearts of people, and by usurpation, beating them down, and setting other Princes against them. Therefore Crantzius writing of Boniface the eight sitting in Imperialibus cryeth out, vides Petre 
Crantz Sax. 8. 93.  successorem tuum: Vides Christe Vicarum tuum. Quo ascendit superbia servi servorum tuorum, Thou seest, O Peter, thy Successor, thou seest, O Christ thy Vicar.  
Next, as they did cast it down they exalted themselves; 
Pope's exalt themselves.  so the Pope is Emperor sede vacant, Though when the Popedom vaketh the Cardinals have power, and when a Bishopric vaketh the Chapter hath power, yet he giveth not the like power to the Electors, in the ●aking of the empire: His consistory of Cardinals is in place of the old Senate, and so old Rome is casten in a new mould & the Monarchy turned in an Hierarchy, as the reward of his oppressing of the Monarchy. Bellarmine giveth us advantage 
c Bellar. re c●g. pag. 47.  in this point, where he granteth that the Pope of old was subject to Emperors as to their temporal Lords— But the Pope's authority is more and more declared. By this confession so long as Pope's keeped Apostolic & primitive Verity they gave obedience to Princes, but wh●● they turned Apostaticke, they rebelled: And therefore this declaration of the Pope's authority, whereof he speaketh, is nothing but the discovery of the mystery of inquitie. 
That removell demonstrats Antichrists coming.   
Among their Demonstrations to prove that Antichrist is not come, this is one. 
a Secunda demonstratio sumitur, etc. Bellar. Rom. Pont. lib. 3 c. 5.  That the Roman Empire is not altogether destroyed. Bellarmine granteth an inclination and decay of the Empire. and that we may see almost the utter ruin of it, so in effect he granteth that it is almost ●uinate, but not altogether. This is all which we crave, for we urge not a total ruin of the Empire, but such a decay as maketh way for Antichrists' entry. But Greizer 
c Ego Plessaeo suaserim— ut ipsemet Pragam vel Viemam etc. Grez Myst. Sal● u● proleg cap. 6. p 55.  is more bold, and biddeth us go to Prage and Vienne, and see whither or no the Roman Empire be decayed: 
(b) Quia Rom. Imp. de lendum erat id quod iam ferè etc. ibid. lib 2 cap. 7.  But we bid him go to Rome, and see if he find a Roman Emperor there, either in person, power, or credit. For the Question is not of an Emperor of Vienne, but of Rome▪ of whom the Apostle writeth; and that his sending of us to Prage or Vienne, is a granting of our claim, that he is no more Emperor of Rome: His strength now is in no part within these bounds that were Roman Provinces in the Apostles time; for then and some Ages following the Quadi, & Marcomanni, etc. were bordering enemies on the Empire and no parts of it: Besides these Provinces that now he possesseth, he hath not as Emperor, but as a Prince of the Empire: Austria is his hereditary Duchy, and he holdeth Boheme and Hungary by intrusion, so that the Roman Empire is but a poor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a naked shadow. 
Martaes' conceit of the Ensigns of the Empire.   
For curing this blow, Doctor Marta hath an odd conceit. After he hath refuted. Alciat for affirming the Empire to have been ruinated by the Goths, etc. He would prove that it standeth, yet in full integrity, first 
d Identitas Imperatoris hodierni cum Antiquis pro batur, etc. Mart. juris. p. 1. c 2 n. 23  because the titles and Ensigns of the old Empire are sufficient to prove the integrity of the Empire: But that is a weak reason, for so the patriarches of Constantinople and Alexandria would be in their former integrity, because they keep their ●un●ient Titles: By the like reason also the Pope standeth in his former large jurisdiction, because he keepeth his titles, and Peter's Keys for his Arms. But they see the contraire hereof to their grief, for he wanteth more than the half of his ancient bounds; as may be seen by his Provinciale Romanum, descryving the bounds of the Pope's jurisdiction; and Catalogus Annatarum prescriving the sums received at the entry of Prelates. As for Ensigns they overthrew their Assertion, the Emperor beareth the double Eagle in sign of the two Impyres, the Western seated in Rome, and the Eastern in Constantinople. But these prove the vanity of his Title, for he can do nothing in Rome or Constantinople, or in any Province of old, pertaining to them: And though the Eagles be now double, yet they cannot do the twenty part of that that one might, when Marius first put it in the Banners of the Legions.  
His other reason is ridiculous, 
a Considerandum est Rom. ●●●●.— in universo ●rbe consistere Ibid n. 26.  That the Roman Empire is the whole World, and that the Kingdoms of France 
And of the whole world.  Spain, etc. are quotitative parts of the Empire, though no Subject to the Empire, 
b Licet Franci non subdantur Imp. sunt tamen pars Imperi● quotitativa Ibid cap. 20 ●▪ 26  These are mockeries, and no reasons: For the Scripture telleth, that the ruin of the Empire shall be by its division in several Kingdoms: But by his sophistry it standeth entire, not withstanding of that division▪ And what an Emperor is he, that hath neither respect, nor obedience of Kings within his Empire, who are both great▪ and mightier than he? 
c Christiani Reges Imperatore maioressunt Bellar▪ Rome Pont. l. 3▪ cap. 5.  in so doing Martaes' quotitative parts destroy the quiddity of his imaginary universal Empire. And by the same reason, the Assyrian, Persian, and Grecian, yea all the four Monarchies yet stand in their integrity, because th●se Provinces and Lands over which they ruled are yet extant. And the Roman Empire shall never decay till the last day, because th●se Provinces shall also continue till then. But Bellarmine in the heat of that same dispute overthowes Martaes' conceit, affirming, Sciendum est imperium tandem divid●ndum in 10 Reges quorum nullus erit vel dicetur Rex Romanorum▪ that the Roman Empire shall be divided at last in ten Kings, whereof none shall be or can be called the King of the Romans, albeit they shall possess the Provinces of the Roman Empire: As now the King of France, the King 
Bellar ubi. supra.  of Spain▪ and the Queen of England, etc. Therefore th●se Kingdoms according to Bellarmine, are not quotitative parts of the standing, but the scattered parts of a dissolved Empire.  
Moreover both reason and their own confession prove such a removal of the Empire, as maketh way to Antichrist. 
Rome is not the Emperors.  The reason is taken both from Rome, and her ancient respects. For Rome itself: It was the mother and seat of the Empire, and so long as they were Emperors indeed, they either abode there, or had it subject to them▪ But now the Emperor cannot do so much in Rome as a Baron in a Village, for though he were ●rowned there, yet it is expressly provided, 
a Vnde dictus Imperator stare non debet in uroe nisi per Vnam noctem post suam consecra tionem, &c Provincial. Roman▪ in fine.  that he stay there but one Night after his Coronation, and thereafter go up to Mount Maurus, and shaking his hand, say, All that we see are ours, and at our command And thereafter he sendeth through all the World summoning all Barons and Christian Princes, and Pagans, who ought to answer to him, etc. This is a ridiculous ●●tle of a ●owne that will not lodge him, and the ●i●ing of justinian's words concerning an universal Empire, fitteth him no more than Peter's Name doth the Pope; for the Pope hath nothing of ●eter but his borrowed title; and the Emperor hath nought but the shadow of the Empire. In first times the Pope non habuit potestatem in urbe ante tempora Vitaliani, sayeth their own Rolevinck fas●. Temp 60●. But now we may turn it. Imperator non habet potestatem in urbe, That the Emperor hath no power in the Town. There is a manifest change of the Emperor removed, and the Pope seated in Rome. And in the late Ages the Emperors came never to Rome, but with great Armies; some times they took it by force: Other times they were surprised in it as an evidente that they had no power of Rome. Lastlie, the wiser sort eschewed Rome as a snare. So Rudolph the first being invited by the Pope to come to Rome for the Imperial Crown, answered as Aesop's Fox did to the sick Lion, who requested her to come in the Cave and visit him, but she refused, because she saw the footsteps of many 
— Oli● quod vulpes agro●● caut a Leon●. etc.  beasts entering the Cave, but none returned. So, many Emperors went to Rome with glory, but returned with shame: Since Rome is now to Emperors as the Lion's Cave is to beasts, they cannot rightly be called Emperors of Rome. And Pope john the thirteenth writing to the Emperor, did not style him Roman Emperor, which is sufficient to prove that they acknowledge no Emperor of Rome.  
As for the ancient respects of the Empire, if we follow 
This Empire nothing like the old.  Lipsii admirandae 
a Copiis, Opibus Operibus, Viris●, & Virtutibus. Lipsii admiranda.  in its Forces Riches, Works, Men and Virtues, it is weak, for in none of these can it compare with the ancient Empire. The bounds also prove the same, for the Empire of the Orient is taken by the Turks, and the Western Empire destroyed by Odoazer in the time of Augstulus, and restored again by Charles the great, is also turned to a shadow: Bellarmine (b) hazards the issue of the question upon this instance affirming that God erected the Western Empire by Charles the great, which Empire (sayeth he) endureth yet, 
b Iteru● Deus erexit in Occidente priorem tibia●; etc. Bellar. Rom. Lib. 3. cap. 5  But this instance is sufficient to convict him, for Charles Empire was between the Meditarrane and Baltic Sea, between Britain and Hungary, whereof the present Emperor hath but a small part. And though in Maximilian the firsts time it was divided in ten Provinces, yet was it but a small part of the ancient Empire: In Constantine's time▪ the Empire lay between Britain and Persia in length, and in breadth between Caucasus and Syene, and he divided them in 94. Provinces, whereof scarcely one is within the present Empire. And how far is it from the power of the old Emperors, when Maximilian the second begging the Election to the Crown of Pole, was repulsed, and taken in battle by an handful of Polonians. And when Ferdinand that now is▪ engaged the half of Austria to the Duke of Bavaria to assist him in the Bohemian wars, he was far from the riches and forcs of Augustus and Constantine, etc. 
The Empire almost extinguished.   
These and the like reasons have forced from some of them a confession of the desolation of the Empire. Ubi nunc Romana Monarchia? (sayeth Faber)— quam obsecro Roma Regi suo Monarchiae praebet obedientiam. Where is now the Roman Monarchy▪ Where are they that rule the reins, since we see the head of the Monarchy make defection from them? For what obedience, I pray you, giveth Rome to her own King? And Dominicus Soto 
a Temporale urbis Roman● Imperium iam cessavit 4. apud. Vieg. Apoc. cap. 13  affirmeth that the temporal Empire of Rome is now ceased. And Paulus jovius 
b Post quam Caesaris potentia face●s sit. &c Paul. jov. lib▪ ●. p. 16  entering in his History, and recounting the Kings of Europe, he raiseth them all from the ruins of the Empire; for after that the power of the Emperors was dead, which some times by cutting off Kings, compelled all to obey one, and when the most fierce people in the love of their ancient liberty rebelled, it is manifest that the most noble Roman Empire, being shaken and rend in pieces by the force of the Barbarians, went in the possession of many lesser Kingdoms. And Salmeron sayeth, Imperium illud Romanum iam diu eversum est— & quafis exstinctum— tenuissima quaedam umbra est Imperii antiqui. The Empire is long since overthrown and dissipate in many Kingdoms, and in a sort 
Salmer. 2. Thess.  extinguished. For he that now is, and is called the Roman Emperor, is but a small shadow of the Empire. So that he doth not so much as possess Rome itself from which it is named. And justinianus 
a Vix tenuem quandam umbram ●mp. retinet. justinian▪ ib id.  another jesuit. The Roman Empire is long since driven in these straits, that scarcely it retains a light shadow of the Empire. This confession is enough against their Wranglers. And they say no more but what was said long before by Lyra 
b I am a multis annis Impertum caruit Imperatore. Lyra ibid.  All Kingdoms are departed from the Roman Empire, and denyeth subjection and tribute, and for many years that Empire wants an Emperor. And Eberhardus 
c Imperator vana appellat●o est & sola umbr●▪ Avenntin▪ lib. 5.  before him telleth, that the Majesty of the people of Rome, whereby of old the world was ruled, is taken from the Earth: And the Emperor is but a vain title and a naked shadow.  
By this their discovery, we turn their demonstration against themselves, and have evicted both that Antichrist is come, and that the Pope is that Antichrist: For since the 
Antichrist is come, & the Pope is he.  Empire is removed out of the way, first by Emperors, then by Barbarians, and thirdly by the Pope (who hath thrust himself in the desolate Empire, as the reward of his usurpation) What can follow, but that he is that man of sin, that exalteth himself above authority. And this one point of Antichrist may resolve all the questions between them and us. For it is an infinite labour, to cast over all the Controversies, but this one virtually hath all: Some have thought to be resolved of all by the Question of Scripture, because it contains the places of arguments: Others from the question of the Church, because of her authority, etc. But this one of the Pope hath all, because he is both Church, Scripture, and all to them, 
d De quare agitur, cum de primatu Ponficis agitur? &c Bellar de Pon Rom. prafat.  and when it is clearly proven that he is that Antichrist, it will follow necessarily, that in all questions controverted they have the worst part. So that the point of Antichrist proponed by the Apostles mystically, and known by the first Ages coniecturallie; by the doctrine and practice of Rome, is made now so clear, that we may say with reverend jewel, Multi quidem loci de Antichristo obscuri erant— iam verò Ecclesiae Romanae doctrina & institutis effectum est ut quibus oculi non desunt ne Sol ipse clarior 
jewel. defence. Apol cap. 16. pag 357.  fiet. Though many places of Scripture concerning Antichrist were of old, obscure and ambiguous, because as then it appeared not to what policy they should apply them. Yet now by the doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome, it is come to pass that the Sun himself is not clearer, to such as want not eyes. For which cause the Pope, when he 
a In Concil. Lateranen— nequis de Antichristi etc. I well ibid.  saw that his person & estimation was touched by the things that were spoken of Antichrist, he discharged straitly all Preachers, that none of them should so much as surmise any thing of the coming of Antichrist. This is nothing else, but secret conviction that the notes of Antichrist appertain to him. And that same Leo the tenth, 
b Tempus quoque— prae dicere vel as serere nequaquaquam pr●● sumant. Leo. 10. Ann. 1516 Concil. Lateran▪ S●ss. 11. apud ●in▪ tom 4 par. p. 2 1 12  more fully in his Bull discharges that same the year preceding Luther's kithing.  
Therefore it galleth them at the heart to call the Pope Antichrist, and Maximilian Duke of Bavere, took occasion thereof to dissolve a Dispute at Ratisbone 
c Ann●. 1600  between the Theologues of Saxony, and the jesuits of Bavere: He saw his jesuits failing in the matter, while 
The mention of Antichrist gnaweth them.  they cried continually, ad formam, ad formam, and sought but a colour to break the Dispute. And when Hunnius occasionally called the Pope Antichrist, he fretted and discharged any further proceeding. Baronius 
d Le vissimi & sordidissimi Novatores &c, Baron. 867. n. ●6.  rails against us in vain for that same cause, saying, that the vile Novators use reproachful names and pictures, to the disgrace of the Apostolic Sea, but they need not, for the Pope endeth the plea, and be usurping on Princes, exalting himself above them, and putting them out of the way by excommunication and tyranny, giveth a just Commentar of the Apostles words & proclaimeth himself to be that great Antichrist, he expresseth more vile lineaments than the Protestants can attribute unto him. And it was the prime question that the Emperor's Commissioners for the reformation, or rather the deformation of Germany, proponed to the Preachers of Augsburgh. To declare if they counted the Bishop of Rome to be Antichrist— adh●ret capiti lethalis arundo. The deadly dart of their discovery hath wounded their head grievously, that they can not hear of it.   

CHAP. XXV. Of the fourth fruit of their folly: Their just destruction.  
THe fourth fruit of this usurpation is their destruction. 
The Gospel shall destroy the Pope: 2 Thess. 2, 8  The Apostle descryveth it in two degrees, consumption and abolition: The Lord will consume him by the Spirit of his mouth, and abolish him by the brightness of his coming. This consumption is by the word of God, a most powerful means to destroy popery, for it is a work of darkness, begun increased, and perfected by the gradual obscuring and depressing of Scripture: And therefore the gradual revealing and manifesting of Scripture is sufficient to banish that darkness. So the Waldenses began with a private use of Scripture, and thereby troubled Antichrists' Kingdom. Wicliffe brought it to Lectures in the School, and wrought them more harm: Hus brought it to the Pulpit, and made it shine clearer: But Luther, Calvine, and other Worthies of reformation, made that Light to shine clearer in many places at once, and so brought a great destruction upon Antichrists' kingdom, and made many Nations forsake him, and turn to the Lord. 
The word discovereth.   
The Light of the Gospel discovered two things at once, the Pope's heresy and tyranny; by the first discovery, it looseth the bands that formerly held people in awe: Superstition so puddled their consciences, that they endured his very tyranny as equity: But when the shining truth discovered him to be an Antichristian seducer, their irritation was doubled to avenge themselves on him, both for his misleading of them and usurpation.  
Doubtless, this is the secret cause why so far they abuse 
Therefore they hate the word.  Scripture, they accuse it of insufficiency, and forbid the translating of it in vulgar tongues, and reading of it to people, because Satan maketh them presagious of their destruction to come by it: Their adoring of the Nails, the Spear and weapons that killed Christ, argues their sympathy with Satan & the jews that crucified him: And their abhorring of the Sword of God's word argues their Antipathy to it, as a malefactor abhorreth the Sword of the Magistrate. And the three Bishops at Bononia, who 
Consil. 3 Episc.  gave advise to Paul the third, for reformation besought him to put the Bible out of the way, because it was the Book that wrought them most woe.  
This their consumption they acknowledge with 
Popery is far decayed.  grief, for who is ignorant (sayeth Bellarmine) 
a Quit enim ignorat ●estem Lutheranam, &c Bellar. Tom. 1. Orat. Rom● Ann. 1576. josua. 7.  That the Lutheran Truth (which he calleth a Pest) arose in Saxony, and thereafter occupied almost all Germany? Thence it went to the North, and to the East, and consumed Denmark, Norraway, Swaden, Gothland, Panonia, and Hungary: Thereafter with the like swiftness to the West, and the South, and in a short time destroyed France, England, Scotland, some time flourishing Kingdoms: And lastlie that it passed over the Alps and pierced into Italy itself: The Gospel preached into these places, was like the sounling of the Trumpets about jericho, to throw down mightily the abominations of Babel: And Cotton confesseth further that the authority of the Pope is incomparably less than it was; and now the Roman Church is but a diminutive of that it was, as may be seen in the ardidinals 
b Cardinals o●●m apud summum. Pontificem his in heb domada covenie●ant. etc. Tholos. syntag. lib. 15 cap. 4. n 15 Oppressed Kingdoms first left poperi.  who were wont to meet oftener, but now meet one● only once a week because the business of the Court of Rome decressed.  
The order of their consumption is very considerable, that such Nations for forsook the Pope first, who were most abu● said by his usurpation: They abused Germany pitifully in the days of the Henry's and Fridericks: No reason could content them, the Emperors found more patience to suffer, than the Pope's tyranny found measure to bond itself. England 
a Anglia hortus deliciarum & puteus inexhaustus.  also was to them a Paradise of delight, and an inexhaustible fountain; at every occasion they sent Legates to press that Kingdom 
b De antiquis Rom. Curi●. in Rege, Angli●, etc. Casaub. ad Front. Duc pag. 68 Matth. Paris. Ann. 1245.  for money as a sponge, is pressed for water, and imposed the provision of some hundreth at their pleasure: Henry the third, in a survey of the Church-rents, found sixty thousand merkes sterling to be provided for Romans. Whereupon with his Nobles he supplicat Innocent the fourth, at the Council of Lions to ease that burden: They got fair promises, but their burden doubled: ' For a new survey within six years found ten thousand merkes more was yearly assigned unto them. They whipped Henry the second, by Discipline, as a Boy, for Beckets' punishment, and canvased King john so fearfully, that he found no rest at home, but sought desperate courses with Mahometan Princes, and in end was forced to resign his Kingdom to the Pope, and take it holden of him, and lastlie was poisoned in the Eucharist. Navarre also found the like cruelty, and when their King was excommunicate and cast out of his Kingdom, by julius the second, his Subjects deserted him, when he was invaded by Ferdinand.  
But their first blows came from these abused Nations. Every 
Nations resent ancient wrongs.  people hath their own Genius (I mean neither of the Platonic conceits of attending Spirits, nor Paredri Daemons) but a Gentilitious disposition, of a Nation: It is not mortal with persons, and therefore, neither so soon irritate nor appeased. Persons lay their quarrels at their death, but the surviving Genius or Spirit of a Nation liveth longer than persons, and in the own time doth resent old injuries, and revenge them. Therefore long oppressed Germany (finding a light in Luther's 
Germanies' reformation.  time) gave such a blow to Antichrist, that he could not as yet cure. It had been good if they had not run on the other extremity about Church maintenance, but they fearing that the Clergy would again abuse authority, did spoil the Church of her Patrimony, and defiled the the reformation of Religion with horrible sacrilege.  
As Germany began so England followed, and shook off his yoke under Henry the eight, & brought fo●rth at last that 
England▪ reformation. Anglia regna●te Henric● 8. grande illud etc. Casaub. ad. Front p. 69. Quare etiamsi Henricus 8. non fuisset, viam tamen fata invenis● sent. ibid. p. 71. Navarre a thorn to the Pope, Io. Navarreni haeredes ad parts etc. Barrel. Epist. dedicat. Popish tyranny undoth itself.  great and ever-memorable fact which (overcome with oppression for many Ages) she had conceived with great sorrow. And what ever personal disposition they allege to have been in Henry the eight, yet GOD had his hand in the work: And though he had not been at all, yet God would have provided him means to do that that was done. Therefore, in the reformation of England, we should not look to the time of Henry alone, but to five or six Ages preceding, wherein that Kingdom was long grievously oppressed by the Popes, but the fullness of the Pope's cup, and Gods just anger, to break his power in that Kingdom did meet together in that time.  
In like manner, the King of Navarres Posterity paid the Pope home again for his excommunication; they were stirred up with private hatred, & syded with them who conspired against the Sea of Rome. By their forwardness, the truth was first spread abroad in France, and to this day they have been shaking France from the obedience of Rome; and who knoweth, but some branch of that stem shall help to give the Pope his fatal stroke in France also.  
Let us hear from a bygot Papist, what vantage Pops have made by their tyranny over Kings: Event us rerum (sayeth he) satis docent nihil proficere Pontifices dum hac — via incedunt— The event hath clearly proven to this day that the Popes have profited little, while they walk in this high, slippery and steep way: But they rather make broils, schisms, and wars in Christian Nations, then propagate the Faith of Christ, etc. And when he hath reakoned out the pernicious course of Gregory the seventh against Henry the Emperor, of Boniface the eight against Philip, of julius the second against Lodowick the twelfth, of Clement the seventh, and Paul the third against Henry the eight, of Pius the fifth against Elizabeth, etc. Then he infers: Did not all these Princes contemn and mock the Papal Empire as an intolerable pride? nun high 
Quicquid h●reticorum est in Gallia, etc. Id. Epist dedicat.  omnes Principes papale illud Imperium ut meram arrogantiam riserunt. And concludeth, that that tyranny was the cause of the overthrow of Popery. And in another place he affirmeth, that the strength of the Protestants in France and Britain is hatched of the miserable heat of the Pope's temporal power. This testimony is true, and out of their own bosom.  
This is like the ruin of old Rome, she forced out her 
Now Roms' ruin is like old Rome's.  tyranny on far Countries, and her furthest extension met with the greatest opposition of mighty Nations, and had in it the period both of her furthest reach, and the beginning of her ruin; as the sea mark is both the point of the highest flowing, and the beginning of the ebb. So when she streached out herself to Britain, Saxony Persia, etc. In God's time she began to find her stresses there, & was compelled to call home her Legions to guard her 
Quod in Anglia vide mus accidisse etiam in aliis regnis, etc. Causab. ad Front. p. 71.  head and heart, Italy and Rome itself, from the inc●ersion of the Barbarians. So now Rome stretching out her ambition to far Countries, hath found her curbing to begin there, and in God's time by reformation (which is her consumption) she will be put to the defence of her Antichristian Seat, which in end shall fully be destroyed. 
The Pope is the Child of perdition.   
This is the measure of his cup: He is called, the child of perdition, first activelie, because he destroyeth men's Souls by heresy, and their bodies by persecution, and soundeth nothing but destruction: Santarellus the jesuit discovered a secret, when citing the Apostles text, that 
2 Cor. 1● 8.  he had power to Edification, but not to destruction, he left out the word of Edification, to tell that the Pope's power is only for destruction: And though he was justly censured by the Sorbone, yet their practice goeth broad 
jerem. 1. 10.  according to his reading, and they inculcate for that same end, the words of jeremy, I have sent thee to root out and destroy. Next, he is the child of perdition passively, because God will destroy that Destroyer: Do to her as she hath done to other. It is his doom, that Kings 
Revel. 18. and 17.  shall eat up her flesh, and burn her with fire. And yet he is so blinded, that he falleth in controversies with Kings, and by that provocation sharpeneth them as God's instruments, to his own destruction.  
But in this time their prevailing against the Protestants 
Their oppressing of Protestants hasteneth their destruction.  seemeth to stay the course of their destruction. But indeed it is a furtherance of it: God is justly punishing Protestants for their contempt and abuse of the restored Light: And their sins are now greater, than in the time of darkness: Yet the Pope also therein is filling his cup, and like Pharaoh hardening his heart, both to hold God's people in thrall, and to pursue them when they depart. God hath charged his people to come out of Babel, and many 
Revel. ●8.  have alrea lie obeyed: This inrageth the Pope, for he seeth that his lies and deceit by jesuits and Emissaries cannot recall them, who have departed from him, therefore he useth the force of Arms to destroy them, and in so doing hasteneth his own ruin, for the blood of the Saints that he spilleth like water, filleth up the cup for his destruction. Every drop of that blood like Abel's cryeth for a vengeance: Salmanasers prevailing over the ten Tribes was a forerunner of his overthrow, and Nebuchad●ezars carrying of the jews captive, brought ruin to his own Monarchy: 
Dan. 5.  While the Pope now like Balthasar is insulting over God and his Church, he is but hastening destruction on himself: God hath stricken that Beast to the ground by the hammer of reformation, and his present broils are stirring of his horns & hoofs to be up again, but he will never recover his former grandour. It is more like his ultimus conatus, his last pressing, preceding his destruction, than a kindly recovery. They have wrought their hearts to a strange hardness against their destruction: Baronius laid these grounds, that their seat non potest destrui, no not superabundanti peccato. And though he grant that 
Baron Ann. 900. n. 2.  the abomination of desolation was in it, Ibid. and Monsters sat on it, yet (sayeth he) there remained a Church. 899 This is a pillow for them to sleep to death.  
This argues an imminent ruin, as 
a Homil. 3. in jerem.  Origen observeth: 
Rome senseless of her ruin.  When a great disease (sayeth he) taketh a man as now Babylon which is confused with the wound of her own malice, than God is hastening to punishment. Capitur Babylon & non agnoscit: Babylon is taken, and knoweth it not: And a sick man the nearer to death, the further from the knowledge of his sickness sayeth S. August. This their senselessness is confessed: Satan keepeth us in captivity (sayeth their Onus Ecclesiae) and hath bereft us of sound judgement, that 
Onus Eccle. l. 17. n. 26.  we know not how we have offended, neither ponder our sin, nor see the punishment ready for us. And he giveth the reason in another place: Because the vial of ignorance of the own state is poured out on the seat of the beast, That 
Ibid. cap. 18. initio.  we see this their state better than they, one of themselves hath told us. The Babylonians (sayeth he) seeth not Babel's burden, but only they who are in jerusalem. 
Pint. in Esai. 13. c. 13. Hieron epist. 26. inter August.  The like Jerome noteth of their Predecessors, that when the Goths took their Town, they fought not to God, but to humane help. And S. Austin, that while the world pitied their ruin they were seeking stageplayss, and laughing in the Theatre: And Salvianus sayeth, The Roman people is 
Salu. Lib. 7.  drunk with the Sardonick herb moritur & ridet, they die and they laugh. They feel a decay, and take not up the cause 
Cypr. de. lapsts.  of it to be their Apostasy, Si cladis causa cognoscitur & vulneris medela invenitur, sayeth Cyprian: So long as they will not see the cause, they will not repent.   

CHAP. XXVI. That now- Rome is incurable.  
GOD hath gone so far on with them, as to consume 
Reformation were their happiness.  them in a part, & there rests no more, but to go on till their final abolition: In this case it were their happiness to repent & reform themselves: But what hope can there be of reformation since they have wedded themselves to their wickedness, and God hath given them over to it: The vial is poured out upon the seat of the Beast, and his kingdom is full of the darkness of fear and sorrow, that 
Apoc. 16. 10  maketh them gnaw their tongues for pain: And they blaspheme the God of Heaven, because of their pains and sores, and rail against his truth, and yet repent them not of their deeds. 
The Pope stays reformation.   
There is no greater stay of this reformation than the greatness of the Pope: For corruption, he is as the head of the 
Item dicet nos ingenuè fateri etc. Hadrian. 6. ad Franc. Chereg. apud▪ Fasc. Rer. 173.  fish that rotteth first, and then infecteth all the body. So Hadrian the fixed directed his Legate to confess ingenuously in his Name that God had sent persecution on his Church for the sins of men, and chiefly of the Priests and Prelates of the Church— for we know (saith he) that in this holy seat for some years many abominations have been, abuses in spiritually, excess in commandments, and in a word, all things perverted. Neither is it to be wondered if this sickness have descended from the head to the members. All we (to wit, Prelates of the Church) have declined every one to his own 
Omne●nos (id est pralati Ecclesiastici) declin avimus, etc. ibid.  way, and for a long space there is none that hath done good, no not one: And for reformation, the Pope is as the head of the Conie, when all the body is slain, the skin sticks at the head so it is more easy to reform all the body of Popedom than this head. If he would return to his primitive State to be a preaching Bishop over the City, and his Ecclesias suburbicarias, In such a case we might say of him, as Lactance did of old Rome. If she would lay down her 
Lactantius.  Monarchy, adantiquas casas redundum esset. Then there might be some hope of a reformation, but he keepeth 
Bernard.  the Roman temper of whom justly it was said, Romani regnare sciunt, regi nesciunt: He will not reform one jot, but verifieth Ambrose, saying, that a continual and long 
Continua & diuturna potentia, gignit insolentiam, etc. Ambros. hexam. lib 5 cap. 15.  power begetteth insolency. For what man will we find who of his own accord will lay down his Empire, and Ensigns of his Government, and of a first in number can willingly be made last.  
It is not Religion he strives for, but his triple crown, and his exorbitant power over all, is dearer to him than 
The Pope cares not for Religion.  his life, and it is the jesuits doctrine, that they who deny that power would throw Popery out of the Church. And Paul the fourth made this good, when he offered to Queen Elizabeth of happy memory to ratify the Inglish reformation, 
Negare non possunt nisi qui Pontificatum plane tollunt, Cydon Consut. An ticot. cap. 2  if she would but acknowledge his Supremacy. So he will rather mix Heaven and Earth than lay down his greatness, & as Menelaus an usurping high Priest, was the greatest impediment to judas Machabeus in reforming and purging the Temple, So is the Pope the greatest impediment of Christian reformation. Many inquire what is the greatest controversy that holds us and Papists at odds, & some think idolatry, others the Mass or Transubstantiation. Some freewill, Merit, justification, Purgatory, etc. But this is the greatest, even the Pope's Monarchy: For if Protestants would acknowledge him to be a Spiritual and Temporal Monarch, I make no question but he would subscrive other controverted points. They plead that the Pope is the best bond for union of the Church, and Canus 
Can. lib 4. c ult. & 6. 3.  affirmeth, that the Apostle speaking of the offices of the Church did forget that whereon her union most depends, that is Pope. But beside that blasphemy, the contraire is clear: For he is the root and life of this Schism.  
They talked indeed much of Reformation, and made 
The Concell of Trent a mockery of the world. Concil. 9 Car. Concil. 3. Ep. Pestremo sancta ynod●● omnia— declarat ita decreta esse, etc. Concil. Trid. sess. 25. cap. 22.  a fashion by Cardinal Campegius to reform Germany, but he meddled with trifles and no substance; and nine Cardinals offered a platform of reformation to Paul the third, and three Bishops of Bononia gave him a more full one, but he suppressed them both, and at the Trent Council they mocked the world, both promising and pretending reformation, but they strengthened their deformation: They turned private and School opinions in points of Faith, confirmed their own heresies, and condemned the truth by their Anathemaes: They mended no point of Doctrine but multiplied Chapters of reformation of some abuses, and in end to mock the world, cast the execution of all in the Pope's hand. Lastlie, the holy Synod declareth that all statutes of reformation are so decreed, that the authority of the Apostolic Sea be safe The meaning of that clause may be found in the instructions of julius the third, to Crescentius one of his Legates in the Council: That there 
Neque si quid in praesens largiatur. etc. Hist. Con. Trid. lib. 4.  was no great peril, though for the present he yielded to some things hurtful to the Court of Rome: Of which sort some things before were granted: and that because things might easily be brought to a former estate so long as the Pope's Authority was safe and intere. So the Pope's Cabinat instructions, & the Counsels exemptions of the Pope's authority do mutually expone other, and both of them are but gross judifications of the world.  
Some Popes indeed had good desires of reformation, 
Hadrian the sixth sought reformation.  but they turned to nought: Hadrian the sixth did intend it seriously, but by Cardinal Soderinus he was dissuaded, For (said he) it is not to be hopped that the Lutherians 
Animam ad-Ecclesiam fa di● abusibus ●corruptam restituend u●● adiecrat. On●●. vit. Had. 6. Vsu venire— postulata postulatis accumulans, etc. hist or. Council Trid. lib. 1. So did Marcellus. 2. Post longum in prandio silentium, etc. Onuph Vit. Marcell. 2.  can be satisfied by the reformation of the manners of the Court of Rome, and that in all humane things it is found, that when one is satisfied in one desire, he multiplieth desires upon desires— that the former Popes walked in a more sure way for they cutted not away heresies by reformations, but by Cruciatas instirring up Princes and people by force to oppress Heretics as Innocentius the third, destroyed the Albigenses in France; By these and other difficulties Hadrian professed that the condition of ●opes was miserable, because they could not do good when they would most.  
Mercellus the second intended also reformation, as is plain by his speech at dinner after long silence: I see not how they can be saved, who have this most eminent place But that Seat could not brook him above twenty days, it either chocks the very thoughts of reformation, or else them who breed them. These two are in the Line of Popes, as good motions in a natural man, that begin and end at once: It was their personal commendation to be so disposed, but the conviction of that Seat that it is incurable. But as Bernard said to Engenius, non ambigo te ista deplorare, at frustra istud, si non & emendare studueris. 
Bernard de Consid. Lib. 1.  I know thou deploreth these things, but that is for nought, except thou study to mend them. So say I of these two comparativelie good Popes, where was their omnipotency that they did not exert it as they do against the Protestants? Are they weaker in good than in evil? But the truth is that Rome is incurable, and past reclaiming.  
If any good thought be in them while they are private 
They are better private man than Popes.  men, it is choked so soon as they sit on that Seat; As Aeneas Silvius spoke and wrote goods things in the Council of Basile, but being Pope Pius the second, he recanted 
Seducti, pecca vim●● ut Paulu● etc. bul. Retract. Pii. 2.  them, saying, That he had sinned as Paul, and persecuted the Church ignorantly, etc. But we say, that he was rather first Pius, and then impius, for his greatest piety in his Popedom was to canonize Bernardinus, & Catharine 
Bulla. 3. Pii.  of Senes his country woman, and to abrogate appellations to counsels. So Paul the fourth when he was but Petrus Theatinus was an urger of Hadrian the sixth to reformation, 
S. Inquisitionis, officium— quo uno niti affirmabat. Apost. sedis authorittatem eis commenda vit Onuph, vit. Paul. 4. In Gregorium 12. invehitur etc. Azor. moral. lib. 5. cap. 15.  and had chief hand in the Council of nine chosen Cardinals, by Paul the third. But thereafter being Pope, he was the most cruel urger of the Inquisition, and on his deathbed recommended it as the special prop of the Pope's authority. And of Gregory the twelve. Azorius telleth that one inveyed against him, because in the time of a great schism, before he was made Pope, he swore solemnedlie in public, that if he were made Pope, he would lay down the Popelie power: But afterward being chosen Pope he would not lay it down. They are now more like Pius the second, Paulus the fourth, & Gregory the twelfth, than like Hadrian and Marcellus: That Seat infects them with wickedness, that they are not like these men they were in private, and since it is the property of that Court, that Curia Romana potius recipit, quam facit probos, it must be the privilege of that Seat itself, the fountain of that contagion.  
I doubt not but many of the best sort wish that their 
They see their error, but will not mend.  Predecessors had not gone so far on in heresy or tyranny: They are like men by unskilful Sailors cast in such a danger as they cannot easily expede: And with Caesar at the flood of Rubicon, they think the Dice is cast, according to Soderinus counsel, they resolve to hold all fast as it stands, and wait upon the event. All their doing for reformation is either in trifles, as by Campegius: or else gross mockery of the world, as in the Council of Trent: or if they do any thing really, it is worse than these: so their Franciscans are refined in Capuchins; the Capuchins in Recollects: The Dominicans in jesuits: The jesuits in Nerians: A llrefining is but advancing in a greater degree of hypocrisy, cruelty, and what may either blind or destroy man.  
Cardinal Boromaeus, Experience can tell how they 
Boromeus instance.  are set for reformation: He intended to reform ordinem humiliatorum and to reduce them to their first estate: But they took that intention so evil, that they stirred up one Hieronymus Farina to kill him, who discharged a small gun on him at his prayers, but killed him not. Therefore Pins the fifth abolished the order, In tanti sceleris execrationem totum ordinem abolevit. They cannot endure reformation, but cutted off Hadrian and Marcellus, 
Thuan. Continuat. Ann. 1610. p. 130.  who minded it. Who can tell when their ●vtter abolishing shall close all?  
pertinacy in one man maketh him wilfully to insist in his errors: And pertinacy in a succession of more men maketh the successors wilfully to defend the known faults of their Ancestors: So is it now in that Seat of scorners: They know the errors of preceding Popes, and their own wilfulness, and yet will persist therein, scorning both God and man. Thus now-Rome is incurable and reserved to the punishing hand of God.  
I close this point of reformation with Portugalius, writing of the abuses of the Church of Rome, and urging 
Portugal. Aur spec. p. 460.  reformation; but considering in humane judgement, that it was a desperate thing, and craved the hand of God, he concludeth with this prayer, The only begotten Son of God reform his own Church; reformet unigenitus Dei filius suam Ecclesiam.   

CHAP. XXVII. Of their treacherous Practices in France.  
IT would now seem that after so many Effronts in this 
France is their Butchery.  unhappy Usurpation and in the time of so great discoveries of their wickedness, and decay of their greatness, they would either change or relent their course: But there is no such matter, for this last age hath seen some strange practices thereof, and that either executed or attempted. Their cruelty executed in France is not our: The Massacre of Paris is their shame, we may say, Their feigned peace strove with war and prevailed. Pax ficta cum bello de crudelitate certavit & vicit: For these 
Civit. 3. 2●.  last years they have made that flourishing Kingdom a wonder to the World, and astonishment to itself: They found the two Francises, Henry the second and Charles the nynth according to their heart, to maintain Popery and repress the truth: But after the Butchery of Paris, their rage increased at the reviving Truth, and therefore set forward to the like massacres; and finding Henry the third unfit for their cruel purposes, 
Their cruelty on Henry the third.  they cut him off to serve themselves of the D. of Guise, who was lutum sanguine maceratum, Clay knedde with blood. He was endeared to the Pope for the massacre of Paris, and the Cardinal his brother, thought it a cause to thank God that his house was honoured to be the instrument of 
Cardin. Lo● thar. practic. n. 1. Goldast. polit. 1139.  that massacre. Henry's catholic zeal could not save him, because he had not a jesuited zeal to destroy all the Hugonots; he agreed with them in all points of Religion, but in this, his clemency and their cruelty could not agree, and therefore, he must be killed.  
When Henry the fourth arose, their rage was more 
Against Henry the fourth.  kindled, because of his Religion, and notwithstanding his formal reconciliation to their Church, yet they ever keeped their prejudices and hatred to him: Their rage was not satisfied but doubled by Castellus his miss and their banishment: And their desire to return, was not so much for the love of their Country, as to have occasion to cut him off, and their hatred had never a pause, till his death.  
That same spirit is yet powerful in them: Though 
Their plots against Lewes the 13.  King Lewes be zealous in their Religion, and (contraire to his clemency) hath been drawn by instigation to destroy many thousands of the Saints, yet they are not 
Qui rebelles juvat rebellionem juvat, quecirca j●st● Dei judicio reddetur etali●. Cornel. Cornel. ubi supra. Quest. 8. An. in tanta perturbatione consultum con stituere, corregnantem, etc. hist. jesuit. l. 4. cap. 3.  satisfied with that is done: They perceive in him an halting, and therefore are weary of him. They have boasted him to desist from his League with Protestant Princes, (which they see a means to strengthen himself against his common enemy) and have threatened him with rebellions and insurrections: They have also given him an Admonition in nine questions disputed, whereof the sum is, That if he relent in destroying the Hugonots in France, or assist the Protestants in Germany, they shall set up with him, a coniunct King. And lest he should think that but wind, they stirred up Franciscus Martellus, a Priest, near to deep like another, Ravilliacke to kill him, but God discovered the Traitor, who before his suffering deponed that two jesuits Guyotus and Chapusyus were his Counselors and instigators. And lastlie, they are brewing a browst like the Guysian faction against Henry the third, and stirring 
The extract of the old Guisian treason.  up his brother against him under colour of Courtly miscontentments against Cardinal Richli●u: And this is the corregnans, or coniunct King whereof their Theses spoke.  
It is a wonder that so mighty a Kingdom should be so fearfully shaken by plots, and more that they see it and 
The jesuits overthrew Frence.  groan for it, and yet can not expede themselves of these snaires. There was matter for redress, when Henry 3. was killed, but nothing answerable followed: and Henry the fourth, had just cause of anger, and revenge by Castellus stroke, but it turned to nothing; for when he had banished the jesuits, within five years, that martial King turned a pleader for their restoring. 
a Becan Exam. Concord. p 29.  And after his death, when 
(b) Cydon, refut. Antico●t. c. 1. Thuan.  the presumptions of their treason were pregnant, they threw from the young King a declaration of their innocence, and a condemning of the Bookseller that dispersed the Copies of it: 
a Thuan. Continuat. Ann. 1610.  And when the Nobility did their best homage 
They destroy their discoverers  to their dead King, to kiss his heart, affecting to show their loan in marking their months 
b Audit Hericu● Regem ita nostrorum opera delectatum, etc. Cydon. ibid. pag. 44.  with the blood of it, the jesuits by right of a pretended, or (if it was true) an ominous Legacy of his heart left to them, carried it to their College of Laflex; and that not so much in the sorrow of funerals, as in the joy of a triumph, for that they had found such a morsel for the pains of their long hunting. It were an hard matter to determine whether the hearts of the Nobility were more grieved, or the hearts of the jesuits more over-ioyed about the King's heart, but sure it is that the jesuits gloried of it.  
In that common sorrow Abbas Sylviu● the Abbot of 
They burn at Rome, what France spares.  Boes in the just grief of a loyal heart, when he considered the jesuits Problem: An fas esset tyrannos occidere, if it were lawful to kill tyrants, and how Mariana's and such Books were in the hands of people, he turned him to the jesuits in his Sermon, and exhorted them that they would provide that no Book passed under the name of 
Thuan. Continuat. Ann. 1610.  their Society, and with the Superiors approbation, that might any ways offend the French, Summo studio providerent ne ex ipsorum officina ullus liber qui Gallos offenderet, prodiret, except they would expose themselves to such a danger, which all their wisdom supported with authority and riches of their favourers could not eschew, The jesuits took that grave admonition so hardly, that they complained to the Queen, and made him to be sharply rebuked: But what they could not do at Paris, they effected at Rome, when they caused him to be put to death there: whereof some accused them— because that he was the first who after the King's death reproved them out of Pulpit, albeit in the funeral oration which he published, he left out the speech that he directed to them. 
c Quidan Iesuitas accusabant— propterea quod primus post mortem Regis ipsos insectatus est. Thuan. Con.  This was a jesuitish trick, that they who should have been punished for treason, turned the punishment of it on them who challenged them. It is like a new devyce of Bellarmine's, who 
Thuan. Continuat. Lib. 2. p. 53.  seeing how odious the jesuits are made to the world by their wickedness laid open in sundry Books; suggested to the Pope, and his Consistory that a new censure of Books should be institute to raze and purge out all things that were written against them. A devyce of a gnawing Conscience, for though all these Books were burnt. yet the treachery of that order will be known to Posterity.  
Let France consider her estate. Before jesuits arose, they 
France jesuited is become treacherous.  were loyal to their Princes. But since Spain thirsted for that Kingdom (as his great stay of the European Moarchie) and hath as many friends in her bowels as jesuits, there is nothing, but Leagues, Plots, and Factions form, and every faction ending in the kill of a King. The Sorbone standeth yet in her honesty, but can do no more, than a School censure, and is borne down by the encroaching of the jesuits on her, to punish her for her former loyalty to Kings. The ancient forwardness of the Court of Parliament seemeth to be relented, since the jesuits Scholars have place there. The process of Ravilliacke was so tepid, that they seemed to fear nothing more than to find out the truth: What was it to burn Mariana's Book? and such like after that murder, or to tell their discretion to the world in condemning Bellarmine's, book but not burning of it for their respect to his Cardinalshipe: Curia Regia. Librum Bellarmini condemnavit, nec tamen exempla 
Hist. jesuit. p. 179.  eius in Cardinalis honore concremari voluit uti Marianae & Suar libris factum est. The death of Kings would make men forget such respectuous distinctions: The jesuits go on in their business, and contemns such paper censures, 
But ex-Iesuited shall be loyal.  they know the event and punishment will be no more, but a Magistralis censura of the Sorbone and an honorary punishment of the Parliament, in making the Author to burn his Book. Such Paper-bridles are too weak to ride so hard-headed a Beast: They will as little preserve their living Kings, as restore them when they are killed.  
Some may think strange, that seeing both France and 
Why Spain is more beloved of the Pope than France. Orat. vera p 41. Vita Ignat p. 69 Debemus orar● Deum noctes & dies ut servet quam dintissime,— Philippum Regem Catholicum qui— potentia ad insinitum ma●ore quam unquam fuerit in mundo ullius Regis est propugnaculum ad defensionem Religionis Catholica. The standing of France and the Jesuits incom patible.  Spain are popish, how it is that the Crown of France is worse handled, than the other? We read of no treason plotted against the Kings of Spain, nor League maintained in their Countries; but contraire; that he doth foster a League in France against itself, and while he is in security, France is daily in hazard. The reason is, Spain is fitter for the Pope's end; and the jesuits (who sway all) are hispanized: They count Spain the special pillet of the Catholic faith, and the Protector of their order, and therefore pray day lie for that King. This may be called the jesuits fifth vow, to seek the Spanish greatness, for though he were a French, English, ●cot, etc. Yet so soon as he is jesuited, he would kill his native King, (even though he were popish) for the grandour of Spain: There have been more treasons executed against the French King, than all the Kings in Europe; for though they be Popish, yet they are a bar to Spain, and a thorn in the Jesuits eyes. The fancied fifth Monarchy is a fit stoop for the decaying Hierarchy.  
We may say of the Pope as Augustus said of Herod, when he heard that he had killed his own Son amongst the Babes of Bethlehem, that it was better to be Herod's Sow than his Son: There is no King worse entreated of the Pope than his first born most Christian King: That flourishing Kingdom seems now to be drawn to some period, which can have none other end, but either her ruin, or the riddence of her disturbers: Let not France think to brook her ancient liberty and peace, so long as the jesuits nest in her bowels: Her flourishing, & their standing in her, are both incompatible and impossible: It is weakness in Princes to think by Courtesy to gain them, who for the Character of their order, have odium Vatinianum, an irreconciliable hatred against all Princes, that will not idol the Pope and Spain.   

CHAP. XXVIII. Of their cruel attempts against VENICE.  
THeir two attempts were against Venice and great 
The Venetian question.  Britain: They minded the overthrow of the liberties of Venice, but States are not so soon killed as persons. 
Padre Pauli lib. 1. Of the quarrels of Pauli. 5. interdictum contr. Vene●os.  Pope Paul the fith his quarrel with the Venetians was vile and flagitious, he sought occasion to manifest his omnipotency against them, & waited not on an honest cause of contest, but took the first that offered, and commanded them absolutely, to set at liberty two Churchmen, whom they had justly imprisoned: The one was Scipio Sarraceno, a Cannon of Vincenza, for purse wing a woman's Chastity even in the Church, and other villainies: The other was Brandolino Valdemarino, Abbot of Nerves, who was a Magician, and studied the Art of composing exquite 
The Pope patronizes villainy.  poison, and had thereby cut off his Brother his Servant, and endangered his Father. It was not unlike to the quarrel of the Thessalonicians against Theodosius Officers, for imprisoning a Coachman deprehended in adultery, whom the people would have enlarged. Hildebrand coloured his treason and disloyalty with the cover of the Clergies Chastity: But Paul the fifth coming on the stage acted that same part of usurpation, by defending the villainies of the Clergy. He commanded the Venetians also to repeal some Laws which they had made to restrain the profuse dotations of their subjects, whereunto the cunning avarice of jesuits had induced them: And because they stood to their liberties, he put them rashly under an interdict, which when their Clergy, and other Orders would not acknowledge, the jesuits (whose Avarice occasioned the Law) by virtue of their fourth vow of blind obedience to 
Navarre▪ Ma nual. cap. 27 ●. 244. Lancel●● Instit▪ lib. 4▪ ●4 The Venetians wisdom and courage Edict. Vene●contr. Interdict. Paul. 5  the Pope, maintained the Interdict, lest they should incur irregularity.  
But the Venetians opposed so worthily, that the Pope repented his attempt, they managed the matter wisely every way by the Edicts of their Senate and Writes of their loyal Divines: 
a Padre Paulo. Spalat. Vendrame▪ Marsil. Crassus. etc.  The storm broke up upon the faulty members of their Republic, and the jesuits were found in their treason, refusing their alledgeance, for to defend her in their just cause: Therefore they were cast out as a pest of the Republic, and the Pope forced to put a fair face on a foul retreat: He was glad in end to pack up the quarrel, and dissemble the blow, which as yet is not cured. The Venetians would neither repeal their laws, neither admit the jesuits to this day, neither would enter in 
They reject the ●esuits simply.  capitulation for agreement, but upon this condition expressly, that the receiving of the jesuits should not be mentioned at all. And enacted a Law that they should not 
(b) Veveti— semper declararunt causá jesuitatum▪ esse peculiar etc. Thuan. Conti●▪ 16 12 Paulus▪ 3 ordinem probavis. At n●● per Ordo ille à Venetis edict● publico explosus. Can. lib. 5. cap. 5. The Pope's shameful retreat. Quarrels Paul. 5▪ lib 5.  be admitted for an hundreth years: The which Law they renew every year to keep that century of their proscription whole. I think herein they repaid the Pope the old indignity he did to their Orator Franciscus Dandalus whom he caused lie under his Table as a Dog at Avenion. This was another proof of the Venetians wit and valour against the Pope, the former was against Paul the third, who approved an order institute by Baptista Cremensis, but they by a public Edict scoffed and condemned it.  
This was the end of the Pope's brawl: Blind Pride devised it, temereity began it, pertinacy held it on foot, and Necessity forced him to retire with shame, a few Cardinals with him raised this storm, but they could not lay it again; that was a work of great Kings by their Ambassadors: His former temereity was turned in timorousness, he durst neither hold out against the Venetians to the end, neither propone the Treatise of peace to the Consistory fearing opposition, but to the Cardinals apart, and then told them in public audience when all was ended, The Venetians stuck to their liberties, and in 
An unlawful Procedor hath an abrupt closure.  the closure, would not admit of any Ceremony that smelled of Absolution or Benediction, lest it should import guiltiness on their part: Neither would they suffer in all their Dominions any sign of joy to be made by Bonfire or reigning of Bells, lest it should be thought a formal reconciliation after a just censure; but suffered a rash and unjust Interdict to be revoked by a verbal declaration: The Cardinal joyeous sent by the Pope, declared that the Pope revoked his interdict, and they gave him an Act of the revocation of their Protestation: He keeped no order in giving out an Interdict, and as little in revoking of it, the pronouncing 
He broke his Laws.  was in spleen and passion and the retreat was in shame and confusion.  
This was against their own Laws, for the interdicted persons should not be received, unless first they satisfy for their fault, or that they give their oath for fulfilling of the commandments of the Church, 
a Descent. excom cap. Alma matter.  But the late ●asuists 
b Remittenda erit caut●● turatoria. Seyrus. The saur▪ lib. 5. c. 15 n. 26. Vivald, Candle. p. 495.  help the Pope in this strait, Avila sayeth, that that the Pope may relax an Interdict by his inward Act alone, Papa potest solo actu interiori relaxare Interdictum And Fernandes 
c Fernand. part 2. c. 12, n. 22  affirmeth, that the Pope may absolve, albeit the cause cease not, and (a) Rodrikez saith, That one who is absent or unwilling may be absolved. All these cases serve to cure the Pope's folly: His intention is good enough to undo that whereby he had plondered the world two 
(c) Potest absens vel invitus absolvi. Rodrik part. 1 cap. 8. n 83 n▪ 13.  years: And while the Venetians held at the point of their innocence, and would not be absolved by him, he was forced abruptly to declare them free.  
But Becanus telleth us, That they are ashamed of the matter, for when it is objected, he frets and fumes, 
The Papists are ashamed of that quarrel.  saying, That since the matter is settled, it ought not to be wakened again, because such doing is the work of seditious men: Ais venetos— sed bis peccas. 1. quia cum lis illa sopita sit tu illam tuo flabello resuscitare non debes. Hoc seditiosorum hominum est. But I will serve him with his own dilemmes. Either the Pope had a good cause in hand or a bad: If a good cause, why did he quite it so shamefully? Where was his omnipotency that he could not double out the defence of the great and main Article of his faith: If he had an evil cause, where was his omniscience and infallibitie, that they suffered him to enter in such a quarrel? But the truth is, it was the witless impotency of his proud spirit. By their fretting they testify they are ashamed of the cause, contest, and event. But if they had prevailed in this contest, they would have put it in the Catalogue of the Pope's victories over Princes, and gloried in it, as they did of Dandalus subjection to Clemens the fifth. 
a Becan ex am con. 53. Recitemus pactum memorabile Dandali magna panitentia magnum argumentum Gretzer mist. Sal. 57 p. 462.   
Thus was the Question & carriage of it vulgarly taken up, but God had a sedret in it to give the Pope a foil 
The secrets of that quarrel.  at his own doors, and that not so much in the opposition and event as in the cause which was not only avarice and pride, but most of all, the defence of sorcery and villante. here in GOD would have the world looking on the Whore in her own colours: Satan also blinded the Pope, that he saw no more, but to pouse his power, and smiled in his sleeve when he brought Sanctissimus on the Stage to patronise Villainy. It is their custom to act and maintain villainies, and though they confess john the tweluth to have been a monstruous adulterer, yet they 
Baron. 983.  damn the Council that condemned him. Lastlie, God was herein teaching the possibility of the Pope's curbing, when a petite state (in comparison of great Kings) at his Elbow gave him an irrecoverable blow for his folly.   

CHAP. XXXIX. Their cruel attempts in great BRITAIN.  
THeir other attempt was in great Britain: They 
Their divers assays against great Britain.  assayed it with all sorts of weapons. First, by the wind of cursing Henry the eight, and Elizabeth: But that proved evil wind to the blower: Next, by Water and 
Rex Phil. Pont. sui instituti fecit certiorem: qui illud quam maxim lau▪ davit, Regiq. animum addi▪ dit come promissione se ubi classis in Insulam esset appulsa certam pecuniae summam ad bellum continuandum suppeditaturum▪ Cicarel. Vir. Sext. 5. Plate 391. Onuph. juli. 3 Cicar● Greg. 13.  Sea, by their great Armado, wherein Sixtus the fifth (a) had his hand, but God scattered them, and made the winds & Seas fight for this Island: Thereafter they pressed to bar K. james entry by Brieves perindiciall to his Succession, but when they saw they prevailed not, they pressed to flatter him, at least to feed themselves with hope of toleration: And when that failed, they turned to their wont practice of treason, and laboured to kill him before his Coronation: And when God disappointed them therein, and all hope of toleration was lost, they went to extremity and fetched from hell the devyce of the powder-plot. Some thing like was attemped in Florence, and Lisbon & lately in Genua, but they are nothing to this, for these were Papists against Papists, & their ground was civil miscontentments, but here Religion was the cause, & that against a King, a Queen, Prince and flower of all the Estates of a Kingdom, and many Papists also. These were against some few foes only, but this was to blow up friends with foes, and not to give them leave to think of God at their death, but in one instant to be Breathing, dead, and evanished without Burial. But GOD turned this Mine upon the Miners to discover and overthrow the depths of Rome.  
This brought the matter of usurpation again on the 
King james his Royal pleading.  Stage with a new and singular sort of acting: Before, it was disputed by Divines and Lawyers, but then by the pen of a King, and while other Kings were either killed in the question, or being alive durst not or could not debate it, God set up a living and learned King on a throne to plead his cause. Strangers acknowledged his furnishing with wisdom and learning, as far as any King since Solomon. jacobus 1. Mag. Brit. Rex omni laude maior eminet, adeo ut cum Solomone sapientissimo certare posse videatur. 
a Angel. de Polit▪ Discip.  And that our Age hath seen him only among Princes, plenished with all knowledge, & beloved of them for his most learned works. 
b Nou. hom. E● ist. dedicator.  Cum autem nostra aetas te solum augustissime Princeps incomparabili felicitate sortiatur, qui excelsament— doctissi mis lucubrationibus omnium Principum animos tibi conciliasti. And himself, professeth that God had raised him from an obscure Kingdom to a greater, that from so eminent a place the world might hear him pleading for the truth. 
c King james against Cardinal Perron. Fol. 1  Two glorious Titles concurred in him: First, the title of Defender of the Church, from the Crown of Scotland: And the title of Defender of the Faith from the Crown of England. And God gave him a double measure amongst Kings, to be one of his Worthies, and to lift up his pen against many hundreth Papists.  
That royal Premonition dedicated to Princes was easily 
His premonition unanswereable.  ushered, coming from a Prince, but it cast the jesuited Papists in a plunge: Many of them railed against it, as Bellarmine, Becane, Suarez, Cofteau, Schioppius, and others, to the number of forty five, But it stands yet unanswereable, because they brought nothing against it, but their own prejudicate and ran●ide Paradoxes. And the worthy Divines of England, under such a Chiftane, have so tortured them in that argument, that they have left the field. And whereas the Parliament and Sorbone censured some Books written against it, they allowed it as a truth: And it was so welcome to the popish Clergy of France, that they were ready to subscrive it all, except that one point concerning Antichrist: And yet that is the most important point in it all, and their scruple was only because then they were not so far enlightened as to see that mystery, which in God's time they will subscrive as well as the other.  
The event of this attempt was their shame, as we may 
They reported shame.  see by their proceedings: Beside, the Parliament of Paris censure against these forenamed Books. Claud. Aquaviva the general of the jesuits, condemned Becanus Book of the controversy of England So soon as that Book 
Aquaviv Ep●d Baltas Pro ●in●ial. Fran. Ann, 1613.  (saith he) came hither, and some thing was found in it which might better been otherwise spoken or else omitted, we sent unto you these Notes of our censure, that it may be mended, etc. Cum primum huc liber ille pervenit idque in eo deprehensum est— censurae notas remisimus. And in his Epistle to P. Cotten 
a ●rrore factum est quod vehementer doluimus, &c Id. Epist. ●a● P. Cott.  We are sorry that it is so evil fallen out, that Becans book was not sent hither to be corrected— but we have caused such things to be noted, and sent to him, as aught either to be delete or corrected.  
Pope Paul the fifth with his Cardinals, 
b In quo nonnulla falsa, temeraria, &c Censur. Paul 5. in lib. Becan. Ann. 1613. Claud. aqua. vi●. Epist. Aug. 1614  give their censure, that in Becans book are many things false, temerarious, scandalous, and respectivelie seditious. But Aquavivas mandatory Epistle to his order discovereth their mind more fully (which the jesuit fisher makes the ground of his Tergiversation in refusing to give direct answer concerning loyalty to Princes) We command our order (sayeth he) by the virtue of holy obedience, and under pain of excommunication— that none of our order publicly or privately by Lections and Council, far less by writing books presume to affirm that it is leasome to kill Kings, etc. Praecipitur in virtute S. obedientiae— ne quis nostrae Societatis— affirmare praesumat licitum esse Reges occidere. And in another place 
c In virtute▪ obedientiae ne▪ ●vulgari Pacia●turqui● quam in quo de potestate, &c Id. Epist. 2 Aug. 1614  By the virtue of obedience it is enjoined to the Provincials, that they suffer nothing to be put out by jesuits, concerning the Pope's power above Kings, etc.  
These censures was extorted from them by force of Conscience and out-crying of the world, wherein may be 
Their palinody:  seen their policy, in that they condemn respectively such Books, and not simply: And their mocking of Princes, that while they condemn these Books, they allow the Doctrine & honour them who maintain the like: For Bellarmine Baronius 
a Frustra aliquid moderationis ab il la Civitate expectari, in qua ilus. Card Bell. & tot al● m●norum gentium etc. Casaub. Epist. Front. Duc. p. 59  Bozius, Marta, &c, were in great respect at Rome, and daily venting their treasonable Paradoxes, while these Censures were framing there: And Sixtus the fifth, in the Consistory allowed the deed of jaques Clement. But out of these their Censures, we may raise three necessary conclusions. The first is. That they utter their own diffidence, and the weakness of their cause, as their own Lessius objecteth 
b Eo ipso diffidentiam▪ etc. Lesle. apud Withring. discuss p. 279.  to them in a passion, because he durst not put to light a Book he had written of that argument, and that for fear of punishment. The second, They are either selfe-condemned Heretics, carrying their conviction in their Conscience, or else damned Hyporites, condemning solemnly in write what they approve in the heart. The third, That they yield the cause to us, and confess that victory is on our side: When the Pope with his Cardinals and general of jesuits, call their Soldiers from the fields, and chide them for using such weapons as they put in their hands.  
This was the end of their Powder-plotte, and the disputs 
The powder plot hath shaken Rome  of the authority of Kings occasioned thereby. So long as the fire of that powder was in their head, they vexed the World with Books and Disputs. But when their mines went wrong, and the fire and fume of that powder turned on themselves, than the general of the jesuits, and the Pope himself sounded a foul retreat. Such a fearful silence is a palinody in Print.   

CHAP. XXX. The troubles of Germany and France are from the Pope.  
NOtwithstanding of all their Effronts they go on in their former wickedness, and have stirred up these late troubles in Germany, which (though they be amassed 
Germanies' troubles from divers causes.  of sundry causes) yet the Pope's hand is most in them.) Some look no further than civil quarrels, others to the jealousy of France and Austria, which hold Europe in business, but unequally: For France content with her own Dominions, vindicats other people from Austriaes' tyranny: And Austria sick of the fancy of a sitfh Monarchy, vexeth itself to oppress other. But the two main causes of these broils (usurping over Princes, and rooting out of Protestants) flow from the Pope. As for usurpation over Princes: He liketh a Monarchy for its 
The Pope an Incendiary.  form, that he may borrow a colour to his own Monarchy: But hateth the power of it, because it is more unite and strong against him, than Republics, and because of his presage, knowing that his final ruin shall be by Kings. Therefore he maketh greater Princes depress the lesser, and feedeth discords among the greater to weaken them mutually, and withal stirreth them up to destroy the Protestants.  
Sometimes France was his first borne, when they cut 
Why he prefers Austria to France.  off the Longobards and enriched Rome: But now since the Austrian power is increased, by the continuance of the Empire in that house, by the access of the Low-Countries, Portugal, America, etc. It seemeth fittest for his end: And though he abuse the French King, in making him destroy his own Subjects by wars and Massacres; yet 
(a) Rex Christianiss. dum distractus est in Subiectis— non potest aurēm praebere— ut crescenti Hispa norum potentiae in Germania se opponeret▪ Epist. C. Caraffa dat Vienn Octob. 1621. He feareth Austria more  a special end of that business, was to blear his eyes, that he should not see the growth of Spain's greatness in Germany. This is Apostolic simplicity forsooth, or rather a too great simplicity in the French to weaken themselves, and strengthen the enemy: And it is time for that King to open his eyes, and see how he is abused, since God hath discovered their secret plots, though the Author of that Letter commanded to burn it so soon as it was read.  
But yet the Pope feareth Austria more than France: They have him closed betwixt Naples and Milane, and within few days, may oppress him in Rome. And Charles the fifth profaine policy is fresh in his mind, who held Clement the seventh captive in Rome, and yet commanded the Clergy of Spain to pray for his delivery. He serveth himself of the jealousies of these great houses, and assists or deserts either of them as he seeth occasion; and 
The Pope a juglar playeth fast or lose.  in all seeketh his own security in their jars: and when he saw the Austrian to prevail for a time in Germany, he inclineth now to France, not in love, but for his own standing: This is his usual usurpation to serve himself of Princes: He caused the normans expel the greeks out of Naples: When he wearied of the normans, he assisted the Germans against them: When he wearied of the Germans, he brought in the French: And last, stirred up the Arragonians against the French. When Nicolaus the second began that work, Baronius called it, Divinum consilium, a divine counsel: So be like these troubles of Germany, are a divine counsel with them.  
With this usurpation over Princes, he intendeth mainly the rooting out of Protestant Religion, and for that 
He intends the rooting out of Protestants.  end, stirred up both France and Austria against the Protestants, which we may perceive in his Resolutions and practice: His Resolution is with Innocent the third, to destroy the rising truth: This hath ever been in following Popes, and fully concluded in Trent. The Cardinal of Lorraine 
a Cardin Loath practic. n. 1 Goldast. Polit. P. 1139  reveals the Conclusion of Charles the ninth, Philip the second, and the Pope was ad exstirpandas Germaniae haereticos & novam toto Imperio formam instituendam ex prescripto Pontificis; and is confident that the Heretics being assaulted both at home and abroad, shall be 
They contemnet he Germans.  killed as beasts by Dogs sent amongst them, and no ways eschew the snares: And again, seeing there is so great a confederacy and power against Heretics, both the Pope and Cardinals do expect shortly so great a mischief on them, as shall double the joy for the Massacre of Paris. As for the Germans he sayeth, that nothing is to be feared from these improvident beasts, who know not their strength— but shall perish before they perceive their danger. And again, That they are so imprudent and senseless, that they never mind to repel a common danger 
b Adeo imprudentes & stupidos esse. Ibid. n. 2.  by common force, but every one labours to defend their own privately. And thereafter, There they are so stupid; that they know not their own danger, till they be overthrown. This is the opinion of the Pope, and his Clergy of the Germans, which imboldneth them to abuse Germany, as they do.  
To effectuate this end, they have confederate the Emperor, 
Their policies. In confounding causes. Epist. Caraff Cancel Hisp p. 112. Negotium mulium concernens conservationem. etc. Epist. dat. Vien. 15. Octob. Ann. 1621.  Pope, Spain, Bavere, and the holy League (as they call it) even as the Pagan Priests stirred up the Emperors to persecution, and contribute large money to their Armies: So now doth the Pope and his Clergy in the persecution of Protestants. Their ways to work this end are, Policy, perjury, and oppression. Their policy, first, they pretend civil causes, to hide the other plot of persecution, and yet the Emperor discoverth it in his Letter to the King of Spain: That their business concerned the conservation of the holy Faith, and the standing of their House. And it is manifest, that long before the stirs of Boheme, they were persecuting the Protestants in Westphalie●614 ●614 in Silesia, 1614 and 161●. in some imperial Cities, as Ulme, Aken, Wesell 1614 in Donawerda 1617. in the Volteline, Stiria, and Bohemia itself 1618. And the Bohemian wars were occasioned by these persecutions, when 
Gallobell.  they were driven to that desperate state in Religion, as to seek the protection of some foreraine Prince.  
Their second policy: They divided the Protestants, 
In dividing Protestants.  and drew a part of them on their side, as Charles' the fifth did at the Smalcaldicke war, and they boast of it, that the Protestants are so loose, that many of them fight on the Papists side 
a Cancel. Hisp p. 90.  In all their meetings they pressed to draw the Lutherans from the Calvinists (as they call them) and used that speech, Sicut Catholicus, sic Lutheranus, promifing as great quetnesse to the Lutheran as to the Papist, that when they had broken us by the Lutherans, they might destroy them also. Some of them contemned the D. of Saxe, as a man of no Spirit, 
b Cancel. Hisp. p. 116.  but the most part feared him for his great power and therefore first ●ngaged him by the offer of Lusatia: Next, they held him on to be Executor banni Imperialis; And lastlie▪ they fed him with the title of Vicarius Imperij: All this was to gu●l him, as Charles' the fifth did to Maurice his predecessor: So their secret correspondence reveals that they studied by all means to please him, that at least 
c Vt saltem apparenter illi satisfiat. Cancel Hisp. p. 116. In pretending peace.  i● s●ow he might be satisfied.  
thirdly, in all meetings they ever treated of peace, to make the Protestants careless: And while they were busiest in war, they protested 
d Nos nihil nisi pacem publicam quaererere Cancel. Hisp p. ●3. Octob. 1621.  most they were seeking the public peace: and when Armies were gathered on both sides they feigned a Cessation of Arms, to make Protestants disband their forces; which being done, the Papists with their standing Armies seized on some Provinces, as the Palatinate. Lastlie, as they confounded Religion and policy, so in policy they confounded the quarrel of the house of Austria with the quarrel of the Empire.  
This was the ripenesss of a long plotted persecution, for 
Protestants at once every where oppressed.  the Papists learned of Severus Canals, the art of Intelligence and myning: He found them about the walls of Byzantium, and brought their Copy in this Land, to his Dyke betwixt Forth & Clyde; They went so alongst the root of it, that all Forts were advertised in an half hour, what the enemy was doing, and where he assaulted. So the Jesuits turned their universal intelligence (whereof their rules give a direction) to work mines in all the 
Regulae jesuitarum.  reformed Churches beyond Sea: In France, Boheme, Silesia, Moravia, Uolteline Westphalie, etc. Princes were irritate; People were miscontent; the Papists fretted at the prosperity of the Protestants; and Protestants abridged of their own wont liberties in Religion, and debarred from public employments, and defrauded of the course of Law etc. Such a broiling disposition was like powder laid abundantly in mines, that lacked nothing but firing. In Boheme was their head-mine, because of the elective Kingdom, and the exasperated minds of people for their crossing in Religion: Thereunto the jesuits laid the match of a new oppression to force the fire of defence. They both sought and wrought this occasion 
Anno. 1619.  of the Bohemianes, & the meeting of all their Provincials at Rome, was to devise how to use their opportunity, which they had long expected. So soon as Boheme fired, their mines played in all places at once, so that none could either help another (as they were wont) nor save themselves. Thus the Protestants were at one time every where oppressed.  
secondly, their perjury is manifest: For they come 
The papists perjury.  directly against their promise confirmed by oath. The Pacification of Passau was solemnly ratified at Augsburg: And the Emperor Rudolph and Mathias confirmed the 
1552. 1555.  liberties of Boheme by Letters reversal (which in elective Kingdoms, are strong obligements of Princes, and have the force of mutual contracts. And Ferdinand the second by the like Letters, declarations and Edicts confirmed the same: But most solemnly by his oath at his Coronation 
a Capitulatio iniur●●●rand● confirmata Franc●▪ furt. August. Anno. 1619. Art. 2.  did swear to maintain both the Sacred and civil peace of the Empire. 
b Ibid. Art. 3 Ibid. Art. 9 Ibid. Art. 25 Ibid. Art. 26. Ibid Art. 34 Ibid. 38. Tractat▪ Vlmensis ●●n. Aun. 1620.  That he would keep the Electours Princes, etc. in their possessions, dignities, and rights. That he would keep friendship and good correspondence in the Empire, and not bring strange forces in it: That he would injure or offer violence to no Elector, nor Prince of the Empire: That he would not proscrive any unheard or without a cause: That he would not labour to turn the Empire hereditary to his house: And finally, that if he did any thing beside or contraire to his Capitulation, it should be null, and of no effect. In like manner, he promised often to the Duke of Saxon, and by him, to other protestant Princes and Provinces, that he would not cross them in their Religion and liberties. Likewise, the Duke of Baveere, and Princes of the popish League, did swear to disband their Armies; not to invade any Protestants Land, and to leave the questions of Boheme to their own hazard Let GOD and the world judge how they have keeped these oaths: When they feared a revolt, they sent out declarations and Edicts for liberty of Religion; but when they prevail, in wars, they turn to their oppression, 
No oath can tie them.  When the Pope seeth his own vantage, he absolveth them from these oaths: They keep their own maxim, non est servanda sides Haereticis, that faith should not be keeped to Heretics, which is as false in the These (because we ought to keep our promise to all) as in the hypothese, 
Gretzer▪ de fid H●r. Becan man lib. 5. c. 12.  calling Protestants Heretics. And though Gretzer and Becane would gloze the matter, yet their exceptions are such as make their oaths but ropes of sand: For beside the case of fear or violence, whereby they prove the weakness of these oaths, they refer the tryail of the lawfulness or unlawfulness to the Pope, which is in effect to make oaths, no oaths at all.  
thirdly, their Oppression is manifold: When they 
Their oppression.  had taken in Boheme, and the Palatinate, they oppressed all other Countries, and Provinces which had none entresse in the quarrel of Boheme, as Pomer, Mekelburge, Brandeburge, etc. First, they urged them to inquarier Soldiers; if they received them, they were subdued: If they refused, it was a quarrel to take them by force. secondly other Provinces and Cities which wanted Garrisons, were exhausted with great contributions, as Hassen, Wirtenberge, Norinberge, etc. And these contributions were to maintain Armies for oppressing the Empire under colour of its defence. thirdly, when force and poverty had subdued all, they invented a new quarrel of the restitution of Ecclesiastic goods, that they might find a colour of plea against some Protestants, who assisted 
August. 1630 Epist. Anonym▪ de Commit Rati●bone●s.  them. fourthly, when this had a course, they devised a new Commission at Regenspurg, to punish all these as traitors to the Empire who assisted the King of Denmark, Duke of Brunswick or Count Mansfield: so there was no Protestant whither he was their enemy or friend, or neutral, but they devised a quarrel to oppress him: A Lutheran and Calvenist was alike to them, and their own distinction, sicut Catholicus sic Lutheranus was forgotten. And turned to sicut Calvinianus sic Lutheranus, for when they had first driven out the Calvinians, they banished the Lutherians also. fifthly, when all these quarrels were 
Gallobel. Septemb. 1631.  fished, they lacked a specious colour against the Duke of Saxe whom they had long gulled: Therefore they took occasion of it for the meeting of Leipswicke, wherein the Protestants had convened, to help their desperate case, and prevent their final ruin. The Emperor made that a new quarrel, and Count Tillie commanded the Duke to renounce the conclusions of Leipswicke, otherwise they would handle him as an enemy: Of all protestant Princes, his Lands only lay in integrity, and they reserved them as the last fat mo●sell to their▪ Armies: Thus they fished quarrels against all Protestants, as the Wolf drinking above the Lamb in that same strand, troubled the water, and 
Melanct●●n.  yet accused the Lamb, and ran upon it. So the Papists troubled the Fountain of the sacred and common peace, in cancelling Laws and breaking oaths, and yet accused the Protestants of the breach of Peace. They made both their▪ innocence, and blameless (though necessary defence) 
Austria an Usher to Popery.  to be treasonable.  
When Austria had increased her Monarchy, than Popery followed; The one was a Coach to carry the other and they oppressed men both in Soul and body: They denied them any Church benefit, Baptism Marriage▪ etc. except they went to Mass: And where pacifications had provided Protestants to some places of credit, Magistracy or judicatories, so soon as they died, their places were filled with Papists. They banished them with this clause, That it should never be leasome for them to return. And not content to persecute them in their life, they denied them burial after death, except in their sickness they had confessed, and taken extreme Unction.  
They have followed Machiavelli in their matchless 
Their cruelty.  cruelty: And let Palswach, Brandeburge▪ and Magdeburge stand to the posterity as the proof of it: They destroyed 
August. Civ. 3. 26. Euseb hist. Lib. 8 cap. 12  young and old and Matrons with their Daughters cast themselves in the Rivers to eschew their villainies. Eusebius hath the like of a Matron in Antioch with her two Virgin daughters▪ in Diocletians persecution. And as S. Austin comparing the cruelty of Sylla with the Goths, said, That the Goths were more merciful to Rome, than Sylla who was a Roman. So I may say, that the Turks are more humane to Christians than Papists are. And though herein they equalled Diocletian in cruelty, and exceed the Turks, yet they glory in it, and Tillie proponed it to Leipsich, that unless speedily they rendered the Town he would do to them as he had done to Magdeburge. But God within two days took order with him for that bloody insulting.  
Thus they wrought a pitiful deformation in all places: 
They urge abjuration.  Preachers with the Gospel thrust out, and Priests with their Mass brought in: Men compelled either to go to the Mass, or to sell their goods and leave their Country: And if they remained, they were forced to take this following Oath. 
In a godless ●o●●e.   
I poor sinner, do confess before God, and all Saints, before the Priests and Pastors of Souls standing in the place of God, that I have all my life long gone astray in a cursed, execrable, and heretical Religion. And in the Supper of that Religion, I receive nothing but plain Baker's bread, and plain Wine in a Cup. I do also believe, that all my Ancestors and all others that believed in that Religion and Faith are damned and perish for ever. Wherhfore I promise before God and the Virgin Marie his Mother, and before the Priests and Pastors of Souls, being in the place of God, that I will never adhere nor cleave to the cursed and heretical Religion. So God me save. This is Antichristian cruelty urging poor people to deny the truth, damn themselves, and condemn their Predecessors.  
The world never saw a more deeply contrived Policy, 
People to deny the Truth, damn themselves.  or a more cruelly executed plot: And doubtless by this cruelty Austria will lose the hearts of Germany: And when God sendeth the Germane a deliverer, he shall find their hearts, as Luther confessed by his own experience: That the people gladly embraced him, because they had been oppressed with the Pope's tyranny. And Carolus Miltitius Legate to Leo the tenth, confessed that in trying the German disposition, he found three inclining to Luther, for one adhering to the Pope So did Cardinal Polus. 
Austriaes' cruelty, their overthrow▪ Their confidence.   
They are confident for obtaining their end, and that both in respect of themselves and us. For themselves, they have made a division as a thing ended. That the Pope shall have his hierarchy established through all their conquest. That the Emperor shall have for his partage the Eastern Provinces of Germany. That the Spainiard shall have the Lower Palatinat with the Western Provinces of Germany. That the Duke of Baveere shall have the over Palatinat with the Electoral dignity. Moreover the evidencies 
Canc. Hisp. p 117. Octo. An 1621. Prasi●, Scipion Scambat. lesuit. An. 1630 Com. Ratis. bon. 1630.  of their confidence break forth, and they had not prudence conceal it: For thiefs were dispute at Vienne and dedicated to Ferdinand the third (prevento termino) with this frontispiece.  Austriacum ad specimen si se componeret Orbis Irent obliqua sidera nu●●a Via. 
This is as much, as if Europe would be happy, it must receive the Austrian yoke: Herewith they ●ought closely 
Capitul Art. 34. Epist. ad Zunig●● Ann. 1621.  to convoy the Election of the Emperor's Son to be King of the Romans, to establish an hereditary tyranny in Austria. This was contraire to his oath at his coronation. And notwithstanding of that promise his Letter under his own hand told. That if he had one catholic vote more, they would make the Empire hereditary to his House, and that Baveeres promoving to the Electorship were the fittest 
Epist. Anon.  means so to do. And how strong their hope was in this point, may be seen by a Book of congratulation for his Election to be King of the Romans, as though the matter had been done without controlment: And the jesuit 
Their triumph. before the victory.  Scambato, is not content with Virgil's words Magnae spes altera Romae, but to encourage him to attempt, Aggredere, bids him enter in, as though the door of the Empire stood open to him.  Ingredere, O Magnos aderit iam tempus honores. 
LAUREA AUSTRIACA. Impress. Ann. 162●.  
Lastlie, they have put out an huge Volume with the title of the Austrian Laurel, to tell the world of their semper victrices Aquilas; as though they had gotten a piece of that Laurel which the Eagle let fall in Livia's bosom. But let not him that putteth on his armour boast, as though he put it off: to sing triumph before the victory, is foolishness, for no man knoweth what the Evening or the next day may bring.  
As for the Event concerning us, they prophesy our ruin: 
They prophesy our Ruin.  Stella spoke indefinitely, Lutherani, qui nunc tam elatè & superbè vivunt tam citissimè erunt absumpti tanquam sal in aqua Ita ut nulla unquam sit reliqua recordatio eorum, sicut 
Stella. Luc. 9 20. Practic. apud, Gold ubi supra.  nec aliorum haereticorum qui praeterierunt. The Cardinal of Lorraine saith, That it was near hand. Some jesuits have defined it within an hundreth years, as jesuit Ogilvie in a Conference in the Castle of Glasgow, Affirming▪ that within an hundreth year ●●fter Luther skything, the Protestants Religion would be abolished. And now since their Victories in Germany, they triumph over us, as over a thing destroyed. So the jesuit Cornelius 
a Cornel. praefat Comment, in Proph minor.  calleth our Religion Calvini haeresin penè evulsam, an heresy almost rooted out. And Urbane the eight in his Papal prescience doubteth not but that heresy will be shortly rooted out of France. But they may guess at the end of their prophecies by the 
b Rome pont & Card. incredidibili diligentia vaca● re rebus Gallic●s, etc. Practic n. 3. An. 1573.  ardinals' Alternative, for he with the Pope was persuaded that this would be done either by Charles the ninth and Philip the second, or else never: Now God hath made him prove a false prophet, for these two Kings are gone, and the truth of the Gospel is yet shining into the world; and we doubt not but Urbane and Cornelius shall find contraire events of their predictions, and possibly Laurea Austriaca shall succumb under Arma Suecica.  
This sort of prediction they have learned of the old 
But they should consider old prophecies of themselves.  Pagans who not being able to refute Christian Religion by reason, nor expel it by force, took them to predictions that it would not lest above 365. years. 
c Aug Civ. 8. 53.  But time hath made them liars. If Papists would look to prophecies, we desire them with Jerome to remember what is spoken of the purpoured coloured whore, and the destruction of Babylon which maugre all their futile exceptions, is Now-Rome. 
Quid de purpurata meretrice, & Babylonis exit● c●ntetur intuere Hieron.  And if we would use a prophetical liberty, we might advertise the jesuits, to take heed to the 1640. year, that makes the period and Centurie since their confirmation. The Templars alleged sins are yet secret, even after their cutting off, but the wickedness of the jesuits is manifest, and excites Princes to take order with these fire brands of Europe. Austria and Spain are as two threshers, beating the Lord's Church on the threshing floor; and the jesuits are as Smyths, that prepare their Instruments; and God in his time will pay them all home. But we leave, these things to GOD, who shaketh the Counters of their hands, who would determine of times, and things to come, as sayeth S. Austin. When the slaves of Rome conspired, 
Vbi suprae.  and some Masters were found killed in their houses: The Senate enacted a Law, that all the slaves of that house should be killed where a Master was found dead. Senatusconsultum Silanianum. This Law would fit jesuits where a King is killed. But in place of Prophecies, let them take Count Tilly's presage at Rodium, when he considered his bad success the former months, felices suos progressus iam claudicare, & placida fortunae aura se non amplius afflari armadvertere dixit, He said that 
Gallobel. jan. 1632.  he perceived his prosperity to halt, and that Fortune smiled no more on him. So mote it be to God's enemies. 
It is time for Protestants to awake.   
Let Germany awake, and see her oppression both in Religion and liberty: Except she will be as stupid as the Cardinal of Lorraine calleth her. And let all Protestants awake, except they resolve to be snared by Popish policy, to be blinded by their oaths, and destroyed by their oppression. 
God will deliver his Church in his time.   
God for our sins hath suffered them to go far on, and they will proceed in all the wicked purposes of their heart except he stay them: He hath begun in mercy to work deliverances in some parts. It is our duty to thank him for that is done, and to pray for a continuance till his Church be fully delivered: That the Children of darkness who have conceived mischief, and traveled in 
Psal. 7. 14  pain, may in end bring forth a lie.   

CHAP. XXXI. That Now-Rome will not reconceale.  
AS there is no hope of their reformation, so their 
Their reconciliation desperate.  reconciliation is desperate: It hath been often assayed, but ever in vain; and the old saying of Rome's taking by Arms: Roma nunquam frustra tentata, that Rome was never in vain assayed, may now be turned to the contraire, Romana reconciliatio semper frustra tentata, that Rome's reconciling hath ever been assayed in vain. Paul the third politicly set first nine Cardinals and then three Bishops, to treat of reformation, yet he minded no such thing, but only to gull the world. Though Wicelius and Cassander were set on work by Ferdinand and Maximilian, to draw up some form of agreement, and abode still in the communion of their Church, yet they damned these Treatises; and a main cause why they burned Spalleto, was, for that he held it possible to reconceale the Church of England to Rome.  
This irreconciliablenesse is both in the outward peace 
Sciopp. Class. Belli sacri Tics. Ann. 1619. a) ●esuit. Hil. Rati●bo●. Ann. 1607.  and in Doctrine. For the outward peace; beside that hath been said in the former Chapter: Since the Trent Council they have ever been plotting; and the jesuits of Princes Confessaris turned their Corycaei and Counsellors the Frogs from the bottomless pit, have stirred them up to war: And when they had prepared all things, one (a) of them began the Alarm in an Imperial diet. Nunc tempus est haereticorum istorum oppressionem & deletionem maturare: Catholicis nec nervum pecuniam, nec militem, nec Consilia deesse. Now it is time to hasten the oppression and destruction 
Gasp. Sci●p. Class bell sacri. An. 1619.  of these Heretics: For the Catholics want neither money, nor Soldiers, nor Council. There is both their plotting and preparation against us confessed & it is senselessness not to observe it: But when all was ready, and the fire begun in Boheme, than Sciopius gave a formal Alarm, and entitles his Book suasoria de ratio nibus haereticorum compescendorum. A suasory to compesse Heretics. And because Granvellanus and some other 
Ibid. in praefat.  had suggested peaceable counsels to Emperors about Religion, he bids these moderate counsellors get them gone, qui mollibus sententijs haereticorum ingenia alere solent in maximam crucem facessant. And to ground their cruelty to Protestants, he bids Prince's count of Luther as 
Diabolum pro Deo colunt Ibid cap 1.  a devil, and sayeth, That we worship Satan in stead of God. This is like the blasphemous calumnies of the jesuits of Munster in their Credo Calvini-sequarum, who 
a Credo in Diabolum Orcipotentem. Sc●oppius. Ibid  affained to us that we believe in Satan. Thereafter he bids destroy all Infaints and Children, percuties in ore gladij & delebis etiam Infants & pueros. That is Magdeburge Model. He maketh not bones of that, that jesuits deny: 
Ibid cap. 19  That it is leasome to cut off Princes that favour Religion. And in end that it is lawful to make covenants with Turks, Ethnics, and jews, but not with Protestants.  
This is their preamble: Let us hear what followeth, 
Rome intendeth our destruction.  and that both from the Pope's Consistory & the Emperors Cabinat. For the first the Cardinals at Rome declare that the Pope's design is to restore the Church of Rome to 
Aphorisin. Cardinal. 1623.  her wont greatness: And for this end that as the Palatine is broken so Saxon and Brandenburge must also be removed as the greatest stays of their purposes in Germany. And when the French King by their instigation had oppressed the Protestants of France, the jesuit Cornelius at Rome, not content to praise him for it, (lest we should doubt any longer who are these spirits, who stir up Kings to battle) stirreth up Princes to persecute other Protestants Agite Principes generosi, pergite magnis animis, opus felicibus adeo auspicijs caeptum conficite: Paribus studijs rebellem 
Comment. in ●● Proph. min.  Calvini haeresin penè evulsam stirpitus ubilibet eradicate. Go to generous Princes, set forward with great courage, Perfect the work begun with so happy success: And with the like zeal, root out every where the rebellious heresy of Calvine. And lest this seem to be the humour of 
urban 8. Breus. Ludovic. 13. An 1628.  a private Doctor. Their infallible Doctor Vrbane the eight breaths the like cruelty to that same young King after his taking of the Rochel, that he would go forward to hunt the rest of these fierce beasts, (the Hugonotes) out of their den, and destroy them all utterly.  
And from Vienne they declare, that they mind no peace, but 
So doth Austria.  to destroy Religion by force. For the jesuits under the fable of Abaris the Hyberborean (far worse applied than Nazianzen did) stirreth up the Emperor with his Arrow 
Scipio. Scamb. Epist. ad Ferdinand. 3. Nazian M●nod.  & Oracles, to propagate the truth by force as well as by reason. Et 
a Colendi Numinis disciplima inferat volentibus, aut imponat invitis. Scip. ibid. Epist. dedic:  norit ad propugnandum coeleste dogma non minus ferri aciem quam ingenij acumen adhibere. And that a Prince must use Apollo's arrows, and know that heavenly doctrine is propugned, no less by the edge of the sword, than by quickness of Engine. This is another sort of argument, than Christ taught his Disciples Of old it was said, that Faith should be propagate not by Arms, but by arguments, not by blows, but by words: For who will compel me (saith Lactantius) 
b Lib. 5. c. 14. & 20 Ferd. Epist. ad Zunig. Ann. 1621.  either to believe what I will not, or not to believe what I will? But let us hear the Emperor himself declaring his intention, Ad exstirpandas sediciosas factiones, quae Calvinistica potissimum factione foventur: ●o root out the factions of the Calvinists.  
Beside these we have evidences of their irreconciliablenesse from their Pacificators and Scioppius. Their Pacificators 
They damn former Patification.  were set to work by authority, to colour their cruelty by a large Volume. They saw the Pacification of Passau which was ratified at Augsburge, condemned them of cruelty and persurie: It provided peace of Religion, 
Compositio Pacis. Pax Augusta● na Art. 1. Ibid. Art 11. Compositio Pacis. pag. 12 13  that none should molest or invade other for their profession. And that the peace should have the own vigour, usque ad finalem compositionem, until a final composition. But when they saw that they prevailed, they set these Lawyers to work to put an Orleand gloss upon the Pacification, and to make men believe it had no force: Their special reasons are that the peace was not concluded by way of a Pragmatical 
Pag. 7. Pag. 11. Pag. 152. Pag. 147. & 149.  sanction, but of a covenant rising of necessity for the time. That the Emperor is not bound to it, nor the Bishops. That beside the case of necessity there was also fear, & vim inferens non meretur ut ipsi promissio servetur. And lastlie that it is null in itself; Because the Pope did not approve it. Thus they elide that solemn Pacification which held Germany in peace for sixty years and more. Others say the like, that the peace was not valide. That it expired at 
P. Windek▪ de exstirp h●res.  the publication of the Trent Council. That it was only till the Catholics had expede their business (that is their plotting against us) & postea hoc unum bellum contra sectarios administrarent, they would follow out this only war against heretics. All the time of their practising the treat of Passau was taken to comprise both 
Compos. Pacis 551.  the Public and religious peace: But now when they think they have prevailed, they cure their tyranny with distinctions. That it was not a Sanction but a transaction: And that the Public peace did not touch the religious peace but materially and by accident, where as formally they are divers, yea, adverse. These are shifts to colour perjury and oppression.  
As these Pacificators were set to work, to lose the 
They feign a new peace. Consult pacis.  bands of the established peace, so was Scioppius to propone a new form of Peace with his two Books, the one of the Consultations of Peace under his own name: The other is of the Foundations of peace under the feigned name of 
Fundamenta Pacis annuente Pontifice & assentiente Imperatore. August. Ann. ●631. Consult. p ●43 57 71. But it is our revolt.  Theophilus Sanctafidius, or rather Miso-theus nulli-fidius.  
First, he confesseth that the wickedness of their Clergy gave just scandal to the Protestants. Fundament. pag. 48. 157. Next, that their reformation would be a special means for our conversion. Consult. 50. 57 And that many other commodities would follow. Ibid. 70. 71. 72, Then going alongst in quiring the means of peace he damneth two. The first is Disputs or conference of learned men on both sides. Fundam. pag. 122. 125. The other is transaction or toleration such as was made at Passau. Fuad. p. 126. 137. 155. Thereafter he cometh to positive means of peace which must be a Nation allcountell in Germany Consult. p. 59 But such a one as shall urge the obedience of the Council of Trent. Ibid. p. 61. Herewith he setteth down a short Catechism to be embraced of us as the special ground of peace. Fundam. p. 4. Wherein is the 
Or else our destruction.  Divinity of their Traditions, the infallibility of the Pope: The five bastard Sacraments. ibid. p. 16. 17. The Immunity of the Clergy, and the Pope's Monarchy. p. 14. Impunity to the Pope and Clergy were they never so flagitious. ibid. p. 34. 35. 36. 40. 48. 50. 51. 54. But because these may prove weak means to work this peace, therefore his last is the destruction of Protestants: If we will not embrace such a faith, to make us as Sisera, Zeba, and Zalmuna: And so he praiseth the Duke of Baveere, and 
Ibid. 139. 140  Count Tillie, comparing them to Guide on and Barac, for destroying Protestants as Canaanites and Midianites. Barac imitatus est Sereniss. Princeps Maximilianus Elector, etc.— & comes de Tillie vir admirandae non minus innocentiae & sanctitatis, quam fortitudinis & fidei, verusque aetatis nostrae Gideon, & rei Catholicae in Germania, propugnaculum. In all their doings they pretended peace, but intended war, and our ruin. So the Duke of Bavere: Nos nihil nisi pacem publicam quaerere: And yet his own father giveth him the lie, professing that he feared nothing 
Guil. Bauer. Cancel. Hisp. p. 126.  more, than a most filthy peace, if they should embrace the conditions proponed by the King of great Britain. Sed timeo ne in propositas ab Anglo inducias ruant, ipsam denique turpissimam pacem.  
And the Emperor in his Oration at Regensburg: 
They pretend peace, but intent war. In Comit. Ratisbon.  though the first part of it was a suasory to peace, yet the five remanent Articles were all of war: The excluding of Count Palatine for ever, the curbing of the Hollanders, the compescing of the King of Sweden, etc. Therefore one defined well the proper notion of their peace, Pacem vocabant domus Austriacae dominationem, & è contra turpem servitij patientiam, they called peace the domination of 
Anonymi. Ep. de Comit. Ratisbons.  the house of Austria, and on the other part, a vile patience of slavery, and withal Popery set up again. And Scioppius like himself cut them off, done● ex haereticis fiant Catholici seque Pontifici subijciant, till they fall down at thy feet, and of Protestants become Papists, and 
Classic. cap. 1.  subject to the Pope: it is such a peace as the Spartans' promised to the Messenians if they would depart altogether out of Pelopponesus. So do their Pacificators to Protestants if they will change either Religionem or Regionem. This is like Edom, Raze it, raze it, from the foundation. 
Psal. 137.  And we may say of them with Tacitus, ubi solitudinem faciunt, pacem appellant, they call it peace, where they have wrought desolation. 
Their peace is Ludification.   
This is the platform of their Pacification, which if any will so blind himself as not to see, we must say of him as Cardinal Cajetan said lately of the Parisians, beholding these superstitious people thronging on him for a blessing, he whispered these words in stead of a blessing, Quandoquidem hic populus vult decipi, decipiatur: Since this people will be deceived, let them be deceived.  
If it seem strange how Scioppius who sounded the bloody Alarm to the wars turned a Pacificator. Let them consider his alarm & pacification are alike, for in the first like Allecto, he stirreth men to battle: In the other like Erinnys he killeth them either by heresy, if they yield, or by cruelty if they resist.  
But if they seriously minded condescending or agreement in doctrine, we answer them as Gelasius did Euphemianus 
No condescending in Doctrine.  an Heretic who desired that he would condescend. Whereas thou says, we ought to condescend unto you, thou grants that you are fallen and descended to the pit of error— And you would have us descend from our height unto 
Gelasius.  you: But we rather requeist you that ye would ascend with us from your errors to the eminency of our truth. This should the more move them, because they turn it to their own use (though 
a Bellar de Laic. cap. 19  preposterously) There is no agreement between light and darkness, and Bernard saith, 
Bernard. sentent Cyprian. de lapsis.  That inter Babylonem & Jerusalem non est pax, sed bellum continuum. And Cyprian. non est pax illa sed bellum, nec Ecclesiae iungitur, qui ab Evangelio separatur.  
This was Melancthons' wise Observation: There was 
They seek our palinody.  none in his time either more able to indge of controversies, or more calm to incline to peace: And yet after many Colloques for agreement he gathered this conclusion, that while the Papists treat of mitigation, Nihil aliud quam 
Melanthon. Consil.  palinodiam nostram requirunt, They seek nothing but our recantation: And I add the other part of the Alternative, that if they get not palinodiam they seek panolethrian our 
Si pacem postulant arma deponant. Cyprian. August. Serm Temp. 166. 167.  utter destruction. But I say to them with Cyprian, if they seek peace, let them lay aside their Arms. For (as Augustine saith) Negat Deum Patrem, qui pacificus esse contemnit: And again, non potest concordiam habere cum Christo, qui discors esse voluerit cum Christiano: He denyeth God the Father who will not be a peacemaker. And he cannot have concord with Christ, who will be at discord with a Christian.  
And yet lest we seem too rigid, we agree to such 
The right condescending.  a condescending as may be elicit out of a ●riers sermon at Lions, Nothing (saith he) holds us at discord with Hugonots, but this unhappy word, solum. For we worship 
junius de Eccles.  God, and Saints, and Images, but they worship Deum solum. GOD alone: We take both Scripture and tradition for the Rule of Faith and manners; but they taken Scripturam solam, Scripture alone. We take good works in justification, &c, but they take fidem solam, Faith only: We take with jesus Christ the Saints for our Mediators, Intercessors and Saviour's by their merits and satisfactions, but they take Christ alone, etc. If then they will come to our solum to worship God alone in Christ, and rest on him as our only Saviour, than we will agree. When Agrippa advised Augustus to lay down the Empire, Maecenas dissuaded him, he followed Maecenas. So the Pope, though he pretend a love of peace and reformation, yet he keepeth still his Monarchy and proves more like julius Caesar, keeping the Dictatorship, than like Sylla in laying it down.  
Seeing then the life and being of Popery is the 
Rome shall be deserted.  Deformation of the Church, and her Reformation is the destruction of Popery, and they are already both judged of GOD, and sentenced in his word to consumption and Abolition; and the hand of Providence goeth on in the execution of that sentence there is neither ground to treat for reconcliation, nor hope to attain to it. Or if we will treat of it, we accuse the Lords sentence of iniquity, and his execution of rigour. Let Babel then be under her sin, and punishment begun and approaching, and let all that love the Lord jesus separat themselves from these wickedmen.   

A CONCLUSION exhortatory to Princes.  
I Turn now that speech (which they abuse) to you, most sacred Princes. Be wise O Kings, be learned ye judges of the earth: Christ jesus whom ye have long 
Psal. 2. Princes are Gods instruments to punish Antichrist.  pursued by Antichirsts direction, when he might destroy you, calleth you to repentance, to change both your minds and course: Your Minds; to know that popery is that foretold Apostasy, and that the Religion which ye persecute is the truth of God. And your course that since blind zeal (the companion of false Religion) hath made you think it good service to God to destroy his Saints, you would turn your power for the service of the Lamb, 
Apoc. 17.  of whom ye have it, and both revenge God's quarrel, and your own upon the Beast.  
Consider how GOD setteth down his Dittay and 
Rome's dittay Apoc. 17. Apoc. 18.  Drome: His Dittay in Idolatry, Filthiness, and above all the blood of the Saints. Rome was ever bloody & the Mathematicians observed, that when her groundstone was laid the Moon was in cauda Draconis, to tell that all her changes in rising, growing, standing, would be in the cruelty of the Dragon: And soon after, Romulus wet her walls with his Brother's blood: She turned the earth in a Butchery by wars abroad: And her Gan●es at home in the Theatre, were bloody: She shed the blood of the Saints in her persecuting Pagan Emperors: And lastlie, sheddeth the bloody of the Protestants by her Antichristian head: jerusalem was guilty of the blood of all the Prophets, because they succeeded the Murderers in malice and cruelty: And Rome succeeds jerusalem, and exceedeth her in persecuting Christ: 
a Aut Romae, aut. Roma, Spalat.  All blood of the Saints is shed either in Rome or by Rome's authority: She hath shed more blood than Niniveh, Babylon, Shusan, and jerusalem itself.  
Her Doom is, do to her as she hath done to you: And what 
Rome's doom, and destruction.  she hath done to you, your Souls & Thrones may feel. For beside your souls killing, the Pope hath overthrown 
Matestatem & dignit ●●perit evert●t. Onuph V●●. Greg. 7.  the Majesty and dignity of Impyres. She denuded you of Kingly Authority when she exposed your Sacred Persons to the contempt and violence of the basest Villains: She ate up your flesh, not so much in catching the riches of your Kingdoms, as by nesting in your bosom, like a Viper to destroy you: She burned your with the fire of excommunication, raising such combustions that your Country and Courts were divided. The Son set against the Father, 
a Epist. Simo▪ gibert add Pas●hal 2.  as Henry the fifth against Henry the fourth, to pursue him to death, and after death to deny him Burial. 
Apoc. 17. 16.  Therefore this is her recompense, that you make the Whore naked, eat up her flesh and burn her with fire  
God hath sentenced her, and there remaineth no more but execution: Though we rest on none but scriptural 
The prophecies of it.  Prophecies, yet their own Prophets foretold their ruin: For Hildegardis▪ and Catharina Senensis, (whose contraire visions Delrio 
b Disquis. Magic.  laboureth to reconceale) Brigitta, telleth them of their destruction: 
c Revel. L. 1 cap 41.  What ever be the force of her writ it must be Canonic to them, 
d ●ardin. de TUr Cremat. pr●fat. Revel. Brigit.  since Boniface the nynth hath cannoized her, and Martin the fifth confirmed that canonisation, and their later writers as Chemensis, 
e Onus Ecclesie.  Capistranus, Aytinger, etc. have spoken broadlie, That Rome shall be ruined by the Almains and the French.  
As God calleth and commandeth you to do it, so you are bound to it by these two bonds wherey they press 
Princes are bound to perform it.  you most, your Baptismal initiation and sacred oath: In Baptism ye were initiate in Christian faith, and not in Antichristian perfidy; And the substance of your oath is to defend Apostolic and primitive truth and not the yesterday novelties of Rome: Their own 
a Baron, Genebrard, Stapleton▪  Patrons grant that in the middle ages they were Apostaticke and Apotactick, but since, we never find their reformation or amendment: The error of time confirmed by bad custom hath made men mistake these Notions of Christ and Antichrist, truth and untruth, and so to misplace their affections and actions about them, but open your eyes to the light God offereth in his word, and your better informed minds shall reform your affections, and rectify your actions, 
b Ne oro luce tenebras, pro die noctem mortem pro salut● sumatis Cypr Epist. 40  lest you take darkness for light, night for day, and death for life, that you may forsake Antichrist and heresies, and join yourselves to the Lamb, and his truth in the reformed Churches.  
Or if you will not take God's cause to heart, nor be 
Their injuries requite it.  moved with these bonds, let your Life and Crowns move you: Though he under a judicial hardness be senseless of the guiltiness of his usurpation, yet be not you senseless of these indignities: He maketh you to fight against yourself in his quarrel, while he abuseth your power for the maintenance of his greatness to the overthrow of your authority: Remember he is head of that Court, whose Ambassadors boasted in England, that they served at that Court, which commanded both other Kings and their 
Matt. Paris.  Courteours.  
It hath ever been your fault to neglect the commoun 
They neglect others in their injuries.  cause of Princely authority: There is nothing more smoothed than that that is pleaded by many: When any one Prince was thunder-beaten by jupiter Capitolinus, he exhorted other Princes, that they should not betray the 
Barrel. pietas fol, ult.  common cause, but all in vain: For the ruin of one made a prey to many: Therefore they suffered the present storm to pass over, and that because by a wicked purchas some accession came to their state. This was specially when a great Prince was broken, whose greatness was fearful to them all: The Emperor was most left in the stir, while smaller Princes thought it their security, if he were redacted to that state, that he might not rise to the greatness of his Ancestors.  
It is time for you to awake, when their flatterers pity 
Papists lament the faintness of Princes.  your injuries, and the jesuits admire your patience. Petrus Ferrariensis 
a Practic juris sed heu miseri imp & Principes se culares, etc.  marking how the Pope ensnared you to enlarge his own jurisdiction, cryeth out. But alas miserable Emperors, and secular Princes, who suffer these things and make yourselves slaves to the Pope; and see the world by infinite cousanages abused, and yet you think not of a remede: And where the jesuits please to be free, they wonder fatuos 
b Goldast Replic pr●fat.  fuisse veteres Imperatores, & imperij nostri ordines qui sibi tanto cum dedecore, ora sublinia Papis sustinuerint, that Emperors and the States were so foolish, as to be gulled with Popes.  
We have better cause than Athanasius to say, I am 
Our time craveth doing Princes, Athanas. Ep. ad solit.  Ecclesiae tempora oculatos▪ & operosos Principes requirunt, that the times of the Church require seeing and doing Princes. He had to do with the Arrians, but now the Antichristian Mystery rages. God hath given you power; open but your eyes to lead you in the use of it. How long will it be ere ye awake to see how he hath first led you from God in superstition, and now leadeth you against God in persecuting of his Saints. Consider how Maximinus 
c Cent. 3. Lucit. col. 28.  the Emperor was stirred up to persecute the Church by Pagane Priests under hope of great success: But when he saw himself overthrown by Licinius, he destroyed his instigators as deceavers. The Pope and his Clergy have set you on this last bloody persecution: God will disappoint you, and turn it to your shame: It were your wisdom to avenge you of your seducers.  
Look on other Princes, who have shaken off his yoke, 
Protestant Princes are free Princes.  as England, Scotland, Denmark, Sweden, etc. Their Kings know none above them under GOD: They are honoured, and obeyed of their Subjects, without reflecting upon any other power on earth You reign but precario, as Titulars, and they count you but as Kings of the Chess. Neither 
a Marta. ●urisd. lib. 1.  dare you rule your Subjects as free Princes: Neither dare your people obey you as such. The terror, at least the credulity of the Pope's transcendency, limiteth your p 〈…〉 o, and looseth your people to rebel. Receive Christ in his Gospel, and set up his Throne in your lands as they have done, and then you shall find both the sweetness of the Grace of the Gospel, and of a free and independent government. God's Truth amongst us (Protestants) maketh us not only to congratulate our happiness in our free Kings and Churches, but also to commiserate your estate, when we see God's image in you great Princes, so shamefully abused by a deceaver. You cannot be both Popish and free Princes: The very Notion of Popery subiecteth you necessarily to Hildebrands' usurpation, Renounce Antichristian tyranny, and come to Christian liberty, and you shall find both grace for your persons▪ and glory to your government. Augment the Popesplunges, and while that juglar knoweth not which of you to keep, let him feel the revenging power of you all.  
You goat m●●y exhortations of this kind from Preachers 
King james a warner of Princes.  and Theologues, but you have heard them with close ears: Therefore God hath sent you lately a royal premonition from the Pen of the King of great Britain. The suggestions of Subjects found little access, and as little regard at your hands: But the Counsel of a King to Kings, and that in the matter of a Kingly authority, is more weighty. Truth is truth and powerful, who ever speak it: But Truth in the quarrel of Kings proponed by a great and wise King, will find more access, than private suggestions The royal Genius which is one in Kings, maketh them to have a sympathy, specially where their common cause threateneth a common danger.  
Let none be so simple as to think they will either 
Their hardness will not repent.  repent their whole course, or relent its extremity: Though they have found, and (ere it be long) may find a great dash, yet they will but temporize, and suiting peace, turn to more deep and deadly plotting. They thought all 
Paul Vindek de exstirpand. h●res.  their own at the Smalcaldicke war, and when God brak their forces, they simulat a pacification, yet they w●●e ever plotting a new persecution. If GOD shall disappoint them of their cruel intentions (as in mer● he hath begun to do) yet ere it be long, they would fire Europe with a new and greater combustion. Antichrist may be destroyed; but mollified or tamed can he not be: Their Romish temper is uncapable either of the change 
The Pope's curbing is faceable.  of repentance, or the mollifying of moderation.  
The curbing of the Pope's insolency is no more just and necessary in itself then faceable to you: Rome's native cruelty carried ever the cause of her ruin in her bosom. It was noted as ominous in old Rome, that when they began first to execute that Roman censure interdicere 
Platin Vit. Bonisac 8.  igni & aqua, their Atrium or great Court was burnt with thunder, and so since Popes began to play upon Princes with their ordinance of excommunication, their state hath been broken: When Boniface the ●●ght would take on him the Habit, Sword, and Ensigns of the Empire Philip of France comp●sced that insolency shortly, and made him die in exile and greiefe: And how much their power is broken, since Luther's time, the world seeth: King Henry of England divorced his Kingdom from the Pope▪ because Clement the seventh impiously denied to devorce him from his incestuous Queen, to whom julius the second dispensation tied him. Scotland in the minority of her Princess, proved both Mayor and masculous in shaking off the Pope's yoke: Denmark, Sweden, and many Princes of Germany 
Philip the second his threatening in killing Six tus the ●●●●●.  have cut his wings in their Dominions.  
What an angry King can do to him, was lately seen betwixt Philip the second, and Sixtus the fifth, Cardinal 
Philip the second his threatening, kill Sixtus the fifth is ominous.  Estensis the ruler of the Consistory, promised to make him Pope if he would never promove Hieronymus Mattheus, but being chosen Pope, he made Hieronymus a Cardinal, and so Estensis sent his hand-writ to Philip the second, to prove his perjury and Simony: hereupon 
Novus homo pag. 4. Bulla ●ul. 2. B●rclai● Epist. ad Lector.  Philip minded to call a Council to process him for these two crimes, and declare the nullity of his Election according to their Laws: But while Sixtus is grieved for the intended process, and devising a revengeful excommunication against Philip he contracted a fever, and died. If that stir had gone on, possibly the Pope had been kerbed, or Spain reform, to be as eminent in true zeal, as now pertinax in supperstition: But God's time is coming: And seeing the republic of Venice gave him a wound which he can not cure; What may not you great Princes do, whose glaining is greater than the vintage 
The Romans have kerbed the Pope.  of Abiezer?  
As Princes and republics, so his own Romen have kerbed his pride: And God set up bars to it so soon as it began to overflow, for Cincius 
a Platin. vit Gregor. 7.  a Roman, compesced Hildebrand in Rome, while he was abusing the Emperor in Germany, and when Alexander the third, by his Legate was disciplining Henry the second for Beckets' cause, the Romans had expelled him out of Rome. And Onuphrius 
b Perpetua per annos quin quaginta inter Populum Pontificesq. discordia civis lis fuit. Onuph annot add vit. ●l●m 3.  marketh, that for the space of fifty years from Celestine the second to Clement the third, the Romans did so entreat the Popes, that some of them died for displeasure, others were almost killed in tumults, and a third sort were banished; and that in their heat of usurpation over Kings. God hereby was both taxing the feebleness of Princes, and teaching Posterity, the possibility of the Pope's curbing. His Brieves, Bulls, and Legates, did more in Kingdoms, far distant than his own presence could do in Rome. He domnineered absolutely abroad, while he fought at home for the government of the City, and safety of his own life.  
Gerson hath made his kerbing problematicke, and it is your part to turn his problem in effect. The Apostle 
He shall be finally kerbed.  descryving Antichrist, taketh some part of that Description from Nero, whose tyranny he saw, and Uespasian 
Gerson, de auferib. Papae.  (the reformer of Nero's wickedness) pulled down the golden Head he had set on the Colosse, and in stead thereof placed the image of the Sun. It were good service to God, to pull down that head, that hath lift itself above the Church, and is the life of heresy and schism, the impediment of reformation and of peace in Europe; and in his place to make the Gospel, the image of the Sun of Righteousness to shine clearly.  
Saint Austin 
a Tractat. 6 in johan, Ibid Tract. 11  telleth you from your own Laws, that they who will not in peace worship the God of peace, nihil 
The best way of his curbing.  nomine Ecclesiae audeant possidere. And thereafter, If Princes do not so, Quo modo possunt Deo rationem reddere? How shall they give a count to God? But Baronius is more legal, Eijciendus ut Latro, he is to be cast out as a thief, who in an evil conscience possesseth that which is not his own. 
(b) Baron. An 886 n▪ 28  Io. de Rupe scissa telleth you the way in his Parable, that when a naked bird was busked by other birds, she became proud, and beat them: Therefore they took back their lent feathers, and left her naked. Take back again your profuse donations, wherewith you have busked the Pope, and 
●●ossard. vol. 2.  then, moveat coruicula risum, furtivis nudata coloribus.  
If he be redacted to an Apostolic Preacher, his Cardinals will return to their primitive charge in sepeliendis mortuis in celebrating the Funerals of the defunct popish Synagogue: Rome hath been twenty times taken since Christ's days 
a Atalar. Eg●nolph.  And Charles the fifth, took it last, in show for a Revenge, but indeed to found his Monarchy. Why may not ye in the zeal of God destroy the whore to vindicate your own Monarchies? God hath foretold Babel's destruction, and it will certainly come to pass: The time thereof is both fixed and known of God alone. And 
●o●●● final 〈◊〉. R●●●l. 17.  at that time he will not want instruments; for he will put it in the hearts of Kings to fulfil his will. For they will make bright arrows, and gather the shields: because the Lord hath raised up the Spirit of the King of the Medes: For 
〈◊〉. ●●▪ ●1.  his device is against Babylon to destroy it; because it is the vengeance of the Lord, the vengeance of his Temple. 
Exhortation to Papists. 〈◊〉 igi● 〈◊〉 & vita 〈…〉 licet provid●te— Ad v●ra Religionis candidam ●uce●● d● profund● & te●ebrosa, etc. ●●●● Ad▪ De 〈…〉 jan▪ in 〈…〉▪   
To the Pope and his wilful adherents, I speak as Cyprian did to Demetrian, Provide for your security and life, while you may: We offer to you the whole some gift of our counsel— And we exhort you, while ye have occasion, and are alive, to satisfy God, and come to the pure light of the truth, out of the deep and dark night of Superstition. We● envy not your prosperity, we render you love for hatred▪ and show you the path of life, in recompense of these torments, ye inflict upon us. Believe, and live, that ye who persecute us for a time, may rejoice with us for ever.  
I close with God's command to the elect people who for a time are captivat in Babylon: Come out of her my people, 
〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉 ct to for 〈…〉 Babel. 〈…〉 l. 18. 4. 5 6. ●. 21.  that ye be not partakers of her sins, & that ye receive not of her plagues: And his command to you Kings, Reward her even as she hath rewarded you, and double unto her according to her works, in the cup which she hath filled, fill to her the double. Therefore, let her plagues come in one day, that as the Angel speaks, Great Babylon may be thrown down, and found no more, as a millstone cast into the Sea. That all the Saints may have matter to sing. Halel●iah, Salvation, 
〈◊〉. 19 1. ●  and glory, and Power unto the Lord our God: For true and righteous are his judgements for he hath judged the great wheire which did corrupt the Earth with her fornication, and avenged the blood of his Servants at her hand.    
AMEN.  
Do illis eruditionem: Do doctrinam: Sed fidem & religionem ●●●quam coluerunt, Cicer. de Graec.