A BRIEF REPLY TO A certain odious and slanderous libel, lately published by a seditious Jesuit, calling himself N. D. in defence both of public enemies, and disloyal subjects, and entitled A temperate wardword, to Sir Francis Hastings turbulent watchword:  
Wherein not only the honest, and religious intention, and zeal of that good Knight is defended, but also the cause of true catholic religion, and the justice of her majesties proceed against Popish malcontents and traitors, from divers malicious imputations and slanders cleared, and our adversaries glorious declamation answered, and refuted by O.E. defendant in the Challenge, and encounters of N. D.  
Hereunto is also added a certain new Challenge made to N. D. in five encounters, concerning the fundamental points of his former whole discourse:  
Together with a brief refutation of a certain calumnious relation of the conference of Monsieur Plessis and Monsieur d'Eureux before the French king, lately sent from Rome into England; and an answer to the fond collections, and demands of the relator.  Deut. 13. That prophet, or dreamer of dreams shall be slain, because he hath spoken to turn you away from the Lord your God. Matth. 7. Beware of false prophets, which come to you in sheeps clothing, but inwardly are ravening wolves. Zenodotus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Halter me these wolves. Theocrit. in Bucoliastis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, as if he should say, If you nourish up wolves and dogs, they will in the end devour, or bite you. 
Imprinted at London, by Arn. Hatfield. 1600.   

To N. D. aliâs Noddy, that lately took upon him to plead for P.P. and for all the Popish faction and heresy, O. E. wisheth the knowledge of truth, and more love and loyal affection to his Prince and country.  
SIr N.D. or Noddy, or howsoever it shall please you to style yourself, being a man but of two or 
a Homo trium literarum.  three letters, it should seem you were in a fit of a choleric fever, when you wrote your late Wardword. For every where you fret, fume, and chafe, and all the dishes of your feast are chafing-dishes, and hot words both against your adversary, and others. No doubt you were distempered, or else I think, you would not have raved, or rather raged after such a mad fashion. You seem also to be full of galls, scabs, and sores. For what else should make you to cry, and exclaim so passionately, when you are but lightly and tenderly touched? I can compare you to none more fit, then to that ulcerous fellow in 
b In Niptris. Cicer. Tusc. 2.  Sophocles, that could not abide the hands of surgeons: 
Abscedite, saith he, dimittite.  
Nam attrectatu, & quassu saewm amplificatis dolorem.  Yourself and your cause is so full of botches, that you can abide no shaking, nor handling; and therefore with 
c Ibidem.  Philoctetes may say, 
jam iam absumor, conficit animam  
Vis vulneris, ulceris aestus.  Like you are to dame 
d In the Italian legend, in the life of Saint Catharine.  Bonaventure sister to Catharine of Sienna that noble Romish saint, that was like to die, as oft as she heard but one foul word; so tender hearted was she. And you are so tender eared, that you cannot abide to hear any evil word of the pope, or of his agents. He may proceed against us, as an enemy; and his agents may broach rebellions and treasons, and else what mischief they can; and yet we may neither touch your holy father, nor lay open the lewd practices of enemies and traitors. And because Sir Francis doth touch the hostile actions of the Pope and Spaniard, and treacherous practices of Romish priests and jesuits; you 
e In the preface to the Wardeword.  leap suddenly into your raging and impatient fits, and complain of railing and calumniation saying, that his discourse is an injurious pamphlet, and a biting libel, and that he is enraged with a furious vein of invective spirit neither sparing God, nor man. And as if this had not been sufficient, you tell us further, that the 
f This applied to Andrea's Philopater or Parsons, is true.  flowers, or rather furies of his discourse are lying, forging, falsifying, ignorant vaunting, odious scoffing, malicious calumniations, seditious interpretations, bloody exaggerations, barbarous insultations, and that he rusheth further to the open assault of foreign monarch, their honours fame and reputation.  
But rage, and revel as long, as you list: I doubt not, but all honest men will commend us, and all moderate men will allow us to speak in defence of our Prince and country. Our country is dear unto us, and if all valiant men ought to venture their lives for it, little should we deserve, if we would not open our mouths to speak for it. Heathen men by no pretence of religion could be drawn from defence of their country. Fabius Maximus was wont to say, that those attempts were done according to religion, that were done for the safety of the state. Dicere ausus est, saith 
g De senectute.  Tully, optimis auspicijs ea geri, quae pro salute reipub. fierent. And 
h Iliad. 〈◊〉.  Hector said, that whatsoever the chanting of birds foretold, it was best to defend valiantly a man's country. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And shall we under a pretence of false religion abandon true religion, for which we are to forsake father, mother, wife and children, and all we have, and for pretence of (I know not what) danger, forsake our most dear country, for which every honest man ought to give his life, and all he hath? If you talk with Parsons the jesuite, he will tell you, that it is no such discommendable matter, to speak what we can in defence of our country, and of religion, especially against the public enemies of religion, and of our country, and against disloyal traitors, that are with their enticements drawn to rail against their Prince, and to betray the cause of religion, and their country. Be they monarch, or be they friar frapartes, pope's or cardinals, terrestrial gods, or carnal men: if they be our enemies, and seek our destruction, and the destruction of our religion, Prince and country; I esteem him but a base fellow, that feareth to encounter them in any sort. That privilege doth the law of war give unto us, to strike any, that will come against us in the field. Certes, if it be free for you to defend the cause of public enemies, that with fire and sword seek to destroy us; of wicked and traitorous priests, jesuits and their consorts, that by secret practice would undermine the state, and bring foreign enemies upon us; of impious and idolatrous heretics, that go about to erect idolatry and popish impieties; you must give us leave to speak for our religion, that is most catholic and apostolic; for our Prince, that is so gracious and merciful, and offendeth in nothing more, then showing such grace, and mercy to so merciless and wicked traitors, as seek her destruction, and the desolation of this country; for ourselves, that profess true religion, and abhor Romish idolatry, superstition and heresy.  
With Sir Francis you have no reason to be offended, if you be, as you pretend, a friend to her majesty, and the country. He speaketh against the Spaniard: and why should he not, the Spanish king, without all just cause, professing himself our enemy? He weigheth little the pope's authority. And hath he not reason, the pope in his tyranny showing himself, not only to be our enemy, but also the enemy of Christian religion, & of Christ's church? He toucheth also the practices and treasons of 
g Gifford, Worthington, etc.  priests and 
h Parson's o● Delman, H●it, Walpooi●, etc.  jesuits, and their adherents: but not without just cause, seeing they have showed themselves not catholics, as you term them (for catholics never held either any such religion, as theirs is, nor sought by violence to murder lawful Princes, and ruinated their native country) but dangerous traitors, and most malicious 
i Testified by Sixtus Q●intus declaratory sentence against the Queen.  enemies of their country. Likewise he commendeth her majesties clemency, and you have no cause to dislike the same, lest percase it may please God to turn her heart through your ungratefulness, and hateful practices, from her intended course of clemency, which is not well fitting for your sharp humours, into a course of justice, which your treacherous and most wicked practices do draw upon you. This is his course against enemies, this is his dealing with his sovereign. He neither injustly chargeth his enemies, nor doth he basely or servilely flatter his friends and superiors.  
But admit your adversary had not used either that moderation in his style, or sincerity in his dealing, which might pass the just censure of severe judges; yet no man hath less cause to find fault with these courses, than yourself and your consorts. For in railing and calumniation no man may compare with you. It is not one only biting libel and injurious pamphlet, which you have set out, but very many and divers. I will deal plainly with you, for that I am well acquainted with your style, and know your lewd packing, and practising, and can convince you, if you have your steel vizor on, and shame not to deny so plain matters. I say then, that you Robert Parsons falsely abusing the name of jesus, to overthowe the truth of jesus, have published first certain chartels against your friends in Oxford: secondly, one famous or rather infamous libel against the Earl of 
k Leicester's commonwealth.  Leicester: thirdly, another single 
l Entitled, a confutation of pretended fears.  libel against the late Lord Treasurer: four, another infamous 
m The words by no loyal subject may be spoken.  libel against her Majesty, & against all her chief counsellors under the name of Andreas Philopater. Neither can you excuse yourself, that 
n A jesuite residing in the court of Spain, and Parson's disciple and Agent.  Creswell was the man that made the Latin, which you cannot do, when as you either made it first in English, or else gave him all his argument. Fiftly, you holp Allen in his libel against the Queen and state anno 1588. and published divers copies. Sixtly, you set out Dolmans treacherous discourse to show yourself not only a libeler, but a notorious traitor and sworn enemy to your country. Albeit 
o The discovery of a countersect conference.  one of your friends doth only term it a chartel or libel. This wardword shall make up the seventh libel; and the patched relation of the conference betwixt M. Plessis and Eureux, sent us lately from Rome, the eight. Beside these you have published divers base and paltry pamphlets not worthy to be mentioned: and these be the flowers or rather furies of your writings, and the fruits of your invective vein. Never did any use more lying, forging, false dealing, scornful gibing, odious bragging, than yourself, in all your writings. Your own 
p The priests banded in England against the jesuits.  friends accuse you of Machiavellian and Turkish practices, and well do your writings and doings deserve these titles. The like also may be verified of , Rishton, Ribadineira, Allen that hungry cardinal, & other your friends. Tisiphone and the furies of hell spoke with their tongues, wrote with their pens, and wrought in their malicious hearts. It is yourself therefore, and your treacherous consorts, upon whom all the reproofs, wherewith you load your adversary, do light fitly, and lie heavily.  
And that you shall perceive by this discourse ensuing. Wherein, if I reform your error in many things, whereof before you were ignorant; you are to thank me. If you fee the hostile dealings of your friends the pope and Spaniard declared and avowed; and your own and your consorts treasons, and a great mass of your hidden villenies discovered, & take it grievously: you may thank yourself, that gave the occasion. If any Papist find himself aggrieved with my plainness; let him impute the fault to you also, that first began to stir these coals, and to the mysteries of popish religion, that contain such deep matters of rebellion and treason; and not to me, that being thus provoked, have so plainly revealed them.  
Because upon small advantages, you have made great triumphs, and called your adversary forth to answer you, as it were in eight encounters; vaunting and facing, as if you were to play your masters prizes: I have taken upon me to join with you upon your own ground, and to try with you at your own weapons, hoping to prove you ignorant both of state matters, wherein you pretend to know such secrets, and also of sound divinity, and other learning; of which your friends and yourself make such vaunts. For matters concerning Sir Francis Hastings his own person, I refer you to his own answer, that may sufficiently satisfy you. For the rest I thought it not amiss to discourse with you more at large.  
And because you go about to carry away matters with fair pretences, as if you papists the pope's children were the only catholics, and did profess the ancient faith of the catholic church, and as if all others were heretics, and wrong believers; I do also upon your lend glosses draw you out into five new encounters; wherein if you ward not the better, it shall be proved, First, that you are no catholics, nor hold the catholic faith; secondly, that your religion is a new devise, and not the ancient religion of Christ's church; Thirdly, that you are heretics; Fourthly, that the Romish Church is the harlot of Babylon, and not the true church of Christ. And lastly, that your consorts have been executed for treason most justly, and not for religion. Which being proved, I trust, yourself will confess, that we have just cause to maintain that religion, that we profess, and to withstand antichrist, the Spaniard, and all their adherents, that go about both by force and treason, to work the destruction of her majesty and this state; and all because we do publicly maintain this truth. And although you will not confess it, that shut your eyes against the light of truth; yet I hope all the world shall perceive both the wrongs of the pope and Spaniard, and of yourself and other rinegued English, that adhere unto them, and also the justice of our defence, that are forced sometimes to take arms, and use our best means for the safeguard of our country, our Prince, our wives, our children, our liberty, our laws, our friends, most violently and wickedly oppugned under the pretence of restoring Romish religion.  
This discourse it may please you to accept, as proceeding from him, that is desirous to inform you of a truth. And well can you not refuse it, seeing it is an answer to your challenge, and containeth a reply to your eight treacherous encounters, and your bold and shameless petitions. Seeing you are come into the field, you may not refuse to defend yourself. Seeing you present unto us your petitions, and are become an humble suitor at the court, you cannot refuse your answer and dispatch. I do also desire answer in my new encounters; and protest, that if you come not forth; you shall be baffled for a coward, unworthy to bear arms in this kind of warfare. If you be not at leisure, by reason of your treasonable negotiations against your country, let Creswell or some other treacherous babbling jesuite stand forth, and try his skill. It standeth you much upon. If you cannot without railing, and calumniation make an answer; then I hope, that all such, as you have abused, will forsake you, as railing heretics, false teachers, and false traitors to your country; and that they will also abandon the new devices, wicked heresies, and strange religion which the pope's and papists most wrongfully called catholics, under the colour and false mask of catholic religion, and the catholic church, have defended and maintained. At the least they will take heed, how they either run wilfully into dangerous treasons and rebellions, or ignorantly admit into their country foreign enemies upon the pope's warrant, or upon pretence of religion, which they are never able to maintain, to be either ancient, or catholic, or true.  
And this I think will sufficiently clear Sir Francis Hastings both of adulation, and of calumniation, and all other odious imputations, which you have laid to his charge: if not in your eyes, nor judgement; yet certes in the eyes of all indifferent men. As for others, we neither force their might, nor weigh their malice. Let the ire of foreign princes be never so implacable, and course of home traitors never so desperate, as you do threaten us: we shall by the grace of God have means to withstand their force, proceeding from notorious injustice, and, I hope, that our superiors according to laws will encounter with the desperate courses of traitors.  
Do you leave your threats, and your facing, and forging, and calumniations and railings, and in a moderate course prepare yourself to justify your challenge, and with substance of matter to answer that, which we have objected against you, or else you will plainly declare yourself a wrangling traitor, that have nothing to accuse us of, but that we love true religion, our Prince and country; nor to hate us for, but that we hate your abominable faction, and false religion, and mean manfully to encounter both Italians and Spaniards, and English traitors, and all the world, that shall bear arms against us. If you shall happen to keep silence, we cannot choose, but proclaim your disgrace, as abandoning that quarrel, which yourself began.  
In the mean time, while you are buckling on your arms, I have some words to speak to the by standers or readers. Be not offended, I pray you. It shall not be long, before I come into the steccato, and buckle with you again.   

THE PREFACE TO the Reader.  
WHat singular clemency hath been showed towards the papists in this land, I think no man of mean knowledge and judgement can be ignorant. 
a Lib. histor. Genuens. 23.  Petrus Bizarus an Italian writing the history of Genua, and upon occasion mentioning her Majesty, doth compare her to Alexander Severus, a most famous prince for his clemency and other virtues, and testifieth, that for twenty years she governed her kingdom without blood, not suffering any to be punished, but by lawful trial, and sentence of judges. The which is testified by as many, as then knew her government, and by evidence of things then passed. For so long as papists did content themselves with their popish conceits and opinions, although many of them were false, absurd, and blasphemous; yet neither did she seek to ensnare them by new laws, nor execute the rigour of old laws against heretics, yet in force, against them.  
In the mean while Thomas Harding 
b Anno 1567.  obtained a bull from the pope, to exercise episcopal jurisdiction in England, to dispense with irregularities, and to receive all, that would be reconciled to the pope. Which was nothing else, but the beginning of a rebellion, which broke forth two years after. For all that were reconciled to the pope, renounced their obedience to the prince, as their actions did declare. In the year 1569. Nicholas Morton was sent into England, to stir the earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland, and as many, as he could, to an open rebellion: which 
c By Sanders his confession it appeareth, that popish priests come into England to stir up rebellion.   in his book de visibili monarchia, plainly telleth, that we should not be ignorant, why fugitive priests come over into England. These seditious firebrands did make no small flame in the north parts, and laid plots to stir other parts of England to discontentment, had not God crossed their desseines.  
All this notwithstanding, albeit popish religion, and the proper marks of it began now to be made marks of faction, and that her Majesty saw by divers practices in England and Ireland, that papists did seek her life, and the destruction of her kingdom, and that the jesuits and priests that were sent from Rome, came for no other purpose, then to practise against her life and the state; yet did she give life to divers rebels and traitors, refusing mercy to none, but such as refused to accept her favour and mercy. At 
Rishtons' ap●ndix to Saners.  one time she caused twenty of this faction to be sent away; and at another time, two and twenty, and at another thirty, most of them condemned, the rest guilty of treason, or other capital crimes. And now she keepeth divers alive, that if they had, either her Majesty in their power, or others, whom they find contrary to their purposes, would not spare their lives one hour: nor content themselves with ordinary revenge.  
As for obstinate recusants, which (no doubt) for the most part 
This appeath by divers ●tters of popish jests ready to showed.  are secretly reconciled to the pope, and adhere to her enemies, yet do they enjoy their lands, and goods, and country, and in effect their liberty; and are only subject to pecuniary punishments, which either they escape, not being indited through favour, or by sleights avoiding the inditement, or by conveyance of their lands frustrating the law, or compounding for their punishment.  
Compare her majesties actions with the cruel proceed of papists; and you shall soon see an exceeding great difference. She 
This is proved in the end ●f our new ●allenge.  executeth none for mere matter of religion, unless under colour of religion they be taken practising for her enemy's authority, and against her state, and person: they spare none. She spareth notorious teachers of popish heresies, and inflicteth only pecuniary mulctes upon malcontent recusants, that plainly disallow her government; 
g The massacre of France and Flanders witness this.  they kill man, woman and child, that shall profess true religion. She only defendeth herself against those, that are sent to perturb the peace of her government; they by torments and racks seek out peaceable persons, and execute them to death most cruelly. She proceedeth according to law, these contrary to all laws 
h Hist. Natalis Comit.  massacre men, women, and children, whom they suspect to be contrary to themselves in opinion.  
Which clemency of her Majesty, if it had either been well accepted of foreign nations abroad, or else had mollified the hearts of disloyal papists at home, all men would have well liked, and magnified. But seeing this extraordinary favour, or rather remissness of laws and justice towards them hath caused divers rebellions both in England and Ireland, and made them bold to attempt against her majesties life and government, and given some of them courage to conspire with foreign enemies, and hardened the hearts of our enemies against us, and weakened the hands of such, as otherwise would have been forward enough to attempt against them; and finally dissolved the sinews of government in suffering malcontents to practice and not maintaining the present state, and executing laws against offenders: many do think that against such persons, that are so evil disposed, and so firmly linked to foreign enemies, good justice is most necessary, and that it is far more profitable and expedient, to execute laws, then to pardon such offenders. For while such vipers are suffered to gnaw the entrails of their mother, and yet are not punished; and malcontents suffered to degorge their poison against religion, laws, government, magistrates, ministers of the church, and all honest men; it is no marvel, though the number of disloyal subjects increase, and though well affected and honest men withdraw themselves, and rest discouraged. Now of late they 
i A● appeareth by the multiplicity of their libels, diversly mentioned in this treatise.  have taken to themselves a presumptuous and audacious liberty, not only to speak their pleasure of her Majesty, and her laws and good friends, but also to advance the cause of the public enemies of the state. Edward Rishton a Seminary priest was no sooner by her majesties favour 
k He set out Sanders book, De schismate, and augmented it with infinite lies and reproaches.  delivered out of prison, and from the danger of death, which he had well deserved, but he published against her and her majesties noble father and brother a most odious and railing libel devoid of all truth and honesty, and for more credit to it, set it out under Nicholas Sanders his name and authority after his death. This course was also taken by Nicholas Harpesfield, who enjoying liberty to do what him listed, abused his liberty to rail on his prince and country. These are the men, that go about to make their nation, and this government infamous and odious to all posterity. And thus we give life and liberty to those that seek nothing more, then to deprive us of life, and good name.  
Nay they are lately grown so insolent, that they dare not only tax and rail at religion, and government, but also revel at all those, that once begin to open their mouth in defence of the truth of her Majesty, of justice, and of their country; and not only that, but also presume to offer their paltry pamphlets to the view and consideration of the Lords of her majesties counsel, which are the chief maintainers of religion and justice. And that this is most true, we need no further proof, than a certain treatise entitled a Wardeword, and written in outward show against Sir Francis Hastings, but in very truth against religion, and this government.  
This good Knight of a right zealous mind toward religion, and a loyal and loving affection towards her Majesty and the state, giveth the word to his countrymen, and stirreth up such as sleep in too much security, to consider the malice of the Pope, the preparations of the Spaniards, and the treachery of Spaniolized papists, that either at home or abroad entertain intelligence with them: and seeing foreign enemies seek by force to take the crown from her Majesty, and to subvert the state, and to plant not only false religion, but also an absolute tyranny in this land; he exhorteth all loyal subjects, and true English willingly to adventure their lives, and to spend their goods in defence of their religion, prince and country. He adviseth also all true Christians diligently to watch, and to beware of the treacherous practices of priests, jesuits, rinegued English, and their consorts, as meaning nothing else, but the subversion of religion and state. In all which discourse, what one sentence can be noted unworthy either a true Christian, or a loyal subject, or a worthy knight? Is it not lawful to oppose himself against public enemies and traitors, and to show his affection toward his prince and country? Sure, this our counterfeit N.D. whose name Parsons the jesuite doth borrow, as he doth the name of Dolman otherwhere, is very much offended, that either our knight should open his mouth in defence of the state, or offer himself ready to resist the public enemies thereof. Nay further he advanceth the Pope and Spaniard, and maintaineth the cause of known traitors, and raileth at all, that dare speak any thing against them. Wherein I need not note unto you either his notorious folly, that showing himself a professed enemy of his prince and country, yet thinketh to obtain favour for his clientes the papistes at the prince's hands, or their boldness, that vaunt of this champion, when no man can like him, but must needs show a dislike of his prince and country, and bewray himself to be an enemy to the state. But I do the rather report unto you the sum of this man's pleading, that you may the better understand the boldness and impudency of this generation, and how through our own remissness we have suffered them to grow to this height of insolency.  
He appealeth to the Lords of her majesties counsel; and I hope they will censure such a railing libeler and lewd companion according to his deserts. Myself also do commend unto them this whole cause, and doubt not, but they will maturely consider the pride of the enemy, and the necessity of justice: & that all magistrates & good subjects will concur with them in this case. Clemency and debonnairetie is very commendable; but to suffer either God's honour to be violated through idolatry or superstition, or the Christian magistrates life or person to be endangered; or the commonwealth to be undermined for want of due punishment of offenders, is not to be termed clemency, but rather a remissness and dissolution of government, neither well agreeing with religion, nor civil policy. 
l 1. King. 15.  Asa king of judah is commended, for that his heart was upright with the Lord all his days: yet was it no small blemish to him, that he put not down the high places, where the people had established another worship, then that which the Lord had appointed. Manasses likewise, although upon his return from Babylon, he reformed religion and settled matters in God's temple; yet is he 
m 2. Chron. 33.  noted, for that he suffered the people to sacrifice in high places. For idolatrous worship is not to be suffered in any corner, nor by connivency to be dissembled.  
Neither is it policy to give too much liberty to such as give open signs of malcontentment, and either secretly undermine the state, or publicly transgress laws. That state, saith 
n In orat. Aeschin.  Aeschines, is good for nothing, that hath no strength to repress offenders against law. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither is there any greater malady in a state, as saith Euripides, then when malcontents and offenders are suffered to flourish. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tully saith, that dangerous and disobedient subjects, are with mulctes, imprisonment, and corporal punishment to be restrained. Magistratus, saith 
o Lib. 3. de legibus.  he, nec obedientem & noxium civem multâ, vinculis, verberibusque coercento. Neither can any commonwealth be maintained, but where there is a correspondence of punishment to transgression of laws. Noxiae par poena esto, saith a wise 
p Cicero lib. 3. de legib.  politic. And so respective were the Roman laws in this point, that where by sleight, or want the offender could not have the penalty of the law laid upon him, they gave power to the magistrate to lay an extraordinary punishment upon him, that no offence might escape unpunished. Generaliter placet, saith 
q L. quoties. ff. de poenis.  Ulpian, in legibus publicorum iudiciorum, vel privatorum criminum, qui extra ordinem cognoscunt praefecti vel praesides, ut eyes, qui poenam pecuniariam egentes eludunt, coercitionem extraordinariam inducant. To spare rebels and traitors doth cause divers inconveniences. It discourageth loyal subjects to adventure in defence of the state; it maketh the rebels more insolent; it giveth more opportunity to foreign enemies to practise; and finally the example of sparing some, doth embolden other evil disposed persons to attempt the like. It is an old saying, Impunitas magna est peccandi illecebra. Finally the law of God doth put a sword into the magistrates hand, not for nought, but to maintain honest men, and to punish the wicked.  
Now as it is not safe, nor profitable, to let rebels and traitors pass without due justice; so it is not religious nor pious to suffer heretical and false teachers, and spreaders of sects and divisions to escape unpunished, God hath 
r Deuter. 13.  established a sharp law against false prophets, that shall entice men To go after other gods, or shall go about to turn men from the Lord their God. He commandeth the magistrate to put them to death, and 
s Ibidem.  forbiddeth private men To pity them, or keep them secret. The apostle writing to the Romans' 
t Rom. 16.  exhorteth them, To mark such diligently, as should cause division, and offences among them, contrary to the doctrine, which they had learned, and to avoid them. The 
u L. omnes Cod. de haeret. & Manich.  emperors Gratian, Valentinian and Theodosius put heretical teachers to perpetual silence, and charged inferior officers not to wink at them. 
x L. cuncti. ibid.  Arcadius and Honorius deprived them of all exercises of their false religion. 
y L. Ariani. ibidem.  Theodosius and Valentinian the younger banished Arians, Manichees, and all heretics out of the Roman empire. And for this cause did saint 
z Lib. 1. cont. epist. Parm●n. c. 6. & epist. 166.  Augustin highly commend the emperor's justice: and 
a Epist. 62.  teach, That it was necessary, that heretical teachers should be repressed and corrected. Certes if laws had been executed against popish priests, jesuits, and other friars, and false teachers, neither would they have insinuated themselves into this kingdom and into Ireland with that boldness; nor could so many simple souls have been seduced, to the eternal destruction of their souls, and of some of their l●ues; nor should they so much have increased the popish faction, as some where they have done.  
I doubt not, but magistrates both see those inconveniences, and will remedy them. And therefore I need not to use many words in this behalf. But because of late a certain presumptuous and proud jesuite calling himself N.D. hath taken upon him, not only to plead for jesuits and priests, but also for foreign enemies, and notorious rebels and traitors, advancing the cause and power of the enemy, and by a strange metamorphosis of words turning traitors into true subjects, and rebellious heretics into martyrs, and by his painted glosses burnishing out heresy, superstition, and idolatry for true religion, catholic faith & Gods true worship; I have upon zeal I bear to God's truth, and love I own to her Majesty and my country, and not least of all, for that hearty affection which I bear to all my Christian countrymen, whom these false teachers appareled in sheeps clothing with their counterfeit sheeps blayting seek to abuse; undertaken to answer all his pleading, & to justify the honest and religious intention of that noble knight Sir Francis, that first adventured to speak against them, and to show in general, that our enemies are no such bugs, as we need to fear them; nor english fugitives such innocents, as they are pretended; nor the factious papists so honest men that we are far to trust them.  
And because he shall not complain, that we refuse any indifferent trial, I have thought it not amiss, to undertake his challenge, and to meet him at every turn, and in every encounter, following him pace by pace, and joining foot to foot. He would percase bring it to another trial, Vbi collato pede dimicandum est; or as Virgil saith, Vbi haeret pede pes, densúsque viro vir: and we refuse not, when we shall see him and his consorts come against us in plain field. But in the mean while we are to try our cause with words, and not with arms, and to justify first our accusation against Romish religion, then against the pope, the Spaniard, the jesuits, Cardinal Allen, the recusantes, and all enemies, traitors, and malcontents whatsoever. And forasmuch as under colour of religion our adversary would slily defend all attempts and practices against this state, I have with my answer unto this Noddy conjoined a brief discourse, and in certain new encounters, drawing him forth into a new combat, proved that popish religion, whereon he so much standeth, as if it were catholic, and the old religion of Christ's church, Is neither catholic, nor ancient, nor true religion; and finally, that neither the church of Rome is the true church of Christ, nor the pope's agents and adherents, that have been executed for traitors, true subjects or martyrs. Which treatise if it profit not obstinate papists, yet shall it greatly strengthen the hands of good subjects, and of all men well affected, and stay others that they be not easily carried either into opinions savouring of heresy, or else tending to disloyalty, and treachery.  
I shall not need to tell you what manner of man this N.D. is, against whom we deal. He declareth himself so plainly, that I cannot more evidently prove him either a malicious enemy, or a disloyal traitor, than he doth himself. For what greater sign of an enemy, then to plead the cause of public enemies, and to envy that any commendation should be given, or any blessing happen to this state? What more plain conviction of his treacherous intentions, then that he extolleth the praises of traitors, and is very sorry, that foreign enemies and wicked rebels have not prevailed against us? It is an old saying, that eagles love eagles, and bears well sort with bears.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as saith Theocritus.  
There cannot be devised any thing more malicious, than the pope and Spaniard to the English nation; neither can any speak more spitefully of his country, of this state, and of religion, than this rinegued English, and Hispaniolized fugitive. And do we marvel, if they be friends, and join together?  
Only this is much to be marveled, that any sober minded papist should allow such a proctor to speak for him, or that this Noddy would be so presumptuous, as to present his fooleries to the council; or so foolish, to think, that such notorious enemies, and traitors can grace the cause of papists, or procure them favour, whom his patronage maketh much more suspect, then before. This we may boldly conclude, that whatsoever such enemies persuade or offer, that it cannot be for the good of our state. It is an old 
b Sophocles in A●ace mastig.  saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The gifts of enemies tend not to our good. The Greeks', as is said, in time past would present Minerva of Troy with a horse; but in the belly there lurked treason. So this Sinon N. D. if such a Noddy may be compared to Sinon, would persuade us to receive the horse-religion of papists, and horse-friendship of Spaniards. But if he should prevail, then might we say of him, as the old man in 
c Plautus in Pseudolo.  Plautus said of Pseudolus, Superavit dolum Troianum, atque vicit Pseudolus. But I hope I have discovered all the treachery of this Sinon, or Pseudolus, or false traitor, or whatsoever his malice deserveth to be called.  
It may be some will mislike, that I should so roughly handle our country papists and their religion. But they must consider what rebellions have been raised, ar● what practices have been attempted against her Majesty, this state, and all true Christians by this faction. I do not meddle with old men, that are abused with ancient errors and live quietly, but with factious papists, and such as aid them, and receive them, and either have correspondence with foreign enemies, or receive their agents. Now what terms can be too bitter against these, that seek to bring in strangers, to oppress all honest men, to ruinated their country, to murder their prince, and all that shall adhere to her? As for the religion of papists, whereby I understand all those corruptions, which under the pope's authority they have brought into the church of God, and which the church of England refuseth, it is nothing but a pack of novelties, superstitious vanities and heresies, as we both have, and always shall be ready to maintain either against Parsons, or the cardinal jesuite Bellarmine, or the proudest of that sect and faction. This religion of popery therefore being not that seed, which Christ did sow in his field the church, but the cockle, and weeds sown, and set by the malicious man, while the governors of the church were asleep, what terms could I use more gentle, than I have done?  
This I may boldly say, that I have not followed the adversaries vein in scurrilous scoffing, nor his vanity in ruffianlike bragging, nor his sharpness in plain railing. But why should I go about to excuse myself before the faults be proved? Percase it is no fault to write, as I have done. And were it a fault, yet I trust thou wilt bear with my weakness: seeing, as the 
d jacob. 3.  apostle saith, All of us offend in many things. This I speak in the presence of God, that my intention was not to wrong any, but only to lay down the truth plainly, that we may know not only who be friends, who be traitors; but also, who they be that contend for religion and justice, and who not. Read with indifferency, and weigh my allegations, and compare diligently my defence with the Noddies challenge, and then use thy liberty in judgement, and respect not me, but the cause, and the proofs.   


CHAP. I.  
That God by means of her majesties government hath bestowed many benefits upon the realm of England, as well in establishing true religion, as otherwise: and that our adversary in his first encounter showeth himself both shameless in denying it, and ungrateful in refusing, and not acknowledging the same.  
ALbeit the malice of papists is great in defacing her majesties actions, and slandering her government; yet who so listeth to consider the same with indifferency, cannot choose but acknowledge her to be an excellent and singular woman, to be parangoned with the famous women of ancient time, if not preferred before them. Osorius albeit for his religion opposite to her, yet could not choose, but highly commend her, both for her manly constancy, & mature wisdom, and singular modesty. Quid admirabilius 
a In prafat. ante lib. 3. de religione.  saith he, quàm in foemina virilem constantiam, in virgine senilem prudentiam, in summa opum affluentia summam modestiae laudem eminere? He praiseth also her wit, her learning, and her clemency. Es singulari ingenio praedita, 
b Ibidem.  saith he, & magnarum artium disciplinis erudita: laudibus mansuetudinis & lenitatis, quae cum istius formae venustate consentiunt, excellis, nec eas laudes, quae ex constantiae magnitudine oriuntur, tibi repudiandas existimas. Peter Bizarus by chance mentioning her in his story of the state of Genua, doth 
c Lib. histor. Genuens. 23.  call her Lectissimam Heroinam, & nusquam satis amplis laudibus celebrandam; and doubteth not for her rare endowments both of the body and the mind, and for her clement, and wise government to compare her to a bright star, excelling the splendour of other princes of her time. And that these praises proceeded not of flattery, not only their country, the men being strangers to her, but her noble actions do declare.  
All this notwithstanding the papists, albeit tied to her by divers obligations both of subjection, and extraordinary favour, yet cannot endure to hear her praised. The Noddy our adversary although he plead for her favour, yet could not vouchsafe her one good word. His consorts they have loaded her with many lend, and slanderous words. Nicholas Sanders and Harpsfield, of whom she deserved better, began to collect slanderous accusations against her. Edward Rishton whom she delivered out of prison, and set at liberty, loosed his tongue to rail against her, by whom he received life. From th●se fountains B●zius, Ribadineira, and divers other railing friars have borrowed matter, and published divers libels to her dishonour. Neither may it seem marvelous, if malicious men have spoken maliciously, or if her enemies have declared their engraffed hatred against her. 
a Proverb. 29.  The wicked do abhor those that walk aright, or as the old Latin interpreter hath: Abominantur impij eos, qui in recta sunt via. King David 
b Psal. 72.  saith, That he was accounted a wonderment, or as a monster of many. Prodigium saith he, factus sum multis. She hath been a nursing mother to God's church, and therefore the enemies of God's church hate her, and speak evil of her. Nay they speak evil of her, and persecute her without a cause. Clement the seventh began the persecution against her in the person of her parents, declaring the marriage of her father and mother unlawful. Paul the third, when she was yet an infant, did seek her destruction, as did Herode the destruction of the innocent children in Bethlehem. Hark how he thundereth out his sentence against her, declaring her unable to succeed her father in the crown of England. Omnem Henrici ex praedicta Anna Bollena subolem, saith he, 
c In Bullae Pauli 3. Cont. Henr. 8.  fautorumque suorum liberos iam natos, aut nascituros usque ad eum gradum, ad quem iura huiusmodi poenas extendunt, omnibus possessionibus, dominijs, libertatibus, privilegijs; honoribus, officijs, bonis mobilibus ac immobilibus, quovismodo obtentis privamus, ac infames esse decernimus. See he persecuteth the king and his children, and all that favour them, although they were not yet borne into the world. Oh what mischief would he have done, if he had had power and authority, that thus without all authority and means to wreak his malice, showeth the bitterness of his choler! the pope's adherents never ceased, until they had brought her most innocent mother to her end: which was the greatest grief that tormented the king lying on his death bed, and sore repenting himself for the wrongful shedding of that innocent queens blood, as many then present did testify; and Thevet a friar, a man not suspect, doth leave recorded in his 
a Lib. 16. Cosmogr. vniuers.  History, of which we shall report the testimony hereafter. Neither did they only murder the innocent mother, but also sought by act of Parliament, to disable and from the succession to exclude the daughter. In Queen Mary's time by divers practices they sought to kill her. When their malice took no effect, pope Pius, Gregory the 13. Sixtus quintus, and divers other pope's by wars and rebellions, have attempted to deprive her of her kingdom. It may also be probably suspected, that they suborned divers to kill her, or poison her. Howsoever they were acquainted with these practices, certain it is, that divers of the popish faction have conspired either by sword, or poison, or other means to destroy her. And now when they are not able to do her other hurt, they persecute her with their tongue. So wicked men Do scorn the simplicity of the just, as the holy 
b job. 12.  Scripture teacheth us. They publish infamous libels against her person. This our adversary doth slander her government, as if this land had received no benefit by that reformation of religion, which God wrought by her means. But the testimony of enemies and traitors by all laws is repelled.  
That God hath by her mea●es greatly blessed this land it doth appear first by testimony either of her adversaries, as of Osorius; or of strangers, as of Petrus Bizarus. Quid magis obstupendun saith 
c In praefat. ante lib. de relig.  Osorius, quam mollem & delicatam mulieris naturam tantis esse virtutibus ornatam & instructam, ut totum regni pondus sustineat, in eóque munere maxima cum land versetur: quod vix multorum hominum excellentium consilio, virtute, fide, authoritate conficitur. Bizarus preferreth the happiness of England under her government, before all happiness of former kings, and ages. Illud duntaxat, saith he, 
a Lib. hist. Genuens. 23.  obiter adiecero, Britanniae regnum nunquam ab ullo (pace aliorum dixero) vel retroactis seculis, vel patrum nostraque memoria maiori cum prudentia, nec minori felicitate fuisse administratum. This he saith of her majesties government, writing about the 21. year of her reign.  
But what should testimonies of men need, when her noble and famous actions do sufficiently commend, and set forth the praises of her government? First as it pleased God by the hand of 
b judges. 4.  Deborah to deliver his people from the tyranny of jabin & the Canaanites, that some years had oppressed them: so it pleased him likewise by this our Deborah to break the yoke of the pope, and to deliver the people of England from the tyranny of the Canaanites the papists, that had divers years oppressed us and tyrannised over us. 
c Psal. 123.  Anima nostra sicut passer erepta est de laqueo venantium: laqueus contritus est, & nos liberati sumus. Our soul (that we may use the prophet's words) like a sparrow is delivered from the power of hunters; the snare is broken, and we are escaped. Now how great this blessing is to be esteemed, we may easily judge by these particulars. First we were delivered from the heavy burden of the pope's decretales, of his excommunications, and his taxes and exactions, of which the very papists themselves have long complained, and yet find themselves therewith much aggrieved, but that they dare not complain. Friar 
d Petrus de Alliac. de reform. eccles.  Humbert affirmeth, that the exactions, excommunications, and constitutions of pope's, were the cause of the schisms of the eastern and western churches. Dicit quod causa dispositiva schismatis Graecorum inter alias una fuit propter gravamina Romanae ecclesiae in exactionibus, excommunicationibus & statutis, saith Peter de Alliaco, who doth show many particulars of these grievances. The Princes of Germany in a certain diet at Nuremberg 
e 100 gravan. Germ. in Fascic. rer. expet. & fugiend.  did complain, that the pope's did offer them A hundred grievances and wrongs not sufferable, which they declared by the particulars. And yet none of those concerned corruptions of doctrine. By her Majesty we became free from all the pope's pillages & exactions, from the injustice of his censures, from the bondage of his decretals, far more grievous than the ceremonial laws of Moses, whose yoke notwithstanding, as the 
a Act. 15.  apostle testifieth, was so heavy, that neither the people then, nor their fathers were able to bear it.  
Secondly, where in Queen Mary's time the people had the Scriptures taken from them in their mother tongue, and lived in great ignorance of matters of salvation, as seldom being instructed in matters of religion; not only the word of God began again to be publicly read in Churches, but also more sincerely expounded, then before: neither were any excluded from the knowledge of the same.  
Thirdly, the true administration of Christ's Sacraments, which by the abominable mass had been abolished, was restored, and God's people made partakers both of the Sacrament of his body, and of the cup also; and withal, the true doctrine of Sacraments was publicly delivered unto the people of God.  
Fourthly, God's true worship was again restored according to his most holy word, and the practice of the Catholic church of Christ; which before that had been most shamefully corrupted with popish traditions, and human inventions.  
Fiftly, the rod of the oppressor by her peaceable government was broken, and the fires quenched, that had burned so many innocents, and true martyrs; and the tortures removed, wherewith many honest men had been grievously afflicted; and peace was given to the church, so that all true Christians might without fear make profession of their faith, and publicly meet to celebrate the name of God. Those that were exiled returned, and such true Christians as kept themselves secret, did manifestly show themselves.  
Finally, she did not only restore true religion, and the right administration of Sacraments, and Gods true worship, but also abolished the manifold heresies and corruptions of popish doctrine. She shut the mouths of priests and friars preachers, not of peace nor sent from God, but sent by the pope and his adherents, to maintain heresy and faction, whose preaching notwithstanding as saith Stapleton, 
c In praefat. ante relict. princip. doctrine.  Is the foundation of 
b Viz. according to the pope● definition.  Christian religion. Is it not a brave religion, think you, that is built upon impious pope's, friar fraparts, and massing priests mouths? Quomodo Christus saith he, ciúsque doctrina, Christianae religionis fundamentum est; sic alij nunc à Christo missi, eorúmque doctrina, praedicatio, determinatio fundamenti apud me locum habebunt. And 
a Ibidem.  again, In hac docentis hominis authoritate, in qua Deum loquentem audimus, religionis nostrae cognoscendae fundamentum necessariò poni cernimus. Note, I pray you, how he saith most blasphemously, that God speaketh by the pope's mouth, and by the mouths of such friars and priests as he sendeth (for of them he speaketh) and how upon their preaching he buildeth his Romish religion. Well, this abusive foundation is now discovered, and we are taught to build, not on pope, nor on friars, nor on legends nor lies, nor uncertain traditions; but upon the word of God. Now also by her majesties authority, the most blasphemous and idolatrous sacrifice, and service of the mass, and the priests of Baal with their balaamitical friars are removed out of the church. The same is also purged of idols and idolatry, and men from worshipping of stocks and stones, and rotten rags and bones, and from adoration of angels and men departed this life, are brought to worship the true and everliving God. Finally where heretofore men were taught to seek remission of sins by masses, indulgences, iubileys, holy water, and other human devices; and believed, that if they had not remission here, they should at the least find it in purgatory: now these abuses were quite removed, and men taught, that Christ jesus without these ceremonies was the only way to heaven; and that Christians obtained remission of sins by faith in him; and that no works pleased God, but such as he commanded. This then is the first and principal blessing which by her majesties most happy government this land enjoyeth; a blessing I say far excelling all others, as far as spiritual and eternal happiness excelleth temporal commodities. And yet, as appeareth by the confession of strangers, that wondered at the happiness and tranquillity of this state in the troubles, and turmoils of all our neighbours round about us, God hath accumulated upon this people of England, by the means of her government, divers temporal blessings also.  
We are therefore secondly to consider, what temporal graces we have obtained by means of her happy attaining to the crown, and by her government, albeit I make no doubt, but that all these latter graces do flow from the first, as from a fountain. For God saith 
a 1. Sam. 2.  expressly, That he will honour those, that honour him: and experience teacheth us, that God blesseth those nations, which give harbour to his church, and with a true heart receive his word, and serve him duly according to the same. First then we may remember, that by her means we were delivered from the thraldom of the Spaniard, and the fear of foreign lords, into which dangerous state Queen Marie with her popery had brought this land. Now how great a blessing this is, we may easily understand, if we do but look either into the miserable bondage of our neighbours of the low Countries, or else of the Spaniards themselves. And better than these we could not hope for; but many reasons might move us to fear worse, of which we shall have occasion to speak hereafter. In the low Countries during the time of Charles the fift, it is 
b Hist. Belgic. Meterani. lib. 2.  reported and proved by record, That above fifty thousand were done to death about the cause of religion only: and yet then neither was there any inquisition established, nor did the Spaniard command so absolutely, as sithence he hath. Since that time all the privileges of the country have been broken, and such intolerable wrongs offered, and impositions and taxes laid upon them, that the most abundant country in Europe is now consumed, and brought to nothing. In Spain the people liveth in exceeding fear of the Inquisition, and payeth the tenth of all things bought and sold in the market, and beside that divers customs, and whatsoever burdens or impositions else the Princes can with any colour lay upon them. So that now notwithstanding the riches of the Indies, the people of Spain for the most part are brought to beggary.  
Secondly by the abolishing of the pope's usurped power, his extreme exactions ceased, and the public treasure of the kingdom, which by his means was wont to be exhausted, began to increase; at the least it was kept within the kingdom.  
Thirdly her Majesty restored peace unto us, which Queen Marie intricating herself in her husband's quarrel, did exchange for wars, and lost Calais, and all the remainder of her ancestors possessions in France. This peace, but that the papists have gone about by divers attempts at home and abroad to trouble it, hath now continued two and forty years and upward. So it appeareth what troubles, wants, wars, rebellions, losses, or disgraces have happened now this many years to this nation, or else are intended against us, that the same have wholly proceeded from the popish faction, and their abominable and cursed idolatry and superstition, as all blessings that have been bestowed upon us, have issued from the fountain of God's favour for the maintenance of his truth, by means of her majesties gracious government, and of her fathers and her brothers noble purposes and designments. Neither did her Majesty restore peace to us, only with foreign enemies, but restrain the cruel rage of popish butchers that murdered Gods saints at home, & made wars upon them. she, I say, restored peace, and gave rest to God's church.  
Lastly by means of her majesties government, the strength of this land is grown great. Never were there more valiant men of war, nor better men at sea, than now. Her Navy is exceedingly increased: her munitions and furniture for the war is exceeding. Never was there in England greater store of learned men, nor more cunning artificers in all trades. There is no country better peopled: nor was ever prince more reverenced, or beloved of her subjects.  
These blessings God hath bestowed on her people by means of her government. It hath pleased him also singularly to bless her both with spiritual, and temporal graces; and to make her reign far longer, then of most of her progenitors, & to multiply her days above ordinary. She hath also seen the miserable ends of most of her enemies, and of such traitors, as have sought her hurt; and long may she continue, and see the confusion of the rest, to the comfort of all her loving subjects, and grief of her wicked enemies. As for those, that have either by open force, or private practice sought to destroy her, they are all perished, and come to confusion: even so Lord let them all perish, and come to confusion, that hate thee, and thy truth, and the maintainers and professors thereof.  
At this happiness of the English nation, by the happy change of religion made by her Majesty at her first entrance into her kingdom, it is no marvel, if this our adversary, and his consorts be repine: for that is the nature of envy, to be sorry, if she see no cause of others sorrow: Vixque tenet lachrymas, as the Poet 
a ovid. Metamorph. 2.  saith, quia nil lachrymabile cernit. It is the property also of busy fellows to be quarreling, and accusing of others: they feed on accusations as dainty meat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as saith Pindarus. They look not into their own miseries and calamities, but curiously look into other countries, not unlike hungry Grammarians, that are descanting still of the calamities of Troy, and yet see not their own domestical miseries, that more nearly concern them. But it is true, as one saith, That he that is curious in other men's causes, is also malicious. Which appeareth true in this our adversary: for gladly would he, by ripping up our estate, make the world believe, that we have received no blessing, nor benefit by change of religion: but he demonstrateth nothing but his own folly, ignorance, and malice.  
He 
b P. 1.  beginneth with a long tale of flattery, and the harms ensuing thereof; and at his first setting out entereth into a common place, as it were into a common Inn, pleasing and resting himself, but tiring and harrying his reader with his peerless fooleries. For what skilleth it, I pray you, to know what a dangerous beast, a flatterer is? Again who denieth, but that flattery is an odious thing? But what is this to us? Can he show that sir Francis is a flatterer? no: nay he doth not so much as go about to prove any such matter: nor doth he apply his common place to his purpose, but leaveth it as a fragment borrowed out of some friar-like declamation, without any coherence to the rest of his long speak. Wherefore to help him forth where he faileth, we confess that flattery is a foul fault; and are content, that he should speak his pleasure against flatterers. For whatsoever he saith against them, falleth right upon him and his consorts, who albeit they rail starkely against honest men, yet are still clawing the pope and the king of Spain, and their adherents, showing themselves to be clawbacks, parasites, and flatterers. what the pope saith, that they say all; what he denieth, they deny. They are of near kindred to Gnatho, of whom 
c In eunucho. imperavi egomet mihi, omnia assentari.  Terence speaketh, That had no power to gainsay any thing, which his master said. so saith 
d In praes. in relect. princip doctrine.  Sapleton, That the pope's determination is the foundation of his religion. They are also like the parasite in Plautus, whose belly taught him to speak strange things: for these good fellows for their bellies sake speak, rail, hold their peace, writ, faun, flatter, and unto the pope's pleasure turn their style and their teaching. Mutato judicio ecclesiae, saith the 
a Epist. 2. ad Lo●emos.  Cardinal of Cusa, mutatum est & dei judicium. Now by the church he understandeth his holy father the pope, who as 
b De princip. doctrine. passim.  Stapleton holdeth, is the principal subject of Ecclesiastical authority. him a multitude of parasites doth most palpably flatter. Augustin Steuchus doth honour him as a God. audis saith 
c Contr. Donat. Constantini.  he, Pontificem deum appellatum, & habitum pro deo? Gomesius writing upon the rules of the pope's chancery, saith That the pope is a certain visible God. Papa, saith he, est quoddam numen, & quasi visibilem quendam deum prae se ferens. Stapleton like a shameless parasite doth 
d In Epist. dedicat. ante princip. doctrine.  worship him, as his sovereign God on the earth, Tanquam supremum in terris numen. john Andreas in c. quanto. de translat. episcopi. and Abbas Panormitanus in c. licet. de electione, say, That he and Christ have but one tribunal seat between them. 
e In breviloquio.  
e In praef. of't. lib. de pontiff. Rom.  Bonaventure calleth the pope The only spouse of the church, & Christ's vicar general. Robert Bellarmine, who now in reward of his flattery is made a cardinal flatterer, doth smoothly call 
f Ibidem.  the pope The corner stone of the church, & accounteth him 
g Lib. 2. de pont. c. 31.  not only A stone most precious, & approved, spoken of by the prophet, but also as the sun in The firmament, and the head and spouse 
h C. solitae. ext. de ma. & obed.  of the church. Others advance him above the moon: others say, he so far 
i Lib. 3. summae. c. 9  excelleth the emperor, as the sun in the firmament doth excel the moon. Simon Begnius in the Council of Laterane, doth call Leo the tenth, The Lion of the tribe of juda: and doubteth not to name him his saviour: Ecce, saith he, venit Leo de tribu juda, etc. te Leo beatissime salvatorem exspectavimus. Another in the Council of Trent saith, The pope was that light that came into the world, abusing the words of the scripture to flatter him: Papa lux, saith he, venit in mundum. Turrecremata 
k Lib. 2. sammae. c. 26.  doth call him King of kings, and prince of the church, and saith, He hath more perfection in him, than all the residue of the body of the church. To recite all their flatteries, were infinite: neither is it needful, seeing these are sufficient to declare them in this kind singular. Beside terms, they do fall down before him, and adore him, as an idol: they carry him about upon men's shoulders, and omit no kind of servile flattery. 
a In epist. of't. lib. de Caluinoturc.  Gifford calleth Philip the second king of Spain, The greatest monarch under the sun: to show himself to be one of the grossest flatterers under the moon. And this Noddy to show himself a noble parasite, upon whom the rigour of his whole invective against flatterers doth most fitly fall, 
b P. 90.  calleth the pope of Rome and king Philip the second of Spain, The greatest monarch of Christendom: of which two, the first is no lawful monarch, nor prince, but an usurping tyrant, and that of more malice, then might. The second, while he lived was a silly old man, neither in his dominions, nor in his actions deserving any extraordinary praise, nor being in any sort comparable to Christian princes, of whom we read in stories. So we see that all this common place of flattery, as it is far from the matter, so it fitteth this Noddy and his consorts very properly.  
Afterward drawing nearer to his purpose, he 
c Pag. 2.  telleth us in very tragical terms, That notwithstanding her majesties good intentions, there is none so simple that discovereth not, nor so evil affected, that ruth not the difficulties that grow, and are growing by alteration of religion. but his matters are so well handled, that his adversaries do easily discover his notorious impudency, and his friends do rue his simplicity, seeing him to take as granted, and boldly to affirm, That all men see and acknowledge the difficulties that arise out of alteration of religion; when none either seeth, or justly can affirm any such matter. This, if he were not a stranger, or rather an enemy to his country, he might know, that all honest and true hearted subjects, and not only true Christians do hold, and willingly acknowledge, that the reformation of religion wrought by her majesties means, is the principal fountain, from whence divers blessings have issued, and flowed out to the great benefit of many. Neither doth any ampl●●ie these pretended difficulties and dangers, and hold our case ruthful, but such rinegued English, and traitorous priests and fugitives, as himself and his consorts are, who repine and grudge at nothing more, than our well doing and prosperity; and whose traitorous practices, they being combined with foreign enemies of the state, are the only cause, from whence either any suspicion or fear can proceed. Beside this, if any calamity did proceed from this alteration of religion, then should her Majesty deserve most blame, by whose authority the same was wrought and procured: and so should this parasite, that would so willingly insinuate himself into her favour, spill all favour, by imputing to her all our pretended fears and calamities. To clear himself he saith, That this alteration did not proceed from her own inclination at the first. But while he would seem to excuse her, he doth grievously accuse her, as if she had done contrary to her own inclination, and had by chance, as it were, and without any knowledge or firm resolution entered this course. He doth also deprive her of the most principal part of all her glory, which rose especially upon her zeal in reforming religion. Further he telleth a most shameless untruth. for who knoweth not, that this reformation of religion did wholly proceed from her own most earnest zeal? did not she herself, when any difficulties were surmised upon this alteration, neglect them all? was she not always taken for a professor of God's truth? was not this the only cause of winchester's, and all the papists hatred and practices against her? finally, where he would gladly yield her Majesty some praise for her good inclination, he doth like a noddy dispraise her, and charge her to have wrought that, Which all true affected men may rue.  
But to pass over his folly, and undutiful behaviour towards his prince, to whom he oweth all honour and reverence, & yieldeth none; that which he talketh of our estate, which he imagineth to be miserable & ruthful, deserveth more consideration. For gladly would he work a dislike of the present government in men's minds; and principally he desireth men should believe, that all supposed dangers proceed from the alteration of religion at her majesties first coming to the crown. But for the first, the state of things themselves will answer. Laws are ordinarily executed, no man is wronged either in his person, or his lands, or his goods, but he may have remedy. Religion is truly preached & professed: and if any complain, it is because such malcontents, as mislike, & oppugn the government, are too much favoured. Against foreign enemies we want neither means nor courage to resist. And if nothing would move us to like the state present, yet the malice of traitors, and envy which they bear against it, may persuade us, that it is well founded and settled. For if it were otherwise, they would then as much rejoice, as now they sorrow.  
For the second we say, that howsoever we stand, true religion is neither the cause of trouble, nor of danger. For if that were so, then were all princes and states, that profess religion, in the same case. Again, then should all that enjoy popish religion enjoy peace also & prosperity: which experience teacheth us to be most untrue. For the Portugals albeit extraordinarily popish, yet are oppressed by the tyranny of the Spaniards, and the popish provinces of the low Countries live in great slavery. The French king Henry the third, notwithstanding his devotion to the pope, was in the end excommunicated, vexed with rebellions, & most shamefully murdered by a Dominican friar. Don Caesare d'este duke of Ferrara was not, I trow, of our religion; yet did the pope excommunicate him, and most wrongfully take his state from him. Lastly, if religion now professed were the immediate cause and original of any trouble like to ensue; then should not the papists have been the principal means to move wars, and rebellions against the state, nor the only practisers against her majesties person and safety, as we have found them to have been. Wherefore, if we will rightly esteem, we shall find, that as true religion is the cause of all those blessings we enjoy: so popery, and the faction that maintaineth it, is the cause of all practices against her Majesty and the state, and of all rebellions, and wars, and mischiefs intended against us. Again, as we were without danger, as long as God was truly worshipped, and idolatry repressed, and jesuits and priests, and their abettors diligently sought out, and punished according to laws, and all concurred resolutely to maintain true religion and the state: so since Recusants began of some to find favour; and mass-priests and jesuits have been suffered to practise without punishment, and idolatry is begun to be privily erected, and some men's minds grow cold in maintaining true religion, and the present government; it is no marvel, if some inconvenience be feared. But remove this, there is no cause, why any should either doubt, or fear. For the pope hath business enough to maintain his own state; & no means to work us trouble, but by English traitors. In times past he was Stupor mundi, the wonderment of the world; now he is Fabula mundi, that is, a matter for idle priests and friars to prate of, but not to be feared, unless we list. The Spaniard hath more reason to fear us, and our associates of the low Countries, that may be lords of the sea, if we please, and may take what part of the Indies we list; then we to fear him. Sure if his force had been such as is pretended, never would he have suffered such scorn, nor descended to such dishonourable courses, as he hath done. Both the pope and Spaniard depend upon the aid of English fugitives and malcontents. Draw from them this hope, then have you the end of these supposed fears, and a full answer to this traitors painted tales and fables.  
Thus you see this noddy hath neither reason, nor truth in his discourse. And yet that is not all the fault it hath. For it is also impertinent to the purpose. For what if there were some cause of fear, or doubt? doth it therefore follow, that we have received no benefits, nor blessings by her majesties most happy government, & the abolishment of idolatry, and restoring of true and catholic religion? If then there be no just cause of fear, and only certain pusillanimous companions, quake at the pope's thundering, and Spanish bragging, or else pretend to do it, because they look back to the flesh-pots of Egypt, and glory of Babylon; then are we to acknowledge God's favour, that hath not only given us many graces by her majesties means, but also means to maintain them, and to secure ourselves. And for such cowards as fear foreign enemies, we are to put them into the next rank to English traitors already conspired with the enemy,  
He telleth us further, That by alteration of religion in England; Scotland, Ireland, Flanders, and France, have tasted of many miseries, tumults, calamities, and desolations. He should have said of many blessings, and friendly favours. For kindnesses and favours, all our neighbours have received from us: but those calamities and desolations that he speaketh of, have proceeded from the pope's fury and malice, and from his adherents, persecuting quiet people for the profession of true Christian religion. But let us hear the rest of his wise tale.  
Beside battles, murders, destructions of countries, provinces, towns, cities, houses, and particular men, saith he, three Princes, two Queens, and one King, have been all brought to their bane, by this occasion. He saith further, That the noble houses and lineages of Hamiltons, Douglasses, stewards in Scotland, of Desmondes and other peers in Ireland, have been thereby ruinated: and finally, That in France and Flanders, there is no end of the account of those, that have been destroyed by this change of religion: as if we had procured all these battles, murders, destructions; or as if we, or our religion, were the occasion of the destruction of princes or kings; or as if the massacres of France, and those bloody executions, had been committed by us. What a shameless fellow is this to impute the cause of wars and troubles to us, that ever avoided wars as much as we could, and offered force to no man, nor ever stirred, but as defendants for safeguard of our lives? Are lambs the causes of the cruelty of wolves? or were Christians the authors of the bloody persecutions of heathen Emperors? all these big words therefore are nothing else, but arguments of the Noddies distracted mind, and furious hatred against truth, that exclaimeth and crieth out upon religion, and imputeth all calamities unto it, whereas in truth all the cause of this wrack and destruction both of states and private families, proceeded wholly from want of conscience, and hatred of true religion. For if we will look back, and search the histories of our times, we shall find, that all those tragical stirs, and hurly-burlies, that have brought not only millions of christians, but also a great part of Christendom to destruction, have taken their beginning from the implacable hatred of pope's and papists against Christian religion. Paul the third inflamed the wars against the princes of Germany, which consumed a great part of that country: himself sent thither great forces, both of horse and foot, fearing not a little, lest Charles the fift should make any composition with the Germans.  
In the low Countries the people lived in peace and obedience to their governors, until such time as the popish faction, fearing the ruin of their Babylon, began not only to make cruel edicts and decrees against the professors of true religion, but also by force of arms sought to establish both the Spanish inquisition, and an absolute tyranny.  

a Vita de Pio. quinto.  Pius the fift, when the kings of France and Spain grew weary of troubles, sent his messengers to negotiate with king Philip, and the Cardinal of Alexandria, to set forward the French king against his subjects. He sent also money and soldiers to aid the king, to destroy his subjects.  
In king Henry the eight days, Paul the third; in this queens days, Pius the fift, and Gregory the thirteenth, and other pope's 
a Sanders de Schism.  stirred up divers rebellions in England and Ireland against lawful princes.  
By the solicitation of the pope's agents, many thousands of innocent people were massacred in France, contrary to faith, and promise. These therefore are the murderers, and massacrers of God's saints: these are they which have occasioned the ruin of divers noble houses & personages. In England the earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland hearkening to the seditious motions of the pope ruined themselves, & their houses. By the same occasion the house of Desmond, and other houses in Ireland were overthrown. Why the ruin of these houses and men should be imputed to religion, there is not any colour. In Scotland the houses and lineages of the Hamiltons, Douglasses, and stewards do yet stand, and if any of these houses have run headlong into their own destruction, it is no fault of ours.  
The Queen Dovager of Scotland, that was sister to the Duke of Guise died of sickness. How the last Queen came to her end, I report me to public acts and histories. Her husband was not slain by men of our side, but of theirs: not for matter of religion, but for other causes. Our adversary therefore dealeth absurdly and like himself, that imputeth the faults of Popish religion, that teacheth murder of christians, deposing of princes, subversion of states and kingdoms, and all manner of perfidious and cruel dealing, to us. But suppose some error had been committed in France, and the low countries, why is the same mentioned here, where we dispute about matters in England? can he not content himself to utter untruths, but he must also speak impertinently, and so far from the purpose?  
To amend the matter, he divideth all blessings into spiritual and temporal, and denieth that by change of religion we have received either the one, or the other. For before this alteration, saith he, one God was adored not only in England, but also throughout all Christendom, and after one manner. He saith further, That there was one faith, one belief, one form of service, one number of sacraments, one tongue in celebration, one sacrifice, one head of the church, one obedience, one judgement, in time past; and that now all is altered, the people of England being divided not only from the rest of catholics, but also from Lutherans, Zwinglians, Caluinists abroad, and among themselves at home. But dealing with an adversary, and in matter so controversious, if he had been wise, he would have brought either better proofs, or more modesty. To lie notoriously, must needs work discredit to his cause. First most untrue it is, that before this alteration one God was worshipped throughout all Christendom, and after one manner. For to speak truly, the most part of those, that called themselves Christians, lived without all knowledge of God, or of Christ jesus, having nothing of Christianity, but the very name, and the outward Sacrament of Baptism. The rest, some few only excepted, whom God enlightened with more knowledge, for God, worshipped angels, and saints, and the blessed virgin. Nay they worshipped crosses, and crucifixes with divine worship, and fell down before stocks and stones, and rotten relics; some worshipped the pope as God, and by him hoped to have plenary indulgence of their sins. Their manner of worship was so divers, that every parish almost had their peculiar saints, services, festival days and ceremonies.  
Secondly ridiculously he doth distinguish faith from belief, and most untruly surmiseth, That there was in time passed but one faith and belief, and that every Christian held that faith. For in some ages before Luther's time the common people knew not what to believe, nor understood any one article of the faith. And as for the doctors of schools, they differed in infinite points one from another, and all of them from the Greek churches, but especially from the true faith of Christendom taught by Christ and his apostles.  
Thirdly it is a palpable untruth, to say, That before this alteration there was one form of service, one number of Sacraments, one tongue, one sacrifice, one head of the church throughout all Christendom: wherein so many vain untruths are contained, that it is not possible to utter them readily with one tongue. For not only the Greek liturgy doth much differ from the Latin, but also the Latin liturgies do much differ from themselves, and were so full of abuses, that the Council of Trent abolishing a number of old missals and portuises, was constrained to make new, and yet all nought, being nothing like the liturgies of the apostolic church described by justin martyr, Dionyse of Athens, and divers other fathers. For those of S. james, S. Basill and Chrysostome are plainly counterfeited.  
The number of 7. sacraments was not certainly established nor received before the late council of Trent. In the 
a C. firmiter. de sum. trin. & side cath.  Council of Lateran under pope Innocent there is mention made only of two Sacraments, which we retain. In no ancient father, that treateth of Sacraments can this number of seven be found. The apostles delivered us but only two Sacraments, that is of Baptism and the Lords supper.  
In ancient time it was never thought unlawful to celebrate divine service in any tongue understood of the people. The Greeks' even to this day retain the Greek tongue. The 
b 1. Cor. 14.  apostle doth directly condemn tongues used in divine prayers or praises, if they be not understood of the people.  
The popish sacrifice of the mass, and all that abomination was not known of the ancient fathers, nor instituted by Christ. Then all Christians did communicate, and receive both kinds, and were otherwise taught, then now they are. The Greek churches also much differ from the church of Rome: and divers forms of sacrifices have been used in this church, until of late the Council of Trent went about to establish an uniformity, or rather difformity of religion.  
Finally as the pope's headship is now denied of the eastern churches, and so was for many ages; so was the ancient church utterly ignorant of the matter. If this Noddy will persist in his error, and maintain the contrary; let him show, if he can, that in ancient time the bishops of Rome made laws to bind the whole church, and were supreme judges, and not judged of others, and made bishops throughout the world, and had that authority to dispense, and pardon which now the pope craveth.  
Fourthly where he saith, We are divided not only from the general body of catholics in Christendom, but also from ourselves: he telleth us his own dreams and fancies fleeting in his idle brain without any ground of truth. First it shall not be proved, that we have divided ourselves from the catholic church, or any catholic society. Nay we offer to prove, that the papists have by their novelties and heresies divided themselves from the catholic church; and say, that therefore we have left them, that we may return to the ancient apostolic and catholic church, and catholic faith of Christ. Secondly the churches of Zuizzerland, Germany, France and England do neither hold of Zuinglius, Caluin, nor Luther, nor pope of Rome, as do the blind papists, but of Christ jesus, and of the apostles, and prophets. Neither do they disagree among themselves. Nay the contention between Caluin and Luther is not so great, but that popish doctors have greater. As for ourselves, all of us profess the doctrine of Christ jesus according to that rule, that was established by common consent of the church of England: from which if any digress, he is no more to be accounted of our society then the papists, that are of the pope's retinue.  
Lastly where he calleth our religion, Parliament religion, he speaketh like himself, that is, falsely and slanderously. For albeit the same be received by authority of the prince and state, yet is it Christ's religion, and not the princes.  
The 
a L●unctos. Cod. de sum. Trin. & sid. Cath.  emperors Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodosius, decreed, That all people of their government should hold the doctrine of Peter the apostle, taught by Damasus bishop of Rome, and Peter bishop of Alexandria, and that they should believe one God, & three persons: and yet, I hope this Noddy will not call the faith of the Trinity, An imperial faith. And thus much in answer of his objection of parliament faith, and of supposed divisions amongst us. But if he had considered, how that all the authority of their Romish faith, as it differeth from ours, standeth upon the authority of late pope's, and of the late conventicle of Trent, and that both the grounds and positions of it, are either novelties, or old condemned heresies, and was in Queen Mary's times established more by parliament, then by authority of the apostles, and how many and divers sects they have among their monks and friars, and 
b About the matter of the sacrament of the Lords supper they have not so few, as 200. divers opinions.  divers opinions among their schoolmen, and how their late writers descent both from fathers, and schoolmen, and among themselves; I think he would have spared either to have objected unto us our dissensions, or to have talked of the authority of our religion.  
To discredit the report of spiritual blessings bestowed on us, he 
a P. 5.6.  saith further, That before this change, we believed the catholic faith of Christendom delivered by the universal church, & grounded upon that rock, that cannot fail, & now believe only either other men's opinions, or our own fancies, which choice is properly called heresy: and here he thinketh to have argued like a great doctor. But first as his doctrine is strange, so his style is new and fantastical. For although he sweat hard in seeking, yet shall he not find, that any one doctor saith, That the universal church doth deliver to every private man the catholic faith: for as schoolmen might teach him, Actiones sunt suppositorum: and it is not the whole kind, but some one, or other that doth this, or that action. Secondly most untrue it is, That either popery is the catholic faith of Christendom, or that the apostles, or their catholic successors taught those errors of popery, which we condemn.  
Thirdly he doth us wrong where he saith, That our doctrine is divers from the catholic faith of Christendom. For whatsoever Christ or his apostles taught, or is delivered in the confessions of faith or creeds generally received of Christ's Catholic church, that we believe and receive, refusing no point of catholic doctrine: and all private fancies, opinions, & heresies, whether of pope's, or other heretics, and false teachers, we renounce, condemn, and anathematize.  
Hereof it followeth, that the doctrine and faith of the church of England is most catholic and certain, being grounded upon the apostles, and prophets, Christ jesus being the corner stone; which is a firm rock against which the gates of hell cannot prevail. Grounded it is, I say, upon the writings of the apostles and prophets, indited by God's holy spirit, and thereunto not only Counsels and fathers, but also the adversaries themselves, for the most part, give testimony. But the blind papists have devised and received both new grounds, of their religion, and new doctrine, which standeth only upon the authority of this pope, and that pope, whose fancy and opinion is all the certainty they have. This is that rock, or rather bank of sand, whereon the miserable papists faith is built. For what the pope determineth, that they hold to be the determination of the universal church. upon his credit they receive the scriptures. Nay without his determination 
a Stapletonde author eccles.  they deny the scriptures to be authentical. 
b Princip. doct. lib. 9 c. 12.  Stapleton teacheth, that the church (that is, the pope) at all times hath power to approve and tax and consign the books of holy scriptures. In another place he 
c Ibidem lib. 11. c. 4.  holdeth, that universal tradition is the most certain interpreter of scriptures. Generally they hold, that the pope is supreme judge in all controversies of faith and manners, and that he is the judge that cannot err. Hereof that followeth, which this noddy objecteth to us, That the faith of papists is built upon the pope's fancy and opinion; which altering from time to time, the faith of the Romish church, is variable like the moon, and unstable as the sea. Trusting to the pope's determination from the Angelickes, they have received the worship of angels; from the Collyridians, the worship of the holy virgin Marie; from the Carpocratians, and Simon Magus, and their disciples, the worship of images; from the Manichées and other heretics, prohibition of meats, and dislike of marriage of priests; and from other heretics, other damnable opinions. So that their faith is not the catholic faith of Christendom, but mere heresy grounded upon the fancy and opinion of most wicked and unlearned pope's.  
But 
d P. 6.  saith this Noddy, Why should you believe more your own opinions, than Caluin concerning the Queen's supremacy, Luther concerning the real presence, and Beza in the church government? I answer first, that these men's private opinions concern not fundamental points of faith. And therefore that they are not to be brought forth for instance in this cause, where we talk of the foundations, & reasons of Christian faith. Secondly I deny that Caluin did deny the queens supremacy in ecclesiastical matters, as we hold it. For neither did he subject princes to pope's or priests in matter of their royal government, nor did he deny prince's power to establish ecclesiastical laws, nor to command for God's truth, or to provide for the setting forth of true religion, or redressing of disorders in churches or priests; which are the principal points of supreme government of princes in their realms and dominions. Neither do I think, that any ancient father of the church did ever deny this power to princes. Sure I am, that many have allowed it. The reason why Caluin did once mislike the title of king Henry the eight, was because he was persuaded, that he had challenged all that power, which the pope arrogateth to himself, as head of the church: wherein after that he was better informed, he changed his style, and retracted his opinion. Thirdly I say we suspend our opinion, and give no approbation to Luther's opinion concerning the carnal presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, for that we see that doctrine to be new, & not taught by the apostolic church. Nay we find it to be repugnant to the apostles doctrine delivered in Scriptures, to the doctrine of the ancient catholic church, and to the analogy of faith. Lastly I say, that in external government it is not necessary, that all churches should concur and agree, seeing not only the east churches differed from the west, but the western churches also from themselves. The churches of Africa had divers customs differing from the churches of Italy, & 
a I ibid. sa 〈◊〉.  Ambrose in his church at Milan thought it not necessary in all things to follow the church of Rome. Further I say, that it is not to be doubted, but that it is better in matter of external government, to follow the consent of antiquity, and succeeding ages, rather than any man's private humour and opinion: and therefore I doubt not, but our cause is better, and our ground more certain, which in searching out the doctrine of Christian faith, do build ourselves upon Christ and his apostles, and upon holy Scriptures, approved by consent of times, descent of holy fathers & bishops, testimony of the most ancient church, which all appeareth in ancient symbols of faith, then that of the papists, which in doubts and controversies run to this pope, or that pope, which for the most part is but a block or a sot, and a man ignorant, not only in the controversies, but often in the grounds, & principles of Christian religion. Now what assurance the papists can have of their faith, that have no ground, but in the determination of the pope, I report me even to the papists themselves, that condemn private opinions, and singular men's fancies, and in external terms yield all, not to this man, or that man, but to the judgement of Christ his universal church.  
Another spiritual blessing, 
a P. 6. and 7.  saith our adversary is, when good works follow faith, as meekness, penance, mortification of the flesh, continency, virginity, fasting, praying, alms, voluntary poverty, renouncing of the world. And that men's savage natures should be altered by Christ's doctrine, he proveth out of Isay the 11. where it is said, That the wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the Pard lie with the goat. And the calf, lion, and sheep abide together. Lastly he asketh Whether our doctrine hath wrought these effects of peace and meekness, of penance, and mortification, and the rest. I answer, that the doctrine of the Gospel hath wrought good effects in all true Christians. And that all such do good works and live according to their profession. And albeit every one do not so square their lives according to God's law, as they should do, yet compare our people with the papists, nay with the priests and pope's themselves, whom they call most holy; and I make no question, but they do far excel them. In Queen Mary's time this land flowed with blood of innocents. Upon her majesties entrance these cruel executions ceased. Such was her clemency, that she would not shed the blood of those wolves, that had shed the most innocent blood of many others. Nay albeit during the time of her sister's reign she had received many wrongs, yet did she forget al. So rare was her clemency, that even strangers commend it. Tanta eius animi extitit moderatio, saith 
b Histor. G●nuens. lib. 23.  Peter Bizarus, atque invata clementia, ut non immeritò de illa dici possit, quod veteres de Severo Alexandro Mammea matre genito posteris tradidere; nempe anaematon, hoc est, citra sanguinem gessisse imperium, cum suapte natura semper à caedibus & crudelitate abhorrens nunquam adduci potuerit, ut aliquem nisi publico judicio damnatum, ad supplicium rapi pateretur. Her people likewise did follow her steps, and never sought the blood of papists, though the world knoweth, they seek ours. In France and Flanders our side never took arms, but in defence of their lives against those, that sought to murder them. In our victories likewise great clemency hath been used. The king of Navarre now king of France was ever admired for his great clemency. The English entering perforce into Calais, and other places showed great moderation in their victory. In divers places where religion is professed, adultery is punished with death, fornication with corporal punishments, other unnatural filthiness is not named. No where are stews accounted lawful. Neither do we account any man a true professor, that doth not moderate his affections, and abstain from swearing, drunkenness, pride; and deal mercifully with the poor, and conscionably with all. If any man do otherwise, he may live among us, but he is not of us.  
But the whorish synagogue of Rome she is red with the blood of saints. No tiger was ever more fierce or cruel. This far surpasseth the bloody city, whereof the prophet 
a Nahum. 3.  speaketh. the governors of this synagogue like wolves have devoured the lambs of Christ, and not spared his flock. they imprison the true professors, they spoil them, torment them, and kill them. Innocent the third caused many thousands to be slain in France. john the two and twentieth did 
b Io. Villain. hist. fiorent. 11.  persecute the poor Christians of Armenia, and hired the Saracens to war upon them, and all, because they would not acknowledge his authority. Martin the fift and his successors with fire and sword sought to ruinated the Bohemians, only for seeking reformation of abuses, and redress for the cruel execution of john Husse murdered at Constance, contrary to the emperor's safe conduct. To forbear to speak of former times, the world knoweth, that the wars of Germany against the protestants, as they are called, were stirred up by Paul the third and prosecuted with great rigour. By the instigation of bloody priests of the Romish synagogue the innocent christians of Cabriers, Merindole and the villages near adjoining were most cruelly slain without respect of age, sex, or quality. These be the wolves, that in the time of Queen Mary made such havoc of Christ's flock in England: that have caused millions of christians in France, Flanders, and other places to be slaughtered. 
Lib. hist. 24.  Natalis a popish writer saith that threescore thousand were murdered in the massacre of France anno 1572. Cum amirante saith he, Lutetiae Parisiorum, & in omnibus propè Gallicis civitatibus caesa fuisse dicuntur plura sexaginta millibus hominum factionis Vgonoticae, novae religionis. And therefore he doubteth not to call this execution Cruel and bitter. The numbers of those that have been secretly murdered by the bloody Inquisitors in Rome, Italy, Spain, is exceeding great, the cruelty of the persecutors strange, the patience of saints admirable. Neither do they only practise cruelty against such, as they account heretics, but also against men of their own religion. 
a Theodor. à Niem. de schism. lib. 6. c. 36. & Plantina.  Innocent the seventh caused the principal Romans' to be murdered, that seemed studious to defend their liberty. Urban the sixth tormented and killed divers of his own Cardinals. 
b Platina.  john the 22. drew off the skin of the bishop of Cahors being alive. 
c Idem.  Paul the second by divers torments vexed divers learned and good men for small causes. Alexander the sixth For every light word against him put men to death, as saith 
d In Alexandro. 6.  Onuphrius. His base son Caesar Borgia passed all tyrants of former ages in cruelty. 
e De ass.  Budaeus called julius the second for his cruelty, Sanguinarium cleri magistrum. Leo the tenth, among whose praises aposted flatterers accounted clemency the chief, committed many cruel executions. The cruel murders of Paul the third, and succeeding pope's are innumerable. Bartholomew de las casas in his relation to king Philip the second concerning the state of the Indies, calleth the Spaniards Tigers, lupos & leones crudelisimos, & showeth that through their extreme cruelty the people of Hispaniola from three millions were reduced to 300. Omne ius, saith 
f In prologo.  he, ludibrio habentes effusi humani sanguinis stillantibus rivis delectantur.  
Neither have the papists more cause to brag of their virginity and chastity, then of their gentle conditions and clemency. Their priests forswear marriage, but few observe the laws of chastity. Sacerdotes fornicationibus coinquinantur, 
g C. 23.  saith he that wrote Onus ecclesiae, curati sordescunt in concubinatu. 
h Lect. 182. in lib. sap.  William Holcot therefore calleth them Priapus his priests & priests of Dagon. Petrus de Alliaco confesseth in his treatise of reformation, That the whole order of the popish clergy is corrupted with luxuriousness and other vices, to the great scandal of the people. Long it were to recount all their abominations, not only now publicly known, but also whilom testified to the world by Picus Mirandula, Baptista of Mantua, Palingenius & divers others. Boccace testifieth, that in the most holy city of Rome 
i Novel. 2.  From the greatest to the least, they offended in luxuriousness, and that not only natural, but also against nature: which testimony for very shame they have of late corrupted, and razed. The pope's that should be examples of holiness, being termed Holy fathers, are more defiled than the rest of that synagogue with all carnal beastliness. Themselves in their stories do not dissemble the filthy lives of john the 12. Clement the 5. john the 22. and 23. Sixtus the fourth, Alexander the sixth, julius the second and third, Leo the tenth, Paul the third, and divers others. Neither is it to be doubted, but that the rest were like to these. john the eight being a woman played the whore in the papacy, to declare, that the synagogue of Rome is the whore of Babylon.  
The monasteries of women are little better than common stews. 
a C. 2●.  Veneris prostibulo, saith the author of Onus ecclesiae, sunt similiora, quàm dei sacrario. Virginum septa in meretricios fornices & obscaena latibula conversa sunt, as saith Picus 
b In orat. ad L●on. 10.  Mirandula. Palingenius of monks saith, 
c In leone.  they are Raptores, moechi, puerorum corruptores. Petrus de 
d De reformat. eccles.  Alliaco complaineth of their beastly manners. And this experience teacheth to be most true. Publicly in Rome, and other cities of the pope's communion, there are public bordels. Yea and popish priests as saith 
e De arte lenon  Agrippa, are wont to set out three or four women to hire, for increase of their revenues.  
Is it not marvel then, that these fellows are not ashamed to talk of mortification of the flesh, penance and continency, when they wallow in such filthiness, and commit such abominations, as with modesty may not be named?  
The papists also pray, and do almesdéeds: but sure they have no reason to proclaim them. For under colour of their prayers, the monks and friars devour the houses of widows and orphans. Nay simple people pray they know not what, and call upon mortal men, that cannot help; and before stocks and stones, that cannot hear. Besides that, their almesdéedes being bestowed upon monks and friars, that live in all licentiousness and voluptuousness, and are now become the only practisers either to overthrow princes and their states, or else to bring them in slavery of Antichrist, are worthy no reward.  
Neither do papists either keep better houses, or take less fines, or use less swearing & forswearing, than other men. For with us most of them break up houses, and bind their tenants to as great inconveniences, as any men. Now of their oaths to their princes and others, they cannot make any great reckoning, when they are taught, that oaths to princes bind no longer, than it pleaseth the pope; and in so many places have rebelled against their lawful magistrates.  
The Noddy he braggeth also of marrying poor men's daughters. But yet is not able to tell of so many married, as dishonested by popish priests, and papists. Now if he please to name the one, he shall hear the names of the other.  
Most absurdly also doth he take on him to talk of penance, mortification of the flesh and fasting, when popish penance is nothing, but external punishment consisting for the most part in lashing of the body, and other works either veluntarilie performed, or by the priest enjoined. Neither is their mortification of the flesh any thing, but hard lying, going, as they call it, woolward, wearing haircloth, and such like afflictions of the body. Fasting likewise with them is nothing but eating of fish. But such penance, such mortification, such fasting is no where enjoined. Besides that, Christ no where commandeth any to forswear marriage, or to keep themselves virgins, but such as have the gift thereof. Neither doth he command any to give away his goods, and creep into a monastery. Nor may we think, that they renounce the world, or embrace poverty, that as the jesuits, and other friars do live in goodly palaces, and have all things which they wanted before in great abundance. If this were the way to heaven, the way thither were very plain and large, and most pleasant and easy.  
Wherefore if we may judge those to be blessed of God, that live according to true religion; and those unhappy, whose actions are fierce and cruel, whose lives are filthy and abominable, and far disagreeing from the truth of Christian piety: then we have reason to lament the damnable estate of papists; and to rejoice, that God hath given us better grace, then to follow them in their filthiness, savage cruelties, and notorious impieties. Our adversary saith He hath touched before the bloody tragedies raised in France, Flanders, Scotland, and might add Swizzerland and Germany, where above a hundred thousand were slain in one year, in the rebellion of the countrymen against the lords about religion. But the more he toucheth these matters, the more shame he shall bring upon himself, and the synagogue of Rome. For not any of our communion, but the cruel pope's of Rome and their agentes have caused these tragedies. They stirred up the French King & Spaniard to make wars upon their quiet subjects, that desired nothing but peace. Nay when a solemn peace was concluded, they made that a trap to catch a number of noble men, and others, to murder them. True christians have still suffered: and yet this savage companion imputeth unto them the tragical murders committed by papists. In Scotland the people never stirred before their lives were sought: the insurrection of the rustical people in Germany was for 
a Sleidan.  grievances offered them by their Lords, and not properly for religion. They were not of our religion but rose against lords as well of our religion, as papists; and by our side were both by word, and force suppressed. But the wars in Bohemia, and Germany, and Swizzerland, were indeed raised by the pope's and their agents, and all the world seeth that all their study is to raise wars and tumults, & to trouble all Christendom. And yet Christian princes will not see; neither will Christian people beware of such unchristian courses. As for the people of England, they are to show themselves thankful, not only for the restoring of true religion, but also for the fruit, that hath thereof ensued in all true religious Christians.  
After his talk of spiritual blessings, he passeth to speak of temporal benefits, and saith, that If her Majesty, as she entered by general consent, and was promoted by the forces of papists especially, and showed herself in all points of religion and behaviour a papist, and was crowned at a mass, so had continued, then had she and her realm been most happy, and first should have had a most flourishing kingdom united both to her, and among themselves in religion, judgement, affection, fidelity and friendship. But his tale consisteth of divers foul leasings, and his conjecture is vain and improbable. For albeit she entered with consent of all good men, yet it grieved the papists exceedingly, insomuch that she could not get any one popish prelate to execute the ceremony of consecration but only one, and he one of the meanest. The rest like traitors refused. Secondly it is false, that she was promoted by force of papists. For what needed force, if all were willing she should be crowned? and if the papists were unwilling, it is not likely, they would use force, unless it was to force their own wills.  
Thirdly it is most false, that she showed herself in all points of religion and behaviour both in her sister's days, and at her coronation a papist. For if she had so done, why should the popish prelates fear any alteration, seeing she gave no sign of any, as this babbling companion prateth? And why should they refuse to sacre her, if she meant to observe all popish ceremonies, unless they doubted of her title? Lastly it is most false, that she was crowned at a mass. For she declared plainly, she would no mass, which was a great occasion, why the popish bishops refused to consecrate her.  
But were this true, yet his conjecture of happiness, that would have ensued of continuance of the mass, is most vain and foolish. For albeit the French kings Francis the second, Charles the ninth, and Henry the third continued the mass, and all popish ceremonies; yet neither did the kingdom of France flourish in their times, nor were their subjects either united to their princes, or at unity among themselves. Likewise they of the Low countries have long continued in great troubles and dissensions, and been forced to defend their lives and liberties against the violence both of the king of Spain himself, and of his agentes; albeit the king always seemed a sworn servant and vassal of the pope of Rome, and a firm papist. The Portugals also neither greatly affect the Spanish king, nor do well sort with the Castilians, or those that favour them, and have now lost their ancient glory and liberty, albeit their princes have still continued vassals to the pope. Why then, notwithstanding the continuance of popish religion, might not dissension as well have happened in England betwixt the prince and people, and among the people themselves? do we think, that our nation could still have endured the unsatiable cruelty of popish prelate's? or is it likely, that a free people could have endured the slavish yoke of the pope of Rome?  
But be it, that our countrymen could have swallowed all; yet must we understand, that the pope of Rome would never have suffered her Majesty to reign, whom both Clement the seventh had declared illegitimate, & 
a Sanders de schism.  Paul the third pronounced uncapable of the crown. This conjecture therefore of a flourishing kingdom, in case popery had continued, is nothing, but a vain flourish of a foolish discourser. And so much the rather may we think so, because no kingdom can flourish without true religion: nor can they long agree among themselves, that have no atonement with God, nor consent in true faith.  
Secondly he imagineth, that great security would have ensued of the continuance of popish religion. For saith he, Then none of these fears and terrors of invasions, conquests, treasons and conspiracies had ever come in consideration. But he much mistaketh the knight's meaning, if he do suppose, that he either feareth the force of foreign enemies, or the secret practices of traitors. For he feareth them not, but exhorteth his countrymen to prepare themselves to repulse the foreign enemy, that is so busy, and to watch, that they be not entrapped by secret practices of pretended friends. True it is, that the rinegued and Hispaniolized English do by all means seek to draw foreign enemies into the country, and to practise mischief at home; but he is very blind, that seeth not, that we are as well able to resist such attempts, as ever our ancestors were, and he is a bastardly and dastardly Englishman, that feareth to encounter the Spaniard in so good a cause, or is afraid of the Spanish brags. In the mean while it is worth the marking, that this Noddy doth signify that either by force, or practise the papists mean to have their will. And yet some men there be, that will not see their malice, and think it needless to take any course to resist, and encounter their practices.  
But suppose popery had here continued, how could this Noddy have given us warrant, that we should have been neither oppugned by enemies abroad, nor by traitors at home? was not Henry the third of France excommunicated by the pope, oppugned by his subjects, & murdered by a Dominican friar, notwithstanding his zeal in popery and all his service done to the pope? Did not the Spaniard invade Portugal, albeit the people were all of one religion? Nay he that casteth away gods true service, can neither be secured abroad, nor at home. Nor may we think that the pope would have liked her Majesty with any condition, unless she would have received her crown from him: which is a matter most dishonourable to imagine, and abominable to utter.  

a P. 8.  Thirdly he telleth us that if her Majesty had embraced popery, She had been by all likelihood married, & mother of many fair, and prince like children. As though if she had pleased, she might not as well have married, continuing in true religion, as in any other religion: or as if none could have fair and princely children, but women of their faction. He imagineth, that difference of religion hath hindered her marriage, but if he were as well acquainted with matters of state as he doth pretend, he might have known, that divers great princes of a divers religion have sought her, yea that the great monarch, whom he so highly extolleth would gladly have matched with her, and promised to procure a dispensation to that purpose. Neither was religion any hindrance to the marriage of the present French kings sister. But suppose no papistical prince would have married with her; yet might she have matched with kings and princes of true catholic religion, if so she had thought convenient. Again, suppose she had married, was not Queen Marie also married? yet was she not mother of many fair and princely children. And the three last French kings died all not only without fair children, but also without issue. This is then a mere toy and vain fancy, to talk of children before marriage, seeing God doth often deny this blessing to divers married folks, and often taketh away children, that are otherwise likely to live.  
Fourthly he supposeth, if her Majesty had been pleased to have upholden the mass, and to continue popish religion, and married, that then the succession of the crown should have been established in her issue. But he should have remembered that God saith by his 
b 1. Sam. 2.  prophet, that he will honour them, that honour him, and despise them, that despise him. As for idolaters, and maintainers of strange religions, they shall not prosper. Beside this, who knoweth not, that the fruit of the womb is the blessing of the Lord: and that god doth often dispose of kingdoms according to his divine will, and pleasure? Finally the pope that taketh on him to be Christ's vicegerent would have had a great stroke in this matter, especially if she had acknowledged his usurped authority. Neither is it likely he would have allowed her, and her issue, whom divers of his ancestors by their definitive sentences had both shamefully dishonoured, and injuriously disabled. And to bring so great a prince to submit herself to so base a slave, and of him to receive her right to the crown, were a matter dishonourable to her Majesty and intolerable to the state, and a friar-like fancy not to be imagined of any, but of Parsons the jesuite, and such like traitorous rinegued fugitives.  
But let us suppose, that her Majesty should leave no issue behind her, is she the first, that hath been in that case? and is there no remedy either by laws already provided, or by wise men to be devised, but that we must needs fall by the ears together about this matter? This is the supposition of the noddy our adversary: and this garboil percase he desireth, to gratify the Infanta, and the Spaniard, whose slave he is: but our trust is in God, and in the resolution of honest men, that I hope, will provide for the safety of the state, and look to prevent the malice of those, that are so desirous of our trouble.  
Fiftly he telleth us of the pope's excommunication denounced against her Majesty, and maketh a great matter of it. And saith, That if religion had not been changed, we should have had no breach with Rome, nor needed to have feared this terrible thunderbolt of excommunication. But what more absurd, then to object the breach with Rome, and the pope's excommunication, when we esteem that to be one of the greatest blessings that ever happened to this land, being thereby freed from the slavery of Antichrist, and the darkness of Egypt, and do no more fear the pope's thunderbolt of excommunication, than a flash of light out of a lantern. We know what the pope is, and how little power he hath to excommunicate any Christian, being himself excommunicate, and unworthy the name of a bishop. But to let pass all this which the Noddy our adversary passeth by, and shall never prove; I say, that princes that continue in popish religion, have notwithstanding felt the sharpness or bluntness of the pope's bolts, I would say bulls, and continued long in the pope's displeasure. The ancient German emperors Henry the fourth and fift, & the two Fridericks & divers other that succeeded them, knew no religion, but that which the pope taught, which no doubt was a goodly religion; & yet he thundered out his excommunications against them, & persecuted divers of them to the death, yea and after death. Betwixt Lewis the 12. of France, which for his bounty was called The father of his country, and julius the second, there happened a great breach, and out came excommunications against him, and against his followers; albeit about matters of religion there was no different betwixt them. No man was more superstitious in popish religion than Henry the third of France; yet was he slain by a Dominican, and excommunicated by the pope. The same may be confirmed by the late excommunication of D. Caesare da Este duke of Ferrara, and infinite examples. Suppose then the queens Majesty could have liked of the sect of Antichrist, and his abominable religion; yet would he have disliked and looked to have had some finger in disposing of the crown: so that all these supposals rest upon weak grounds, which by no reason can well stand.  
Sixtly he saith, That if this breach with Rome had not happened, than England had continued in her old ancient amity with Spain and Burgundy. As if it were not more hurtful to the Spaniard to break with us, then for us to break with the Spaniard. Surely if her Majesty would have taken her advantage either in the Low Countries, or in the Indies, and if the pensioners of Spain had not been more happy in breaking all enterprises against king Philip, than men of service encouraged to attempt them; he should well have perceived this to be true long ere this. And therefore among divers instructions, which the emperor Charles the fift left his son, this was one principal; That by no means he should break with England. But admit this were a matter dangerous, to fall out with Spain, how could we have avoided it by continuing in popish religion, seeing the Portugals, that are perfect papists could not by any mediation keep their country from his usurpation and tyranny? Nay pope Paulus the fourth claiming somewhat, that the Spaniard was unwilling to yield, could by no terror of excommunication hinder 
a Historia Adriani.  king Philip's army, but it entered upon the pope's country, and prosecuted his holiness with great rigour. So likewise in juliers and Italy the Spaniard hath iniambed upon others right, notwithstanding consent in Religion.  
Further he doubteth not to affirm, That the wars and tumults in kingdoms round about us have principally proceeded from alteration of religion in England. Which is but a ridiculous conceit, and a vain imagination. For when as yet England continued in popish superstition, the pope and his agents stirred up Charles the fift to persecute the princes of Germany, & Francis the first his officers to murder the poor inhabitants of Cabriers and Merindol. And when her Majesty came to the crown, all the world knoweth, that her study was rather peace than war, as her agents can yet testify, that often moved both the Spaniard to cease his wars in the Low Countries, and the French to desist to persecute his subjects, that except in matters of their conscience promised all obedience. Beside that it is a fond imaginaton to think, that her Majesty or her agents had that credit in other countries, that she could make them take arms at her pleasure. No, no, the world is witness, that it is the pope, that is the firebrand of the wars throughout all Christendom. He stirred up Charles the fift against the Germans, as appeareth both by his letters, and negotiation with him, and by the aid he sent to him against them. He inflamed the wars in France, and never would let matters settle, as appeareth by the negotiation of his legates, and by infinite testimonies. When as yet her Majesty did not so much, as proceed against any papist for religion; then did Pius the fift that furious friar publish his shameless and railing bull against her, and sent Nicholas Morton to persuade the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland, and their followers to rebel against her. And so he declareth himself to be Antichrist, that shall cause all to be slain that will not admit his religion, and that is figured in the second beast, Apocal. 13.  
This companion therefore that doth impute the cause of wars unto us, is like that good fellow, that said the cause why he rob and spoiled, was because men carried money with them upon the high way. We cannot hinder the malice and ambition of the pope and Spaniard, that prosecuteth wars against innocents. But they are to be blamed, that offer violence to the peaceable, and defend open wrong, and not they, that maintain their right.  
Lastly he telleth us, and that in a lamentable voice, That if this alteration had not happened, we had not seen the deprivation of all the sacred order of bishops in one day together with their perpetual imprisonment, nor so many noble houses overthrown, nor so many troubled for persisting in their father's faith, and not consenting to this change, nor the torturing, hanging, and quartering of a hundred priests, most of them gentlemen, and youths of rare wit. Percase he is hired to shed some few tears. Assuredly he weepeth without just cause. For neither were all the popish prelate's deprived in one day, nor were they committed to perpetual imprisonment. Nor was any papist here directly troubled for persisting in his father's faith, nor have any noble houses been overthrown by religion, but rather by rebellion. Neither were those simple & unlearned youths, whom the pope's agents have sent into England, to prepare the way to rebellion, hanged and quartered for religion, but for treason. Further we say for answer, that those prelate's whom he talketh of, were no bishops nor teachers, but wolvish murderers of God's saints, and hirelings of Antichrist, whosemarke they bore: and yet divers of them were suffered to run away. Some of them were never imprisoned; others were only restrained, & that either to their own houses, or to places, where they had all things in abundance. Nay albeit they refused to consecrate her Majesty, and denied her right; yet she did not, as she might lawfully, use force against them. But if any should deny to consecrate the pope, albeit no prince, yet should it cost them their lives. Further the world knoweth, how much her Majesty hath favoured her nobility. She could not do more honour to any, then to the duke of Norfolk. Yet could she not mollify his heart toward her. She never thought evil of the earl of Westmoreland and Northumberland; yet did they seek her destruction at the solicitation of a wicked priest called Nicholas Morton. Henry Earl of Northumberland albeit far engaged in practices of rebellion, yet was he suffered to enjoy his honour and living. And divers that were far interessed in that action, were not called in question. If then any perished in those practices, the fault was wholly their own. Her Majesty was sorrowful for their wilfulness, rather than cause of their overthrow. As for wilful Recusants they were not once called in question, before that the pope used their obstinacy, as a means to work the overthrow of the state. And now notwithstanding they do adhere to the pope, her majesties enemy, and will not disavow his authority in depriving her of her right, which is a matter of great consideration; yet all their punishment is only a mulct for not coming to church; and restraint, that they do not easily join with foreign enemies. They enjoy their lands, their goods, and most of them too great liberty, albeit evil affected to the state, and wholly addicted to a most abominable and damnable religion. Our brethren in other places only for professing the truth without other cause, lose not only goods, lands, and country, but liberty and life also. Wherefore if they be wise, let them acknowledge, that they live under a gracious Princess; and see, that such lewd proctor's as this, leave prating in their cause, lest they hear that, which shall make them seem unworthy all favour in all indifferent men's judgement.  
Against the poor young men, that have died for their practising for the pope, I will not say much. I do rather lament, that they should be so abused, as to be drawn out of their country to foreign enemies, and to be employed in their service, either to their own destruction, or to the hurt of their country: but most of all, that they should, to the final loss of their souls, yield themselves thrall to Antichrist, and embrace his damnable doctrine, and heresies. Only thus much, being urged by this Noddies importunity, I could not choose but say in defence of our religion, and the present government, that they were executed for treason and not for their heresies, or false doctrine. Which appeareth notoriously by their inditements, by the evidence, by the judgement and manner of execution. That the sentence is most just, it is evident both by the ancient laws of this land, and by the laws of all nations. By the 
a 25. Ed. 3.2.  statute of Edward the third, it is adjudged high treason, To imagine the death of the prince, or to stir up war against her, or to be adhaerent to her enemies. But there is no one of these, but is adherent to the pope the public enemy of her Majesty and this state: all receive authority and instructions from him, and stick not to defend his authority. Most of them are his salaried scholars, or agents. Many of them have received stipends of the Spanish king, and some were employed in his navy anno 1588. and sent against England. All of them desired wars to be raised against England, and some of them were agents to induce the Spaniard to make war upon us. That the pope is enemy to her Majesty and this land, I think no man will make question, seeing he seeketh to deprive her of the crown; raised the rebellion of the north, and in Ireland; and stirred up the Spaniard to take arms against us; and himself armed ships and soldiers to fight against us, and sought in plain terms to depose the prince, and as they 
a In vita Pij 5.  term it, L' abbattimento di quella reina. That this is treason and a capital crime by rules of state, and laws of all nations, it is apparent by divers arguments. Maiestatis crimen est, saith 
b l. Proximam. ad l. jul. Maiestatis.  Ulpian, quod adversus populum Rom. aut eius securitatem committitur. And he pronounceth them guilty, by whose procurement Either foreign enemies are stirred to take arms; or seditious persons caused to rise; or by whom any attempt is made against the prince: or that shall 
c l. Lex ubi supra.  run to the enemies: or that shall swear men to attempt against the prince, or state: or that shall 
d L. quisquis Cod. ad l. jul. Mayest.  take on him a note of faction. The same laws are also practised both in France and Spain & other countries. Alfonso the 9 king of Spain, in his first book Del fuero real, tit 2. by strict laws provideth for the safety of the prince. And most strange it were, seeing laws provide for the security of particulars, that the law should not take hold of those, that practice against the whole state. If then these young men had been of such wit, and learning, and other good parts, as this fellow pretendeth; they would never have suffered themselves to be drawn into a faction against their prince and country; and others hereafter, if they be wise, will take heed, how they abuse the prince's clemency. In Ireland sufferance and impunity of such fellows hath wrought evil effects. He that is not blind may also see, what they intend in England: and, if he be wise, will not suffer such vipers to gnaw their mother's bowels. So than it appeareth, that no great incommodity, but rather great blessings have happened to this land by the abolishing of popery and superstition.  
But suppose some temporal discommodities had ensued of this abolition of the mass, and of restoring of christian religion: yet most absurd it were for temporal commodities to forsake our christian profession. He that taketh not up his cross and followeth me, saith our saviour 
e Matt. 10.  Christ, is not worthy to be my disciple, and not only external temporal commodities, but our kindred and nearest blood is to be forsaken for Christ's sake. He that loveth father or mother more than me, is not worthy of me, 
a Ibidem.  saith our saviour. 
b Daniel 3.  Sidrac, Misach and Abednago chose rather to be thrown into the fiery furnace, then to worship an idol. And shall we for any presupposed fears forsake our God, and his truth, and fall down before idols, and yield ourselves slaves to Antichrist? a glorious thing it is to attain wealth and honour in this world, and to be made generals and heads of societies of friars and monks, and to be made cardinals: but what shall it avail a man, to win the whole world, if he lose his soul?  
Whatsoever therefore may happen, let us cleave to the truth of Christ jesus, and hold on our profession unto the end. No man is crowned, but that striveth until he have obtained victory. If we lose goods, lands, wife, children, father or mother or friend, God can restore them to us again. Nay if we die in this quarrel, God can give unto us a far better life. Wherefore then should we doubt, or fear?  
Suppose, I say, the worst, yet have we no cause to doubt. But if we will rightly consider the present state of things, we shall find, that we have great cause to rejoice, and hope the best. Our cause is just and honest. For we stand for our religion, our prince, our country, our reputation, our wives, our children, friends and whatsoever else is dear to us. Never had this country more men, nor better means either to defend, or offend. The cause is not ours alone, but of many others. The enemy never was weaker, then at this instant. Only this wanteth, that we deal boldly and resolutely in so honest and godly a cause, and neither fear the vain brags of foreign enemies, nor trust the smooth gloss of treacherous friars, popish priests, and rinegued English.  
Now her Majesty is surely possessed of the crown, and so well beloved of her subjects, as she can desire. Take away the practising priests, and malcontent traitors, and at home she hath no cause of fear. In time past the pope's of Rome had a strong faction within the land, and divided half of the regal authority with the prince. The clergy and people, for the most part, were his vassals. The country paid a great tribute to him. The treasure of the land was carried out at his pleasure. Many ran to him both for preferments, and justice. now all this usurped power is abolished, and the people wholly dependeth next under God, on the prince: so that her authority and force now is far greater, then in time past. She wanteth neither men, nor ships, nor ordinance, nor munitions of war. If then her Majesty would be pleased to make an establishment for the wars; and seriously to consider, how to resist these, that now seek her hurt, and the destruction of her people; we should soon cause such rinegued enemies of the country to change the note of their song concerning dangers and fears; and force foreign enemies to think more, how to defend themselves, then to offend and offer violence to others. Such is the state of our country, and such are our means. Great cause therefore have we, to give God thanks, that hath bestowed upon us so many spiritual and temporal graces. And if we do not use them to his glory in exterminating the wicked relics of Antichristianitie, and defending that truth, which we profess; we shall show ourselves unworthy of both, and hazard that which now we quietly possess.   

CHAP. II.  
That the papists, as they are charged by sir Francis Hastings, do hold divers absurd positions and principles in their religion.  
TO recount and declare all the absurdities and heresies of the popish faction, would require both time and labour: they are so many, and so intricate. In number they pass the sand; they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as saith 
a I'iad. 1.  Homer. And no marvel, seeing they are built on the pope, which albeit he be 
b Sanders rock.  reputed as a rock, yet is nothing but a bank of sand, whereon the papists have wracked their faith. But of the rest, I shall have time to speak hereafter. Now I will only mention those, which sir Francis Hastings doth object, and which his adversary goeth about to remove.  
I say therefore, that it is most true, which he doth object, diz. That the papists hold ignorance to be the mother of devotion. D. Cole a man of no obscure note among the papists in a certain disputation at Westminster, did openly affirm it. I tell you saith he, ignorance is the mother of devotion. neither is he singular in this point. 
a Adverse. proleg. Brent. l. 2. f. 71.  Hosius saith, that ignorance is not only worthy pardon, but reward also. The same 
b Ibidem. l. 3. fol. 146.  man also commendeth the Coliars' faith, which understanding nothing said, he believed as the catholic church, and being further demanded, what the church believed, said, as he believed: and so persisted in that circle. And in another 
c Confess. Petricou. de fid. & symb. f. 17.  place he affirmeth, that Nihil scire est omnia scire, and that it is sufficient for a man, to believe that which the catholic church believeth, albeit he be not able to show what it believeth. And that the synagogue of Rome holdeth this opinion, albeit not in plain terms, it appeareth by their practice. For they do not willingly suffer the scriptures to be translated into vulgar tongues, nor permit lay men to read them without licence, which is not easily obtained. Further their public prayers and liturgies are all set forth in unknown tongues. The people understandeth neither what they pray, nor what they believe. The priests for the most part are blind, and so is the people; and so the blind is set to lead the blind. Paul the second did so hate knowledge, that he pronounced them heretics, which should once mention the word Academy. Paulus haereticos eos pronuntiavit, saith 
d In Paulo 2.  Platina, qui nomen academiae vel seriò, vel ioco deinceps commemorarent.  
Likewise they hold, that princes are not to meddle with the external government of the church, nor to make laws for the establishment of faith, and manners. 
e Lib. 5. de pont. Rom. cap. 7.  Bellarmine doth distinguish ecclesiastical government, from civil government; whereby it may appear, that he would not have the temporal magistrate to meddle with the church. And in another place he directly 
f Lib. 1. de pont. Rom. c. 7.  saith, That the government of the church was committed to bishops and priests, and not to princes, and that princes ought not to determine a cause of the church.  
Generally they all hold, that the prince is not to reform abuses in doctrine, but the council of priests: which is a position very absurd. For first we see, that under the law kings reform abuses, and established orders in the church, as appeareth by the example of Hezekiah, josia, David, and others. Likewise among christians Constantine, Valentinian, Gratianus, Theodosius, and other princes did not only reform abuses, and condemn heresies, but 
a Cod. de sum. Trin. & fide cath. & titulis sequentib.  establish orders, and promulge the articles of christian faith. Nay some there are that think it a matter undecent, and unnecessary either to understand or to argue of matters of religion. Charles the fift, as Meteranus in his story testifieth, commanded, that no lay man should dispute of religion; and many were executed for that cause only. The Italians say, that it is matter for friars to reason of religion. E cósa da frati, etc.  
They hold and teach further, that the pope determining matters of faith is to be believed, under pain of damnation, and this is that, which Sir Francis meant, and which both Bellarmine, and all the popish crew writeth, and believeth. And yet we find, that he approveth many damnable heresies, as that of the Angelickes, Collyridians, Staurolatrians, Manichées in ministering the communion under one kind, the Pelagians in extolling the merits and force of works, and divers others. Boniface the eight holdeth, that none can be saved, but such as be subject to the pope. And Bellarmine 
b Lib. 2. de Pontif. Rom. c. 12.  concludeth, that it is a point of faith, to hold that the bishop of Rome hath succeeded Peter in the universal regiment of the church. So that whatsoever he commandeth, that must be believed. Neither may private men dispute of the pope's power. For that, they say, is sacrilege, and no less, then To open a man's mouth against heaven. And yet his determinations we find to be heretical, and his commandments wicked, and unlawful.  
Lastly they teach, that the pope hath power to pardon all sins. And that is so true, that it cannot be denied. For they give him all Christ's power in earth. And in the tax of penances there is set down a tax for indulgences for all sin, yea for judaisme, apostasy, turcism, Maranie, Parricide, Sodomy, and whatsoever heinous sin else. And albeit the more learned distinguish between mortal and venial sin, between culpam and poenam; yet if ●he pope can forgive all the punishment, then sure can he forgive any sin, and the rude papists understand no such subtleties. If then sir Francis hath avouched any such matter against the papists, he hath done them no wrong. Neither hath this Noddy any sufficient skill to shift off the matter. Much be braggeth and faceth; but what should we respect words, when we see no truth in his meaning?  
To acknowledge God's favour towards us in delivering us both out of the spiritual thraldom of Antichrist, and the temporal slavery of strangers, and accumulating upon the people of this land, divers other both spiritual and temporal blessings, he esteemeth to be but flattery and fair glozing: and to charge the papists with ignorance, and strange opinions, he counteth no better than cogging and lying, mixing a number of words borrowed partly of cheating companions, with whom it should seem he hath much conversed, and partly of railing sophisters, among whom he hath long triumphed. But as I have wiped away the accusation of flattery, so I doubt not, but I shall easily answer this cogging mates brabbling about lying and cogging.  
He taketh in great scorn, that it should be said, That a dark and misty cloud of ignorance did cover the land in Queen Mary's time; and saith, That it was as wise and learned, as Italy or Spain is at this day, where our teachers if they should appear, dare not open their mouths in schools, or matters of learning. And therefore at his pleasure he calleth them Sunshine doctors, and enlightened, and sun borne ministers. Finally he telleth us, That in Queen's Mary's time there was as learned a clergy, as in many ages before, and that our bishops, which in contempt he calleth poor creatures, are no way comparable, to Tonstall, Watson, Christopherson, Fecnam, Gardiner, & White that then lived. But wherein he thinketh most gloriously to triumph, there he showeth most folly. For first admit these men, that he nameth, were great doctors, yet it followeth not thereof, but that the people lived in great error and blindness: which is a matter so apparent, that it cannot be denied. For few could say their Pater noster and Belief, and of those that could by heart say them, not one among twenty understood them. Like parates they said, Credo in Deum, but understood not what they said. They prayed likewise, but understood not, what they prayed. Now what availeth it to pray with the lips, if the heart understand nothing? Likewise they came to church, and heard Matins, Evensong, and Mass in Latin. But what were English people, that understood no Latin, the better? They were likewise taught to pray not only to angels, saints, and to our Lady, but before stocks, and stones, little understanding the school distinction of Doulia, and Latria, without which they could hardly avoid the crime of idolatry. The preachers as 
a Cant. 29.  Dante said Preached old wives tales & legends, & scriptures were then not suffered to be read of the vulgar sort. How then was it possible, that this people should understand any thing? Secondly we do very well know, what kind of men these were which the adversary nameth. Their writings are yet extant, and nothing singular. And when in the beginning of this queens days they were challenged to dispute, and felt their own weakness, they utterly refused. Procure us the like liberty to dispute in Seville, or Paris, or Milan, and see whether we will refuse to dispute with these great Rabbins. Now we confess indeed, we are not open our mouths in schools in Spain, & Italy. But the reason is, for that it is death to defend truth. But if we were no more afraid of their swords, than their arguments, they should soon perceive, that we both durst, and would open our mouths against the proudest of their jesuits, and would either shut their mouths, or make it appear, that they cry and speak without reason. Wherefore let this lunatical or extaticall friar either forbear to brag, or else procure us liberty to dispute: and then he shall see, how he is unable to match those, whom here he rejecteth with scorn, gibing at their lawful wives and children, when he and his consorts, and all the rabble of priests and friars walloweth in all filthiness and abominations, making no conscience of whoredom, and publicly maintaining bardassaes and concubines, and a race of bastards about them, and many of them doing worse: all which shall be justified by particulars, if our adversary desire trial in this point. Lastly it is not the learning of five or six, that can make all the rest of the clergy seem learned. It may be, these few were tolerably learned. But certes the ignorance of the other mass priests was exceeding great. Now in Spain and Italy not every tenth man understandeth his Portuis or Missal, and in matter of religion little or nothing. Wherefore if the pastor be so ignorant and blind, it is no marvel though the people be far more blind, rude and ignorant.  
He telleth us, That it is no heresy, nor never was so accounted, to read on the Bible in any language whatsoever. And yieldeth this reason, For that by licence of the ordinary it is permitted to infinite lay people to read Scriptures in vulgar tongues. Secondly he saith, That none was ever called for this fault only before the Romish clergy, and branded to the slaughter. And because sir Francis Hastings doth hold the contrary, he doth give him the lie, and with very brave words make show, as if he would challenge him into the field, facing & braving like a false shameless friar. But when it cometh to the point, he passeth over the matter with a few railing words, showing himself a cowardly challenger, that having given the lie, runneth out of the field without daring to abide other trial, then by the tongue. In which also I doubt not, but to give him the foil. For the first is very evidently disproved by divers examinations in king Henry the eight, & Queen Mary's days; where it was objected to lay men, that they read the Scriptures in English: which should not have been done, unless by that article they should have been convinced of heresy. The second is likewise disproved by divers precedents and records, whereby it appeareth, that poor people were both called, and condemned for reading of the Scriptures. In the beginning of king Henry the eight his reign, certain were condemned for reading the Epistles of saint Paul in English, as appeareth by the registers of Lincoln diocese: and bishop Longland preaching at their burning, said That they were damned that moved their lips in reading those chapters of Scripture, for which those martyrs were condemned. divers were abjured for reading scriptures. One of them was burned with a bible in English about his neck, to declare the cause of his burning. Both those points are also proved by the provincial constitution 
a Const. pro. c. praeterea. de heretic.  of Thomas Arundel. Statuimus, saith he, ut nemo textum aliquem sacrae Scripturae authoritate sua in linguam Anglicanam, sevaliam transferat, nec legatur aliquis huiusmodi liber, etc. vel publicè vel occultè sub poena maioris excommunicationis. qui verò contra hoc fecerit, ut fautor haeresis, & erroris similiter puniatur. So it appeareth, it was unlawful to read scriptures in vulgar tongues, and that such readers were punished as heretics, or suspect of heresy: and that the challenger our adversary lieth notoriously in both these points. Further he maketh a third lie, where he saith, that Infinite lay people are by the ordinary permitted to read the Scriptures translated into vulgar tongues. For in all Spain I believe he cannot name three that have this permission, and very unlike it is, they mean that the people shall read Scriptures translated, when they will not translate them themselves, and forbidden all other translations, but their own. Besides this, who dare desire leave to read Scriptures translated, when it is a note of heresy with them to desire such a matter?  
But lest we should mistake this choleric gentleman's meaning, that is so ready to give the lie, and the stab for every word, let us hear him declare his meaning concerning reading of translations of Scriptures in his own terms. First saith he, most certain it is, that no man or woman was ever forbidden to read any part of the holy scriptures in any of the three learned languages, wherein they were written, to wit, Hebrew, Greek or Latin. Secondly he declareth unto us, That the restraint of vulgar translations was made only to this end, that no translations should be used, except it were first examined by learned men, by order of the bishop and ordinanarie: and then he saith, That such lay men were permitted by the ordinary to use the said translation, as were thought fit and able to profit by it. And this he beareth us in hand to be the ordinance of the catholic church. But first he should have done well to have showed us, what catholic church did so ordain. For if he mean the conventicle of Trent, he is an absurd fellow to think that scum and sink of priests and friars, which there gathered a council against Christ and against his church, to betray the same to Antichrist, to be the catholic church. Beside that, their determinations were not only contrary to Christ's doctrine, but to the authority and practice of the church, and namely in this, that they limited the reading of Scriptures in vulgar tongues.  
Secondly it is most ridiculous to permit lay men or women to read the Bible in Hebrew, Greek or Latin, when so few of them among the papists understand those tongues, and this permission is nothing, but an excluding of vulgar translations, and barring the people from reading scriptures.  
Thirdly it is great ignorance to say, the scriptures were first written in Latin, and unreasonable to permit the Latin vulgar translation more than others; and ridiculous, to call these three tongues learned, seeing in times past unlearned men understood them, and now divers learned do not well understand them. Neither is it material, that some hold, that Saint Marks gospel was written first in Latin. For their proofs are weak, and that is but one part of scripture. But here we talk of reading all the scriptures.  
Fourthly it is most plain, while they allow no translations, but such as themselves make, and either seldom make any, or making any do most shamefully corrupt the text, as the Rhemistes have done in the translation of the new testament, the jesuits in their translation of the bible into French, and lately printed at Lions; that they seek either to exclude the people from reading scriptures, or else to give them poison for Scripture. That is apparent, for that hitherto they have not translated the Bible into Italian, Spanish, or Dutch: nor greatly allow the French. This is most evident by the wicked perversion of the text, and that both by wrong translations, and also by perverse annotations, as shall be showed fully, if God send me life, and in the Rhemish Testament hath been already showed by doctor Fulke.  
To prove that the order of the Romish church in prohibiting reading of vulgar translations is good, he allegeth further, that forasmuch as many translations are false, it is fit to examine them, Lest for God's word the simple might embrace man's word. Again he saith, That albeit the translation be true, yet unless the reader can gather out of it a true sense, it is not fit he should be permitted to read that translation of Scripture. And this he believeth to be meant by saint 
a 2. Cor. 3.  Paul, who saith, That the letter killeth, and the spirit quickeneth. But if translations be false, why are not some true translations published, that the vulgar sort may have benefit by them? Again, if only translations for their falsehood be condemned, why doth the wicked synagogue of Rome 
b In indice. libror. prohib.  condemn most true translations? Do they not show, that they hate the light of the Scriptures? Thirdly if none may read vulgar translations, but such as are able to draw true sense out of them; why are all suffered to read the Latin being not able to draw true sense out of it? This assuredly is a course to debar all men from reading of Scriptures, and the Romish synagogue especially, for that the same draweth most perverse interpretations out of Scripture, and under the name of wholesome Scriptures giveth to the people most poisoned doctrine contrary to Scriptures. Besides it is a course contrary to the exhortation of our Saviour, that speaking to the people said; Scrutamini Scripturas; and contrary to antiquity, that exhorted the people to read the Scriptures. Finally he doth shamefully abuse the words of S. Paul. 2. Cor. 3. to the condemning of reading of Scriptures. For if because the letter killeth, the lay people are not to read the scriptures; then none is to read them, seeing reading and not understanding killeth: which is most absurd. Secondly if the apostle did mean the outward letter without sense, yet would it make nothing against reading of Scriptures. For if the bare letter without the sense killeth, than ought every man to read diligently, that he may understand the sense. Thirdly this interpretation condemneth the practice of the papists in reading the Scriptures in an unknown tongue in the church. For if the letter kill without the meaning, then do the papists kill Gods people, that read Scriptures in Latin to the people, which understand nothing of the sense. Fourthly the apostle cannot probably by the letter that killeth understand the scriptures, for than should they be very unprofitable, contrary to the saying of the apostle that saith, 
a 2. Tim. 3.  The Scripture is profitable to teach, to improve, to correct and instruct in righteousness. Lastly 
b Li. 1. de verb. dei. c. 3.  Bellarmine his companion may instruct him, that none but the Zuencfeldians, & Drigenistes, by the letter that killeth, understand Scriptures, as this Noddy doth, showing himself therein a plain heretic, and enemy to Scriptures. The true meaning therefore of Paul's words is, that the outward preaching of the word, being destitute of God's spirit working internally, doth kill: to the profit or disprofit of reading Scriptures, they make nothing.  
He telleth us further, That the understanding of Scriptures is a particular gift of God reserved to Christ especially, and by him bestowed on the church: which he proveth by this place; Tunc aperuit illis sensum, ut intelligerent Scripturas: and by the example of the Eunuch, That without Philip the apostles help could not understand the prophecy of isaiah. Beside all this, he telleth us, That dim sighted people cannot discern things without a guide. All which reasons do show, that notwithstanding his fair shows, he hath but a dim sight in divine matters, and is but a blind guide, that would draw God's people from reading of Scriptures, and percase lead them to the reading of lying legends, and such like fantastical writings of the Romish synagogue. Against the reading of holy Scriptures his fond reasons conclude nothing. For if Christ be the best interpreter, where should we better understand what his interpretations are, then in holy Scriptures? And if he have bestowed the gift of interpreting scriptures on the church, how should the people be better assured of the excellency of the church's interpretation, then by seeing the same confirmed by scriptures? For which cause the Bereans red the Scriptures, and are therefore commended.  
Secondly if the men that went to 
a Luc. 24.  Emaus, and the Ethiopian 
b Act. 8.  red the Scriptures, albeit they understood them not at the first: why should Christians be barred from reading such scriptures, as they understand? What more simple argument can be devised, than this; because an interpreter is necessary, that we may not read what he interpreteth in a tongue which we understand?  
Thirdly Philip that taught the eunuch was not the apostle Philip, as the Noddy our adversary supposeth, showing by example of himself, that scriptures are not much to be red; but Philip the deacon. Lastly it is a matter most ridiculous, because some places are hard to be understood, to debar the people from the whole body of scriptures, especially seeing many things are plain and easy. Nay this reason may better be retorted upon our adversary; because divers places are hard to be understood, that we should diligently read them, and hear them expounded, that we may both by these, and other places reap profit. And thus it may appear, that even simple women, whom this scoffing mate calleth proud protestant people, and scorneth at them for reading holy scriptures, would be much ashamed, if they could not reason better of these matters, than this great popish Rabbin, that taketh on him so boldly to determine matters.  
Having thus fond reasoned of reading of scriptures he concludeth forsooth very wisely, that falsehood & heresy is engendered of reading of scriptures. And goeth about to prove it first, by the example of William Hacket, William jeffrey and joan Burcher; them by experience, for that as he believeth, more heresies are sprung up within these 50. or 60. years since scriptures began to be red in vulgar tongues, them in many ages before. But his conclusion is nothing, but a wicked calumniation of gods holy scriptures: and his proofs consist of a pack of lies, & both declare him to be a slanderoous lying enemy of God's truth. For it is not reading of scriptures, which he styleth rash reading, being used by lay people, but neglect of scriptures, that bringeth forth error and heresy. Philosopher's therefore that contemned scriptures were called patriarchs of heretics; and heretics by 
a De resur. carn.  Tertullian are called Lucifugae scripturarum, for that they fly from the light of scriptures. And that is proved even by the examples produced by the adversary. For those blasphemous heretics did not fall into their impieties and heresies by reading scriptures, but by giving heed to fond revelations, and renouncing scriptures. experience also teacheth the same. for while the light of God's word was covered, and scriptures neglected, and heed given to popish decretals, and Mahomet's revelations; all the heresies of papists and impieties of Mahomet, and many other errors, have been received by people ignorant of scriptures.  
And that reading of scriptures is not cause of heresies, it appeareth first, for that not simple people reading scriptures, but great clerks reading philosophy, and popish decretals, and school Doctors, have been authors of heresies. Secondly in the Apostles times, when all might read scriptures, than fewest heresies sprung up.  
That joan Burcher conveyed bibles into the court, or had any acquaintance with Anne Askeugh, which this fellow reporteth, is a lie devised by himself. Let him show his author, if he can. that which he talketh of Anne Askeugh is impertinent. But such is his blindness, he will needs have all the world see the cruelty of papists, that burned that innocent woman for denying their transubstantiation, which, if he were wise, he would have either denied, or dissembled, albeit some other should have spoken of it. And so it appeareth, that Sir Francis Hastings had reason to charge the papists with hiding the scriptures from the people's eyes, and keeping them as it were covered in tongues unknown, contrary to Christ's doctrine, & precedentes of antiquity. And no less reason have christians to detest the boldness of this frapling friar, that calleth preaching, reading, and reasoning of scriptures, clouting of scriptures. And thus much may serve to show, that the papists deal injuriously, in taking away translations of scriptures out of the hands of the multitude.  
It is also most apparent, that they rather persuade ignorance, as fit for their blind devotion, than knowledge: neither is this Rabbin able to show the contrary. He allegeth Thomas of Aquine for his warrant; and saith, that he disputing of devotion, maketh ignorance neither to be mother, nor daughter, nor sister of devotion. But what if Thomas of Aquine doth not so teach, doth it therefore follow, that no other teacheth ignorance to be mother of devotion? who would reason so simply and ignorantly, but he? beside this, albeit his master Thomas doth not directly teach it, yet in effect he teacheth as much. For first he showeth, 
a 2.2. q. 82. art. 3.  that devotion doth most abound in simple people, and in women. And secondly he 
b 2. 2. q. 2. aut. 6.  teacheth, that it is enough for the simpler sort, to have fidem implicitam, and to believe as the church, or as their superiors believe, which is a means to bring in ignorance. Finally I have showed, that divers others have gone further in commending ignorance.  
He saith further, that all hold what Thomas holdeth, and so beginneth to make a long speak of the nature, cause, and effects of devotion. But first albeit we granted, that all held that, which Thomas holdeth, yet it doth not hereof follow, that the papists hold no more, nor otherwise then he holdeth. For than what needed so many later books? and therefore this answer is not to purpose. Beside that, it is false. For the Scotistes in most points dissent from him, and in many points of school Divinity later doctors do contradict him, as namely in his opinions of the proceeding of the holy Ghost principally from the father, of the conception in original sin of the virgin Marie, of the tormenting of souls in purgatory by devils, of Christ's local being in the sacrament, and infinite other matters.  
He allegeth also a saying of Saint Augustine concerning devotion, and To make the wilful malice of these good fellows appear, saith he, Thomas of Aquine maketh this objection to himself. As if either Thomas of Aquines' objections to himself, or else saint Augustine's words could ascertain us, what these fellows hold, or hold not, seeing they descent from Saint Augustine in many things, and in all things do not jump with Thomas; and have infinite novelties more than either of these. Wherefore unless this fellow can show, that doctor's Coal never uttered any such saying, and that the practice of papists is not, to nouzell their people in blindness and ignorance; he doth but trifle, and showeth himself fit to sit in the alehouse among the goodfellows he speaketh of, then to dispute in schools.  
Lastly he braggeth much of the learning of papists, and telleth what monuments of learning they have left behind them, and what universities they have built. All which maketh nothing to the purpose. For albeit there be many learned men among them, yet their common people may be very unlearned and ignorant notwithstanding: which is that, whereabout we contend. Again if their learning be so great, the greater shall be their condemnation, which in the knowledge of Christ jesus are so ignorant themselves, and suffer also the people to live in ignorance. Lastly albeit we will not deny them to be learned, yet we doubt not, but to match them with men of our profession; and if we compare them with the ancient fathers, they will be overmatched. But whatsoever their learning is, good it were for them, if they would use it not to their own, but to God's glory.  
Likewise they teach, That lay men may not meddle with matters of religion: that is, that Princes have no power to reform the church, nor to make ecclesiastical laws. And our adversary confesseth, That only priests have authority to define and determine matters of religion. What reason then hath he to quarrel with sir Francis Hastings, seeing in effect he confesseth as much, as he layeth to his charge? Forsooth saith he, Because these words; To meddle with matters of religion, may have a double sense. But what if they might receive a triple sense, if the papists do so remove lay men from government in ecclesiastical causes, that they need not to care how God is served, then are they not wronged by him. For he doth not mean care in their own behalf, but in respect of others. And therefore his example of ministers wives is very impertinent. Neither hath he reason to condemn lawful marriage, when he and his consorts wallow in all filthiness, to condemn, I say, the apostles doctrine, which alloweth a bishop To be the husband of one wife, when he teacheth the doctrine of devils, that forbiddeth to marry. Finally Parsons the jesuite hath no reason to condemn priests wives, when his true father (as they say) was a parson of a parish. his mother also had been more honest, if she had been married to the parson his father. These jests therefore, if he look no better to his business, may prove him to be irregular, and uncapable of priesthood. But what is that, may he say, when a bastard maketh as good a jesuite, as he, that is well borne?  
Where we say, that the papists stand more on external compliments, and ceremonies, then inward faith and other virtues, only requiring an outward profession, and outward observations of going to mass, to shrift, and such like; he is much displeased with the matter, and saith, That his adversary hath neither eyes nor wit. And yet this is the doctrine of the Romish church.  aliquis absolutè dici possit pars verae ecclesiae, saith 
a Lib. de ecclesia. c. 3.  Bellar. non putamus requiri ullam internam virtutem, sed tantùm externam professionem fidei, & sacramentorum communionem, quae sensu ipso percipitur. And albeit he should not so say, yet it is apparent, that those are accounted good Cacolickes, that live in obedience to the pope and observe his laws, whatsoever they are otherwise. Nay of late time they have canonised murderers, traitors, and rebels, as for example, james Clement that murdered Henry the third of France, divers of the rebels that rose with the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland in the north, and such treacherous priests, as came from the pope to betray their country to strangers. In times passed also Thomas Becket was canonised for a saint, albeit he was a traitor to his prince and country, stirring up foreign enemies against them, moving the pope to deprive his prince of his crown, running to professed enemies, and consulting with them to the hurt of his prince, causing the land to be interdicted, and given as a spoil to foreign enemies; which neither john Baptist, nor the holy fathers Athanasius, Ambrose, Hilary or Chrysostome either did, or allowed to be done. And therefore as these examples fit not Thomas Beckets' cause, so Thomas Beckets' example doth fitly show, how lose men, and disobedient subjects, are entertained by the pope, and made saints in heaven, albeit they deserve not to live on earth. Lipomanus and Surius and others, I know, tell many goodly tales of this saint, but we must remember, that all the ground they have is their lying Legend, and percase the pope's sentence grounded upon hearsay.  
Sir Francis saith further, that Albeit the pope and his clergy commanded blasphemies and disloialties, yet blind papists were made believe, that the pope must be obeyed upon pain of damnation: And his meaning is most true. For although pope's command matters impious against God, and disloyal against princes; yet their friars and flatterers do commend them for glorious merits worthy of celestial glory. james Clement the Dominican friar that murdered king Henry the third of France, is esteemed a martyr of the popish synagogue. Pope 
a The oration of Sixtus quint. & la fulminante.  Sixtus quintus in the consistory of Cardinals commended this detestable act, as A work of God, a miracle, a rare exploit of God's providence, and compareth it, to The most excellent mysteries of Christ his incarnation, and resurrection. Cardinal Como in his letter to Parry, that went about to murder her Majesty, calleth the work Meritorious. Sanders doth greatly commend the rebels of the north that upon the pope's commandment went about to deprive their liege Sovereign of her crown, and kingdom. And what hath either Parson's the jesuite, or this personate Noddy (be he what he will) to object against us in this point? He saith it is a shameless slander, to say The pope commandeth either blasphemies against God, or disloialties against princes. And for the rest he telleth us, That obedience to the pope is a commendation to catolike religion. But the first is proved by his decretales, legends, missals, portuisses, and other ritual books full of blasphemies. The second is manifest by their practice. There hath no such treason almost been wrought against princes of late time, but the same hath proceeded from the pope, and been managed by jesuits, and other friars and priests. All the rebellions in England against Henry the eight, Edward the sixth, & Elizabeth now reigning, had no other cause, nor original. The late league, or rather late rebellion of France against Henry the third, and Henry the fourth, was made by the pope, and inflamed by the vermin of friars his agents. The jesuits profess obedience to the pope, as to Christ. Boniface the eight maketh subjection to the pope to be a matter of salvation. 
a De eccles. milit. c. 2.  Bellarmine maketh it an essential part of a Cacolike, or true member of the pope's church. And such trust have papists in his judgements concerning matters of faith, that they think he cannot be deceived. Nay if he once either command, or determine any thing, they account it no better than sacrilege to dispute of his doing: and 
b C. si papa. dist. 40.  hold, that if he should lead multitudes of souls to hell, yet no man must say to him, Domine cur ita facis? that is, Sir, why do you so? So generally the papists do believe the pope, and obey his commandments. Which obedience and belief no man commendeth, but those, that embrace all his heresies, and are ready to execute his treasons. For although we are to obey our superiors, and that not for fear, but for conscience sake, and aught to hearken to our pastors: yet this is nothing to the pope, that is not our superior, nor a true pastor, but a wolf, a hireling, and antichrist, or as some term him, The head of antichristes kingdom. Beside that, we are not to believe every thing that our pastors teach; but as 
c Matth. 28.  far, as they teach the doctrine of Christ jesus. Nor are we absolutely to obey, but when they command according to law. O thrice unhappy they, that take these wolves for true pastors, and believe their heresies and treasons to be true faith, and obedience!  
Finally it is most true, that the papists, when they have committed most abominable offences, and lived in all filthiness, are notwithstanding taught, that the pope hath power to pardon them, and absolve them. Bellarmine 
d Lib. 1. de indulgent. c. 10.  faith, That indulgences are profitable for all manner of persons: and highly he extolleth the jubiley, and general indulgences granted by the pope. And for this cause many silly souls with labour, charge, and danger travel to Rome, and all with great hope to have their sins pardoned. This therefore is no calumniation, nor forgery, nor juggling trick, as this ingling companion telleth us, who himself hath many years wandered up and down in foreign lands, like the Egyptians, or Cingari, and hath in his time played many tricks of legierdemayne, & thinketh by his hopping, skipping, & other apish tricks, that he can make flesh and blood of a piece of bread, and therefore imagineth others to be like himself. But saith he, The indulgence is not available to remove mortal sins, but only to take away the punishment either in this life, or in the life to come. And so the schoolmen commonly dispute. But what is that to the purpose, when the common people believeth otherwise, and when in the indulgences they use not so to distinguish? Nay in the tax of the pope's indulgences it appeareth, that for money they dispense with all sin. For money they pardon Murder of children, of men, of women, of wives, of near kindred, fornication, adultery, incest, and all unnatural abominations. As for all irregularities they make small difficulty. Nay they give licence for jews to build synagogues, where Christ is blasphemed, and pardon those that fall into judaisme and turcism. Pro licentia erigendi de novo publicam synagogam, say 
a Taxa penitent.  they taxa est Turon. 60. ducat. 15. Again, Marrania in amplissima forma componitur, pro clerico Turon. 15. ducat. 15. pro laico Turon. 4. ducat. 10. So those, that will not suffer Christians to live and to breath, give privileges and pardons to jews, and dispense with apostates, maranoes, and rinegued Turks. Neither do they distinguish so subtly, as our wise adversary would have them. Nor do the papists respect more, then that they may have plenary indulgence under seal. But suppose that the pope should only take on him to remit the temporal punishment of mortal sins, and to forgive venial sins; yet that is contrary to Christ's doctrine, to the apostles practise, to the ancient orders of the bishops of Rome, and of the catholic church, and maketh carnal men more licentious in sinning, when the penalty is so easily redeemed; and spoileth many poor Christians, that give all, rather than they will endure the supposed extreme torments of purgatory. O miserable and simple papists, that suffer yourselves to be so deluded, & take pains, travail far, and power out your money, and all to get nothing, but vain words, and bare lead and paper, without any profit.  
He telleth us further, That the pope's pardons differ from absolution of priests by the keys. And therein taketh some pains to relate the schoolemens opinion: as if it were material, what such doting divines, and jangling friars do babble without all ground of scripture, or allowance of fathers. This is certain, that both the pope himself, and all other priests do challenge their authority by one commission, and by virtue of the keys. How then cometh it to pass, that the pope's power and authority is so ample and large, and other inferior priests so strait and restreintife, both being joined in one patent? here the Noddy will be intricated, if he shape not a better answer, than any is here declared.  
He standeth also upon this, 
a P. 26.  That it is not more capital to transgress the ordinances of the pope, then to transgress the laws of God. But what can impudent denials avail, when the shameful practice of the romish synagogue declareth the contrary? doth not the whole faction hold, that the pope's laws bind in conscience? and is it not apparent, that murders, adulteries, unnatural abominations, yea Paganism, judaisme, turcism, and all atheisms are pardoned, where such Christians as eat flesh on fasting days, and refuse to worship idols, and to fulfil other the pope's laws, are declared 
a C. ad abolendam. de haereti●i●.  heretics, and burnt without remission?  
Finally he saith, It is a hard matter to frame his adversaries old head, to understand the depth of their catholic religion. Which I do believe, seeing there is no bottom of their turning devices. But if he were wise, he would rather seek to defend himself, then to teach his adversaries. We desire not to learn of any such ignorant masters. He and his consorts fly to our Lady, to Saints, to Angels, to stocks and stones, to rotten relics, to the pope, and his pardons, and trust by scourging themselves, and by eating salt fish and playing upon holy days to be saved; and this they learn out of the pope's decretales. Our only hope is in Christ and his merits; and all the doctrine of salvation, we believe, is contained in holy scriptures: as not only our Bishops and priests, but also all ancient bishops and fathers of the church have taught us.   

CHAP. III.  
That the Pope, and his adherents both elsewhere abroad, and also here at home are most dangerous and malicious enemies, to her Majesty and this state, and so have always declared themselves to be.  
IF this adversary of ours had either been a good Orator or a wise proctor; he would have taken great heed, how he had touched any matter, that being opened might have hurt his Clientes cause; especially where his adversary doth not greatly urge him. But what should we look for better handling of so foul a cause? sir Francis Hastings aiming at other matters, doth but lightly touch the continued malice of the popish faction against her Majesty, ever since her first coming to the crown, and that rather to warn the careless subject to take heed of such an enemy, and to point at such pernicious traitors; then to hurt such, as have been, and yet are abused by the craft and practice of others, and are not themselves actors, nor factious, nor malicious to their country. To hurt quiet men, albeit abused by false colour of old religion, it was no part of his purpose. But seeing this simple Noddy hath no more reason, but to bare and touch that wound, which being seen and touched must needs grieve many, and shame all the faction of papists, that have shame to hear their own, and their consorts most abominable practices discovered; I am content to meet him in this encounter, and examine, whether it be true or no, that is commonly reported concerning the practices of papists against her Majesty, and this state. If any mislike this course, let him deal with the Noddy that drew me into it. For mine own part I was unwilling to quarrel with them, but seeing they will needs stand upon terms, and challenge others; I could not choose but answer.  
Never any thing in this Realm did more displease the papists, than the match betwixt king Henry the eight, and her majesties mother the Lady Anne Bollenne. for thereby not only the pope's authority to dispense in causes of Matrimony, but also to judge in causes of princes was called in question. Further they began to fear, lest the king, that was a prince of heroical courage, would have taken occasion upon this abuse offered him, to have looked into the whole cause of religion. Here began the hatred against her Majesty, which this faction hath borne her ever since, and which by many attempts against her parents, and herself they have declared. Clement the seventh albeit he had received many favours from king Henry, and had promised otherwise; yet whether won by persuasions of Charles the fift then being emperor, or else moved with the interest, that himself had in it, declared the kings marriage to be void, and the issue of that marriage unlawful. The which sentence was given Anno 1533. some little time before she came into the world. So that it is no marvel, if now they hate her, which not only in her parents, but also in her lawful right was persecuted before she came into the world.  
Not long after Paul the third did furiously thunder out a sentence of excommunication against Henry the eight, depriving him of his kingdom, and again declaring the marriage with the Lady Anne Bollen to be void, and her children to be illegitimate. With that fury did he prosecute that innocent lady and her children, sparing nothing, which might serve to work both their destructions. And when he could do nothing of himself, he never ceased by Winchester, and other his agents to pursue the cause, until such time, as they had caused an act of Parliament to be made against both the mother and the daughter, and brought the innocent Lady her mother to her end; and, which is more grievous, they loaded her with many slanders, and reproaches, not only in her trial, but also in an act of parliament. How unjustly God best knoweth, and the king himself acknowledged with great grief at his death, as 
a Cosmograph. lib. 16.  Thevet a writer no way partial hath testified. Plusieurs gentils-hommes anglois, saith he, speaking of king Henry the eight death, m'ont asseurè, qu'il eut bell repentance des offences par luy commises, estant a l'article de la mort: et entre lez autres choses, de l'iniure et crime commise country la dicte roine Anne de Boulan, faulsement vaincue, et accusee de ce qu'on luy imposoit. It sufficed not the enemy, to take away an innocent lady's life, but they took away also her honour and good name by divers imputations, which God the most just judge knoweth, and, I trust, one day will more plainly declare. Afterward it pleased God to put in the king's mind to reverse the act that debarred her Majesty of her right, which he did by his last will. This so nearly touched the papists, that, as it should seem, they have abolished it, thereby endeavouring to take away all monuments and records, whereby her right might be proved. This rancour of theirs did especially show itself against her during the reign of Queen Mary. For although her beauty, virtue, good carriage, and many excellent parts, wherewith God had endued her, might have moved any to love her; yet in these men these excellencies, and especially her religion wrought contrary effects. For doubting least Queen Mary having no issue should leave the kingdom to her, and fearing that she would assuage their pride and tyranny against God's saints, and abolish their superstitious abuses, and heretical doctrine; they sought by all means to cut her off from the crown. The pope he could not suffer his sentences and decretals to be reversed; his adherents could endure no reformation of religion to be established. Gardiner charged her as an abettor to Wyatt, and said she had intelligence with him. And this our adversary doth also signify by his Mystical bracelet, and other dark surmises. As if it were likely, that a poor young maiden destitute of friends and means, and in the hands of her enemies, could help them any thing: or that Wyatt would communicate a counsel of such danger to her, that percase might utter it, and no way could help him. Howsoever it was, he practised with divers to accuse the innocent Lady, and percase, if God had not helped her, had effected his purpose.  
That she held Queen Mary and the state in suspense and care, our adversary denieth not. What then more probable, then that they should seek to disburden themselves of that care and jealousy? There are divers that testify, that they had divers consultations against her. Doctor Story showed plainly, That the papists committed a great error, in that cutting of the boughs, they had not strooken at the root.  
When either for shame, or else because they could find no probable cause against her, they could not spill the innocent Lady's blood, it is certain, that they feigned Queen Mary to be with child, to the intent that some supposed child might be found to succeed Queen Mary, and to prevent the Lady Elizabethes right.  
All this notwithstanding it pleased God, many of her enemies being taken away, that she should possess the crown. at what time a man would have thought, they would have ceased to pursue her, against whom they could not prevail. Yet even then did they also show their malice: and first they caused the Queen of Scots to claim the crown, & to bear the arms of England. Then by the way of Scotland the French began to threaten and to invade her country, and had proceeded further, but that her majesties forces did shut them up in Léeth.  
Not long after followed the excommunication of pope Pius the fift, and the rebellion in the north parts of England. After that Nicholas Sanders stirred up a rebellion in Ireland. And this N. D. their proctor albeit he would excuse and clear the papists of all evil meaning, yet could he not forbear to praise the rebels, and lament their death; which showeth how well rebellion and treason doth please this faction, and how little he loveth her Majesty, with whose capital enemies he is so near consorted.  
When by sedition and rebellion they could not prevail, hay stirred up Philip king of Spain to make open wars upon her Majesty, to deprive her of her kingdom. Neither did either respect of alliance, or shame, or danger draw him back from this enterprise. The duke of Alva had given the first attempt, had not the unexpected troubles of the low countries hindered him. And Don ivan D'Austria had not failed to make wars upon us, but that God cut him off in the midst of his deliberations. The year 1588. the Spaniard brought a great fleet upon this coast; and to correspond with it, there were great land forces provided by the duke of Parma in the Low countries. Cardinal Allen was then ready also to utter and throw abroad his excommunications, and slanderous 
a His letters to the nobility and people of England and Ireland.  libels against her Majesty, and the state. Neither could the evil success of that journey make the Spaniard give over his determination.  
Beside rebellion and war, they have attempted poison and secret practices to destroy her. john Someruile was persuaded to kill her, by a seditious priest. The same execution did William Parry take upon him persuaded by Benedict Palmio, and Aniball Codret two jesuits. Ballard a priest by his lewd persuasion drew Babington, Savage, Tichborne, and their companions to conspire her death. By the means of Holt a jesuite, Gifford, Worthington, and of certain priests, York, Williams, Patrick Collen, and others were sent over upon the same errand. And when with the sword nothing could be done, Lopez by certain traitors was hired, and Squire by Walpoole was persuaded to poison her. And no question, but many other attempts have been made against her, although they are not come to light hitherto. Never I think was one poor Ladies life more sought, nor by more means. They have left neither force nor fraud, nor any course unattempted.  
Nay not content herewith, They have 
a In Bulla Pi● v. & Sixti. v.  cursed all her subjects and friends, seized the persons and goods of such as they could come by, and by all means sought to overthrow the state. anno 1588. divers rinegued English, and among the rest the traitorous Cardinal Allen, came with the Spaniards to fight against their country. From time to time they run to the enemy, bewray their country's secrets, and divers of them even now entertain intelligence with the Spaniard.  
And little it is, God wots, that our adversary, notwithstanding all his great shows, can allege in his clients the papists defence. First he is offended, that sir Francis Hastings should say, That by God's goodness only her Majesty was preserved, her life being maliciously and with great cunning shot at by the Romish clergy, and Spain against her. And thereupon allegeth three reasons of her majesties deliverance. First saith he, King Philip and the Spaniards specially favoured her for her young years, beauty, felicity, and other her good graces and talents. Secondly he saith, She bore herself for a papist, and heard two masses a day, one for the quick, and another for the dead, and received no servant into her service lightly, but with express condition, and many signs, that he inclined that way. Thirdly he imagineth, That she was kept alive to bar the next praetender, that then was wife of the Dolphin of France, which for some reasons neither Spanish, nor English could endure. And these reasons he esteemeth to be Very potent, and pregnant: for so he calleth them. But if we will rightly esteem them, we shall find them to be built on false grounds, and to be very impotent, barren of reason, and ridiculous.  
For first most false it is, that the Spaniards so favoured her, that they would either hazard their state, or lose a kingdom for her sake. All which was like to come to pass, if the lady Elizabeth should attain to the crown. And very unlikely it was that the Spanish king, That spared not his 
a Vita di Pio quinto.  own only son, nor blood, nor those that were far nearer to him, than the Lady Elizabeth, would incur the pope's displeasure, and lose his footing in England to spare her. But what need we dispute of the Spaniards care and affection to her, when they suffered her to be imprisoned, evil entreated, and called in question for her life? As for the Count of Feria, he came to her indeed, but not for any good intended to her, but either for a complement of courtesy, or to ask such a question of her, as her manly and stout answer maketh this Noddy, albeit he knew it, ashamed to report.  
Secondly her coming to mass, if I may so call it, when mass was said before her, that unwillingly heard it, was rather of constraint, than otherwise. As for servants, good Lady, she had no power to entertain any, but her old servants were removed, and certain were forced upon her, and commanded to attend her, that she liked not. But be it, she had for saving of her life, given some hope of inclining to popish religion, as the adversary falsely and dishonourably imagineth; yet papists are not so simple, as to trust such, as are newly converted. Again seeing the pope had pronounced divers sentences against her, to frustrate and make void her right: it could not avail her any thing to turn to the papists, unless either the pope would revoke his sentences, or she take the crown at his hands, which I doubt whether he would have given to her, if it had been in his power to dispose. King Henry the third of France though superstitiously popish, yet might he not live, for that he was not for the humour of the pope. Antony likewise king of Portugal was put beside his crown, notwithstanding his religion, to gratify the king of Spain.  
Thirdly seeing Queen Mary was like to have children at the first, it is more likely, that the papists sought to establish the kingdom in Queen Mary, and her succession by the innocent Lady's destruction, then to bar another pretender, which could claim no interest before Queen Mary's death, not then looked for so soon. Besides it is not likely, seeing the papists sought only to establish their own kingdom, that they should exclude one, that was wholly devoted to their religion, for one either contrary, or much suspected. And if the Spaniards did respect the Lady Elizabeth in regard of matter of state: then did they it not for love, as is pretended in the first potent reason. Lastly it is most-false to say, that the papists sought to prefer Queen Elizabeth before the Queen of Scots. For why then did they set her title on foot at the beginning of the queens reign? why have they continually sought to prefer the Scottish title, and to dishable her majesties right? To conclude, why did the 
a Vita di Pio quinto.  pope and his adherents declare the Scottish Queen to be the true and lawful inheritor of the crown? So it appeareth; that these reasons are of no force to conclude, that the papists meant her Majesty any good.  
But why they should purpose her hurt and destruction, divers most forcible reasons may be alleged. First they knew, that her title, right and reign could not stand with the pope's authority, which is the only line and level of the actions of papists, and especially in matters of faith. They knew, I say, that pope Clement had pronounced sentence against her mother's marriage with the King; and that pope Paul the third had seconded him, and declared her illegitimate: which sentences could not well be retracted. Secondly they considered, that she had always been brought up in true religion, and hated Romish superstitions. Thirdly divers feared to be called to account for their injustice and cruelty showed to God's saints, if she should once attain to the crown. Fourthly they feared, lest she would remember the wrongs, which they had offered to herself during her sister's reign. Fiftly they saw they should either turn from their Romish religion or forego their honours, and livings, and that they meant not to do: they had so far engaged themselves already. Lastly the Spaniards, and Italians, and all the pope's agentes saw, that if she succeeded, their hopes were ended, and that they must be packing out of England. Other reasons also may be alleged to this purpose. but what should we search out reasons to prove, that a thing was likely to be done, when it plainly appeareth it was done?  
Secondly he much misliketh that Sir Francis Hastings should say, that Her Majesty came to the crown with the good liking of all true hearted Englishmen both clergy, nobles, and commons, and that then satan and his ministers began to fret and chafe. And what reason hath he so to do, trow you? Forsooth because, as he saith, Papists placed her in possession of the crown. Which is nothing else, but a plain confession against himself, and his clients the papists, that they are no true hearted Englishmen. For if her Majesty were placed in her seat by all true hearted men, then albeit the papists concurred in that action, yet hath this Noddy no reason to take exception to these words of his adversary. But percase he is offended, that Sir Francis should say, that the papists were angry and fretted inwardly, when they saw Queen Elizabeth established in her kingdom. As if it were not apparent, how much it grieved them. Cardinal Poole and some other popish bishops seeing how matters went, died for sorrow: others fled beyond the seas; the rest hung down their heads being sick for extreme grief. Neither of all the popish prelate's could any one be found to celebrate the act of consecration, but one, albeit it was no small danger and disloyalty to refuse to perform it. He that had seen their faces and countenances that day, would have easily conjectured, how much it grieved the papists inwardly, and how falsely this false friar N. D. avoucheth, that they Placed her freely and willingly. So willing they seemed, that nothing grieved them more, then that they had suffered her to live. To make his tale seem better, he saith, That most of the nobility and commons, and all the bishops were papists, when the Queen came to the crown. But he foully mistaketh the matter. For the Papistical prelates were no true bishops, but wolves and hirelings hated for their cruelty and abominations, of all the people generally; and those of the nobility that were in opinion addicted to popish religion, yet were not then factiously combined with the pope.  
Thirdly he goeth about to answer for doctor Story, who upon the queens first coming to the crown, did much repine at it, together with other papists, and said, If they had followed his counsel, they had struck at the root: meaning no doubt her gracious Majesty. But if he had meant to put in an answer, that might have carried colour, & cleared his client from suspicion of treason: he ought to have understood the man's faults and cause better, and to have answered particularly to every point of his accusation. But that, as it seemeth he cannot do, that acquitteth himself so badly in this one. First he saith, These words were never spoken by doctor Story, to his knowledge. As if nothing could be spoken by doctor Story, which came not to his knowledge. but saith he, doctor Story never confessed these words. As if it were necessary or likely that every traitor and malicious enemy of the state should confess his treasons, and malicious purposes: or as if it were not sufficient, that being examined upon these words, he did not deny them, but refused to answer: which refusal in that case purporteth as much, as a confession. But suppose he should have denied the words, yet might he have been convinced by divers witnesses that heard him speak them. He saith further, that doctor Story had no reason to speak any such words. As if a man never did, nor could do any thing, but by reason.  
Secondly he would willingly mollify Stories words by a gentle interpretation, and would make us believe, that By striking at the root, he meant not rooting out of Queen Elizabeth, but rather punishing certain great men favourers of heretics (for so they term true catholics) and for proof of this he allegeth, how Story on a certain time was in a great chafe, because he could not be suffered to apprehend a certain gentleman, and cut his throat at his pleasure, and said, he would no more serve as an Inquisitor, if he should be so crossed. But both the answer and the proof is nothing, but vain trifling. For who can doubt, but he meant her Majesty, seeing otherwise he had given counsel to take away her life; and at that time talked of no other? Again, what root could he understand but her, that was the root and foundation of that state, which could not stand with the kingdom of popery and Antichristianisme? As for those gentlemen, that this fellow speaketh of, they were neither the root, nor the great boughs of our religion.  
Lastly granting that Story had so spoken and meant, yet he saith That there was no reason, why he should therefore be executed as a traitor, for that he spoke those words, as a counsellor to his prince. But first he must understand, that the question is not, whether Story was justly executed, or no; but whether the papists did not seek the Queen's most innocent blood. And this wise disputer doth in effect yield so much, and confess that Doctor Story spoke these words, and that this was consulted upon in council in Queen Mary's days.  
Secondly it appeareth by the story of Doctor Stories trial and arraignment, that he was not called in question for these words, but for high treason: and that most justly. For first he ran over to the D. of Alva, and other the queens enemies, and sought how to stir them up to make war against his prince, and country. Secondly he practised with one Preston & Paine how to make some insurrection in England. Thirdly he entertained intelligence with fugitive rebels, and known enemies of this state. Beside treasons there was objected to him, that he had by virtue of his inquisitors office in Flanders brought divers of his countrymen in danger, and made great spoil of their goods. And so evident and plain were the matters objected against him, that he had no other shift, but to deny himself to be a subject, and to refuse to be iusticed by the laws of this land; which pleading, I think, his advocate here will confess to be most ridiculous.  
Thirdly it cannot be denied, but the words were spoken not only in Queen Mary's time, but also in this queens time. For he was not charged with saying, If you shall follow; but, if you had followed mine advise: Lamenting, that when they might, they had not followed his advise in destroying the Queen.  
Lastly albeit he had been charged only with those words, which by his inditement, by the evidence then given, and by divers witnesses yet living is refuted; yet to imagine or conspire the prince's death, is treason by all laws. This our adversary therefore, that saith, doctor Story was condemned by shouts and clamours, as Christ was before Pilate: blasphemeth in comparing a notorious traitor, and a bloody persecuter of Christ's flock to the most meek and innocent lamb of God Christ jesus. And where he confesseth, that The papists think that Story for his zeal in Queen Mary's time, is to receive a great crown of glory, and fame upon earth: he showeth both his own, and other papists most cruel and bloody mind, that allow of doctor Stories murderous and cruel intentions both against her Majesty, and other godly men: and declareth what favour we are to look for at his hands, if once he and his consorts could have but a finger in government. As for doctor Story, he hath now received his reward, but not of glory, unless he did repent himself of his heresy, and cruelty; of which he gave small tokens at his death.  
After doctor Stories matter, he toucheth the cause of Pius quintus his presumptuous excommunication denounced most injuriously against her Majesty: but very daintily and nicely, not daring to mislike it for offending his holy father the pope; nor daring to allow it, lest he should seem to concur with those public enemies, that seek to take away her honour, crown, and life. Gladly he would excuse the papists his clients, but his pleading is so fond, and foolish, that their enemies cannot desire plainer evidence to accuse them & convict them. First he showeth, and would, if he could tell how, complain, That the bull of Pius quintus the pope is made a common bug against papists every where, as if they were guilty in allowing his fact. And so he thinketh to shift off a foul matter with a few fair words, and with a finta, or feigned show of a down, right blow, to bob or rather abuse his Reader, that looketh for sound reason. But he may not think, seeing he is come into the field, to make a challenge, that he shall so escape our fingers. First he saith, That papists albeit they admit the pope's jurisdiction, yet are not participant of the offence given by the pope. But how doth he prove that? Forsooth you must take it of his own bare word. For other law or reason he allegeth none. So ridiculous an advocate doth he show himself, in the greatest heat of his client's cause. He confesseth that papists allow the pope's jurisdiction; and needs must he so do, or else they should not be papists. Hereof we say, that it is necessarily inferred, that they are as far guilty, as the pope; and no less to be reputed enemies of the prince and state, than the pope himself. Pope Pius, as the world knoweth, disabled her right, pronounced her excommunicate, deprived her of her kingdom, exhorted not only foreign princes to make wars, but all her subjects to rebel against her: finally all such, as should obey her laws, or help her, he doth no less anathematize, than the Queen herself. Praecipinus & interdicimus 
a In Bulla adverse. Elizab.  saith he, universis & singulis proceribus, subditis, populis & alijs praedictis, ne illi einsue monitis, mandatis, & legibus audeant obedire: qui secus egerint, eos simili anathematis sententia innodamus. Neither did he only give sentence against her, but also practise to deprive her. For this cause he practised both with French and Spanish, and sent Vincent Lauro bishop of Mondevi into Scotland, and Robert Ridolphi to make some stir in England. He raised men and sent money into England, and other places for this purpose. So it appeareth that the papists must necessarily allow yea & further the pope's hostile act, if they meant to acknowledge his authority. For otherwise themselves were excommunicate. Besides, they must necessarily obey the pope's commandment. Neither is it to be doubted, but that divers principal papists have entertained intelligence with the pope, and his agents. Lastly it is folly to dispute what papists do mean, when we see evidently what they do. Upon every occasion they are ready to rebel against their princes, when the pope commandeth. They have showed it in Ireland, in Scotland, and in England. In France they rose against king Henry the third, that was a man of their own religion. They profess they are members of the Romish church; which doth necessarily include obedience to the pope. And to conclude, this Noddy confesseth they allow of the pope's authority in depriving of princes of their kingdoms. Wherefore not only all laws of nations, but also all reasons of state condemn such for enemies and traitors to the state. And strange it is, that any prince or state can suffer such, as either adhere to foreign enemies, or else believe that a foreign enemy hath power to dispossess the supreme magistrate of his crown.  
He scorneth Sir Francis Hastings for saying, That no child of mortal man, hath power to dispose of kingdoms, or to depose princes, or to dispense with subjects for not obeying their prince. And maketh show of pleading for the pope's authority in deposing princes. But first we do not here reason, what the pope's power is; but whether the papists that allow his jurisdiction are traitors. Secondly admit that were the question here: yet, I say, that the saying of sir Francis, as he meant it, is most true. For his meaning is, that the pope, that is not only the child of mortal man, but a child of perdition, & the adversary of Christ jesus, hath no such power, as papists pretend, to depose princes. And the same may be proved even by the examples alleged in this place, by the Noddy himself. For neither did Peter nor Paul, which notwithstanding had a far greater authority, than any pope of Rome, depose Tiberius, Caligula, or Nero: nor is it found in holy Scriptures, that any high priest of the jews deposed any king, or discharged any subjects from their obedience. If he knew any such matter done, why doth he not allege his author, and the names of the parties? Nay it is not to be proved, that any mortal man can dissolve the bond of a lawful oath, or disannul that obligation, that is mutual betwixt princes and subjects. Neither is the knight to be condemned for a prince-idolater, for so saying. But the knave his adversary, and his consorts are justly to be condemned, as pope-idolaters. For not only they 
a C. satis dist. 96.  call him in express terms God, and give unto him divine power in translating of kingdoms; but also they acknowledge his judgements to be infallible, and say that the pope and Christ have but one Consistory, and the same authority and power. At Rome the people and priests like beasts fall down and worship him, even as the idolatrous Israelites worshipped the golden calf in the wilderness. Do you then think this man to be wise, that so slenderly and barely toucheth so great a matter, which the grand masters of the Romish synagogue with all their learning are not able to prove? Or may he be thought very sober, where he taketh on him to show, that papists are her majesties good friends, and never sought her destruction, even there to justify pope Pius his hostile acts, that not only sought to deprive her of her state, but also to destroy her; and to confess that they are the pope's adherents, and allow his jurisdiction? howsoever we are to think of others, this assuredly is most apparent, that the author of this railing treatise is a professed enemy of the state. For he doth not only disallow all courses taken for her majesties safety, and the safety of this kingdom, but taketh on him to justify rebels, and to defend public enemies. Do you not then take this fellow to be a worthy mediator to obtain grace for Recusants and papists? But to leave to show his malice and treason, that every where is apparent, and to proceed in our discourse, after he had in a sleight manner touched the pope's act, he denieth, that English papists so soon as her Majesty was in full possession of the crown, began to fret, and chafe, and consequently to practise against her. And his reason is, For that it was twelve years, ere the excommunication of Pius Quintus came out against her. But his defence is void of truth, his conclusion void of reason. The first is apparent not only by the writings of the papists oppugning her government, & by their flight over seas, but also by the obstinacy of the prelate's, all refusing to crown her but one; and by their secret conferences & pack both amongst themselves, and also with the pope and other foreign princes. Neither may we think that the Queen of Scots did then claim the crown of England, or that the French sent over forces into Scotland without their privity. But of this we have already spoken. The second is proved, for that the excommunication of that impious pope was not the first cause, but the extremity of the rancour & malice of papists. Neither was the same procured, but by great suit and labour, & when all other practices failed. Lastly it is certain that the rebellion, that after broke forth in the north was long before plotted, & divers consultations had, how to dispossess her Majesty of the crown, and to alter the estate.  in his slanderous and lying treatise of Schism 
a Lib. 3. de schism.  confesseth, that the popish prelate's upon the first alteration of religion, Had determined to excommunicate the Queen, and enterdite the land; and that afterward misliking that course, they referred the matter to the pope, who upon their solicitation proceeded to excommunication and open hostility.  
To prove that the papists were not cause of the pope's hatred against England, he is not ashamed to say, That the Queen began with the pope, and not he with her; and that the pope was incited by English protestants, & not by papists, to proceed against her. He affirmeth also, That he had great reason to take this course against the Queen and this land, and that first, for that not only the body of religion was changed, that had endured a 1000 years before, and that contrary to expectation & promise, but also divers statutes made against him in opprobrious terms, and the catholic body of England forced to swear against him: and secondly for that the prelate's adhering to the pope were therefore all deprived, and some of them imprisoned. And Thirdly, for that papists were inhibited to fly the realm, and these that remained were enforced to participate not only these oaths, but also to eat new sacrament-bread against their consciences. And Fourthly, for that the pope was traduced in pulpits and schools as antichrist, and scoffed at in plays as author of many ridiculous fooleries. And last of all, For that this change was an example to countries round about us to attempt the like. In which discourse there are many weak reasons, and divers strong and impudent leasings. For first albeit some occasion had been given by us to move the choleric pope's to anger, yet doth it not follow, that they had just cause of anger: nor that the papists did not stir up the coals, and inflame their wrath against us. Secondly admit princes should offend either against Religion or justice; yet neither hath the pope, nor any bishop any authority to depose them from their kingdoms. Christ gave his apostles no such power. Nay himself challenged no earthly kingdom. The apostles taught no such doctrine. Nor did the holy bishops of the ancient church ever claim any such jurisdiction. Nay the pope's themselves before Gregory the seventh did not presume either to deprive princes, or to meddle with their kingdoms. But if the tyranny & impiety of princes grew unsufferable, them was the same either redressed in the parliament, & assembly of the estates of the realm, or else by some that had lawful power by the custom of the country. As for the pope's claim, it is not only contrary to all antiquity, but to rules of state; and so absurd, that men in greatest blindness of antichrists kingdom could not endure it. For what can be devised more absurd, than that a ribald friar, or a humorous Italian, should take on him to depose princes of other countries? Thirdly what reasons soever foreign tyrrants pretend to offer violence to christian princes, yet that is no excuse for the subjects, either to enter into disloial practices, or else to allow their tyrannical and unjust pretences. And therefore all this talk about the pope's furious excommunications, and other acts of hostility is merely impertinent, where the encounter and contention is about the practices of papists, that should show themselves subjects. Fourthly the pope had no reason to complain, that popish prelate's for adhering to him were restrained. For no state may suffer such to enjoy their liberty, as adhere to foreign enemies. Nor do the pope's suffer their Cardinals or friars to adhere to others, whom they account their enemies. fiftly what had the pope to do withal, albeit the Queen for causes did forbid her subjects to departed the country? Hath the prince no interest in his subject, but he may forsake him at pleasure? The pope will not I think give his people that liberty. And if he will not give that to his own subjects; what reason hath he to require it in other prince's subjects? Lastly the pope seeing his authority refuted in disputations, he should rather in schools and pulpits have taught the truth, then with arms in open field sought to overthrow the truth, and the state both together. If he were proved to be antichrist by scriptures, he should by like course have answered. The apostles never sought to establish their authority by force of arms, nor by violence to plant religion. The pope therefore doing contrary, showeth himself to be antichrist, and Mahomet's, rather than the apostles successor.  
The leasings contained in this allegation are likewise divers, and shameless. To say that the Queen began with the pope, is not only false, but also a most vain and ridiculous conceit. For it is well known, and testified by record, that he did persecute her in the person of her parents, when she was yet in the womb, when she was newly borne, and sithence continually: whereas her Majesty only meddled with her own kingdom without respect to the pope, which hath no more power over her Majesty or other christian princes, than the great Turk. For both their authorities are alike forced and usurped.  
Secondly it is a shameless untruth to say, That the body of religion that had endured here above a thousand years, should now be changed by us. Let the Noddy, or because he is but a silly divine, and taketh up all at the second and third hand, let the proudest of that side show, if they can, that we have altered any one article of the christian faith, or abolished one jot of the apostles doctrine. As for the private mass without communion, and the communion under one kind, and the doctrine of transubstantiation, adoration of the sacrament, worship of angels, saints, images, and rotten bones and rags, and other heresies and novelties which the papists have more than we; they are not only beside, but also contrary to Christ and his apostles doctrine, and the faith of Christ's church, as our teachers have heretofore showed, and we shall be able sufficiently to justify in any free and lawful council and meeting against the stoutest champions of the pope's side.  
Thirdly either must he bring proof of a promise made to the pope, that no alteration should be made in religion by her Majesty, or else he will rest convicted of another gross lie. As for the wolvish prelate's it is not greatly material, what they promised. For in king Henry the eight his days they promised to maintain the kings royal authority against the pope. Wherein Gardiner, Bonner, and Tonstall were principal agents; yet did they respect their honest faith, and true promise no more, then if they had said nothing.  
The fourth lie made here, is, That statutes were made against the pope with the most spiteful and opprobrious words that malice could devise. For those statutes which he meaneth were made rather for restoring the princes right usurped by the pope, contrary to law, and reason; then directly against the pope. Again albeit some terms used in the statutes seem sharp, yet come they short of the pope's desert. To accuse the whole state of malice, and spite for inveighing against the pope, this fellow had no reason, were he not a professed enemy of his country, and a slave to the pope, and Spaniard, and other public enemies of this state.  
The fift lie is, That the whole body of England was forced to swear against the pope. For not any one man (so far is he short of the whole land) was forced to swear against the pope, albeit he was never so worthy to be abjured, and detested. Only those that desire either dignities in church and schools, or public offices in the common wealth are commanded to take the oath for the maintenance of the queens regal authority. And if they list not, yet may they live private, albeit they take not the oath. Nay the oath is not tendered to them.  
The sixth lie is, That all the popish prelate's and clergy were deprived of livings and liberty, and committed to prisons, and there continued to their dying day: His own conscience, if he have any conscience, can convince him of it. And infinite witnesses testify, and divers records prove the contrary. For divers of the popish clergy fled-over sea, as Cuthbert Scot, Goldwel, Maurice elect of Bangor and divers others. Some changed copy and retained their livings. divers died before they were deprived, as Hopton of Norwich, Christophorson of Chichester, White of Winchester, and many more. Of the rest some were never in prison, as Oglethorp, & Pool, others were restrained to their own houses, as Heath of York, Bane of Lichfeld. Thurlby and Watson remained in the archbishop's house at Lambeth. Bourne and Troublefeld delivered out of the Tower died at their friends houses. Such is the clemency of her Majesty, and the mildness of our religion.  
The 7. lie is, that papists that Did not fly the land, nor were imprisoned, were forced to participate our sacraments, Which this impious companion calleth New devised sacrament bread: and saith, It was anathematized by the Lutherans the first founders (as he writeth) of our religion. A lie composed of divers untruths. For first we enforce none to our religion: Nay there is no penal statute against those, that receive not the Sacraments: the more pity. Secondly he cannot show where the churches of Germany have either anathematized or condemned our communion. Lastly we do affirm and offer to prove against the whole rabble of jesuits and friars, that the sacraments of our church which this scornful wretch so impiously rejecteth, are most consonant to Christ his institution, and the practice of the apostolic and catholic church. But the blasphemous mass, the half communion, the idolatrous worship of the bread of the altar, the abolishing of bread out of the sacrament, the popish priesthood, the popish sacraments, neither can they be proved, nor will they be so defended, but that the doctrine of papists and their practice will always appear to be contrary to Christ his institution, and the doctrine of the catholic church: and therefore most worthy to be abolished and anathematized.  
It is false also, That the pope was by us made a matter of scorn, or that this proposition, viz. That the pope is antichrist, and such like, are matters ridiculous. For such propositions we take to be most true, and dare always maintain them against more valiant disputers, than this Noddy ever will be. And therefore we do not think the pope a man to be scorned, but a tyrant to be seriously shunned and abhorred of all christians. Let this then make the eight lie.  
This is also a lie most palpable and gross, That other princes fearing harm, that might ensue of the alteration of religion in England, complained hereof to the pope, and that he proceeded against the Queen upon their complaints and instance. Let him if he can show these pretended complaints. If he cannot show them, let him at the least prove them, by some witness, or record. If not then do I not doubt, but he will prove himself a vain jangler. Which appeareth also by this, that Sanders 
a Lib. 3. de schism.  saith, The pope proceeded at the instance of English prelate's, that referred the matter to him. Beside that, the pope is not so dull in working mischief, that he needeth the solicitation of others to stir him. Nay it is clear, that pope Pius 
b Vita di Pio quinto.  stirred up both Philip of Spain, and the French men against us. And the like industry did Paul the third use in stirring up wars and rebellions against Henry the eight king of England, and drawing troubles upon the princes of Germany. No man therefore henceforth can justly doubt, but that all those practices, which have been lately made against her Majesty have proceeded principally from the pope's malice and rancour against true religion, and the professors thereof; and next from the malcontentment, and treachery of papists and their agents. These are the two fountains, from whence all our wars, rebellions, treasons, attempts to murder and poison princes, and other great persons, and other such like villainous practices against the state have flowed.  
Now lest any scruple might remain in men's minds, he endeavoureth to show how far the excommunication of Pius quintus toucheth the papists in England, and saith, that They are not to discuss the question betwixt the Queen and the pope, but to love the one and the other. But this resolution is so unsufficient, that it doth rather increase, then diminish our doubt. For how can any good subject love him, that seeketh the destruction of his prince? How can a man serve, not two masters, but two masters so contrary, and adhere to a religious Queen, if he be a vassal to antichrist? Beside this, seeing papists make the pope the sovereign judge of these matters, what a ridiculous conceit is it to think, that a papist can judge otherwise, than the pope judgeth or sentenceth? His reasons also are such as can satisfy none of any mean understanding. First saith he, This excommunication is an act of jurisdiction betwixt two superiors. As if it were not mere foolery to say, that jurisdiction can be exercised betwixt superiors, or between equals. And if papists grant that the pope is superior to the Queen, then must they adhere to him, and forsake her. Which no doubt they will do, and must do, if order be not taken with them. Besides we deny that this excommunication is an act of jurisdiction, or justice. Nay the world seeth, it is a mere act of villainy, and presumptuous tyranny, for a ribald like companion, and a lousy friar to attempt to depose a prince; and a most notorious foolery to imagine, that the pope's of Rome who have no right in that, which they injuriously possess, have power to take away the right which belongeth to others.  
Secondly he saith, That upon the pope's excommunication against a prince, the subjects consent was never asked nor admitted. Why then doth the pope excommunicate all those, that after his excommunication adhere to her Majesty? Are not his 
a In bulla Pij ●. adverse. Eliz.  words plain? Howbeit I confess, that if rightly we will esteem of matters, the pope's excommunication is no excommunication, he being an usurper and no judge in this case. And therefore all true subjects are to account of his excommunication, as of a denunciation of his malice, and an argument of his shameful dealing against Christian princes contrary to all precedents of antiquity: and to esteem them all not only slaves of Antichrist, but enemies of the estate, that shall not plainly condemn it, as wicked and unlawful. But if the excommunication should be lawful, yet are Christians to know it, and allow it, for that it bindeth not, before it be published, and allowed.  
Thirdly he saith, It is no new thing for pope's to excommunicate princes. And that the subject is not to be troubled for his old received belief about the pope's authority. But he is much deceived, in things new or old. In faith and belief all is new, that is not taught by Christ and his apostles. Wherefore unless he can show this authority to be given from Christ, he must needs confess the Romish faith therein to be new. Nay he cannot show, that the pope's either claimed, or practised any such power, as to excommunicate and depose princes, before Gregory the seventh, that was therefore rightly called Hell-brand, or the firebrand of the devil, to set discord betwixt Christian princes, to the weakening and utter overthrow of Christendom, and enlarging of the Turkish empire. Otho Frisingensis, and Trithemius, and he that wrote the life of Henry the fourth emperor, do all testify, that he was the first that attempted to excommunicate princes, and that at the first his excommunications were little regarded.  
Fourthly he telleth us, that The subject is not to discuss, whether the pope had just cause to excommunicate the prince: which altogether overthroweth his clients the papists cause, & declareth them to be utter enemies to the prince excommunicate. For if they may not discuss the pope's proceeding, but to believe, that in his judicial sentences he cannot err, especially in matters of faith: then must they of force believe, that the pope hath done well to excommunicate their Queen, and must aid him to execute it without further inquiry; which teacheth us without further inquiry also, that all papists that allow the pope's authority in excommunicating the Queen are enemies, if they be foreigners; and traitors, if they be subjects.  
Lastly he referreth his clients the papists of England, to consider what the papists of France did of late, when their kings were excommunicate; and to English, that lived in king john's time. Which plainly argueth, that though he would have them look smoothly for the time; yet when occasion serveth, he closely signifieth that they ought to rebel against their princes. For so did they of the league in France: and so did the subjects here in England against king john. And generally all papists are bound to believe, that the pope's excommunications are to be executed; and this is their common doctrine. But suppose our adversary should teach papists to contemn the pope's authority, which he is not like to do; yet would not his exhortation work any effect. For always upon the pope's excommunication have wars and rebellions ensued, where the pope hath had any authority. This was the beginning and motive of the bloody wars of the pope's against Henry the fourth and fift, and the two Fridericks, and against Otho, Philip, and Lewis of Bavier emperors of Germany. And no other cause can be assigned of the insurrections against king Henry the eight, & other excommunicate princes. In vain therefore doth this Noddy go about to reconcile the subjects obedience with the excommunications of the pope. They never did, nor ever could agree hitherto. Fire and water may percase be reconciled; but these two cannot. Neither do I think, that he meaneth to reconcile them. Only he desireth some respite, until by our negligence, either the papists may get a head, or foreign enemies have made their provisions ready. For how little affection he beareth to the prince and state, it appeareth throughout all his defence.  
In this place he goeth about to smooth, and as far as he dare with the safety of the cause in hand, to defend the insurrection in the north of England anno 1569. the rebellions in Ireland, the practices of Charles Paget, and Francis Throgmorton, and divers other attempts against her Majesty and the state. Whereas the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland rose in arms in the north, and spoiled all that quarter, and purposed not only the destruction of the prince, but also the subversion of the state, and the bringing in of strangers, as appeareth by the negotiation of Ridolpho, as it is set down in pope Pius the fift his life. he saith, They only gathered ●heir tenants together, and without battle or bloodshed retired. As if they had meant nothing, but to meet at an ale-stake or May-game. Doctor Sanders raised a rebellion in Ireland. Francis Throgmorton not only revealed the secrets of the state to Bernardin Mendoça, and practised with him, how to draw in foreign enemies; but also had his finger in other treasons. Charles Paget began a practice about the coast of Sussex, & was the overthrow of Henry earl of Northumberland, and afterward continued practising what mischief he could against his country. The late earl of northumberlands actions were openly declared in the star-chamber to be dangerous. The last earl of Arundel was taken, as he was passing over to the enemies. And yet all these treasonable and dangerous practices are by him either lightly passed, or else coloured.  
He saith, that Francis Throgmorton died for having a description of some ports in his chamber. But his own confession testifieth, that he was touched for far greater matters: and I have partly pointed at the same. He saith The earl of Arundel was condemned only for hearing of a mass: and that he had cause to rejoice, that he was condemned for such a treason. As if it were so spiritual and glorious a matter to hear a mass. Assuredly in times past masses were no such glorious matters, when they were sold to all comers for thrée-halfe-pences a piece and under. As for the earl, he had great cause to commend the clemency of this government, or else he had well understood, that he had committed greater faults then hearing of a mass: all which I forbear to relate for the respect I bear to his house.  
The justice that hath been done upon papists that have been convicted either of rebellion, or secret practices with foreign enemies, or other kinds of treason and felony, he calleth Pressures, vexations, dishonours, rapines, slaughters, and afflictions: Dishonouring her Majesty and the state, and calumniating the judges. And yet were more true catholics and religious christians executed within one year in Queen Mary's time, then traitorous papists since her Majesty came to the crown. 
a Histor. Genuens. lib. 23.  Bizarus and other strangers do greatly commend her majesties clemency, her very enemies could never appeach her of cruelty. The papists most cruelly murder those, that are of a divers religion. albeit they yield obedience to their prince, and desire to live quietly. Her Majesty executeth none to death for popish religion. nay lest she should seem to touch any for religion, she doth oftentimes spare offenders guilty of dangerous practices and treasons. Likewise in drawing the obstinate to the church there is great moderation used. Many offend: few are punished, and that very gently. The papists have the greatest part of the wealth of the land in their hands. divers railing companions are still publishing libels to the dishonour of her Majesty, and the whole government; neither can this Noddy repress his malicious affection, but he must needs allow their doings. And yet the papists are spared; although never the more for his wise pleading.  
Finally he commendeth the papists for their patience. But I think he meaneth the patience rather of lombards, then of christians. For they never had yet patience, but when they were unable to resist. In king Henry the eight days they made divers insurrections in England. The trumpets of sedition were monks and friars. In king Edward the sixth his days they stirred in Devonshire and Cornwall, and all for want of their mass, and holy-water, and such like trinkets. The chief movers thereof were likewise priests. in Queen Elizabeth's time they made head first in the north parts, and afterward in Ireland. by the seditious practices of priests and jesuits either most, or a great part of that country is in combustion. Neither have they omitted any opportunity, to move new rebellions in England. In France they conspired together against their lawful kings Henry the third and fourth; and never gave over, until they were overcome by famine, sword and other calamities. and this is the patience of papists. nay they say, that if the first christians had had power, they would have deposed Nero, Dioclesian, and other persecutors. 
a Lib. 5. de pontiff. Rom. c. 7.  Quod si Christiani olim, saith Bellarm. non deposuerunt Neronem & Dioclesianum, & julianum apostatam, ac Valentem Arianum & similes; id fuit, quia decrant vires temporales Christianis. So when papists are too weak to resist, than they are content to obey: but give them head; and then beware. Compare now the doings and proceedings of our side with our adversaries: I hope there shall be no such wickedness found in our hands. Diligently doth this fellow search matter against us, but findeth none.  
To justify his consorts, he telleth us of Goodman: but we do not allow his private opinion. Beside that, he doth not like rebellion, but misliketh women's government, which opinion since himself hath retracted. Secondly he objecteth against us Wyat's rebellion. But that was not for religion, but for matter of state: not against Queen Marie, but against strangers, whose tyranny he abhorred. Thirdly he telleth us, and that in very tragical terms, Of armies, camps, battles, insurrections, desolations caused in Germany, France, Flanders, she practise of the world, he was thought not unworthy to be employed in public causes. His body was misshaped, especially his toes, & feet, which declared that he was ex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 genere: that is of the kind of crooked clawed beasts, but that was covered with his gown and slippers. His first step out of the university was into the Cardinal's house, where he learned the Cardinal's pride, and vanity. His first employment was in the negotiation at Rome about the kings marriage with the Lady Anne Bollen, who sent him thither together with Edward Fox to solicit her cause. For his wit and experience, he was thought fit to be employed, and specially named by the Queen: but his false and treacherous dealing in that cause, did much hinder the kings proceeding, as afterward did manifestly appear. Notwithstanding because the Queen thought he had taken pains, and dealt faithfully with her; she was the cause, that he was nominated by the king, and so preferred to be bishop of Winchester. The which that he might seem to deserve, he did publicly defend the kings supreme authority against the pope, and by an oath, whereof there is yet a public act remaining, he forswore and abjured the pope. afterward taking the opportunity of the kings humour, he wrought an alienation of the kings mind from the Queen, and never ceased, until he brought that innocent Lady unto her end. and not content herewith he was a special instrument of that act of parliament, that was made against her marriage, and her issue. Thus this viper rewarded that good Queen, by whom he was advanced. Nourish up dogs and they will bite; save the life of a serpent, and he will sting. Now hitherto Gardener in outward show was a great oppugner of the pope's authority, but whether upon hope of greater preferment by the pope, or displeasure to some about the king, afterward he began to hearken to the pope. Being sent with Sir Henry Knivet to Ratisbone to a certain diet holden by the Emperor there, he was discovered to have made a pack with Cardinal Contarene, and from thence wrote letters to the pope. Which the king took so offensively, that in all pardons commonly granted in parliaments, he excepted treasons done beyond the seas: meaning no doubt this treason of Winchester. Returning home now reconciled to the pope, he proved a great persecutor of true christians. He was the chief mover of the king to set out the act of six articles, which was the occasion of so many innocents death; and in execution thereof this wolf was always most forward; as contrariwise, if the king was advised to reform any abuse, he was always most backward. In the latter time of the king he was so out of his favour, that he came not in his presence. And where beforetime he was made one of the tutors to young king Edward, and an overseer of king Henry's will, he was quite dashed out, and by no means could be admitted again, either to his place, in the king's favour, or in his will Which proceeded, as may probably be conjectured, for that he was the cause of Queen Anne's death, which the king toward his latter end so much repent. In the beginning of king Edward's days he hindered the journey into Scotland, and whatsoever might make for the honour of the young king, as appeareth by his letters to the Lord Protector. And yet in open terms acknowledged the king's supremacy, and once more 
a The acts are extant.  denied the pope. But upon the Protectors death, the man seeing a storm coming, did obstinately resist the kings proceedings, and so was worthily deprived of his bishopric, and committed to prison. But being delivered from thence by Queen Marie, he raged against the flock of Christ like a wolf famished, and long restrained. And as before he had caused Queen Anne to lose her life, so he sought to bring the lady Elizabeth her daughter to destruction. He was the only instrument to examine and entrap the innocent lady, and by divers means sought to suborn false witnesses, to accuse her, as an abettor of Wyat's insurrection. And so far he prevailed, as a warrant was brought to Master Bridges then lieutenant of the tower, for her execution. Thus had the hope of her happy government been cut off, if God had not stirred up the lieutenant to make stay of execution, until the queens pleasure was further known. He was also the only man, that prosecuted bishop Ridley, and bishop Latimer to death: insomuch that expecting news from Oxford of their execution: he would not dine before he had heard, that fire was set to them. But see God's judgements upon the cruel tyrant: even that self same dinner, in the midst of his merriment, God so struck him, that he was carried from the table to his bed, and never rose until he died. So he raged while he lived, and raved when he died. His actions in his life time were odious, his body dying did stink so odiously, that his servants could not endure it. He would not suffer the holy martyrs to speak at their death, and therefore God struck him so in his tongue with swelling, that sometime before his death he was not able to utter one word. and this was the life and death of this monster. Of other qualities I will not speak. One of his men set out a treatise against the marriage of ministers; wherein it seemeth his finger was. But much more honesty it had been for him to have been married. He wrote divers things, but he wrote not only contrary to himself, but also both to papists and protestants, which his works now extant do show, refuting notoriously the vain brags, which our adversary maketh of his learning.  
William Allen was borne I know not where, but he was brought up in the university of Oxford, from whence either discontented with the present government, or else induced with hope of better preferment otherwhere, he fled into the low countries, and there became a reader of the pope's broken divinity. Afterward being nouzled among rebels and traitors, he began to teach positions of rebellion and treason to his countrymen, that came over, and so instructed them, that divers of his scholars proved masters in wilful disobedience and treason against their prince and country. himself 
a In his answer. ad per seq. Aug. c. 5.  saith, That it is not only lawful, but glorious for subjects to take arms against princes, that will not admit popish religion. He alloweth and commendeth not only the rebellion in England, but also in Ireland, that was raised for that cause. Neither should it seem, that any practice was made against her Majesty by the papists, but he either was a plotter of it, or had understanding of it. When her Majesty sent aid to the distressed people of the low countries, he by his pestilent persuasions caused Stanley and his regiment most shamefully to betray Deventer, nay to betray the honour of his country, and his prince, and to turn to the enemy. And that it might appear to be his act, he was not ashamed publicly in a book written, to defend this treason, and dishonour. For which cause king Philip gave him living and pension, and the pope at length gave him the title of a Cardinal, and called he was Cardinal of Saint Martin in Montibus, to show that he sought no low matters, but would fly to the top of the hills. He was also called Cardinal of England, for that he meant to be legate of England, and to betray it to the pope. For these base services he was esteemed both of the Spanish king and pope, but always as a traitor and perfidious enemy to the prince and state. Which as it appeared always, so especially in anno 1588. For than was he appointed to come into England with the Spanish army for the subversion, and utter desolation of that, which should have been his most dear country. Nay it is apparent, that this war was especially stirred up by him and his consorts at home and abroad. Sixtus Quintus 
a The declaration of the sentence of Sixtus Quintus.  saith he, Solicited by the zealous and importunate instance of sundry the most principal persons of English catholics hath dealt earnestly with divers princes, and specially with the potent king catholic of Spain, that he will employ his forces to the deposition of the Queen, and correction of her complices. He 
b In his letters to the nobles and people of England.  showeth that divers English Did come also in the Spanish army, and navy, and that he himself would be present to mediate, that the English might be well entreated of the conquerors: at the least, that they might have their throats cut gently. He 
c Ibidem.  curseth all those, That should fight for their prince and country, and not take part with foreign enemies. He exhorteth all to rise and fight against the Queen. If you should, 
d Ibidem.  saith he, sit still, or refuse to help the Spaniard, or seek to uphold the usurper (so he calleth the Queen) or her complices, you shall incur the angels curse and malediction upon the land of Meros', and be as deeply excommunicated as she is. He discourageth and frayeth all those, that would fight for their country, and 
e Ibidem.  saith, Fight not for God's love, lest you be damned. And to the intent to make her Majesty and this government most odious, he hath published against her the most execrable and malicious libel, that either by malice could be devised, or by words uttered. Nay he raileth against all honest men, that were likely to take her part. And of these libels he had caused whole barrels to be embarked for England. But God overthrowing the Spanish navy, he thought it wisdom to conceal the malice of the popish faction, and to truss up his farthels, and send his libels back to Rome, lest the libel might work a contrary effect, then that for which it was devised. This expedition dissolved, this hungry cardinal returned to Rome laden with shame and reproach, for that his wicked counsels took no better effect. In the end the pope perceiving he could do no more mischief to his country, and that he was rather a burden, than otherwise, made small account of him. Whereupon ensued his death either upon grief, or percase some other secret occasion. So hateful was his life, and his death miserable and shameful. In all his life he sought the ruin of his native country, and therefore God's will was, that he should die inglorious in a strange country. Seeing then these were the qualities and proceed of Gardiner and Allen, who doth not detest the memory of two such wicked monsters? The Noddy in this encounter saith what he can both in their excuse and praise: but if he had thought that any would have come against him, I believe he would have kept silence.  
He saith first, That none was further from blood and cruelty than Gardiner; & to prove it, allegeth That it proceeded only from his gentle nature, that some of the greatest protestants in Queen Mary's time were not called to account: and that he laboured to save the Lord Sturton condemned for murdering of Harguill, & the Lady Smith burned for killing her husband, and the duke of Northumberland condemned for rebellion. Further he telleth us, How a certain bracelet came to his hands containing the secret of Wyat's action, and yet that he never urged the knowledge gotten thereof to the Lady Elizabeth's peril, she being then an object of love and compassion, rather than of envy and hatred. And much idle talk he spendeth about these matters, but his pleading is of that nature, that his own friends must needs acknowledge that he wanteth shame in avowing notorious untruths; and common reason in alleging such matters as either make against him, or at the least nothing for him. For wherein could he show himself more shameless, then in praising Gardener for his mildness and gentle nature, when so many particulars, as we have before set down, do declare him to be most cruel and savage, not sparing any, that stood well affected to that religion, which he hated? Beside that, did he not seek the death of the Lady Parr last wife of king Henry the eight, and the Lady Tyrwhit, the Lady Lane, and Lady Harbert her three waiting women? Did he not procure the king to set his hand to the articles against the Queen, and meant to have proceeded further, had not she by her modest carriage and answers pacified the king's anger? It is also evident, that he pursued doctor Barnes, and divers other good men even to the very death. Neither was Arm Askew tormented first, and then burned without his privity. Wherefore if divers principal protestants, as they are called, or rather Christians were not called to account; it was rather want of ability than will, that was never wanting in Gardener to shed innocent blood. For he that caused one Queen to be slaughtered upon false criminations, and sought the death of an other, especially aiming at the greatest, while Bonner and his companions were butchering of the lambs, and lesser sheep of Christ's fold, we may not think, that he meant to forbear any. No either it was the king's pleasure, that would not have his servants butchered, or else the strength, or the wise carriage of the parties, that kept them out of Gardiner's hand, that delighted in nothing more than blood.  
Likewise it is a notorious untruth, that either by a bracelet, or by any other sign Gardiner was able to prove the Lady Elizabeth consenting to Wiat's attempt. But if he had but had the least argument of disloyalty against her, she could not have escaped his hands. For albeit there was no colour, yet did he seek to suborn witnesses against her, & promise life to Wyatt, if he would accuse her. What likelihood is there then, if he sought witnesses against the lady, and that most greedily, that he should conceal an evidence being happily found, especially such a one as might reveal hidden mysteries?  
Thus our adversary groundeth his defence upon untruths. Besides that he raiseth his building upon things very impertinent, and which make little for Gardiner's credit. He saith, He entreated for the life of the Lord Sturton, the Lady Smith, and the Duke of Northumberland. As if Phalaris and Dionysius and the most bloody and cruel tyrants, that ever yet lived, did not spare some offenders, to whom they bore affection: even wolves agree with wolves, and serpents do not sting one another. If then Gardiner favoured malefactors, whores, and rebels, and such like, and without remission prosecuted true Christians; it is apparent, that he was extremely cruel, and that his cruelty was extended against the best men. Sure if this discourser, had been wise, he would not have mentioned the Lord Sturton, or the Lady Smith, seeing no man being such as Gardiner was, could with any honour speak for them, the one having committed a most execrable murder upon Harguil, the other having killed her own husband. No doubt she was an honest woman, that Winchester would speak for.  
He saith that The Lady Elizabeth was then an object of love and compashion, rather than of envy and hatred. The which doth argue Gardiner's extreme cruelty, that had no remorse of conscience to shed so innocent a Lady's blood, forgetting all natural pity and compassion that was due to a woman of her years, and quality, and in that case.  
Where sir Francis saith, That recusants cannot profess more loyalty and love to Queen Elizabeth and to the state, than Gardiner did to king Henry, and his son king Edward, & to the state then; and yet in the days of Queen Marie betrayed the Queen, and realm into the pope's, and Spaniards hands, pulling off his vizor of love and loyalty, and showing himself in his natural likeness and qualities: The wise N. D. taketh exceptions to his sayings, and telleth him, that either he is ignorant of matters then passed or else willingly telleth untruths: and so he entereth into a long discourse concerning Gardiner's fall, as he calleth it; and the matching of Queen Mary with king Philip, & the coming in of the Spaniards, excusing Gardener for writing against the pope, and flatly denying, that he consented to match the Queen with the prince of Spain. but first this talk of Recusants is impertinent in this place, and argueth nothing else, but that this point charged upon Recusants, is a bone too hard for him to gnaw, and a matter which had been better concealed then mentioned in this place; declaring plainly, what we are to expect at their hands, if time serve.  
Secondly it is most false, that either Gardener did then fall, or commit a fault, when he stood for the prince's supremacy against the pope, or else that he condemned his doing therein during king Henry's days. Nay when his Secretary German Gardiner was executed; he had like himself to have passed the same way, had he not confessed his fault to the king, and desired pardon with promise of amendment. Likewise in king Edward's days being examined first, Whether he did not believe, that the king was justly and aught to be the head of the church of England, and of the synod or convocation: and secondly, Whether he had not authority, to make ecclesiastical laws, for church government; he answered to both affirmatively. Which showeth, that this Noddy was ignorant of matters of those times, and not his adversary. But if i● writing against the pope he did evil, sure in nothing did he well. For this was the only act, for which he deserved commendation. To write for the pope, or to acknowledge the pope's authority, is nothing else, but unnaturally to subject this country to a stranger, and to acknowledge the usurped power of a tyrant, that is undoubtedly Antichrist.  
In this place also the Noddy heapeth up other lies upon the back of the first, adding lies to lies. He saith, That Gardiner was one of the chief of sixteen Counsellors, that were appointed by king Henry's testament, and earnest charge of mouth at his last hour, to govern his son and realm, and that the king earnestly gave charge, that no alteration of religion should be made during his sons minority. But neither was he one of the chief, nor any governor at all. For the king long before his death had dashed him out of his will, as a turbulent fellow, and not worthy to have such a charge committed unto him. Neither would he be induced at sir Anthony Brownes request to admit him again to that place. Secondly this Gardener was neither present when the king died, nor many days before, being commanded out of his sight. Thirdly it is most notorious, that the king dealt most earnestly with Annibault the French kings ambassador a little before his death to persuade his king to establish a reformation of religion in France. And therefore this tale of forbidding alteration, is a mere fiction. Whatsoever the king commanded, that certes was to Gardener unknown, being forbidden the king's presence. Fourthly how absurd is it to think, that Gardiner durst plead the pope's right to the king, when for this only suspicion, that he inclined to the pope, he had, no doubt, been called in question, had he not submitted himself to the king's mercy? That he did so, is a most shameless lie; as also that he denied the King's supremacy in his sermon preached before king Edward, which this Noddy affirmeth contrary to all truth. And therefore doth far better deserve the title of Steelebrow, than his adversary. sure, if he had not been both stéelebrowed, and béetilbrowed, yea and béetilheaded; he would never have been so bold in affirming so many untruths without ground or witness; nay contrary to all record of story, and testification of witnesses.  
Thirdly it is most true, That Gardiner was a principal actor in matching Queen Mary with Philip of Spain; which our adversary denieth: and most false, that the Counsel was divided about this matter, some favouring the earl of Devonshire, others the prince of Spain; which he affirmeth. That is proved, for that he wrote and received letters from Charles the emperor to this purpose; and also in that he was a chief dealer about the articles agreed upon, at the time of the marriage; and last of all for that the prince of Spain came first to Winchester, and was married by the bishop, as a man specially favouring that match. The second point is proved first by the testimony of 
a Lib. 2. de schism.   that saith, that all the counsel liked this match in regard of bringing back the church of England to the church of Rome. And secondly for that the Queen made choice of the earl of Devonshire herself; and such was her affection, that she had married him, but that all her Counsel resisted it, and devised most slanderous letters in the emperor's name against the young man. And lastly for that the young earl was suspected for religion, & so given to his affections, that he did not himself desire any such matter, nor if he had desired it, could he have been liked by Winchester. Neither skilleth it whether Winchester called him his spiritual child, or no. If he did, then was he an unkind spiritual father, that gave counsel to send his child away into Italy, where by a most shameful practice of this wicked generation he was poisoned and made away. Resteth then that this practice of Winchester to bring in the authority of the pope, and tyranny of Spaniards was most dangerous to this state, and aught to be most hateful to this nation. If he did not please the pope nor emperor neither, as this our adversary pretendeth; then was he odious to all the world.  
His sermon certes preached at Paul's cross before the king and Queen, and pope's legate, declared, that as in times past he had used his authority to persecute poor Christians, so here he did abuse gods word to please the pope's agent, and those that favoured his faction. His text was, Hora est iani nos de somno surgere; which is taken out of Saint Paul's epistle to the Romans'. And out of this he went about to show, that since the church of England had departed from the subjection of the pope, the people had continued, as it were, in a sleep: therefore did he conclude, that every man must awake, and return again to the pope. as if the apostle in those words had willed men to submit themselves, and to return to the obedience of the pope, and to embrace his most vain superstitions and his fantastical and impious traditions: which, god wots, was no part of the apostles meaning. Nay he rather speaketh of the pope 2. Thes. 2. where he mentioneth the man of sin, that shall sit in the temple of God, and advance himself above all that is called God. And in this place he rather exhorteth worldlings that are drowned in sensuality and pleasures, and forget God while they follow the vanities of this world, to awake and call themselves to a serious cogitation of spiritual matters. For security and senseless stupidity is an image of sleep, or death rather. And it may very well be applied to those, that either are besotted with popish ignorance, not knowing any point of Christian faith, or that walk in darkness of popish errors, and will not awake out of their senseless sleep, and come to the light of God's word, that is offered to them. For to speak truly, the doctrine of popery is nothing, but a doctrine of darkness, of sleep, of death. But let us see how our adversary defendeth this noble sermon. first saith he, It was preached before the king and Queen, the pope's legate, the ambassadors of divers princes, and a great audience. As if many great fooleries, and vain toys had not been declared before great princes, and many auditors. The more were present here, the more witnesses there were of the man's great simplicity, in mistaking; and shameless impudence, in perverting the scriptures.  
Secondly he telleth us, How Gardiner's discourse was to show, how long the people of England had run astray, and been in darkness of division and strife. But first he seemed himself to be as it were in a sleep, when he talked of darkness, and should have spoken of sleep. For between these two there is no small difference. For many awake in the night, and others sleep at noon day. Secondly he committeth no small error, where he calleth the separation from popery, Darkness of division and strife. For he that is joined to Christ, walketh in light, and they that live under the pope continue in Egyptian darkness. Beside, this darkness doth rather work confusion, than division.  
Thirdly he saith that Gardener uttered two things that greatly moved the whole auditory. The first was the hearty accusation of himself for his book de vera obedientia. Which he uttered weeping like a great calf, and as our adversary telleth us, With such vehemency as he was forced divers times to make some pauses. And that these tears were not feigned, saith he, It appeared in this, that drawing to his end, he said, negavi cum Petro, exivi cum Petro, sed nendun amarè flevi cum Petro. The second was a relation how king Henry a little before his death dealt with him secretly and seriously, to go into Germany to a certain diet, and there to take some course, that he might be reconciled to the pope. But what maketh all this to the true expounding of this text, Hora est iam nos de somno surgere? Surely no more, then if he should have talked of clipping of goats, or shearing of swine, and such idle fancies as be represented to men in their sleep. Besides that here are many untruths contained, of which I have great cause to doubt, whether ever they were uttered in so famous and public an auditory, or no. First it is a most shameless untruth, to affirm, that ever the king desired to be reconciled to the pope. his words, his actions, yea all his proceedings, tended to the contrary: and of this point he was so well resolved, that rather he sought to persuade others, to renounce the pope, then determined himself to return to the pope. Finally what could be devised more absurd, then to feign that such a noble and magnanimous prince did voluntarily submit himself to a base enemy, which by no force nor persuasion, he could be induced to do. Secondly, it is an absurd thing to think, that if the king meant to do any such matter, he would impose the charge upon him, that had written against the pope's power, and forsworn it, and until the protector's death in king Edward's days did acknowledge the prince's supremacy. Thirdly it is apparent, that the king long time before his death suspected him for a secret traitor, and could no way abide, that he should come in his presence, as the Lord Paget, and sir Anthony Browne, the Duke of Suffolk and divers others testified. And therefore if any such thing had been in the king's head, he would rather have used any other, then him. At least he would have declared his mind to some of his Counsels beside Gardiner. Fourthly I cannot learn, that ever the bishop of Winchester did speak these words at Paul's cross. And therefore most like it is, they have been forged since, and fathered upon him. Lastly if the king would have any such matter handled, he would not have sent into Germany, but to Rome: neither needed he to have doubted, but he should most willingly have been received, if he had intended any such submission. All these points therefore seem to have been devised by some lying companion, & stand only upon the bare credit of this our wise adversary, without proof of any one witness or record: and therefore we may well conclude, that the second thing which he fathereth upon Gardiner is a mere lie.  
In the relation of the first thing also there are many untruths. First whether the auditory were moved, or no, at the bishop's sermons; it may be some question. That the same was not moved to believe the bishop, if he said as much as is here written, it is most certain, seeing the untruth of his brags of the king's favour was so notorious. Secondly that Gardener should weep for denying the pope, is a most ridiculous fiction. Nay rather it seemed he wept, that for saving his temporal honours, was here constrained publicly to deny Christ, and to adhere to Antichrist. Thirdly it cannot be, that Gardiner being near his end should say those words, that are set down by this reporter. For his tongue was so swollen sometime before his death, that he was not able to utter one plain word. And if he did sometimes before his death lament his denial with Peter, yet could it not be, that he meant of his abjuring the pope (for Peter denied Christ, and not the pope) but of his plain renouncing of Christ, to please the pope. Fourthly it is ridiculous to think, that Gardiner was a sleep when he wrote his book, De vera obedientia. Nay it was more likely, that he was brought a sleep when he listened to the pope's enchantments, and forgetting Christ followed the course of the world. Lastly all his weeping, sobbing, and sighing was counterfeit, and his sorrow feigned only to please the pope's legate.  
But saith our adversary, If ever man might take upon him to talk of a sleep or dream in matters of our common wealth, then might Gardiner do it. As if it were so great a matter to talk of sleeping. Sure gardiner's and this fellows talk is so evil fitted, that they seem to dream, while they reasoned of sleeping; and come not near that sleep, of which the apostle speaketh. Philosophers say that sleep is a binding of the senses, and that it is rather a time of rest and quiet, then of trouble and tossing too and fro. Further in sleep men oftentimes do think they see and feel, which they see not, nor feel not. Absurdly therefore should the times of king Henry and king Edward be compared to a sleep, if there were in those times such stirs and troubles, as this fellow surmiseth. Beside that, when More and Fisher lost their heads, it was no idle fancy, such as is represented unto us, when we sleep. Neither if the king was so much troubled about matters of religion, as this sleeping Noddy, or Nodding sléeper pretendeth, than was he not in a sleep. So then the similitude of sleep & a troubled state was very unfit. And yet to fit the same he feigneth, I know not what, troubles in the king's mind about his divorce, and matters of religion, most falsely. For excepting those troubles which the pope stirred, and Gardener by his evil counsel procured, there happened to the king nothing more than ordinary. Nay after his divorce from his brother's wife his mind was settled, and after the abrogation of the pope's authority, both he and his subjects received great contentment; and his state, great assurance.  
He telleth further, How Gardiner was wont to say of the king, that leaving to love her, whom by gods and man's laws he was bound to love, he never loved any person heartily afterward. But this is not likely, seeing Gardiner was a principal agent in the king's divorce, and knew that neither gods law, nor man's law was against it. Nay he knew, that it was directly against god's law for a man to marry the relict of his brother, and that man's laws also forbidden it. Lastly it is apparent, that all that allowed this marriage, stood only upon the pope's dispensation, which now all men know not to be worth a straw. Beside this, all this talk concerning the king's divorce is impertinent to the sermon, and more impertinent to Gardiner's text, about which the question is betwixt us: and argueth nothing, but the extreme hatred and malice of the popish faction against the noble king Henry the eight of famous memory, whom upon every occasion, yea and without occasion they are always ready to traduce: and all because he dispossessed the pope of his usurped authority. This is also the root of their malice against Queen Elizabeth, which hath moved them to publish so many scurrilous libels against her. Neither have they spared that innocent king, the hope of our time so untimely taken from us, king Edward the sixth, unto whom most impudently this railing companion doth impute the tumults and rebellions that were raised in his time by certain seditious priests and papists in Devonshire and Cornwall. He uttereth also divers reproachful speeches against the Protector, and vainly braggeth of the antiquity of popery, whose novelties are now apparent to all the world. But what maketh all this either for the defence of Gardiner's sermon, or else for the justification of Gardiner's cruel murdering of God's saints, or for the clearing of him for divers practices both against the Lady Elizabeth now Queen, and also against the state of religion & this realm? Is it not apparent, that this Noddy in the midst of his long discourse hath lost himself, and forgot the matter in hand? The matter itself doth show it. But no doubt we shall hear of him again shortly in some new practice, or rebellion. In the mean while let us hear what he hath to say for his copartner in all treason the Cardinal Allen.  
He saith, That the Cardinal, albeit he wished moderation in younger men, yet himself might speak his mind freely concerning the pope's excommunication against the Queen. As if that were not unlawful for him, that was unlawful for others; or as if it were not the part of an unnatural, disloyal and impious traitor, so to rail and revel against the Queen, his country, the state of religion, and all that love her and the state, as this rinegued and infamous wretch doth in the declaration of the pope Sixtus Quintus his bull against his Queen and country, and in his libels directed to the nobility and people of England and Ireland, which he meant to have published anno 1588. I need not to touch other writings of his, for that this passeth all. nay therein he surpasseth himself, and all that wrote before him. The Queen he calleth at his pleasure, and doth not only by manifold reasons disable her right, but by infinite calumniations endeavour to make her odious to all posterity, and not only to her subjects, that now live. He setteth forth the Spanish forces, and stirreth up all papists to take part with them upon pain of the pope's curse. He raileth at all those, that either love religion, or live in obebience, or favour the state. And yet this discourser doth defend his doing therein, and saith he might do it freely. And no doubt, but the papists that adhere to the pope's authority are of his opinion. But will you hear his brave reasons? As in a great and noble house saith he, jars and breaches falling out betwixt the goodman and the goodwife, their eldest children may declare what they think with reverence to both parts: so in the church her Majesty being our mother, and the pope the spiritual father to all cacolikes, Cardinal Allen, Sanders, Bristol, Stapleton and such like, as elder children may speak their minds as well of the causes of the breaches between them, as of the right of both parties. This is the sum of his defence; but how unsufficient, you shall easily judge by the sequel. First it standeth on false grounds. Secondly it containeth ridiculous matter. Thirdly it maketh against him that made it. For first we deny the pope to be any christians spiritual father. For he begetteth none by preaching, but destroyeth infinite souls by maintaining false doctrine, and ruinateth christendom by wars, murders and treacherous practices. We deny also, that Allen, Sanders or any such treacherous companion hath any prerogative of birthright either in church, or commonwealth. Nay they have declared themselves to be traitors, and strange children, enemies to their prince, & country. We say further, that no lawful bishop, much less the pope, that is only a bishop in name and title, hath power to deprive a prince of his state. We say finally, it is a malapert part for a child, to determine that the father may put away his mother, and such a one with a little help will declare his father a cruel husband, his mother a dishonest woman, and himself a bastardly son.  
Secondly it is ridiculous to compare the pope to the goodman, and princes to the good wife of the house, seeing these two do never keep house together, and considering that the pope doth in his own order utterly condemn lawful marriage. Again what more fond, then to compare the pope's hostile proceedings, to jars that fall out betwixt man and wife in a private house? Doth the goodman upon every jar damn, and curse his wife? Doth he seek to cut her throat, as this good fellow doth the Queens? Lastly how ridiculous is it to compare Allen, Sanders, Bristol, Stapleton and such like to children, when they have declared themselves old knaves overgrown in all treachery and villainy, and run out of their native country? Do children run from their mother, and forsake her house, to follow a reputed father, I know not where? Is not this the part of bastards, and not of children?  
Thirdly if children ought with reverence to respect their mother, then is this Allen a most unnatural son, that hath with all villainous and reproachful terms railed against his mother. Then are the rinegued priests, & jesuits, and their consorts murdering parricides, that by all means have sought the destruction of their mother, nay of the most kind mother, that ever this people of England had. Again if she be as the good wife, and the pope as the good man; yet must not he take upon him to be judge in his own cause. Nor ought any woman to be dispossessed of her right, but by lawful judges, and orderly proceeding. It is a strange kind of divorce that is made by force of arms. But what either Parson's the jesuite talketh of the affection of parents, that never knew his right father; or bastardly traitors talk of the right of princes, of which they are ignorant, it greatly skilleth not.  
Wherefore seeing nothing is more apparent, than that Cardinal Allen conspired with the pope and Spaniards to work the destruction of his prince and country, and came with them anno 1588. ready with fire and sword to destroy this land, and when he could do no worse, barked out a multitude of hellish slanders against the prince, the state, and all goodmen; among all the traitors and enemies of this country he deserveth to be in the first rank. The same account also we are to make of N. D. and all his consorts, that allow his villainies, and treasons. And thus much may suffice to answer our adversaries in words. The rest I refer to those that carry the sword, which no doubt will provide, as in such time of danger the magistrates of Rome were wont, Ne quid resp. detrimenti ab istis capiat.   

CHAP. V.  
Of jesuits, and their disciples, and consorts, against N. D. his fift encounter.  
THe dispute and controversy betwixt our adversary & us being here about jesuits, & their lewd and bloody practices, I would gladly know the reason, why he runneth out into so large and ample a discourse of his father the pope in this chapter: and the rather, for that he hath reserved for him a proper and a peculiar tract, and a place of great dignity in that part that followeth hereafter. Was it not, think you, to let us understand how nobly the jesuits are descended, having Antichrist for their father, and the whore of Babylon for their mother? If this were not the cause, then let Parsons the jesuite, the author of the Wardeword, I trow, and one that for want of a father is constrained to run to the pope, that is now the father of all ribalds, traitors, murderers, empoisoners, and enemies to this state; let him I say show me, what is the true cause. He may do well also to show us in what bordello he left the honest woman his mother, and to set down his whole pedigree, that he may clear himself of irregularity, and let his friends understand his descent and high nobility. In the mean while let us see what he hath to say, first for his holy father, and next for himself, and his consorts.  
First he is much offended, that the pope's doctrine is called, Dregs, poison, and superstition: but assuredly without just cause. For who seeth not, that the principal ground of poperieis' tradition? Themselves say, that traditions are of equal dignity to the Scriptures. If then it be drawn out of cisterns of traditions, and not out of the pure streams of gods word, it is no marvel, if in these cisterns there be found much dregs & corruption. Now add unto traditions all the pope's decretals, and scholastical fancies and subtleties of friars and their followers, and then the filth of popish doctrine must needs seem much greater. Again seeing they have drawn into their synagogue many customs, whereof some are jewish, other profane and heathenish, they have no wrong to be charged with superstition. From the jews they draw their Levitical priesthood, the forms of their sacrifice, and all the furniture of the mass, their paschal lamb, their jubiley, and popedom. From the heathen they borrow their sacrifices and prayers for the dead, their purgatory & the parts thereof, their stationary obambulations about the limits of parishes, the canonizing and worship of saints departed, their holy water, and many such like ceremonies. Lastly they have translated many points of old condemned heresies into their cacolike religion. With the Simonians they buy and sell freely, not only benefices, and things annexed to spiritual things, but also sacraments, not sparing their holy God of the altar. Deteriores sunt juda, saith Christ in Saint 
a Onus ecclesiae c. 23.  Brigits revelations, qui pro solis denarijsme vendidit, illi autem pro omni mercimonio. She speaketh of priests, that truck, and barter masses for all manner of commodities, yea to whores, for a night's lodging. With the Angelicks they worship angels; with the Staurolatrians they worship the cross, & crucifix, giving to the same divine worship. With the Collyridians they worship the virgin Marie. With the Manichees they bring in half communions or communion in one kind. With the Carpocratians, and Simonians and heathen idolaters they fall down and offer incense and worship dumb images. With the Pelagians they believe merits and justification by works. And almost out of every heresy have taken a piece, as hath been lately (they say) justified against Giffords' treatise entitled Caluinoturcismus. Well therefore may it be said, that popish doctrine is full of poison: and unadvised was our adversary to charge us with heresy, or to mention any such matter, seeing the blame must needs redound upon himself, and upon his consorts of the Romish synagogue.  
Secondly he telleth us, That ecclesiastical supremacy over all Christian nations is proper and essential to the pope's office; and that to his apostolical authority is annexed the office of preaching. But that should more properly and substantially have been proved. This being granted doth show, that the pope doth fail in his apostolical or rather apostatical office. For if preaching and feeding Christ's flock belong to the pope's office, why doth he not preach? Why doth he not feed? Nay why doth he famish Christ's flock by murdering all true preachers, that come within his danger? He answereth, that The pope is obliged to preach by himself, or by others. But Saint Peter a far greater apostle, and greater man in apostolical government, than the pope, preached by himself, and put not over his charge, as the pope doth, to jesuits and Friars, that preach more heresy and sedition, then true doctrine. The old bishops of Rome also, which were honester men than these late pope's, put not over their charge, but preached themselves, and in their own person executed all bishoply functions. Yea and saint Paul telleth us, that the office of a bishop is a good work, and not as the popish bishops make it, a naked bare title. To conclude, this is also the judgement of 
a In 1. Tim. 3.  Ambrose, Chrysostome, Theodoret, and all that writ on the third of the first to Timothy; from whence our authority is drawn.  
He proceedeth notwithstanding further, and professeth openly, That when the pope leaveth his supremacy, and embraceth that religion, that is preached in England, he ceaseth to be pope. Which I do in part also confess to be most true. For antichrist shall in the church of God exalt himself, and claim not only supreme, but also divine power. He shall also defend manifold heresies, and abhor all true doctrine, that may concern his supreme title. And if he should not so do, he should not show himself to be antichrist. Herein therefore the jesuits and he may be conjoined, and march together hand in hand. For all of them have shut their eyes and hardened their hearts against Christ's true doctrine: although it be to their shame in this life among all godly Christians; and if they repent not, shall be to their everlasting confusion in the life to come. Yet this hard faced Sycophant sticketh not to glory in his shame, and to rejoice, that the pope and his children the jesuits are matched together.  
At the length our adversary having highly extolled the father of heretics, and traitors, the pope, he descendeth to discourse of the pope's darlings begotten by him now in his declining state, and decrepit age, the jesuits: and saith, They have many enemies. A matter true, and by us confessed, and by them well deserved, being a sect new upstart, and openly professing obedience to antichrist, and enmity to Apostolic and true catholic religion; a society conspiring mischief against all such as they hate, practising division in private houses, sedition and trouble in commonwealths, treason against godly princes, and leaving the marks of their abominations, and wicked actions behind them wheresoever they come. A generation stirred up by Satan to disturb the peace of Christendom, and to scourge all those, that are not thankful for the reformation of God's church, nor studious in searching the truth, nor zealous in rooting out of heresies and planting true religion. What marvel then, if they have many enemies, among those especially, that bear good minds either to true religion, or to the state where they live? As for the example of Christian religion, and of the first Christians, and Christ's disciples the holy apostles, which were every where spoken against and persecuted, which the discourser our party pretendeth and allegeth, to justify the general opposition of all sorts of men against the jesuits, it fitteth his purpose nothing. The example likewise of godly men, that are often put to their trials, is exceedingly evil applied to this sect of ungodly fellows: & most absurdly doth he compare these Antijesuites to Christ jesus, that was, as it were, a mark set up to be contradicted, and was hated and persecuted of those, that were of most eminent authority among his nation, borrowing, as it should seem, a piece of some old declamation uttered in the college of jesuits, or else where in praise of this sect, and thrusting it in here. His defence I say, is absurd, and his comparisons most odious.  
First Christ jesus, that I may begin with him, that is the beginning, and fountain of all spiritual graces, and whom these Antijesuites do seem in some things to counterfeit, and yet in most things oppugn, came from God, and did teach no doctrine, but which he had received from his father; human traditions, and pharisaical boasting of works of the law he disallowed and condemned. These Antijesuites, that I say no worse of them, come from the pope, and teach his decretals and doctrine, grounding themselves upon men's traditions, and vainly bragging of their own merits and works. Christ jesus loved his own and was beloved of his own. These usurpers of the name of jesus love none but themselves, and were charged by their own friends, and were accused of heresy, schism, and many grievous crimes, as witnesseth Ribadineira that wrote the legend of his father Ignatius. Our saviour ●or determining controversies, and finding out the truth, sent us to the law, and the prophets: these destroyers of souls send us to the pope, and his tribunal, and most vain decretals. jesus Christ, though Lord of heaven and earth, taught obedience to Caesar, and earthly princes: these fellows albeit neither lords, nor princes, yet teach disobedience to princes, and dissolve the bond of obedience, that tieth subjects to their superiors. Christ jesus was the true shepherd, and sought the salvation of his flock; and albeit injuriously apprehended and cruelly done to death; yet like a lamb did he suffer, albeit he had power to execute vengeance upon his persecutors. But the Antijesuites are like wolves in sheeps clothing, that practise nothing more than murder of good men, and subversion of states, and albeit no man touch them, or wrong them; yet are they upon every excommunication or commandment of the pope ready to assassinate and murder princes, and whosoever else shall stand in their way. Christ jesus was without sin, and a perfect pattern of righteousness, these Antijesuites are slaves of their affections, and wheresoever they come, they 
a Hazenmiller, & Simon Lithus, & Arnoldus, & Doleus in actione adverse. jesuit.  leave behind them a filthy odour of their covetousness, rapines, pride, vainglory, lechery and all villainy and beastliness: of which they are perfect precedents.  
Secondly the godly christians of ancient time received no doctrine, but of Christ jesus, and his apostles: but these antichristian sectaries have all their rules from the pope of Rome, and his agents, and not from Christ nor his disciples. Their doctrine, although it seemed new, yet was it indeed very ancient: but the rules of the jesuits are all confirmed within these threescore years, and all that filth and corruption of popery, which they with their barking and bawling defend, is but a pack of novelties, or rather new heresies, invented by divers false apostles and teachers raised up by sathan, and commended by the authority of antichrist the pope. The first christian were men of peace, and estranged themselves from princes courts, and seldom meddled with public affairs; these sectaries are like the frogs of Egypt, that leapt into all Pharohes chambers and closerts. They insinuate themselves into princes courts, and enter into their secrets; they swarm every where like louse; they stir up wars, and preach slaughter of true Christians, wheresoever they come The apostles and first Christians never taught rebellion, nor murder and empoisonment of princes, nor slaughter of silly fowls, that would not believe their doctrine, though most true; neither did they publish Christ's Gospel with fire, and sword. But these apostles of satan preach sedition and rebellion, and persuade desperate and lost companions to murder, and empoison innocent princes, and promise them for their wickedness rewards in earth, and eternal blessedness in heaven. They murder such as will not hearken to the pope's laws, and as Mahomet did in times past, so do these plant their sect, with fire and sword, and all manner of violence.  
Finally all the godly both of ancient and late times by their godly life and fruits issuing of their Christian faith showed themselves to be the true members of Christ's church, and true Catholics, and by their meekness, humility and patience wan to themselves a good name and opinion even among their enemies. But the rustling and antichristian jesuits through their impieties, heresies, pride, covetousness, cruelty, filthy life and rebellious practices are suspected of 
a Ribadineira, in vita Loiolae.  friends, abhorred of enemies, and generally hated of one and other, those only excepted, that either know them not, or know what gain they get by their desperate teaching and adventures. There is no truth in their doctrine, no humility in their conversation, no honesty in their forced chastity, no Christian charity or virtue among the companions of that sect or society. And that shall well appear by divers particulars, notwithstanding all the fair glosses of this discourser.  
Gladly would he persuade his Reader, That those that oppose themselves against the jesuits are either jews, Turks, and Infidels and such like; or those that make division, saying, I am of Caluin, I am of Luther; or those that have made shipwreck of faith; or false brethren, such as love pre-eminence, as did Diotrephes; or else worldlings, that follow the world, as did Demas. But in this division or at least enumeration, there are two gross ●ults committed by the Noddy. First many things therein are confidently avouched without proof, that are either very false, or very doubtful. For first the jesuits have good correspondence with jews, Turks, and Infidels, and neither do the jesuits persecute the jews, that are maintained publicly at Rome; nor the Turks or Infidels, that bend their forces to root out Christian religion, and extinguish the name and memory of Christ and Christians; nor do Turks and jews hurt the jesuits. Nay with the jews they have good dealings delivering them their money to put out to interest. And so have jews with the jesuits. When the jesuits of Rome made petition to Sixtus Quintus for some help, to finish that sumptuous college, which they had begun for the use of their society: he bade them content themselves with the interest of their stocks of money, that were in the hands of bankers, and usurers. Likewise the jesuits suffering the Turks to enter into Transiluania, Hungaria, and frontiers of christendom, do not only not oppose themselves against them, but also seek to set Christians at variance, and to murder and empoison princes, that should withstand them. Neither do the jews or Turks malign or speak evil or hurt of jesuits. The jews trade with them. The Turks suffer them quietly amongst them.  
Secondly he doth ridiculously and falsely suppose, that some among us say, they are of Caluin; others, that they are of Luther. He should do us a pleasure to show, who they be. For we neither hold of Caluin nor of Luther, no nor of pope Clement, nor any other, save Christ jesus. If he cannot produce the parties that are guilty, we must tell him that he is a ridiculous accuser, that objecteth that to us, wherein we are clear, and wherein he and his consorts are most guilty and criminous. For the papists are divided, and some hold of Ignatius Loiola, some of Francis, some of Dominicke, some of Brigit, some of Clare, and all of the pope: and such holding & pulling there is among them, that they have pulled Christ's cote a sunder, and divided themselves from his church, holding of antichrist, and such rules as they have received from him.  
Thirdly he doth but speak his pleasure, where he saith, that Such especially, as have made shipwreck of faith, and ambitious and carnal worldlings do oppugn this sect of jesuits. For they have no better friends, than the ambitious and luciferian pope's, the carnal Cardinals, the fleshly friars and priests, and popish atheists, that have no God but the pope and their belly; men in condition swinish and brutish, and in their religion hellish. The first author of their sect was a cruel, proud, and impious hypocrite. Paul the third, that first confirmed the rule and order of jesuits, was a carnal and bloody man. His sensuality appeared in the number of his whores & bastards. His cruelty in the persecuting of innocent Christians in his wars in Germany, and rebellious practices in England. Of later pope's Gregory the thirteenth was their best friend, and gave them divers privileges, and built them an house. Yet was he a carnal fellow, and a mere politic. He kept certain women, and his bastards in his time bore no small sway in Rome. One of them made love to a man's wife of the house of Glorieri. Of whom receiving some indignity, he brought the Glorieri into hatred with his father. Who picking a quarrel to them fined Caesar Glorieri, him that set his hand to the sentence of excommunication against the Queen, 100000. ducats, and another Glorieri, that was clerk of the pope's chequer chamber he put out of his office, and sold it for divers thousands of ducats. So you see much money made of a bawdy matter, and you would wonder whether all this money went; and I believe hardly could you guess it. I will therefore assure you, that all this money went to the jesuits, and was most of it employed in the building of their college at Rome. O holy society, and thrice holy college erected for the most part by bawdry, and maintained as pope Sixtus said, by usury! This may serve for a taste to show, that the best founders that jesuits have, are carnal and sensual men, that rather than they will fry in purgatory, will give the jesuits most of that they have.  
The second fault of this enumeration is this, that it is defective. For not so many atheists, carnal worldlings, and heretics, as christian and catholic princes, zealous and godly bishops and pastors, and honest and religious Christians do detest and abhor this wicked generation. Princes, for the hazard that they have incurred of their lives and states, have either expulsed them and banished them their countries, as the French king, the Transyluanian, and those that profess true religion; or had them in jealousy, as the king of Poland, and divers papistical princes. Godly Christians have reason to suspect them, and detest them for their abominable doctrine, and treacherous, and murderous practices. Father's fear them in regard of their children, whom they inveigle and steal away. The Venetians dissolved a college in Padua, where gentlemen's sons were wont to be brought up, for that the jesuits taking upon them to teach there, corrupted their youth with their unnatural lasciviousness: and restrained them from teaching others, than such as were of their own society. husbands have them in jealousy for their wives, wives for their husbands. For it is no rare matter for these subverters of all humanity to draw wives from husbands, and husbands from wives, yea sometimes through too much familiarity with women, they spoil the men. A certain Magnifico in Venice perceiving his wives jewels to be wanting, in the end learned that the jesuits had gotten them. To conclude this point, I think the jesuits will not deny, but that the Carmelites, and Franciscanes, and Dominicans, and oath orders of friars are as honest men, as themselves; yet all these do inwardly hate them. At Vienna they thrust out the Carmelites, at Mentz the Dominicans, at Trier and Bransberg the Franciscans out of their houses; which maketh these orders to hate them. In Bavier the priests being brought to poverty and shame by the jesuits, have no reason to love them. And thus we see that many honest men do either suspect or hate the jesuits; and some also which they themselves cannot take just exception against.  
Let us therefore now consider, whether the causes, that have moved and occasioned this hatred against the jesuits, be just or no. The discourser saith, They are had in hatred, and emulation either for their rule and profession, or for their learning and doctrine, or for their life and conversation. But first the parts of this division are imperfect; next the same containeth divers untruths, and more are added in the declaration of it. Lastly the whole defence parted in this division is not sufficient to justify the course and actions of the jesuits, the imperfection may be proved by divers particulars. For they are not only hated for these three causes, but for divers others. As namely for that they do many things both contrary to their own rule, and contrary to the rule of God's law, and Christian religion. They profess obedience, but they practise sedition and rebellion. Claudius Matthew a jesuite and king Henry the third of France his confessor, was the most principal author and agent in the league of papists against him, and the peace established a little before. Parsons and Campian were sent into England to make a faction for the papists. which appeared in this, that they procured a faculty to suspend the bull of Pius, as far as it concerned papists no further then, Rebus sic stantibus. These fellows are the principal agents and stirrers of the rebellion in Ireland. james Gordon, Creichton, and Hayes jesuits laid a plot not only for a rebellion in Scotland, but for an invasion in England. Neither hath any war or tumult been raised of late in any part of Christendom, wherein the jesuits have not borne a principal part. They profess chastity, and the law of God forbiddeth all uncleanness. but how these observe this profession and law, I report me to their own consciences, to the jesuits of Rome and Padua, and to their practice in allowing, and now and then frequenting bordels. They talk much of voluntary poverty, and Christ saith, all should be left for his sake. But these good fellows leave Christ for the wealth and ease they find in the order of jesuits. They dwell in costly palaces, their diet & apparel is more dainty and brave then ordinary. The furniture of their houses and churches is gorgeous and princely. Their arms are placed above the arms of princes. most covetously they scratch and scrape from the orphan, widow and poor, and put out their money to interest their rule and outward profession is to gain souls; but their practice is to kill souls. They promise to teach without reward, but if a great man will give them a million, they take all. Nay they pretend to beg for banished English, but take most themselves, and by all practices seek to enrich themselves by bribes and rewards. They profess religion, and the name of jesus, but they are the slaves of the pope, and oppugn the faith of jesus, preferring the decretals before scriptures in certainty, and make a scoff at religion. In Venice they painted the virgin Mary like a Lady in the city, whom they loved: & as 
a Vita Pij Quinti.  Pius Quintus cast an Agnus dei into the river, so these use the same practice in their conjurations. Nay they administer the sacrament to those, that go about to murder princes, as Walpoole did to Squire. First then they are hated for doing against God's law, and their own written rules. Secondly for their ignorance in true religion. Thirdly for that they pervert others by their lewd persuasions, and evil example. Fourthly, for that they pervert youth and teach them evil manners. Fiftly for that they are not ashamed to defend any old condemned heresy, or gross new error holden by the pope. Lastly for that they pervert scriptures, and corrupt the fathers and other ancient writers, both adding and taking away, and altering the text. Which power Gregory the thirteenth in a bull bearing date Anno 1575. seemeth to have given unto them.  
That this division containeth divers untruths, it will appear by these arguments. Where he saith, They are hated for their rule, which notwithstanding is the same in substance with other religions, and a way to perfection, there are three apparent untruths. First true Christians rather abhor them for their vnruli●es, then for their rule; and other sects albeit they love their rule, yet hate the men for their lewd conditions; and their friends in regard of their rule that agreeth so well with the pope's humour, do love them. Secondly this rule is divers from Christ's rule, which is the only true and direct rule of religion. It varieth also in infinite points from the rules both of monks, and begging friars. Neither can this be denied. For if it were the same, yea even in substance, what should we need this new rule, having Christ's rule? Beside, what mean the jesuits to add a fourth vow and so many strange constitutions and laws? If the profession of jesuits be the same, that the ancient eremites or monks professed, why do they tie themselves with such oaths, and practise in matters of state, and thrust themselves into the press of people, which the first monks did not? Thirdly it is most absurd to affirm or think, that Ignatius Loyola could devise a more perfect rule, than Christ jesus; or that Christ devised not a perfect rule, but that we should need Ignatius a lame soldiers, and blind guides help. The jesuits therefore are hated not so much for their rule, as for other just causes. And no more doth the commendation of ancient monks belong to them, than the prases of the ancient people of Israel to the obstinate jews that crucified Christ, or of the old Romans, to the scum of the world, that doth now inhabit Rome.  
It is also most untrue, that they are hated for their learning. for not their learning, but the abuse of their learning which is wholly employed to maintain heresies, doth make honest men to suspect them, and abhor them. Would they teach the catholic faith as this man pretendeth they do, they should be beloved, and embraced. But he must know, that their doctrine of the pope's power and supremacy, of the sacraments of the Romish church, of purgatory and infinite other points is not catholic. Much therefore is he deceived that thinketh we account the name of a jesuite to be a crime. for both master Topcliffe whom he bringeth in to witness this point, and many others can tell, that their treasons, practices, and lewdness have made them odious, and not the name of jesuits only.  
Lastly the defence of this discourser is very unsufficient. For it is not enough to say that they have a rule, and learning, and live orderly, but they must have their office and calling allowed by Christ jesus, if they mean to take upon them the office of pastors, teachers, and governors in Christ's church. Wherefore either let them show themselves to have a lawful calling, or let them not think much, to be thrust out, as intruders. We do not find either in the epistle to the Ep●esians chap. 4. or the first Epist. to the Corinthians chap. 12. any such extravagant friars. Neither in ancient writers is any precedent of their Loyolian profession to be found. Nay we do not read, that Christ commanded any to forswear marriage, or to give away their goods to idle vagabonds, or to obey the rules of Ignatius, but rather the contrary.  
Further it is not sufficient in terms to praise the doctrine and manners of jesuits, unless this discourser were able to justify the same by the rule of Christ's doctrine, and example of Christ and his apostles, and the holy fathers of the church. But that will be very hard for him to do. Christ never taught, that princes were to be deposed by the apostles or their successors, or that it was lawful to kill excommunicate persons. These teach, that it is lawful for the pope to depose princes, and that it is lawful for the subjects to rebel against such, as the pope shall excommunicate, and to kill them. Benedict Palmio, 
a Parries voluntary confession.  and Annibal Codret two famous jesuits did not only teach William Parry, that it was lawful to kill the Queen of England, but also that it was an act very meritorious, Varade a jesuite of Lion in confession did absolve Peter Barriere, that went about to murder the French king now reigning, and did assure him, that it was a most noble and Christian act, for which he should obtain celestial glory, as the said Peter being executed at Melun for the said attempt, confessed: who likewise affirmed, that another jesuite whose name he knew not, did concur with Varade in the same opinion. In Paris the jesuits not only resolved, that it was lawful to kill king Henry the third, but also by their persuasions did induce james Clement to effect the same. Richard Williams, Edmund York, Patrick Ocollen, john Savage, and divers others, that have been at several times executed for attempting to kill the Queen confessed, that they were persuaded to it by Holt, and other jesuits; and were also made believe, that it was a most meritorious act. Lately one Edmund Squire confessed, that he was induced to empoison the Queen by Walpoole an English jesuite in Spain. Peter Pan confessed before his execution at Leiden, that he was hired to kill the Count Morice the terror of the papists, and a great protector of the oppressed in the Low countries. Neither is it to be doubted, but that this is the common resolution and judgement of all jesuits. For if it be lawful for subjects to rebel against their princes upon the pope's warrant and commandment, as they hold; then is it also lawful to kill them, and murder them. For arms are not taken up for other end, then to force, and kill all that resist. Secondly it is not likely, that so many would concur in this persuasion, if they did not like it. Thirdly they would not teach it openly, as did Comolet in the last siege of Paris, saying That there wanted an Ahud, meaning there wanted one to kill the king. Fourthly they would not otherwise in their colleges dispute & resolve, that it was lawful to kill princes excommunicate by the pope. And this is proved first by the confession of one Chastel a scholar of the jesuits, that wounded Henry the 4. of France, & purposed to have killed him. And secondly by the writings of one Ghineard a jesuit of the college of Clermont in Paris. 
a In the register of the court of Parliam. of Paris.  Chastell being demanded Whether this question, viz. whether it was not lawful to kill the king, was not ordinarily talked of and disputed among jesuits; answered, that he hath oftentimes heard them say, that it was lawful to kill the king, for that he was out of the Romish church, and that it was not lawful to obey him, nor hold him for king, until he should be approved by the pope. He affirmed the same likewise in his second examination: and for that wicked attempt was executed. Ghineard did not only allow and praise the execrable murder committed by james Clement a Dominican friar upon Henry the third, but also affirmed That Henry the fourth if he were not killed in the wars must be killed otherwise, and in divers books and papers written by him, proved, That it was lawful to kill kings, declared by the Pope to be out of the church. Finally for this wicked doctrine the jesuits were 
b In the monument erected in Paris.  banished France, As a pernicious sect teaching, that it was lawful for any to kill kings, and as it is contained in the arrest against them, As perturbers of peace, and enemies of kings.  
Christ never taught subjects to break their faith given to their princes, nor to rise in arms against them. nay the ancient Christians, albeit they neither 
c Tertullian apologet. & ad Scapulam.  wanted means, nor opportunity; yet did they never go about to take away the crown from either infidels, or apostates, or heretics, but rather obeyed them, and prayed for them. But jesuits they hold, that it is lawful for subjects to take arms, and to rebel against their princes, and teach, that the pope hath power to lose them from the bond of their allegiance. This doctrine Parsons and Campian meant to have practised in England. And Claudius Matthew anno 1585., did practise in France, being a principal worker of that rebellion, that was made against Henry the third. The rebels of Paris that held out against their kings, were principally directed and comforted by Comolet and other jesuits. Nay when money & victuals grew scarce in Paris; yet would not the jesuits suffer the rebels to give over, but rather came into the trenches, and brought with them of their own store to give to the soldiers. By the practices of this seditious sect the cities of Perigueux, Again, Tholose, Verdun, and divers others took arms against the king.  
In Scotland all late stirs have been raised by the practice of Crichton, Gourdon, and Haies jesuits. Neither is any thing done in the rebellion of Ireland, but by their direction and counsel.  
Christ never taught children to show themselves unnatural and unkind to their parents; or women froward and rebellious to their husbands. But these steal children from the parents, and convey them, where they are never more heard of, as is apparent by the example of Airault of Angiers his son and infinite others. In Friburg they persuaded the women to deal with their husbands, to entertain a practice against the cantous of contrary religion; and when they could not otherwise obtain it, by the counsel of jesuits, they refused to lie with their husbands.  
The first Christians were examples of meekness, bounty, liberality to the poor, of gentleness and clemency, and all virtue. These counterfeit Christians, that call themselves jesuits, are proud haughty, disdainful, covetous, cruel, vindicative. While they persuaded the Duke of Bavier to go on foot to visit the relics of some saint, these gallants road in wagons. The princess of Tyrole built the jesuits a house hard by hers; but it was not long before they had gotten into the prince's palace, and thrust her into their own mean house. Likewise did they exclude the bishop of Herbipolis out of a church, which himself had built for them. They encroach not only upon the livings of secular priests, and take away their tithes and prebends, but also upon all other regular orders. They advance themselves and despise others. those that confess themselves to other priests, they account little better than Atheists. In Milan they only bear the sway in hearing women's confessions, and did the like at Venice, until they were forbidden.  
By means of their confessions they have drawn to themselves exceeding great riches, empouerishing many rich houses, and leaving little to the widows and orphans. Maldonat a jesuite of Paris caused the precedent Monbrum S. Andrè, through his persuasions in confession to give the, jesuits all his movables, and half his revenues. The precedent Goudran of Dijon making his testament by their practices gave only half a crown to his sister, and to the college of jesuits seven thousand pound French money in rent. In Bourdeaux they have ruined the house of Bollans, and impaired the state of the house of Large baston. They have gotten into their society the only brother of the Marquis of Canillac, lieutenant of the king in Awergne. In the country of Grisons they have persuaded a silly old man called Lamberting to sell all he had, and to take their habit, who gathering twenty thousand ducats, meant to give all to them from his only daughter.  
So cruel they are, that they spare none, that is repugnant to their purposes. Maffaeus complained that the elder jesuits managed all matters absolutely: but he was sent for his labour into Portugal. They brought Harbort, and Glisel two famous preachers in Vienna in danger, only envying their excellency. How many they have upon small causes brought into the Inquisition, the records testify. It is death to speak a word against them. One Lupus a Franciscane in Milan calling them False prophets escaped hardly with his life. Cardinal Borrhomeus restraining their encroachments was by them accused before the pope.  
Of their forced chastity what fruits ensue, I refer me to the report of Hazenmyller, and others that have lived amongst them. I hope they do no otherwise, than other monks before them. And if they had been so chaste as they pretend, the Venetians would not have dissolved the college of young gentlemen in Padua, where these fellows were teachers and regents, for avoiding of public scandal.  
Neither hath the Noddy our adversary either just exception to avoid this accusation, or wit to clear his Clients. Gretzerus hath long travailed to purge his companions of this slander, but all in vain. And therefore small reason hath this petit companion to attempt that, wherein his betters have failed. But seeing he hath gone about to face out matters, let us consider of his allegation. In defence of the jesuits of Paris charged with the allowance of the act of john Chastel that attempted to murder king Henry the fourth, he saith, That the said john Chastell examined upon the torture constantly denied, that any jesuite living was privy to his intention of killing the king, or had given him therein counsel, courage, or instruction; and that his father being examined did likewise deny it. But the records of his examination which are yet to be seen do affirm flat contrary, as before I have showed. And the sentence of the court of parliament of Paris doth plainly porport, that this fact was attempted by the jesuits counsel and instruction; and therefore was it ordered, That they should departed out of Paris within three days, and out of France within fifteen days after notice to them given, as corrupters of youth, perturbers of public peace, and enemies of the king & the state. john Chastel also himself confessed, That Garet a jesuite did teach him these lessons, which made him resolve to kill the king. Yea and that the father and sisters of the young man with tears and bitter terms detesting the jesuits did declare further that it might appear to posterity, that this was the doctrine of jesuits, that they taught the said Chastell, a pillar was set up in the place, where this desperate murderer and parricide dwelled, testifying the same, and mentioning that this was the cause of their expulsion out of France. In that Monument the jesuits are called Mali magistri, and their college Schola impia, and their religion called Nova & malefica superstitio. Further the jesuits in a certain apology published presently upon their expulsion out of France, do not deny john Chastels' attempt to be lawful or contrary to canons, but rather conformable unto them; and that they endeavour to prove by Sixtus Quintus his bull against the king, and refute the sentence of the court against the said Chastel, as unjust.  
He proceedeth further in clearing the jesuits & saith, That john Garet Chastels' master being tortured denied, that the jesuits were privy to this fact, and that thereupon by public testimony of the magistrate he was declared innocent. Wherein he declareth himself very impudent, howsoever the other was declared innocent. for I have showed before by divers arguments, that the jesuits were both privy to this fact, and did publicly defend the doctrine. Nay the 
a Of the parliament of Paris.  register, wherein his confession is recorded, and the sentence of the court doth declare, that the said Garet being a jesuite was the teacher of that wicked doctrine, which Chastell meant to execute, & therefore by public sentence Was he banished France, and his goods confiscated. Let it then be considered, with what conscience this worthy Warder affirmeth, that Garet was declared innocent by the magistrate.  
He saith also, That john Ghineard jesuite was put to death for that in his study this question, Whether it be lawful in any case to kill a tyrant, was found disputed on both sides without resolution. But the 
a In the process against Ghineard.  register of the court of parliament of Paris doth convince his impudent lying. For there it is testified, that The said Ghineard was found seized of divers books composed by him, and written with his own hand containing the approbation of the inhuman murder of Henry the third. Beside that the court of Parliament of Paris enjoined him to confess, That he had wickedly spoken, and determined, that if Henry the fourth was not slain in the wars, he must be slain otherwise. Finally his own hand writing, which he acknowledged upon his examination doth show, that he did not only propound the question in Thesi, but resolved it in Hypothesi.  
Neither doth our adversary doubt to accuse the Parliament of Paris of great injustice for executing the said Ghineard, Seeing he said no more, than Thomas, Caietan, Sotus, and other scholastical divines, and Philosophers in times past. As if scholastical divinity, and Philosophers fancies were warrant sufficient for men to kill princes, or for Christians to attempt any thing. Beside that, the case of the jesuits, and of ancient writers is divers. These only think it lawful to kill such tyrants, as by oppression and force invade a kingdom. The jesuits account all tyrants, that resist the pope's tyranny, and are by him excommunicate. Old writers, for the most part, speak in Thesi against usurpers. But Ghineard the jesuite spoke in Hypothesi, and determined, 
b In papers of Ghineard.  That it was lawful to kill Henry the 3. and Henry the 4. which all the world acknowledgeth to be lawful kings, the popish faction only excepted. The fact of james Clement, that murdered Henry the third, this Ghineard calleth Heroical, and a gift of god's spirit. Speaking of king Henry the fourth he saith thus, If he die not in the wars, let him be slain some otherways.  
Having done with the jesuits of France, he goeth about to answer for the jesuits of Douai and the low countries, that, as Peter Pan confessed himself, Persuaded and hired, and furnished him with a knife to kill Count Morice. And this action he calleth a fiction, denying that ever the jesuits had any such intention. But the matter is all too plain to be faced out with flearing words. The poor man was taken seized with a strange fashioned knife. being examined he voluntarily confessed both his own fault, and by whom he was induced to do that wicked act. He continued in his confession, and was executed for his treason at Leyden. The magistrates of Leyden do testify so much, and there is no cause, why any part of this narration should seem untrue. For no man hath reason to accuse himself, or others unjustly, especially where it goeth upon the peril of a man's life. Nor is it likely, that any should suffer death for matter feigned, and supposed, and without proof. Certes, if any doubted of the matter before, 
b Sica tragica.  Costers and this Noddies defence is so simple, that it may greatly confirm him in this truth. They allege certificates to disprove Peter Panne's confession. But what credit can such writings deserve, that may be forged, for any thing we know, and being admitted to have been written, yet appear to have been extorted by the jesuits, and made by men favouring their faction? Beside that they seem to be granted without due proof, and proceeding, and yet neither conclude against Peter Pan, nor his confession. First it is alleged, That he was no papist at all. But that is a fiction without all colour. For why should not he be reputed a papist, that was continually among them, and never had taste of any other religion? Secondly our adversary saith, He was a drunken, vagrant and mad fellow. As if he were not therefore more likely to enterprise such a made action. He telleth us further, That Peter Pan was a man extremely well affected to Count Morice. But how can this be proved, seeing it appeareth by the process made against him, that he neither knew him, nor ever had seen him before his coming into Holland? Is it not extreme folly to imagine any such extremity of affection without cause or proof? Fourthly he would bear us in hand, That the jesuits had no cause to desire Count Morice his death. Why then did the jesuits seek his father's death, and persuade men to kill the Queen of England, and the French king? Do not men of every faction desire those taken out of the way, that are opposite to their designs? Fiftly he denieth, that Peter Pan ever provided butter for the college of jesuits, as is contained in Peter Panne's confession. But what reason had he to confess it, if the matter were not true? These fellows have reason to deny it for their own credit. He denieth also, That the jesuits had any servant called Melchior du Val. But that is not material, seeing there are few jesuits, but they have two or three names, and it may be, that this Melchior also going about so wicked a purpose, changed his name. Further he saith, That there was never any speech had with Peter Panne's wife in Ipres about this matter, and denieth that ever she had any acquaintance with any jesuite. But he must be very well acquainted with her, that knew both what she did, and what she said, and what not. This Noddy, if he had been wise, would have alleged some reason of his saying. His companion 
a Sica tragica.  Costerus for proof allegeth her examination. But how should we believe, that ever she was duly examined, or that she said, as is alleged? Again if being induced by jesuits, she should speak any such thing: yet who would not rather believe her husband uttering matter against himself, than such a light housewife speaking untruth without danger, or controlment, and percase being hired? Lastly whereas Peter Pan confessed, That in the rogation week next before, he talked with the provincial, & others of the college of jesuits at Douai; and told, that they promised him reward in earth & bliss in heaven for executing that act; this discourser telleth us, That the Provincial that week was 60. miles from Douai, and that there passed no such conference with Peter Pan. And this he saith Is proved by witnesses, and certified by cacolike magistrates. But he should have understood, that witnesses examined in the absence of parties, and percase neither sworn, nor duly examined, prove nothing. Beside that, we have good cause to except against such judges, and such witnesses, as our professed enemies do choose, and produce. But suppose all their relation were true; yet such certificates prove nothing, but that Peter Pan either mistook the names, or qualities of some persons named in his examinations: and it may be, that the jesuits made him believe, he was brought to the provincial and chief of the college, when he was only before some other base companion of that society. That he should charge the jesuits wrongfully being to die presently, it cannot be presumed. Neither is it strange for jesuits to work cunningly and underhand in these cases, that when they come to light, may prove so odious.  
This Noddy therefore was not wise to say, What hath been found against the jesuits? or to wish, that it may be laid open to the world: which words 
a Apologet. c. 8.  Tertullian used in the defence of Christians in his time. For we have found matter sufficient against them, and little hath he alleged in their defence, which we have not avoided. Moreover we do not read, that Christians in Tertullians' time taught this omnipotent power of the pope, which the jesuits defend; nor believed, that all that would not submit themselves to his jurisdiction, should be slain. Among them certes there were no assassinors, and murderers of kings, nor practisers against princes states; nor such proud and cruel sectaries, as are the jesuits. And albeit jesuits eat no children, which crime was imputed to ancient Christians, yet they have occasioned the death of millions of men, women, and children, that in the stirs and tumults raised by them, have perished: and daily more and more matter we find against them.  
Further, he would have such, As have abandoned the society of jesuits, to be examined what they have heard, and seen during the time when they abode among them. Which to gratify him, we have done, and in one 
b Histor. jesuit.  Hazenmyller and Paul Floren 
c Colloq. jesuit.  and Simon Lith, we find that they are the corrupters of religion, the firebrands of sedition, perturbers of Christian commonwealths, and the ruin of Christendom. In outward semblant they are sheep, but inwardly they are goats, or rather wolves. They profess poverty and chastity, but abound in wealth, and live licentiously and wanton. They take to themselves the name of jesuits, but are the only upholders of antichrists kingdom. And if they will not believe them which have left them and their society; let them listen a little, what some of their own friends report of them. One john Cecil a popish priest in his Discovery of errors committed by William Criton jesuite, 
a Fol. 14.  saith, That his practices made many widows and orphans in Scotland; 
b Fol. 16.  and that he was taken with plaits for the invasion of England. He chargeth him with 
c Fol. 10.  Machiavellian practices, 
d Fol. 4.  making satyrs and pasquinadoes, 
e Fol. 27.  and irreligious and unconscionable calumnies. And finally he calleth the jesuits 
f Fol. 18.  turbulent spirits. and saith they hinder the pope's cause with their Libels, schisms sedition and plots of invasion.  
Another priest In his discovery of Dolmans' conference, 
g P. 6.  chargeth Parsons directly with A practice and confederacy against the blood royal, and saith, 
h P. 12.  That his drift is to disinherit true heirs, to alter the common laws, and to bring in strangers into England: 
i P. 19  yea to bring in mischiefs on mischiefs, and 
k P. 33.  civil war. Finally he 
l P. 70.  chargeth him with monstrous absurdities and blasphemies against kings: and 
m P. 43.  saith That he calleth her majesties title in question, and that the jesuits have made divers practices against her. Thus while traitors fall out, true men come to understand the truth.  
This discourser telleth us, That the chastity of jesuits must imitate the purity of angels. But unless by angels he understand wicked angels and devils, the jesuits will come far short of their example, which they propose to themselves to imitate. The angels of God certes neither burn in lust, nor abandon themselves to the delights of the world. He saith further, That they should abhor all those things, which the world doth love and esteem. But that is nothing else, but a sentence of condemnation against the whole society of jesuits, that so much loveth the world, and delighteth in honours, pleasures, large palaces, goodly gardens, pleasant fountains, good furniture of household, abundance of dainty viands, rich clothes, and such like worldly vanities. After this he runneth into a large discourse of the martyrdoms, and voluntary sufferings of the jesuits in the Indies, purposing percase, if any intend to trace him in his lying, to make him travel a great journey. But suppose they should suffer death & tortures, yet that is a matter common to them, and to rebels, traitors, malefactors; yea to such as fall into the hand of barbarous people, that respect not whom they massacre. Ghineard in France, and Campian and other jesuits in England have suffered, but 
a See the conclusion of the 4. encounters ensuing.  not for the testimony of truth. Evil therefore are those words of justine apolog. 1. concerning the patiented suffering of Christians applied to jesuits, that are neither martyrs, nor good Christians, nor suffer for other cause, but their offences; and that most unwillingly, and unpatiently, as by Campian and by divers examples may be proved. The comparison likewise betwixt the first Christians, that were charged to be Syluestres and Syluicolae, and the jesuits, is most improper. For jesuits neither live in woods, nor holes, as did the first Christians, but in princely palaces, and kings courts, and in the press of people. Neither are they retired for meditation, but run disguised over the world, and thrust themselves into all companies, to practise them wicked treasons, and to execute their holy father's desseignements.  
He braggeth very much of the jesuits teaching and of their reading arts, tongues, and sciences. As if arts, tongues, and sciences were not as well taught before the name of this sect was heard of, and shall not be so again, when the whole order of them shall be extinguished. As for their teaching, it should be much more commendable, if with truth and knowledge they did not mingle falsehood, heresy, and poison; and their tongues were more to be esteemed, if they did not teach them to spread lies and slanders. But whatsoever their teaching is, they enter upon the pastors office, and intrude themselves into it without commission and authority. Nay they enter by other ways then the door, and in the fold make havoc of Christ's lambs.  
He compareth them also to saint 
b 1. Cor. 15.  Paul, that saith, Abundantius omnibus laboravi; and to the rest of the most holy apostles. Nay in the end he doubteth not to justify the turbulent proceedings of the jesuits, by the example of Christ jesus, who was charged with troubling the people, and forbidding to pay tribute to Caesar, as he saith. but the difference and odds is so great, as may make a man wonder, why he compared things so unlike together. The apostles were makers of peace, most humble and meek men, true disciples of Christ, and most painful labourers in planting true religion, & drawing men to Christ. But these false apostles are sowers of sedition, trumpets of war, proud bragger's and boasters of their angelical holiness painful labours, and profound learning; conterfect Christians and true disciples of Satan. Painful labourers, but to overthrow rather than to build; to draw men to antichrist, and not to Christ; not seeking to win souls by teaching the means of salvation, but to destroy souls by teaching false doctrine, vain traditions, and by bringing men into the thraldom of antichrist. Christ and his apostles were accused most unjustly. These most justly, as hath been verified. Christ made a division in the world, making good of bad, and separating the good from the bad. But the jesuits make of good, bad; and set division where there was peace before, as appeareth by their whole proceeding. Yea and our adversary confesseth, that of cold cacolikes, they make hot recusants. Therefore may they be justly called Rerump. incendiarij, that is burners of commonwealths, and firebrands of Satan, that of good subjects by their reconcilements make seditious leaguers, desperate murderers, busy practisers and perturbers of states.  
But 
a P. 69.  saith he, It appeareth not, that the jesuits have sought her majesties blood; especially not Parsons, that was never accused by Parry, Savage, Ballard, Babington, Hesket, Daniel, Polwhele or others. As if any thing could appear more clear, than the murderous mind of jesuits, both against all princes excommunicate by the pope, and namely against her Majesty. Do they not teach, that the subjects are to rise against their princes, when the pope commandeth? Did not Ghineard resolve, that it was lawful to kill princes excommunicate by the pope? And was not he therefore executed at Paris anno 1594. And have not divers jesuits sent men over into England, and persuaded them to murder her Majesty? And have not divers witnesses testified so much, as before hath been declared? And hath not Ribadineira or rather a ribaldy lying friar, a Portugal jesuite by all means 
b This Ribald hath set out Sanders book of schism in Spanish with many additions, and falsification●.  sought to dishonour her Majesty, to stir her subjects, to seek her overthrow in his most slanderous book of schism? Finally we must not think, that the jesuits have had either other purpose, or desire this many years, then to stir up sedition and wars against her, and to bring the realm under the pope and Spaniard, whom they serve; which cannot be done without the destruction of her person, and the desolation of this realm.  
Neither may we think, that Parsons the jesuite, albeit for some purpose, percase, he hath kept himself from open managing of treasons, is better disposed towards her Majesty, and the state, than the rest of his companions. For all jesuits allow the pope's power in deposing princes, which cannot be without their destruction. Yea and Parsons himself hath not dealt so closely, but that there are many great and evident proofs of his disloyalty and treachery. For not only the book set out under the name of Dolman concerning the succession to the crown of England is his; but also divers other 
a Andrea's Philopater: Leicester's common wealth, a confutation of causes. etc.  treasonable books and pamphlets, whereby he goeth about, not only to stir up troubles in England, but also to convey the title of the crown to the infant of Spain, and to bring in strangers: for which he is reproved by a certain popish priest not altogether so lewd as himself in a 
b Pag. 12. & passim.  treatise printed at Collen anno 1600. and entitled, A discovery of a counterfeit conference, etc. Published by one Parson, that dare not avow his name. Yea and so far hath he intricated himself in these matters, that the general of the jesuits is ashamed of him, and hath therefore called him out of Spain, and made him rector of boy-priests in the English college at Rome; as being a person blotted with notorious treasons. Secondly in this treatise, which is either Parsons his devise, or at least allowed by Parsons, not only the cause of rebels and traitors, that have sought to destroy her Majesty, is pleaded, but also the fact of Ghineard the jesuite, that expresty 
c His notes appear in the registre of the court of parliament of Paris, and in the sixth recueil of matters of the league.  determined, That Henry the third of France was justly slain, and that tyrants (in which degree he putteth all princes excommunicate by the pope) may lawfully by any be slain. Thirdly he is a factor for the pope and Spaniard now professed enemies of her Majesty, and this kingdom. And all the world knoweth, that they have nothing more in their vows, than her majesties ruin. Fourthly he is a jesuite, whose oath and profession is to do whatsoever his superior commandeth. If then the pope command, as no doubt, but he hath and will, there is no question, but he must also come together with his consorts, & with fire & sword oppugn this land, and destroy the prince. Fiftly it is ridiculous to dispute of his intention, when we may see his hostile & traitorous mind by his actions. He hath abandoned his prince and country, he adhereth to her majesties professed enemies. In times past he and Campian came into this country with instructions and authority from public enemies, with a resolution to see the pope's pleasure executed, and to make a side for his holy father. Let him deny any part of this, if he can. Nay let him but answer first whether he brought not a faculty from the pope giving leave to papists to obey her Majesty, so long as the state stood in terms, as than it did: and until the pope's bull could be executed: and next, whether the pope's sentence being declared and published, he and all papists were not purposed, and bound to do their worst against her. Sixtly, he was among the spaniards, that in the year 1588., came in hostile array to cut her majesties throat, and to destroy her people, if they had could. Lastly he alloweth the doings of Cardinal Allen, that the same time stirred up all papists to lay hands on her Majesty, and persuaded them to take arms against her, and to assist the Spaniards. He also knew a certain Englishman, that came into England, with full resolution to murder her Majesty, and never revealed so much. If then he take the Queen for his mother, and the mother of her country, as this discourser signifieth, then must Parsons confess, that he is a parricide, that seeketh to lay violent hands upon his mother. And if he call this an odious and heinous crime; as indeed it is; then is he guilty of a most odious crime, and is a most odious rebel. This being his charge, let us see his defence. Let the examinations saith he, of Parry, Savage, and such others be viewed over, and see whether any of them do accuse father Parsons. As if none were guilty of these treasons, but such as were named by their consorts. Beside that, suppose Parsons were no open stickler in these actions; yet it is sufficiently known, that such subtle practisers do deal by second, and third persons. Furthermore albeit he could clear himself of Parries, Savages, and Ballards' treasons; yet can he not so easily avoid the suspicion of Heskets practise. For he is charged by 
a A discovery of a counterfeit conference, etc.  one of his own religion, to be a practiser to set a foot the late Earl of Darbies' title, in which Hesket and others were agents. Neither can he answer his treasonable purpose in 
b Ibidem.  Dolmans' book, Where he endeavoureth to convey the crown to strangers; and his practices with priests come into England to advance the Infantaes title. Nor can he clear his hands of the most execrable treasons contained in Andreas Philopaters' discourse either written, or published by him and Creswell his factor in the court of Spain. Secondly he telleth us, How Parsons protesteth, that he was never guilty, nor privy to any attempt made against her Majesty. But his own friends, as himself confesseth in a letter to be showed, trust him not, saying he is a Machiavellian. and 
a In the discovery of a counterf●ct conference p. 34.  one chargeth him That he useth dissimulation, doubling and redoubling. And the faction of priests opposite to jesuits now in England doth utterly condemn the tricks, equivocations, and coloured dissimulation of jesuits, as is noted in several notes and letters to be showed against them. If then his own friends trust not his promises, and oaths, how shall we believe his protestations? Certes he that will most wickedly practise such wicked actions, he will also boldly deny them. Yea and this foolish Noddy, where he would clear him, doth clearly convict him. For he denieth not, but that Parsons was acquainted with a gentleman's purpose, that resolutely meant either to take away the Queen's life, or to lose his own. So it appeareth, that such matters are consulted upon, which is the thing we say; and that Parsons was acquainted withal, which is by our adversary denied. Indeed, I confess, that we are told, that Parsons dissuaded the foresaid murderer. But that are not we bound to believe. Nay albeit he had so done, yet that is not sufficient, to excuse him. For such treasons are to be detected, and not only hindered, by all honest men. Again it may be, that Parsons either in regard of the gentleman, that should have executed this murder, or because such executions would bring damage to their cause, & not for love to her Majesty, did dissuade this shameful murder, and assassinate. For it appeareth both by his dealing with Hesket about the Earl of Derby; and also by his practices with the young priests, that come over out of Spain, for the preferment of the Infant of Spain to the crown of England; and by his most scandalous writings under the false names of Dolman and Philopater, which shall be proved to his face by witness to be his doings, that he seeketh nothing more, than her majesties dishonour and destruction. And that in treason he is not inferior to Allen the Cardinal, or any traitor these many years executed at Tyburn.  
Finally he 
a P. 71.  compareth her Majesty to Saul, whom God declared unworthy to reign, and from whom he gave the kingdom to David. Which showeth plainly what a lewd conceit this generation hath of her majesties title, and government. But that they would spare her, as David spared Saul, is a matter most unlikely. For it appeareth, that the pope, and the jesuits and priests his agents, and all their consorts have by secret assasinors and empoisoners, and also by open murderers, and cutthroats sought her death and destruction.  
And shall such agents of the pope and Spaniard, as these, be still suffered to live, and be still maintained in divers principal places of this land to practise? Shall not we take a course with jesuits, and priests and their consorts, that are thus bloodily minded against the prince, and all that love her, or stand well affected to true religion? Shall we suffer them through our remissness, or rather stupidity to make a head, as they have done in Ireland, where they are the only original causes of the revolt, albeit other matters are pretended, and so to bring all in combustion here, as they have done there already? Consider the sequel of these matters, my dear countrymen, and look well to your own safety. and if you respect not yourselves, nor your own particular; yet have regard to the church of God, and his true religion, which you profess, and should defend, if you be truly religious. Respect the honour of your prince, your nation, your country. Will you abandon yourselves to the spoil of proud enemies, that seek your destruction? Will you give credence to those, that are by the Italian and Spaniard hired to speak? Behold your wives and children and dearest friends that depend upon the valour of your hearts? Will you give them as a pray to the cruel enemies? Represent to yourselves the miserable estate of this land, if once the foreign enemy getteth footing. Your laws shall be abolished, your young men shall be slain, the rest shall be used as slaves to serve the conquerors pleasure. Who then will not have care to prevent these dangers? Who will not beware of those false rinegued English fugitives, that seek to bring these troubles upon us? Who had not rather die, then either suffer, or see these calamities to happen to his country and nation? In juliers, and the borders of Germany not long since the Spanish soldiers entered as friends; yet such barbarous cruelties and outrages they committed, that they exceeded all enemies. How then do you think they would behave themselves, if they should set foot and begin to dominéere in England, that have so ravaged countries, that either were friends, or neutrales? The only way is to secure yourselves of false hearted jesuits, priests and their consorts. These jesuits are untolerable in states that profess popery, much more therefore ought they to be suspect and odious to us. The parliament of Paris by a solemn arrest or decree did 
a Records of parliam. of Paris.  banish the whole society or rather verminaille of jesuits out of France, As corrupters of youth, perturbers of public peace, and enemies to the king, and to the state. The college of divines in Paris by a solemn act of all the company did condemn this order, as dangerous both to church and common wealth. Haec societas say the doctors of Sorbone, videtur in negotio fidei periculosa, pacis ecclesiae perturbativa, & magis in destructionem, quàm aedificationem. The reasons why they descended to pronounce this hard sentence against them, deserve much to be considered. The first reason was, Because they admitted bastards (a matter much for Parsons his advantage.) the second, For that they observed no rules of ancient religions, nor canons of the church. The third, For that they yielded no obedience to ordinaries; the fourth, For that they deprived as well ecclesiastical Lords, as temporal of their rights, and troubled both ecclesiastical and civil policy. The last, For that they raised divers quarrels, contentions and schisms among the people. The senate also of Venice perceiving their encrochements in Padua, 
b The decree of the senate of Venice.  Forbade the jesuits to read publicly, & commanded them only to read to their own society, and that within the walls of their own colleges. Monsieur de Matignon perceiving, that the jesuits upon the rising of the league, or rather rebels, that conspired against king Henry the third, went about to stir sedition, and to deliver up Bourdeaux to the leaguers, drove them like a pack of seditious rebels out of the city. For their seditious and mutinous behaviour they were lately expulsed out of Transyluania, and had been out of Poland, had their side not been stronger. And yet all these that thus proceeded against them, were men of the same religion, and acknowledged the authority of the pope. How seriously then ought we to proceed against them, and their adherentes, that do know not only their treasons and seditious practices, but also the manifold corruptions and abominations of their heretical and false doctrine? Shall their own sort and companions drive them out of their states, and shall any honest man make question, whether it be lawful to make laws against them, and to proceed against them? Why do we not look upon Scotland, and see both the mischievous plots of jesuits there, and their condign punishments? If that jesuits and priests had not been suffered to range up and down Ireland without punishment, neither had this rebellion been there raised, nor would it so long have continued. And who doubteth, but that this is their deseignement in England, if they may be suffered to execute it: This I doubt not, but our superiors see, and consider, and will remedy; and therefore few words may serve. This I thought good to speak to justify sir Francis Hastings his accusation: and more shall be said, as occasion serveth. Some private men, percase, think the jesuits to be no such dangerous beasts, and some stick not to recount many favours done by Parsons to English prisoners in Spain. But if we consider, that the jesuits do not suffer any man of mean spirit to return, before they have either entangled him in some treacherous practice, or tainted him with the leaven of their heresies, or both; we shall easily perceive, that this mild course and enlargement of prisoners was rather to work a correspondence with us, and a remissness in our soldiers, and mariners, that they should not adventure, as in times past, knowing that they should be sent for England, and also a main mischief to the state; then to do our people any favour, or kindness. And thus much of the jesuits cruelty and treachery. Of their false doctrine and heresy this Noddy shall hear sufficiently in some other place.   

CHAP. VI  
What is either to be expected, or feared in Recusants and practising papists: and what credit is to be given to the adversaries sixth encounter.  
ALthough true Christians find small favour, when they come within the danger of our professed enemies the papists; yet do we not think it fitting to follow them in their bloody cruelty. Nay we had rather learn of 
a Matth. 11.  Christ, that was most meek, and gentle as a lamb, then of these savage men, that in their cruelty exceed wolves, and show themselves most unlike to Christ, or catholic Christians. God forbidden therefore, that we should persuade, or like any rigorous course to be taken with such papists as offend only of simplicity, & never knew any other religion but popery; and neither practice against her Majesty, nor the state, nor true religion, nor adhere to those that do it. Howbeit, if any abuse their liberty, and this rare clemency of the state to maintain a faction, and either seek to stir up sedition, or to oppress true religion, and those that maintain it, or else adhere, receipt, and favour such: it should not only not savour of clemency to favour such, but also work a dissolution both of ecclesiastical and civil government, to suffer them. For to suffer gods worship to be abrogated, and idolatry and false religion to be established, and Christ's people to be seduced by false teachers, is plain impiety: to give way to rebellious and seditious practices against her Majesty, or the state, or to wink at them, or neglect them, is plain disloyalty, and unnatural treachery: to nourish in our bosoms such, as either would bring in strangers upon us, or else seek opportunity to cut our throats themselves, is brutish stupidity.  
For the first point we have these reasons First God commandeth 
b Deut. 13.  us strictly, that we shall not suffer either prophet or dreamer of dreams to live, that shall go about to draw us from God to serve other gods. Neither may we think, that either this law is abrogated standing upon moral equity; or that the popish friars and priests, that teach the idolatrous worship of angels, saints, crosses and images, and of their God of the altar, are without the compass of this law. Secondly 
a Isai. 49.  God appointed Christian princes to be Foster fathers, & Queens to be nursing mothers to his church. And therefore may they not see either God dishonoured by false religion and idolatry, or true Christians oppressed with force, or treachery. They carry not the sword for nothing, and God requireth the maintenance of his truth at their hands. He that honoureth me, saith the 
b 1. Sam. 2.  Lord, him will I honour; and he that despiseth me, shall be despised. No policy therefore will serve, where God's religion, and his true honour is little regarded. Thirdly the apostle 
c Rom. 16.  would have those That cause divisions and offences to be marked and avoided; and 
d 1. Tim. 1.  giveth Timothy charge, not to suffer such, as would teach an other doctrine. How then may they be suffered, that would teach a contrary doctrine to that of Christ? Fourthly it was ever the custom of christian princes to punish false teachers, as appeareth 
e L. Quicunque Cod. de heretic.  by the law of Valentinian and Martian emperors. Vltimo supplicio afficiantur, say the emperors, qui illicita docere tentaverint. And that Hierome writing upon the fift to the Galathians doth allow, misliking that Arius escaped so long unpunished. Lastly the adversaries will not suffer true preachers to teach truth. Why then should their priests and friars be suffered to teach heresy and falsehood? Will they give law to others, and not endure themselves to be ordered by law? Nothing can be devised more unreasonable, or more repugnant to 
f L. 1. ff. quod quisque juris.  law. Whatsoever liberty therefore is granted to simple people abuse by false teachers; that concerneth jesuits, priests, and other false teachers nothing.  
The second point is proved by laws of nations, and necessary rules of state. For all nations do punish such as practise against the prince's person, and the security of the state, as offending in the highest degree of treason: and mere simplicity it is reputed, to suffer any to live in a state, that intendeth, or practiseth the destruction of the state. By the 
g 25. Edw. 3.2.  laws of this realm it is accounted treason To compass, or imagine the death of the prince, or to adhere to his enemies. By the Roman 
h ff all jud. m● 〈◊〉 l. ●. 2 3.  laws it was treason, To run to the enemies, to assist them with arms, or means, or intelligence; and much more to stir up sedition, or to draw enemies upon the state, or to practise the destruction of it. All which several laws do show, that it is not possible to maintain this state, unless such traitors be punished severely, that either attempt against the princes sacred person, or seek to stir sedition to alter the government, or that adhere to the pope or Spaniard; or that endeavour to depose the prince from her government, and to overthrow this state; or that entertain intelligence with foreign enemies; or that are either aiders or abettors, or allowers of any such acts, or treasons. Neither is it material, that these practisers, be they jesuits, priests, or whatsoever else, do pretend a certain kind of religion, seeing their end is war and rebellion; their means, faction and division; and their maintainers, and upholders, public enemies of the prince and state.  
The third point is taught us by the instinct of nature. For even light of nature showeth every living creature, how to provide for his own safety, and to decline and avoid such things, as may seem hurtful. And reason teacheth man to draw himself into some society, and common wealth, whereby he may be in safety from his enemies. For this cause every man, that is not transported with strange passion loveth to live under law and government, and to hate those, that would dissolve laws and lawful government. Howsoever than we favour seduced papists, yet unless we will show ourselves devoid of natural reason, we may not show ourselves negligent in seeking the safety of ourselves, and the maintenance of laws, and government, wherein our safety in part consisteth. We may not neglect the safety of those, that depend upon us: but every man according to his place is to resist such, as seek our lives, and the lives of those, that are committed to us, or do depend upon us.  
In these three points or any of them it is not lawful to offend by any law. The papists, I think, will not say, that any man, that either teacheth false religion, or practiseth against the prince or state, or by sedition seeketh to hurt his countrymen, and to murder them, is to escape unpunished. Wherefore then should they mislike any, that teacheth, that such offenders are to be punished? If, I say, all were punished within these cases, yet were it good justice, & very necessary.  
Howbeit such is the clemency of her majesties government, that she spareth jesuits, priests, and such false teachers (as some think) but too much. Obstinate recusants if they be not taken in some practice of treason, are not in danger either of life, or lands, or liberty: they are not banished, nor rigorously punished. Nay their only punishment is a pecuniary mulct, and that of few exacted. The poorer sort escape almost without punishment: the richer do avoid the punishment by traversing the inditement. In Spain and Italy our brethren would account such punishments great favour.  
Wherefore seeing this Noddy our adversary knoweth the rigour of popish inquisitors against true Christians, and by this may well perceive her majesties great clemency extended, not only to quiet papists, that live private without scandal, but also to obstinate and factious recusantes, yea and to notorious traitors; he was not wise either to challenge his adversary for speaking of Recusants so moderately, or to accuse this state of injustice, that showeth such extraordinary favour towards them, that so little deserve it.  
He chargeth his adversary With playing the Herodian, because he saith, that divers Recusants under a visor of civil honesty do cover disloyal hearts. But if he had done him right, he should rather have thanked him for commending their civil carriage, which is more than their insolency of late much increased, deserveth. That it is true, which sir Francis Hastings affirmeth, if his face were not armed with a visor of impudency, he would not have denied. Both reason and experience doth teach it to be most true. For if he be a true papist, then must he live in subjection to the pope, and acknowledge his authority. 
a C. unam. extr. de Maior. & Obed.  Boniface the eight teacheth, That it is a point necessary to salvation, to be under the pope. 
b De ecclesia militant. c. 2.  Bellarmine holdeth him out of the church, that is not under the pope's obedience. Nostra sententia est, saith he, ecclesiam unam & veram esse caetum hominum eiusdem christianae fidei professione, & eorundem sacramentorum communione colligatum sub regimine legitimorum pastorum, ac praecipuè unius Christi in terris vicarij Romani Pontificis. This is likewise Turrians, and Stapletons' opinion. If then a papist or cacolik must needs obey the pope, then must he necessarily both allow his sentence of excommunication against the Queen, and join with him in deposing her, or else they are no parts of the Romish church. But if they shall either so think, or do; they can be no true subjects. Secondly 
a Lib 2. de Pontif. Rom.  Bellarmine teacheth, that it is a matter of faith, To believe that the pope by Christ's ordinance hath succeeded Peter in the universal government of the church. But he that believeth so much, as all papists are bound to do, cannot acknowledge the princes royal authority in ecclesiastical causes, nor exclude the pope from it, and per consequent, must needs be but a sorry subject to her Majesty. Thirdly all papists are 
b Bellar. lib 4. de Pontif. Rom.  bound to believe, That the pope's sentence in matters of faith is infallible, and that, what he judgeth, is done by Christ's authority, in whose tribunal seat he pretendeth to sit. Necessary it is therefore, that all papists allow the pope's sentence of deposition against her Majesty. If they deny it, they are not of the right touch of papists: if they grant it, they are evil qualified subjects. But what shall we need arguments to prove this, when as experience doth evidently prove it unto us? Is it not apparent, how little reason her Majesty hath to trust them? In the beginning of her reign the popish prelate's refused to crown her, one only excepted. Afterward the popish clergy for the most part fled out of the land, and left her. By their solicitation, the pope began to stir against her. Presently upon his excommunication the rebellion began in the north. These kind of men stirred up divers rebellions in Ireland. Neither have they ceased at any time, to enterprise either one devise, or other to hurt us here in England. Sir Francis therefore doth greatly diminish their deserts, and spare them where he saith only, They have deceitful hearts. And most favourably doth the state deal with them, for refusing to come to church to serve God, seeing their consorts do burn and murder godly men, for not coming to their idolatrous service, and abominable mass.  
He calleth those, that refuse to go to our churches, The better and more religious sort of catholics. But he is not of God, that refuseth to hear his word. Neither are they to be termed catholics, that have a private religion to themselves devised by the pope, nor are they truly religious, that understand not the principles of Christian faith, nor will receive true wholesome and apostolic doctrine. Now if any desire to know what they are; by the marks of Antichrist in their whole life, and profession he may understand it.  
Where it is said, that some papists Show forth a good outward civil carriage, this Noddy wisely concludeth, That sir Francis maketh light of good life, and thereupon taketh occasion to run out into a common place of good works. But here was no place for him to try his skill. For sir Francis doth neither condemn good works, nor good life, but rather the hypocritical show of both, where indeed neither is to be found. Nay poor souls, the papists do not so much, as understand, what works are good, what not. They say their Orisons, and Credo, & ave Maria in Latin; and understand not, what they say. They creep to the cross and kiss it. On friday's they eat fish, and abstain from white meats in lent. They cross themselves, confess their faults in the priests ear, put on hair cloth, and follow such like fancies; refusing to hear true doctrine, and God's truth. And 
a Matth. 15. & 23.  So they make frustrate Gods commandments by their own traditions. Nay sometime they rebel against their lawful princes, and murder God's saints, and blaspheme his truth; and yet think they do God good service, when most plainly they transgress his laws. As for ourselves, albeit we do not attribute merit or justification to works; yet we exhort all men to show forth their faith by their works, and to lead a holy life according to their holy profession. Neither are we so barren of good works, but that we dare compare either with the glorious jesuits, or with the most perfect men of the popish faction: or with their most holy pope's.  
As for Recusantes I know no works they do, but such, as if they were wise, they would be ashamed of them. Sir Francis Hastings, as a true and honest patriot, and like a religious gentleman, noteth three points in Recusantes worthy consideration. The first is The hurt they do, the second is The hurt they would do, if they were not restrained, the third is, Their deep dissimulation. He might also have noted the hurts, which already they have done, and join their lewd opinions with their wicked actions. And vary every several point with manifold arguments, & examples. But this which he hath already brought is more, than our adversary doth well answer. Nay he answereth almost nothing, unless we take gibes and scornful reproaches for payment. Where sir Francis saith, That the younger steer learneth of the elder ox; He saith, It is a verse drawn from his plough, and stall of oxen. As if it were not lawful and usual by natural similitudes to express things moral, or as if his holy S. Thomas did not sometimes draw similitudes from oxen and asses. It is written in 
a I●b. 1.  job, That the oxen were ploughing, and the asses feeding by them. That is, as he 
b 2. 2. q. 2. art. 6. & Gregor. moral. 2.  supposeth, The ruder and inferior sort of people, which are represented by asses, must believe as their prelate's do, which are signified by oxen. The similitude used by sir Francis is very fit. For commonly Recusants are as rude as oxen and steers, and as the Psalmist saith, Understand no more than doth horse or mule. Nay as it is in the first of Esaie, The ox knoweth his owner, and the ass his master's crib; but these ignorant Recusants know not their God, but for their gods adore angels, and saints, yea stocks and stones, understanding no more what they pray, then do oxen and calves. Beside that the confessors and young priests are so familiar with their wives, that they are made liker oxen, than lions. But this idle vagabond friar, that liveth idly upon the sweat of other men's brows and disdeineth to labour, scorneth all husbandry, and honest travail. So strange is their doctrine, that they would alter not only Christ's religion, but also rules of state, and household.  
Where sir Francis telleth us, That he knoweth by experience, what hurt women's persuasions have done in hardening their husband's hearts in matters of religion, and saith, That the night crows persuasion prevaileth much. He gibeth at the term of Night crows, and chargeth the knight with Playing the part either of judas to betray Recusants, or of Pilate to condemn them, or afflict them. But first there is great odds betwixt the recusants, that have nothing either of Christ, or of good christians, but the bare name; & Christ jesus our saviour. He refused not to come into the temple though abused, nor sought to betray his nation into the hands of high priests, and foreign enemies. These refuse to come to God's church, and are the high priests of Rome's servants, and many of them have too great affection to foreign enemies. secondly evil do our justices deserve these reproachful terms of judas, and Pilate for dealing against evil affected subjects, 
a justices and other her majesties officers stirred up to do their duties against priests and recusants, by the reproaches of the adversary.  and worse affected Christians; and may learn to execute the laws more exactly, seeing for their remissness they are called carpet knights, and for doing nothing railed at, as if they were as evil as judas, or Pilate. In the mean while we give this Noddy to understand, that his consorts may much better be termed pilate's, that murder Christ in his members, and condemn infinite innocent Christians; and therefore in the end they are to look for the end of Pilate. The Recusants likewise may rightly be resembled to judas, that would so willingly betray their master's brethren, and their own friends and countrymen. And it is no new thing for sacrificing priests, that continually betray & kill or immolate Christ, as they say, to be called judasses. 
b 4. Brig. 133. & onus eccles. c. 23.  Bridget saith, they are worse than judas. Corpus meum, saith Christ in Brigits prophecies speaking of priests, amarius crucifigunt, quam judaei. And again, Maledicti sacerdotes ad me simulatoriè accedunt quafi proditores. Thirdly most true it is, that simple men are often misled by the subtle persuasions of peevish women. And therefore may they well be resembled to black night crows, that are still croaking in their husband's ears, and enticing them both to opinions and works of darkness. Beside this these night-crows are too familiar oftentimes with night walking priests & jesuits, that teach them new fashions of shrift, and draw them into evil opinions, and dangerous practices. In Venice they encroached so far upon the women's favour, that their husbands forbade them to come any more near the jesuits. Like favour have the jesuits obtained at the hands of the goodwives of Milan. By means of the wives of Friburge the jesuits attempted to set dissension betwixt the Cantons of Suizzerland. We may not therefore think it strange, if treacherous priests work their feats by the means of women.  
Where it is said, that by the lewd persuasions of Recusant women many fall away, our adversary asketh, Whether they fall to enormity of sin, or wickedness of life. As if the Recusants were such saints, that they could not fall to sin, or wickedness. Certes the common opinion is otherwise. For commonly Recusants make lechery and ribaldry to be no great sin. And their women make it more nice to go to God's church, then to go to stranger's beds. It is well known, that papists allow of bordels, and 
a C. at si clerici. De iudi ijs.  account adultery and fornication small faults, and easily they dispense with them. Herein England the priests corrupted the Gailors' daughter of Wisbich, and another priest ran away with one of Bellamy's maids. Nay there is a priest in England, that confessed how he shrived few women, but he lay with them. And yet the simple Recusants neither feel their own shame, nor provide remedy against these priests of Baal. Beside that, Recusants are often drawn into strange and disloial practices, as appeareth by the examples of Arden, & Someruil, Babington, Tichborne and many others. But to omit filthiness of life and treachery; it is fall great enough, that simple men oft by lewd persuasions fall into the errors and heresies of popery, so many and so grievous; that popery, as it containeth novelties above the doctrine which we profess, is nothing but a pack of heresies: as we shall particularly show hereafter.  
But saith the discourser, They are catholics, and have a scruple to go to the Protestants churches, because they think their religion is nought. And thereupon he concludeth, That religion and conscience is cause of their refusal, and not evil will or rebellion. But the poor idiots are much abused, where they are persuaded that either their own religion is catholic, or that ours is not catholic. This is a common song, which the popish priests sing in their ears, but the note is jarring, and the ditty can never be proved. Catholic religion was that which the apostles taught generally throughout the world; and that is the religion which we profess in our creed, and find written in holy scriptures. All which we hold, and refuse all doctrine contrary to the same. But the papists in their schoolemens commentaries and popish decretals, and wicked missals and portuises, and such like books of Romish devotion, have brought in, not only a faith divers from the apostolic, and catholic faith, but also contrary to the same. Much therefore do we pity the blindness of Recusants, that not only shut their eyes against the light, and condemn that for heresy, which indeed is truly catholic, but also embrace falsehood and heresies for true religion, worshipping angels, saints, and the virgin Marie, yea stocks, rotten bones and rags, in stead of one true God, and embracing antichrist in stead of Christ. And all this they do, building themselves and their religion either upon lying legends, or popish decretals, or uncertain customs never used in the catholic church. So that herein there is neither one scrpule of true religion, nor any dram of conscience, but only blindness and wilfulness, of which afterward ensueth unnatural unkindness towards their prince and country, and wicked practices hurtful to themselves & their dearest friends and countrymen. Neither can it excuse them, That they are so persuaded in their conscience. For all conscience ought to be grounded on right reason, and not upon this, or that fancy. Therefore the 
a Thomas aq. 1. p. q. 79. art. 12. & silvest in verb. conscientia.  schoolmen say, Quod conscientia est actus synteresis. But this synteresis is nothing, but a faculty of the mind, wherein are principles naturally known preserved. Saint 
b Lib. 2. de lib. arb. c. 10.  Augustine saith Quoth in naturali iudicatorio adsunt quaedam regulae, & semina virtutum, & vera & incommutabilia: which are the grounds whereby conscience concludeth. And this properly is conscience. But there is also another conscience, when we conclude not from the light of natural reason, but from the knowledge of God's word. And this conscience concluding from rules of true religion is most resolutely to be followed. But if it conclude otherwise, it is no conscience, but rather an opinion and fancy, and private humour, and pretence of conscience.  
But saith this discourser, A man is to follow his conscience, though it do err, and afterward he telleth us, That an erroneous conscience doth both bind, and excuse: and this he goeth about to prove, and maintain. But his dispute of conscience is such, as he showeth himself to be ignorant both of reason, divinity, and conscience; and that he knoweth neither what is truth, nor what his own consorts teach. That an erroneous conscience is not to be followed, it is apparent, for that our conscience is not a rule of our actions, but the law of God. For that is A lantern to our feet, and a light to our paths. And 
c In 2. sent. dist. 39  Thomas Aquinas doth in express terms determine, Quod conscientia non ligat, vel obligat virtute propria, sed aliena, id est praecepti divini. So that it always toeth us to the law, and not against the law. Secondly it is the law, that teacheth us what is sin, and what is not sin, Ex lege saith the apostle, cognitio peccati And sin is defined by saint john, to be a transgrestion of the law. So that the law must bind the conscience, and not conscience dissolve law. Thirdly grant this, that an erroneous conscience is to be followed, and then it will follow, that idolaters are to worship idols, and heretics to continue in their errors, & Mahometans to follow the impieties of Mahomet, for that the conscience of every of these erring, doth persuade them, that they are in the right. Lastly if an erroneous conscience be to be followed, then were not an erroneous conscience to be changed, but we were still to continue in error. But contrary to this do schoolmen determine. Quaeritur, saith 
a Sum. sylvest in verb. Conscientia.  Sylvester Prierius, utrum homo teneatur erreneam conscientiam deponere, and to this question he answereth, quod tenetur.  
That an erroneous conscience should excuse any, is yet more absurd. For first we are not to be judged according to our opinion of matters, but according to God's law. Secondly if every man were to be excused upon his own persuasion, than neither should idolaters, turks, nor heretics be condemned. Thirdly 
b 1. 2. q 19 art. 6.  Thomas Aquinas doth determine, that an erring conscience excuseth not: Voluntas saith he, Concordans rationi erranti potest esse mala. To conclude this point, the same is proved by reason. For if a conscience erring excuse, then if a man should think he might do well to kill his friend, or brother, or to betray his country; he were to be excused.  
That an erroneous conscience bindeth not us, to believe that which we think to be true, and is not, nor to do that which we think to be good, and is not; is proved, for that, if this were granted, divers inconveniences would ensue. For than it should follow, that the Turks that are persuaded in their conscience, that it is not good to believe in Christ, were bound not to believe in Christ, and that such as in their consciences are persuaded to kill any body, or to commit any flagitious act, are bound to do it; and finally our consciences and private opinions should be the rule of our actions, and not the law of God.  
Neither are our adversaries reasons of any force to conclude the contrary. He saith first, that our conscience is nothing, but the determination of our reason about matters to be done or not to be done. But his definition is very imperfect, for conscience as well concerneth belief, as action. Beside it concerneth things past, as well as to come, as his own school doctors could teach him, if he had read them. Thirdly it is not properly the determination of every man's own reason, but of true reason according to the general rules, that are kept in Synterest, and (if we understand conscience generally) according to the rules either of God's law, or the gospel. Lastly albeit conscience is the determination of reason, yet are we not bound to follow that reason, be it right or wrong, as he doth thereof infer; but rather we are bound to change our erroneous conscience, and to learn what the law of God is, that we may only believe and do that is right, and avoid the contrary. And this law is such, that every one is bound to take notice of it; so that he cannot pretend ignorance, or that he hath no light, but the light of his own blind reason.  
He saith further, That the quality of man's will is measured according to the object, that moveth the will: as for example, saith he, He that thinketh he killeth his enemy, when he hitteth a beast in a bush, sinneth. But while he thinketh he speaketh like a schoolman, & a great clerk, he speaketh, if not like a beast in a bush, yet like a weak divine. For first there is great difference betwixt the will and the conscience, and therefore his purpose of will, fitteth not the matter in hand, that concerneth conscience: neither doth the example fit the resolution of conscience, being only concerning the purpose of a man's will, that bindeth according to the fact intended, albeit the effect ensue not. Again if by this example he be able to prove, that a wrong conscience is to be followed, then might a man lawfully shoot at his enemy in a bush, like a fox, because his erroneous will, or as this Noddy termeth it conscience leadeth him unto it. Finally Thomas 
a 1. 2. q. 19 art. 6.  Aquinas doth teach direct contrary, viz, That a man's will agreeing with a false reason or ground may be nought.  
Thirdly he allegeth out of Saint Paul. Rom. 14. and 1. Cor. 8. That to eat meat sacrificed to idols, simply without inquiring, whether it was such meat or no, is no sin. But this is nothing to our question, that is about an erroneous conscience. For he that eateth such meats simply, seemeth to make no conscience of that matter. And albeit Saint Paul condemneth him that eateth such sacrificed meat contrary to conscience; yet doth he not speak of a man's own conscience, but of an other man's conscience. Conscientiam, 
a 1. Cor. 10.  saith he, dico non tuam, sed alterius. and Rom. 14. he saith, it is good not to eat or to drink any thing, wherein our brother may be offended. Again there is great difference betwixt him, that maketh a conscience to abstain from things in themselves not simply unlawful, and him that resolveth to do things unlawful, or to leave things commanded undone. The apostle speaketh of the first, our question is of the second kind of conscience, as is evident by our adversaries words, who teacheth, that if our consciences persuade us to do any thing; that we are bound to do it, although our reason lead us wrong. Which is contrary not only to the apostle, but also to the schoolmen. The apostle saith, Whatsoever is not of faith, or a good conscience, is sin. And the schoolmen teach, as I have showed, that an erroneous conscience is not to be followed, but rather forsaken. So that if we follow the apostles rule, than those that upon false persuasions abstain from hearing Gods eternal word, and communicating with us in the sacraments, and that go to idol service, and eat bread, that is made an idol, do offend grievously; for that this cannot proceed of conscience, but rather is against good conscience.  
Fourthly he assureth us, That the conscience of papists, that refuse to go to the church is grounded upon so sure and evident grounds, as any demonstration in the world can lay down. And his ground is this, That the religion professed by papists is true, and that therefore they may not seem to profess any other. And here he thinketh he standeth firm & immovable. But if this be his ground, his building is founded upon sand, and upon a clear untruth. For neither shall he ever be able to disprove that truth, which we profess, nor to justify those points of popish religion, which we condemn. If he will promise to do it, I will give him what term he pleaseth. And to the intent all deceived papists may see his vanity, I will show him 
b See the 4. encoun●● following this treatise.  hereafter, what the points are that he cannot prove. In this place it is sufficient to show, that his popish positions are contradicted in the greatest part of christendom. But no firm demonstration can be grounded upon untrue, or doubtful propositions. Aristotle 
c Analyt, post. 1.  telleth us, that demonstrations are syllogisms, That work certain knowledge. But this demonstration of his is nothing but a mist, or rather darkness, to deceive ignorant people. Wherefore let all papistical Recusants beware, what they believe upon others credit. The jesuits teach them lies for truth, heresy for faith, antichrist for Christ, superstition and falsehood for true religion, and draw from them all means of their salvation.  
Fiftly he telleth us, That we do greatly discredit our doctrine, which we were wont to teach, viz. That no man should be forced in matters of his conscience. But the discredit is rather his, that either understandeth not our doctrine through his dullness, or else cavilleth about this matter of forcing the conscience without just cause; then ours, that teach as we did ever, and vary not from our doctrine in our practice. We say as we did ever, that the conscience neither aught to be forced with tortures and terrors of death neither can be forced. For faith founded upon sure grounds surmounteth all violence of tyrants, and cruelty of persecutors, which terrifieth and discourageth none taught rightly in Christ's school. As for the savage and barbarous cruelty of the popish synagogue, & that purple whore of Rome, Whose 
a Apocal. 17.  vesture is red with the blood of Saints, and which without difference of age, sex, or quality tortureth, hangeth, burneth and killeth true Christians, it is odious not only to those that understand the truth, but also to the milder sort of the adversaries. Further albeit no man can be forced to religion; yet all gentle courses are to be used to draw men to religion. For this cause we exhort the weak and ignorant, and with pecuniary mulctes we repress those, that are wilful and obstinate. And this is all the punishment, that her Majesty useth against recusants: too little certes, if we respect either their deserts, or the malice of our enemies: neither do we think it either unlawful to proceed further against heretical teachers, that corrupt Christ's doctrine with their leaven; or sufferable, that notorious blasphemers and railers at religion should escape unpunished. So then we believe, that religion is to be taught, and not by terrors, thrust upon the people: and yet deny not, but that such as be wilful disturbers of the state of the church, or commonwealth ought to be punished. Neither is there any repugnance betwixt these two courses. Only let papists abstain from practices, and for the rest they are secured both of life & liberty, lands and goods. We seek them and not theirs, and only proceed against such, as show open contempt against our religion; and yet use all clemency, unless their untolerable abuses against church and state urge us to extremity.  
Finally he doth prefer the orders of the popish synagogue that burneth not only those, that forsake their religion, 
a The papists cannot dissemble their bloody cruelty.  but such also as will not come unto their religion. The pope's religion he calleth, The faith of all Christendom, and saith, That such as think hardly thereof, ought rather to be barred from coming to the church, then drawn thither. Wherein he showeth first his cruelty and bloody humour, that seemeth to rejoice in slaughter, and commendeth the wolvish nature of the Romish synagogue. Secondly his folly and treachery, that betraying his client's cause, would have them punished with death. For if all that forsake the faith of Christ and his apostles be to suffer death, then will it go hard with his clients the recusantes, who pretending catholic faith, indeed do embrace the private doctrine and faction of pope's. Thirdly his impudence, that dare avouch the popish religion to be the faith of all Christendom, which notwithstanding is contradicted by the eastern churches, and forsaken of a great part of the west church, and is only maintained by fire and sword and cruelty. Lastly his ignorance in teaching religion, that would have such as do not like all points of faith, to be barred out of the church. Which course neither by our Saviour, nor by his apostles nor by any true teachers of Christianity was ever practised. Nay our Saviour inviteth all to come to him, & when he had made ready to feast his friends, would have guests compelled to come in. Likewise the apostles taught all that came, and opened their arms to embrace all, that were desirous to learn. The ancient fathers by all means sought to draw people to the church, and shut the doors against none, that was willing to come in. What then should we think of the adversaries, but as of enemies of Christ & true religion, that seek to murder and famish Christ's flock? In the mean while let us hold on our course, and with our Saviour call all men, and refuse none that are willing to hear. And thus an end of the first consideration that concerneth the hurt that popish Recusants do.  
Next we are to consider, What hurt they would do, & that briefly. Now that is apparent, First by their hatred against religion, and all that profess the same. And Secondly by their affection toward foreign enemies, and cold devotion to her Majesty and the present government. Their hatred against religion is so extreme, that they will not suffer any to live, that profess the same. Their affection to the pope is exceeding, when for his sake they forget their love to their country, and duty to their prince, as appeareth evidently by many examples. and as they hate true religion, & the present government; so they seek the establishment of idolatry and other points of popery, and the whole alteration of the present state. Of which the first cannot be done without the subversion of the church, nor the later without the desolation of this country. Two points so material, that no true Christian can endure the first, nor true Englishman the latter. Our adversary supposeth, that the mass and the pope's government may well stand with her majesties security. But popish religion hath many tricks, beside the mass; and the pope's government, if it were received as the jesuits teach it, admitteth no other sovereignty either in ecclesiastical, or political affairs, beside the pope's. Neither mass nor pope can come into England, either with the safety of her Majesty, or the state. And this we do not speak by guesses at the wishes of papists, as our adversary supposeth; but by experience of former practices, and reasons deduced out of the grounds of Romish religion, and the practice of Romish proceedings. Of which we have spoken heretofore, and shall also have occasion to speak more at large hereafter.  
The third point to be considered is, Whether the Recusants do not dissemble deeply, and in heart stand evil affected to her Majesty, their country, and all that profess the Gospel. In handling whereof our adversary passeth a little the limits of patience, and giveth sir Francis evil language, and 
P. 80.  chargeth him, That he hath no care, nor conscience in accusing so many cacolike men of England, and that of such heinous crimes. But high treasons are not answered with high words. Neither can heinous crimes be dashed out with flat and bold denials. We find by experience, that all the troubles, that since the beginning of her majesties reign unto this time have happened to this state, have proceeded wholly from the malice of papists. The rebellion in the north parts of this realm was raised by Nicholas Morton and other priests, when as yet there was almost neither act nor law made against papists. When they could not prevail in England, they raised great broils in Ireland. Beside domestical rebellions they have stirred up foreign enemies and wars against this state. Philip of Spain at the instance of English traitors determined both by sea and land to make war upon us. By procurement, and practise of this faction the Duke of Alva, the Duke of Guise, and Don ivan d'Austria became our enemies. Likewise if we look into secret practices, either against her majesties life, or against the state; we shall find, that all the plots were contrived and determined to be executed by papists. William Parry, Somerfield, Arden, Babington, Ballard, Patrick Ocollen, and all those murderers, and empoisoners, that of late time have practised against her Majesty were papists, and set on by papists. Only Lopez, as is said, was a Iew. So papists and jews conspire jointly against this state.  
Of their hatred against religion, and the true professors thereof there is no question to be made. Darkness cannot stand with light, nor can the sons of Beliall abide Christ's true disciples. No papist will endure to be excommunicate by the pope; but if he should not persecute Christians upon his commandment, he should be excommunicate and accursed. Nay albeit they would be content to live in peace, yet will not the jesuits and seditious priests suffer them to rest. These raised the league, or rather the rebellion against the French king, and wars against the professors of true religion. These are the agents of antichrist to move princes to war against the lamb, and those that follow him.  
Neither is it to be presupposed, that they can continue in their allegiance to her Majesty, when they acknowledge the pope's authority. Praecipimus saith 
a In bulla Pij 5. adverse. Elizabeth.  Pius Quintus, & interdicimus universis & singulis proceribus, subditis, populis, & alijs, ne illi eiusue monitis, mandatis & legibus audeant obedire. How then dare they obey her Majesty, when he commandeth them not to obey? The traitor 
b In his letters to the nobility and people of England and Ireland.  Allen he doth not only exhort her subjects to forsake her, but to take arms against her. If you should either sit still saith he, or refuse to help (the Spaniard) etc. or any of you seek to uphold (which God forbidden) the usurper, or her complices being thus cursed, you shall first incur the angels curse, etc. and be as deeply excommunicated as she is. Seeing then, that papists of our times be like to their predecessors, and seeing they cannot choose, but obey the pope's command; what is to be looked for at their hands, but sedition, rebellion, and cruel execution of the pope's commands? They may now temporize. So do also all rebels, until their matters grow ripe. They may likewise profess and protest deeply. For so did Parry, Lopez, and the earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland. But why should any think our papists to be of other nature, than the papists of France, and other countries, that never cared for promise, nor oath, so they might attain their purpose? Shall not we while we have means, provide for our safety, and the safety of the state? Our adversary 
a P. 78. & 80.  talketh much of the Conscience of papists, and setteth them forth, as Examples of good life, and modest behaviour, and divers other virtues: and no marvel, seeing apes seem fair to apes, and serpents to serpents, and affection maketh foul things seem fair, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith 
Eclog. 6.  Theocritus. But he that nourisheth up wolves, must look well to his sheep. We are well acquainted with their conscience, and know they make no conscience to obey the pope's commands, though never so cruel. Their behaviour is such, that we find no men more backward in public service. Wherefore as one said: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  So we may say, the Spaniards are dangerous enemies, the pope and his agents more, the Recusant and domestical malcontent is most dangerous. Neither are they hard hearted men, and without piety and conscience, that so think of them; but these rather, that oppugn true piety and religion, maintain idolatry and superstition, and prefer strangers before their own countrymen, hazarding the destruction of their own nation and country, that is like to ensue, if the pope's purposes, which they do favour, and under pain of his curse must favour, take effect.  
And that they are not so honest men, as is pretended, appeareth in part by our adversaries discourse, who either betraying his clients, or bewraying his own treacherous humour, or or a foolish humour of contradiction goeth about to prove, that a man may keep a good conscience to God, and yet not keep faith and allegiance to his prince; or to use his own words, That a man's conscience to God may be severed from obedience to his prince: and this he would justify by the example of Abraham, Lot, the ten tribes that left Roboam, jehu, Hieremie, Athanasius, Eusebius Vercellensis, Hilary & others. But as his position is strange, so his proofs are most weak and simple. Our Saviour Christ commandeth us to give to Caesar that which is due to Caesar. But no question, but allegiance and obedience is due to Caesar. The 
a Rom. 13.  apostle saith, We must be subject, not for wrath only, but also for conscience sake. And the apostle saint 
b 1. Pet. 2.  Peter commandeth us, To submit ourselves to the king for the lords sake. Neither was it ever heard, that any godly bishop did take upon him to release the oath made to kings, or to dissolve the obligation, that tied subjects to princes. The examples alleged to prove that conscience and obedience to princes may be severed, are much mistaken. Abraham and Lot dwelling in Chaldea were not subject to other princes, but were princes themselves ruling their own families as kings, for that as yet kingdoms, and commonwelthes' were not established. But suppose they had been subject to some king, yet were they not forbidden to leave their country, or if they were, yet might they departed seeing God 
c Gen. 12.  commanded Abraham out of his country. But English fugitives fly hence contrary both to god's ordinance, and the prince's commandment. The ten tribes rebelled against Roboam, and set up a strange king; beside that, forsaking true religion, they 
d 1. Reg. 12.  set up idols in Bethel; so papists rebel against their princes, and English fugitives would set up a strange king, and seek by all means to set up their idols and golden calves, or at least would have men like calves to worship golden images. But God never allowed rebellion, or idolatry. 
e 2. Reg. 9  jehu killed joram king of Israel, and his mother jezabel: but that was by special commandment of God. But our rinegued English contrary to God's ordinance seek the destruction of the prince and mother of their country; and this unnatural traitor doth wickedly compare her to jezabel. Hieremy did attempt nothing against the life of his prince, nor did he any thing, but declare the message of God to his people. Wherefore either let this Noddy bring forth some message from God, to command us to submit ourselves to the pope and king of Spain, or else his defence is not worth a daisy.  
Athanasius, Eusebius Vercellensis and Hilary forsook their country for safeguard of their lives, and refused to obey their prince's commandment, that sought to establish the Arian heresy. Yet did they not rebel against their prince, or seek to depose him or murder him, or to give his kingdom into the hand of strangers. But our fugitive English albeit no man forceth them to embrace heresy, or seeketh their life, yet fly they like traitors to foreign enemies, and there conspire against the prince and state; and all to establish their popish heresies, and to erect idolatry.  
His authorities likewise are impertinent to this purpose. The prophet Psal. 44. where he saith, Obliviscere populum tuum & domum patris tui, would have the church and every one of the church to forget his kindred and people, and to follow Christ. And our 
a Matth. 17. Luc. 12.  Saviour would have us forsake our father and mother for his sake. But where there is no opposition betwixt Christ, and our country and people, there this rule taketh no place. What do those than deserve, that not only forsake their country and kindred, but Christ also, and true religion? Again albeit we may not forsake Christ though we should lose country, kindred, life and all; yet may not godly Christians seek the destruction of their prince and country, nor to bring in strangers. This is altogether without the compass of the text; and English rebels, that fly to the enemy, have no warrant so to do in these words. As for Wyat's enterprise we are not bound to defend it. And yet it is clear, that he meant no hurt to the Queen, or to the realm, but good rather, seeking to drive out strangers, whose coming could not choose but be hurtful to this land, and dangerous. In France and Scotland those of the religion did only seek to defend themselves against force, and not to hurt their princes; they repelled those that pretended the prince's authority, and yet went about to disannul the prince's act and promise; and sought not to murder and drive their princes out of their kingdoms, as the factious papists have done, where they have been stronger.  
But saith the Warder, The 
a Act. 5.  apostles chose rather to obey God, then man. And holy martyrs are commended, Quod contempserunt jussa principum. And finally he calleth them Herodians, that obey their princes; and saith, They make the princes will the platform of their consciences, and actions. All which maketh nothing to the controversy in hand. For it is one thing to continue in allegiance and subjection to princes, and another to obey or execute their wicked commandments. This Christians are not to do, because they are to obey God, rather then man. Yet may they not rebel against their princes, nor may they seek to depose them, and murder them, as the papists teach and practise. Nay they proceed further, and obey the most wicked commandments of the pope, which like Herode commandeth many innocents to be done to death. And therefore are they Herodians, & Christiani sanguinis hirudines, and most unlike to the apostles and former martyrs. Which appeareth in this also, for that apostles and martyrs paid tribute, and sought not to kill their princes; these fellows upon the pope's excommunication, not only think themselves discharged of tribute, but also of oath and obedience, and oftentimes take arms against emperors, kings, and lawful princes.  
Where sir Francis would teach, That all obedience is due to the sovereign magistrate, and proveth it out of the words of 
b 1. Pet. 2.  Peter, that teacheth us, that we must Subject ourselves to all manner of ordinance of man for the lords sake, our adversary quarreleth, and taketh divers exceptions to his dealing. First he taketh exception to his translation, for that he translateth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, all manner ordinance of man, and leaveth out Sive ducibus ab eo mistress. Secondly he quarreleth with his interpretation, as if sir Francis should teach, that an absolute obedience in all causes were to be yielded to the temporal magistrate. lastly he saith, that this place of saint Peter is impertinently alleged to prove that papists are to obey the magistrate commanding them to go to church. And so gladly would he find a knot in a rush, and as if he had found out great matters, he despiseth his adversary, and calleth him Silly man, and simple soul, and bible-clerke knight, and guilt-spurre doctor, railing at his pleasure, and according to his fashion; yea and without just cause. For first 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is better translated human ordinance, then human creature. For properly men neither create, nor are created by men. Moreover if we should translate human creature, then should this subjection be not to magistrates ordained by man, but generally to all men. And therefore the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifying both creature, and ordinance or election, we are to choose the fittest signification. Secondly it is no part of sir Francis his meaning to teach an absolute obedience to be due to temporal princes. Nay he thinketh it neither due to temporal, nor ecclesiastical magistrates, save only in things lawful. But this the papists deny to princes in ecclesiastical external government simply; and in temporal causes too, if the pope do excommunicate them, or depose them. Thirdly sir Francis did not allege this place to prove that papists were to go to church upon the prince's commandment, but rather to show, that they ought not to rebel against princes upon the pope's warrant, as they do very often. And thus all this matter, about which the Noddy maketh so great exclamations, is easily cleared, and all his calumniations and cavillations at his adversaries person, and writings answered. It resteth therefore now, that we consider a little of his brave speak made in the latter end of this chapter to the Recusants. Perhaps he is better able to teach them, what they are to do hereafter, then to defend that is done already.  
First he telleth us, That he can say no more to cacolike Recusants, then that which followeth. Which showeth, that he hath little to say in their defence, and less for their instruction. Then he pronounceth in his grave voice, That the course which they have taken is most honourable, and pious before God and man; and that forsooth in three points: first in showing their duty towards God by standing constantly, and suffering for their conscience. Secondly in offering all loyal obedience in temporal causes to their liege prince; and lastly in edifying their neighbours by their good life, and behaviour. But what if they have neither showed their duty to God, nor suffered for their conscience; nor offered loyal obedience to their prince, nor have so taken her; nor have either by their belief or life edified their neighbours? May we not then conclude, that their course is neither pious nor honourable; and that albeit they escape the censures of men, yet assuredly they shall answer before God? Nay what if for religion they maintain superstition, for loyalty nourish in their bosoms treachery and disloyalty, and ruinated their neighbours by their evil example; doth it not hence follow, that their course is impious, and disloyal, and odious both in the sight of God, and of man, and that not in three points, but in many points, resulting partly of their impieties and errors in religion, and partly of their malcontent humours in civil actions? It is most apparent. For this Warder their good friend hath laid those grounds, whereof this conclusion ariseth.  
First then I say, that no papist since her majesties reign hath suffered death, or loss of lands, or liberty merely for his conscience, unless he make it conscience, not to commit treason. Let the records be sought, and their causes be examined, and this will easily appear. And albeit some have been imprisoned, yet was the same not directly for not coming to church, but for refusing to pay the mulct.  
Secondly compare their penalties and sufferings with the sufferings of true Christians, whom they imprison, spoil, torture and murder, and that only for matters of faith; and then they will appear nothing in comparison. But were they much greater, than they are; yet it is the cause, and not the suffering that maketh their patience commendable. Have they 
a See the conclusion of the 4. encounters following th●● treatise.  suffered for their impieties, idolatries, treasons and felonies, and for adhering to Antichrist? Then is their shame great, and their reward nothing.  
Thirdly I deny, that they have showed their duty towards God. Nay in refusing to hear his word, and to receive the sacraments ordained and instituted by Christ jesus, and administered according to his holy institution, and embracing a fond and false religion standing partly on traditions and popish decretals, and partly upon lewd customs and lying legends, and partly upon wicked heresies and false positions, they have declared themselves impious towards God, and aliens from Christ his church. And that they shall well perceive by a special encounter concerning that point.  
Fourthly it is mere impudence, to affirm that the recusantes have offered to her Majesty all loyal obedience in temporal causes; or that they have acknowledged her to be their liege prince. For who knoweth not, that the rebellions both in the north parts of England, and also in Ireland were raised by recusants and papists? The same men have divers times attempted the destruction of her Majesty and the alteration of government, as appeareth by the practices of Parry, Somerfield, Throgmorton, Ch. Paget and others. These are the men, that Cardinal Allen hoped would join with the Spaniard, and help to depose her Majesty. And although now they stir not; yet it appeareth, that their 
a Those be the words of Campians faculty.  obedience must only continue, Rebus sic stantibus. And call you this yielding of loyal obedience? Beside that the 
b Bulla Pij Quinti.  pope curseth all that will obey her, or repute her as lawful Queen. Whether is it then more likely, that they will obey the pope's sentences, whom they take to be their sovereign judge in these cases, or her majesties command, which they respect not? But suppose they would yield loyal obedience in temporal causes; yet that is not sufficient to make the recusantes seem loyal subjects. For the prince's authority in commanding for true faith, and abolishing errors and abuses, for establishing external orders, & removing disorders both in the time of the law, and in the ancient Christian church, hath always been esteemed great.  
Lastly I would advise these cacolike malcontents, or recusantes, or what you will have them called, not to brag too much of their good works, lest they give others just occasion to make their uncharitable dealing, and dishonest living known. Now I will only say this, that he that favoureth foreign enemies, and entertaineth either practice or intelligence with them, or receiveth marks of faction from them; whatsoever his pretences are, cannot seem much to edify his neighbours. Surely he leaveth for himself no place in the state, that loveth not the state. Let them therefore if they will needs boast of their works give no more ear to these hispaniolized English, combined with traitors for the destruction of the country. For he can hardly seem honest, whom such rinegued traitors, so highly do praise.  
In the end of this chapter he goeth about to teach his disciples the recusantes, how far they are to yield obedience to their prince. But if his teaching be no better in schools, then in these encounters, I doubt, he will make but few good scholars. First he doth not show us, whom he taketh for a lawful prince, which for determination of this controversy would certainly be known. For if he do not believe that a prince excommunicate by the pope, and by him deposed, is to be reputed lawful, and to be obeyed, notwithstanding the pope's spite, than whatsoever he talketh here of obedience to princes, concerneth her Majesty nothing.  

a P. 88  Secondly he would have recusantes to serve their prince With body, goods, and life. Where we are to note, that he neither mentioneth the heart nor the inward affection. Do we not then think, that the recusantes will do her Majesty good service, that are delivered unto her without soul, heart, or hearty affection?  
Thirdly lest upon his promise they might perhaps be too forward in service, he draweth them back with a limitation, and teacheth, that their service and obedience is to stretch no further, Then to just causes, of which he maketh either the recusantes themselves, or the pope their holy father to be judge. So that her Majesty, if the pope proceed against her, is to look for no service at the recusantes hands. Nay Allen in his traitorous exhortation to the nobility and people of England and Ireland hopeth to draw them to assist foreign enemies against her. Behold I pray you this goodly doctrine. Fourthly he teacheth, That Christian princes have no more command, nor authority in ecclesiastical causes, then heathen magistrates; for that Christ altered nothing at all in temporal government. But that is a position contrary to the law of God, to the practice of God's church, and most absurd, & senseless. The law of God referreth ambiguous matters aswell to the judge or prince, as to the priests or levites. For in the Sanedrin, of which that law is the foundation, the sovereign magistrate was chief; 
b Deut. 17.  and the king was commanded To read in the law, that he might keep it, by his authority restraining offenders. In ancient time under the law the kings and sovereign magistrates gave laws to priests & levites, and not contrariwise. In the church of Christ for a thousand years or more there were no laws observed, but those of princes. Bellarmine would fetch it higher, but his proofs fail him. In their Bullary which containeth a sum of the pope's laws, they begin with Gregory the seventh. but in truth Gregory the ninth was the first, that gave authority of law to the pope's constitutions, and gathered them into the book of decretals. Before this time bishops, priests, deacons, and the whole church was 
a Cod. de sum. trin. & fid. ●ath & tit. sequentib.  governed by the laws of Christian princes, as appeareth by the laws of Constantinus Magnus, Valentinian, Gratian, Theodosius, Arcadius, 
b Ansegisus de leg ib. Caroli & Ludovic.  Charles the great, Ludovicus Pius and divers others. And certes very absurd it were, if heathen princes, that are strangers from God's church should have as much authority, as Christian magistrates, that are principal parts thereof, and to whom the execution of God's law is committed. Neither is it material, that Christ altered nothing in the office of magistrates. for it did always belong to the magistrate, that was of the church, to govern the church in external matters, and to see true doctrine published, and the sacraments sincerely administered by those, to whose office it appertained. So we see, that by this false position he would exclude her Majesty from all government in ecclesiastical causes, and that notwithstanding his pretence of teaching obedience, he teacheth flat disobedience to princes ecclesiastical laws, and their commandments.  
Fiftly he 
c P. 88  teacheth, That ecclesiastical and temporal government is so distinguished, that he that ruleth in the one ought not to rule in the other. The which doth utterly overthrow the pope's temporal kingdom, which our adversary would so willingly maintain. For why should he govern a kingdom, pretending to be a bishop, rather than a king govern a particular church of one nation, in external causes especially? Secondly we do deny this distinction of authority, upon which our adversaries fancies are founded. And our reason is, for that in Christian common wealths, where the same persons are members both of the church and commonwealth, there the chief governors ought to have care both of church and commonwealth: and most absurd it were, if the prince, which is a principal member of God's church, should have no government therein; and that inferior persons should have supreme command over the prince.  
Sixtly he doth insinuate, that the pope is Christ's vicar, & the apostles successor in supreme government of the church. And this he teacheth is Recusant scholars, lest percase they should fail to obey him. But this is nothing else, but to draw her majesties subjects from their due allegiance, and to persuade them to listen to the pope, as pretending to be Christ's vicar, and the apostles successor, and supreme governor and head of the universal church of Christ: which is quite contrary to his fair pretences, and purpose in this place, where he should persuade the Recusants to obedience toward their prince. Beside that, it is so false, as nothing more. Let this Noddy, if he can, show forth the pope's commission either for his vicegerentship, or for his pretended apostolic office, and supreme government. let him prove it unto us, or else forbear impudently to assume it, and to affirm it. we do show, that bishops are the apostles successors. and yet that is no prejudice to the princes supreme authority, nor never was. What then is that which he babbleth of the pope, that is neither bishop, nor the apostles successor?  
Finally he affirmeth, That ecclesiastical government stood distinct from civil 300. years after Christ, and that every emperor, and mortal prince converted to the faith, and entering into the church submitted themselves to this ecclesiastical government, and so continued, until certain heretics confounded all. And so still cunningly he speaketh for the pope's authority, and secretly disableth not only her majesties power in ecclesiastical matters, but her title also to the crown, standing as she doth excommunicate by the pope. He doth also abuse his reader with the ambiguity of ecclesiastical government. For if by ecclesiastical government he meaneth the power of the keys consisting in the censures of the church, and power of priestly function, which is properly ecclesiastical, we grant that such ecclesiastical government belongeth not to princes, so that they are to execute the same in their own persons. But if by ecclesiastical government he mean power to direct, & command in external matters; and to cause every ecclesiastical person to do his function; and to see the church, & every part thereof well ordered, and abuses reform; it is most apparent, that such government appertaineth to princes, and ever did both before Christ's time, and after, and that no pope of Rome did ever meddle with any such matters before Gregory the seventh, or Gregory the ninth his time, as before hath been declared; and shall against stronger adversaries, than this seely Noddy be justified. Lastly they were no heretics, that give to the prince this authority, but those rather that give power to pope's to depose princes and discharge their subjects from their oaths of allegiance: as Sigebertus Gemblacensis speaking of the treacherous dealing of Gregory the seventh against Henry the fourth, in express terms affirmeth, and the Synod at Brixina assembled against Gregory the seventh determineth,  
And thus we see that this Noddy contrary to his intention hath intricated himself and his clients the Recusants in this cause. Before this many men would have thought, that he and his friends the Recusants had been of a better mind to her Majesty, and this state. But now all the world may see their whole purpose and intention verified by their own master's doctrine, and authority. They serve the prince, but not with hearty affection, nor in all causes, nor against every enemy. They yield her no authority in ecclesiastical causes; nay they give it clear away to the pope. Finally they make her subject, not only to the pope's excommunication, but also to his sentence concerning her crown and kingdom. So it appeareth by their own confession, that they are but sorry subjects; and when the pope hath once gotten a side here, apparent enemies. The same doth also appear by their rebellions and practices against her Majesty and the state, and by their infamous libels set out by the pope, by , Allen, Ribaldineira, Rishton, and divers traitors, which the Recusantes either approve, or do not disallow; and lastly by the general hatred, that papists bear both against true religion, and also against all that maintain it, or profess it. Wherefore albeit I do not wish the punishments of papists aggravated; yet I say, it is great weakness in us, either to suffer their insolency, or not to secure ourselves against their hatred and tyranny. But I need not use many words to stir up the magistrates to vigilancy. They see these things, and I doubt not, will take a course not still to suffer their right to be disputed, or their actions disgraced and slandered: and every true patriot, I hope, I will concur with their prince, and not suffer the bowels of their country any longer by these vipers to be gnawed. The treacherous intention of this our adversary, I have opened; so that I hope, the quieter sort of Recusantes will not much trust him; his malice against true religion is every where apparent, so that, I trust, honest men will hereafter learn to detest him, and to provide more carefully against him, and his consorts. And so I dismiss him for this turn, as a false traitor; you may look to his proceedings, if you please, as a false teacher.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of the pope of Rome, and his usurped authority: and of N. D. his seventh encounter.  
IN the beginning of this seventh encounter our adversary swelleth very big, and degorgeth very great words against sir Francis, charging him With immodest railing and calumniation, and saying, that he hath overlavished to the injury and slander of foreign potentates and nations abroad, & used opprobrious speeches against the sacred honours of anointed princes, and the greatest monarch of Christendom. A man that readeth his lofty praeludium would have imagined, that some great matter had been out of joint, that made him leap into this rage. But when I saw, that all this fury grew upon some words uttered partly against the pope of Rome, that is neither lawful prince, nor potentate, nor honest man; but only a greasy priest or friar, if so much; and partly against the Spaniard, who to serve the pope's pleasure without desert of ours is become our enemy; then I perceived it was nothing else, but a lofty trick of jack an apes, that for fear of the whip leapt out of his little patience. To storm against us for defending ourselves against the public enemies of religion, of the state, of her Majesty, of our nation, he had no reason, but that he would show himself enemy of religion, the state, Queen and country. Certes if he had not declared himself an open enemy, he would never have pleaded for public enemies, nor been so much offended with those that speak in defence of his prince and country. But let us hear what slander it is, that our accuser layeth to our charge.  
First it grieveth him exceedingly to hear, that the pope should be called The man of sin, and that Antichrist, of whom the apostle 2. Thes. 2 speaketh. And some reason he hath, in regard of his own particular, to be offended. For if the pope be Antichrist, then is our adversary a marked slave of Antichrist, a false prophet, and an instrument of satan. But how heinously the matter is taken, it is not greatly material; that the pope is very Antichrist, we make no question: neither should any doubt, if they would well consider his proceedings. For first the name of Antichrist importeth, that taking the authority and place of Christ he should notwithstanding set himself against Christ. Secondly the office of Antichrist is to set himself against Christ his kingdom. Thirdly he shall excel in pride and arrogancy, and take to himself divine honours. Fourthly notwithstanding his pretence of holiness, yet shall he excel in all impiety and wickedness. Fiftly he shall have a face of brass, and pretend understanding of all doubts of religion. Sixtly he shall appear upon the decay of the Roman empire. Seventhly he shall rise out of the ruins of that state.  
8. He shall cause a great apostasy from the Christian faith, and in his reign there shall be a general corruption of men's manners. 9 Although his kingdom shall be opposite to Christ's kingdom, yet shall he sit in God's church, and take on him the authority of the church. 10. The seat of his empire shall be in Rome. 11. His kingdom is represented by the purple whore Apocalip. 17. and by Babylon Apocalip. 18. 12. Antichrist his impiety shall be hidden and mystical. 13. He shall most grievously afflict Christ his church. 14. He shall rule in men's consciences.  
15. He shall make merchandise of men's souls.  
16. He shall be like a lamb, and yet speak like the Dragon. 17. He shall take to himself the power of the Roman Empire. 18. He shall bring in a new form of Religion. 19 He shall be an author and cause of many impieties, and great corruption in manners.  
20. He shall in effect deny Christ jesus.  
21. He shall pretend to work wonders, and the world shall believe his signs and wonders. 22. He shall prescribe a certain form of ceremonies & laws to all his followers. Finally he shall rise obscurely, receive power of princes, increase by force, be followed with all wicked traitors, heretics, atheists, and shall be destroyed with the breath of God's spirit. All which conditions, as they are proper and well agree to the pope of Rome, and his kingdom; so the adversaries themselves cannot show any other, unto whom these qualities can agree. He calleth himself Christ's vicar, and yet opposeth himself against Christ and his kingdom. He declareth himself a plain adversary in suppressing God's word, and extolling his own constitutions, and advancing himself above all, that is called God. He taketh to himself the name, power and honour, that is proper to God, excelling all mortal creatures in pride and arrogancy. His life is full of all abominations. He taketh no shame, albeit his doings be most shameful, nay albeit his ignorance in religion be exceeding great, yet doth he vaunt himself, that he cannot err in deciding of matters of faith. Presently upon the decay of the Roman empire, his kingdom began to show itself. Neither did he rise, but upon the ruins of that state. Having gotten credit among Christians, he brought in infinite novelties into religion, and by his evil example, and facility in granting pardons wrought a great dissolution in men's manners. At Rome he now reigneth and none but he. Nay he is reputed to be head of the church although head of the society of wicked and feigned Christians. His kingdom is plainly described in the figure of the purple whore and of Babylon. Finally his mystical impieties, persecutions of Christians, merchandizing of men's souls, and all those properties of antichrist, which before I described, appearing in him, and in no other, declare him to be antichrist.  
Neither can any medicine, which the papists have devised, help this grief. As for the Noddy our adversary, he doth not understand those reasons which he draweth out of Bellarmine. Much less is he able to enforce them. First he telleth us That antichrist shall be one singular man. But that cannot stand with the apostles words, that teacheth us that the mystery of iniquity began to work in his time. Again the kingdom of Antichrist could not be erected, & attain to such greatness by one man only; nor is one only man opposite to Christ. Further the state of antichrists kingdom is called an apostasy, but the term of apostasy cannot fit one man. Finally Saint 
a 1. joan. 2.  john saith, that that antichrist that was prophesied of, was in the world in his time. And 
b Tract. 30. in Matthaeum.  Origene maketh antichrist a state or succession of men. Generaliter saith he, unus antichristus est, species autem eius multae. Neither have the Scriptures or fathers any thing, whereof the contrary may directly be concluded. Only the scriptures by the figure of one beast do set out a state, and the fathers do firmly adhere to the manner of speech used in Scripture, which by one particular man understand divers men succeeding in one state. Nay the adversaries themselves believe, that Christ by the rock Mat. 16. whereupon he said he would build his church, understood not only Peter, but all the bishops of Rome.  
Secondly he saith, That the jews shall receive Antichrist for their Mes●ias. And therefore that it is not likely, that the pope should be Antichrist, whom they can never admit for their Messias. But the antecedent is a mere fancy taken up without ground. For albeit our saviour 
●an. 5.  saith, that the jews Will receive another, if he come in his own name; yet can it not be gathered, that he speaketh there of Antichrist. For he speaketh indefinitely and saith, if any come in his own name, that him they will receive. And so doth 
d In joan. 5.  Nonnus expound it. And if we should otherwise take it, than would it follow, that Antichrist should come in the apostles times, that he might be received of those, to whom our saviour then spoke.  
Thirdly he reasoneth out of Matth. 24. and 2. Thes. 2. That the gospel of Christ must first be preached to all nations, before the coming of Antichrist: which saith he, is not yet fulfilled. But in the 2. Thes. 2. there is no mention made of preaching the Gospel to all nations. In the 24. of Matthew we find, that the preaching of the Gospel to all nations shall be fulfilled before Christ's second coming, and not before the coming of Antichrist. But were this a sign of the coming of antichrist, yet it is long, since the sound of the Gospel hath passed throughout the world.  
Fourthly, That antichrist should be a jew, and of the tribe of Dan; is but a mere conceit of some few, upon false understanding of scripture: for how shall a jew, that establisheth the ceremonial law of Moses be received among Christians? Wherefore this notwithstanding, the pope may be antichrist.  
Fiftly it is a jewish fancy That antichrist shall reign in Jerusalem, and restore Salomons Temple. Neither is any such matter gathered out of the eleventh chapter of the Apocalypse, where it is said, not that the bodies of Henoch and Helias, as this falsary hath, but That the bodies of the two prophets shall lie in the streets of the great city. For he speaketh not of the persecution by antichrist, but by the Gentiles, and understandeth all godly men, that shall bear witness of the truth of Christ jesus. 
a Lib. 18. in Isai. & ad Algas. q. 11.  Hierome saith, that all these imaginations of restoring the city, and temple & ceremonies proceed from the heresy of Cerinthus. And truly very strange it were, if antichrists reign continuing but three years and a half, as our adversaries hold, he should re-edify the city and the temple, and found so large a kingdom, as that of antichrist shall be.  
Sixtly it cannot be proved, That antichrist shall expressly deny jesus, and utterly abolish the sacraments instituted by Christ, and openly profess, that either he is Messias, or God himself. Neither in the 1. of joh. 2. v. 22. nor joh. 5. nor 2. Thes. 2. which places are cited to this purpose, is any such thing to be found. Nay his doings they shall be mystical, and he shall deceive many. But if he should plainly deny Christ, and abolish his Sacraments, he could not deceive any Christian. Saint 
b In joan. Tract. 3.  Augustine therefore calleth them antichrists, That by their works deny Christ. And cunningly shall antichrist pervert the Sacraments, and take to himself divine worship. All which we see verified by the pope: and therefore rightly take him to be antichrist.  
Seventhly, that antichrist shall work lying miracles, it is not denied. For it is very apparent, that popish religion doth much stand upon miracles; and the legends red in churches are full of them. But that he shall make fire come really and visibly down from heaven, or make a dumb image speak it is no where declared or proved. Neither is it a miracle for a man to feign himself dead, and to rise again. For that every sacrificing priest is able to do that, albeit his power to work miracles be not great. By fire therefore, which antichrist shall make to come from heaven, we are to understand antichrists thundering excommunications and other sentences, and the wrath of the court of heaven, that he seemeth to have at his disposition. By the image of the beast Apocal. 13. we are to understand new Rome, which now giveth out her imperial edicts; by the beast that had a mortal wound and yet was after a sort cured we understand the Roman empire after a sort restored in the papacy. And so all agreeth with the pope and his kingdom, and showeth him to be antichrist.  
We do also read, That antichrist shall reign two times, one time, and a half. But that this number is to be taken precisely for three years and a half, and no more, we do not read, nor believe. For as this time is applied to antichrists reign, so likewise is the time of 42. months, and 1290. days, neither of which numbers doth precisely make three years and a half. Moreover it is a vain imagination to think, that such an alteration, as antichrist will make, can be wrought in three years and a half.  
Further the doctrine of napistes concerning the coming again of Helias, is nothing but a jewish fable, as appeareth by the words of the apostles, Matth. 17. Why do the Scribes say, say they, that Helias must first come? Our Saviour also declareth, that john Baptist was figured by Helias after a sort. Their opinion concerning Henochs' return is also a mere fiction. for neither in the Apocalypse chap. 11. nor in the 48. chap. of Ecclesiasticus, which is all the ground our adversaries have to prove these matters, is there any appearance, that he shall come again, and be slain of antichrist. So that if the papists look not for antichrists coming before they hear of Henoch and Helias, they are like to be much abused. And as well may the old Britons look for the return of king Arthur; as they for Henoch and Helias.  
Lastly our adversary dreameth, when he believeth, that within five and forty days after Antichristes death, Christ shall make an end of the world, and come to judgement. For if that were true, then should not the end of the world come upon such a sudden, as 
Matth. 24.  Christ telleth, nor should the same be kept from men's knowledge, as he likewise teacheth, that it shall. Wherefore if the Noddy have no better means to shift off the name of Antichrist from the pope, then by determining the precise time of Christ's second coming; then the pope will assuredly prove Antichrist. For that time no mortal man knoweth, or can certainly know.  
Now if the pope be Antichrist, it is to no purpose to dispute, whether he be one of Antichristes forerunners. Yet because this Noddy will needs for his own pleasure dispute that question, it will not be amiss, for a fuller view of the man's folly, to consider likewise of this his foolish dispute. First to prove that Antichrist hath his forerunners, he allegeth a place out of 
b 1. job. 2.  john, where he saith, You have heard how Antichrist cometh, and how many are become antichrists. But this proveth, that antichrist was rather than come. and so directly Saint john affirmeth saying, That he was then in the world. Which overthroweth the Noddies conceit of forerunners, and showeth that he is run out of breath, and out of his wit; and yet helpeth him nothing to show, that the pope of Rome is not antichrist. for albeit the bishops of Rome were not antichrists in Saint john's time: yet later pope's of Rome furthering the mystery of iniquity, that began covertly to work in Saint john's time, appeared plainly to be antichrist, and in them antichrist, that before did work closely, and in divers men, and divers places, became openly to be known, and revealed. He saith further, that Turks, Moors, tyrants, persecutors and other wicked people, and especially heretics and sectaries are forerunners of antichrist. But if this were so, then might the pope also be a forerunner of antichrist, for any thing this proctor of antichrist can allege to the contrary, surpassing all others in wickedness, and being the father and author of divers heresies, of which we shall have occasion to speak more hereafter. And indeed seeing antichrist was long in the world, before he obtained his kingdom; and that those, that laid the foundation of his state, went before the pope's, that openly reigned; it is not strange to say, that some pope's were, as it were, pages and forerunners, and workers of antichrists apostasy; and that at the length other pope's begins to show themselves manifestly in his seat●. Do then we see this by-question helpeth him but little. And yet to help himself, our 
a P. 93  adversary for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, committing two faults in one Greek word.  
Afterward he month this question, Whether Rome be Babylon, or no: and yet like a wise fellow he saith, it is not material, whether it be, or no. Which showeth him to be an idle discourser, that moveth questions, that be not to purpose. Beside, he is deceived much in his opinion. For if new Rome figured by the whore of Babylon Apocal. 17. be the seat of antichrist, and if his kingdom be the western Babylon; then doth the apostle plainly declare, that the pope is antichrist. For none hath reigned there of long time, but the pope of Rome. But that the state of new Rome, as it is the seat of the pope, is figured by the purple whore Apocal. 17 and by Babylon, it is proved 
b Matth. Sutl. de pontiff. Rom. lib. 5.  already by reasons unanswerable. First the holy Ghost did signify the destruction of old Rome, or the Roman empire in the 13. of the Revel. by the head wounded to death. And therefore no reason, that we should suppose he declared the flourishing estate of the same empire in the 17. chap. which were nothing but to go back, & forth.  
Secondly immediately after the destruction of Babylon and the purple whore, the holy Ghost speaketh of the marriage of the lamb, and of the last judgement, which must ensue after the destruction of Babylon, & the purple whore immediately. Of which we may gather, that the pope's kingdom, and not the Roman empire, that is long since destroyed is understood by the purple whore, and by Babylon.  
Thirdly Saint john telleth us, that the beast whereupon the purple whore did sit, was to ascend out of the bottomless pit, and was not yet in the world. Necessarily therefore must we understand the papacy of Rome, and not the Empire of Rome, by that beast that had seven heads, seeing the Empire was then most flourishing, and the papacy not yet established.  
Fourthly after the decay of the Roman empire for a while Christian religion began to flourish in Rome, and that city of a wicked city became the church of God. But after the desolation of Babylon or new Rome, it shall be made The habitation of devils, and the hold of all foul spirits, and a cage of unclean and hateful birds. Which must needs be understood of the destruction of Rome under the pope.  
divers other reasons also are alleged in a late treatise 
a Lib. 5. de pontiff. Rom. sive eius apost. c. 11.  De apostasia Pontificis Rom. that most apparently show, that Rome as it is the seat of the pope, is that Babylon, and that beast with seven heads, of which Saint john speaketh in his Revelation.  
Having talked his pleasure of Rome and Babylon, 
b P. 94.  the Warder with many idle words returneth back to talk of his dear father the pope: which showeth that Babylon and antichrist are of near affinity, and cannot well be sundered. But what hath he to say of the pope? Forsooth it grieveth him much, that he should be called The proud priest, and arch-prelate of Rome. And yet sir Francis hath therein done him great favour. For if we will rightly esteem, he neither deserveth the name of priest, nor arch-prelate, nor bishop having given over all priestly and bishoplike function, and occupying himself about worldly affairs, and his terrestrial kingdom; which to erect, he overthrew the empire, & the whole strength of Christendom, and gave leisure to the Turk, to ravage so many christian provinces; and to maintain it, he hath caused the destruction of infinite Christian people. And calling him Proud and Ambitious, yet he doth him no wrong. For he taketh to himself divine power and authority in his commandments and judgements, and advanceth himself above all, that is called God. He taketh on him also power to canonize saints, and to give divine honours to others, and beareth himself, as lord of the Calendar of saints. He is borne high on men's shoulders, and maketh great princes to attend on him, like squires or pages, giving his toe to kiss, for a special favour. Neither doth he content himself to be called lord of lords and Christ's Vicar, but will needs be called 
c C. satis. dist. 96.  God at the least honoured as God on the earth. He advanceth himself high above all earthly princes, and presumeth to depose them and take away their kingdoms at his pleasure. Oh that Christian princes would open their eyes, and consider, how by his pride he hath abused the honour of kings, and trodden the majesty of the emperor, and other christian magistrates under feet.  
He is also greatly offended, that the pope is called Bloody monster; and in great sadness telleth us, That we must not speak evil of the prince of the people: and allegeth the law, that condemneth him to death, that spoke evil of his father. But the ●eely fellow should have remembered, that we have showed him to be neither the prince of God's people, nor a friend of God's people. And he himself hath declared, how unworthy he is of the name of father, that seeketh to murder and ruinated his children. Nay he is the father of lies, heresies, wicked practices, and of all that either by wicked doctrine, or treacherous practice seek the destruction either of the church, or of this state. When William the conqueror came against England, the pope 
a Matth. Paris. in W●llelm. conquest.  blessed his banners. Another pope sent his blessing to the French, that in king john's time invaded this country. Paul the third by all means he could, sought the overthrow of our nation in king Henry the eights days, stirring up foreign enemies abroad, and wicked rebels at home to hurt us, and to destroy our country. Of late time Pius Quintus, Gregory the thirteenth, and Sixtus Quintus have not only brought the Spaniards upon us, but also wrought divers rebellions in England, seeking, if they could, utterly to ruinated this state. And as they have done in England, so have they proceeded in France, and in the Low countries; and by their rebellions and practices have brought to destruction divers millions of Christians. In sum, if we please to read histories; we shall find, that the pope's are the only firebrands and enflamers of all the wars of Christendom, which Machiavelli in his 
b Lib. 1.  Florentine history doth in plain terms confess. And have not we then reason to call the pope bloody monster? 
c In Gregorio 6.  Platina calleth three pope's for their cruelties showed one to another, and for their wickedness, Tria teterrima monstra. And shall not we, that have far greater cause to do so, call them by their names? But saith he, More blood hath been shed in London for religion in one year, then in all the pope's territories this twenty. It is also marvel that he saith not, that lambs are more cruel than wolves. For he is ashamed of nothing. This which he here writeth, is a most shameless and impudent slander. For he cannot show, that for popish religion any at all hath been executed to death. Papists I confess, to the number of some fifty or threescore have been executed, but they were such, as either practised treasons at home, or came from foreign enemies abroad to the intent to work mischief against the state. Who albeit they were worthily put to death for their offences; yet the pope that sent them, and set them on, is to answer for their blood. Compare then the number of those that have been massacred in France, and executed in Flaunders, and that have by the cruelty of Inquisitors been done to death in divers places of Christendom: and you shall see, that the pope and papacy is that bloody purple whore, whose vestures are red with the blood of saints, and whose cruelties have far surmounted all other tyrants.  
Now lest he should seem to speak without book, he layeth on his adversary with texts of scriptures, and saith, That every soul should be subject to higher powers, and that there is no power, but of God: and how he that resisteth power, resisteth God's ordinance. And of this he would infer, that those stand in bad terms, That resist and revile the pope. But all this maketh much against the pope, that hath shaken off his prince's yoke, and stirreth up rebels to resist lawful princes, promising them his blessing for their wicked, and cursed treasons. For the pope this allegation is most fond and senseless. For it can never be proved, that the pope's tyrannical government both in church and common wealth is of God. Let any learned papist (for our adversary is but a seely Noddy) show, that the pope's government and fullness of power, which he claimeth over all churches, is of God. Let him also prove, that God hath given him an earthly kingdom, and authority to depose princes, to translate kingdoms, to raise wars and rebellions and to cut the throat of Christians, and murder Christ's lambs. Our adversary he passeth this over without touch, and only telleth us, That the pope's power hath been acknowledged in all Christendom for many years and ages. But he lieth and forgeth in this also. For the eastern churches never acknowledged this power, nor could the pope ever sell his commodities in those countries for any money. The churches of Africa likewise resisted the pope's usurpations, and forbade their people to run to Rome either for favour, or justice. The Frenchmen never would receive the sixth book of decretals. His provisions the kings of England would never admit. his pilling legates were odious generally to all Christendom. Finally albeit his tyranny prevailed much in latter times, yet have 
a Petr. de Alliac. de refor. eccl. Council. Basil. & gravam. G●●man.  honest men declared the discontentment, which they have received by his burdensome laws, injurious excommunications, and most shameful exactions and pillages.  
He telleth us moreover, How Christ said to his Apostles Luk. 10. He that heareth you, heareth me; and he that contemneth you, contemneth me. But first he is mistaken in the persons to whom these words were spoken. For these words were delivered to the seventy disciples, and not to the twelve. Beside, were these words to be understood of the apostles, and their successors, yet they concern the pope nothing. For he is no apostle, being neither called immediately of God, nor sent into all the world, nor led into all truth, nor being able to make his decretals of authentical credit. He is not the apostles successor: for he feedeth not, nor preacheth, nor doth any part of apostolical function. Nay he doth contrary to the apostles fashion, murder God's saints, trouble Christian people, and resist Christ's doctrine. The apostles taught such things, as Christ gave them in instructions. The pope's publish nothing, but fond decretals, and strange doctrine not only divers, but also in many points contrary to Christ's Gospel and holy Scriptures.  
But saith N. D. The bishops of Rome be successors in the apostle Saint Peter's seat. Which I do not altogether deny, if he mean the first bishops of Rome, which were indeed true bishops, and succeeded Peter and other apostles teaching apostolical doctrine. So all other true and godly bishops also were successors of Peter: albeit they claimed not this universality and fullness of power, which the pope pretendeth to belong to him. But whatsoever the first bishops of Rome were, yet this concerneth the pope nothing, for he is no bishop, nor teacher, nor successor in Peter's chair, but rather Simon Magus his successor buing and selling not only sacraments, and benefices, but also men's souls. He succeedeth also the Angelicks in worshipping angels, the Carpocratians in dissoluteness and worshipping images, the Collyridians in worshipping the virgin Mary, the Manichées in his half communions, and forbidding of marriage to priests, the Pelagians in extolling the force of nature and merit of works, and infinite other heretics in several points of lewd doctrine. He succeedeth also Nero in the Empire of Rome, rather than Peter, that was subject to Nero's government.  
He allegeth also the example of the scribes and pharisees, and saith That Christ commanded his disciples to observe and do, whatsoever the scribes and pharisees, that sat in Moses chair, said to them. And to speak truth, he hath more reason to compare the pope to scribes and pharisers corrupters of the law, then to the successors of Christ's Apostles. But yet will not this serve his purpose: for our saviour's meaning was to show, that such as sat in Moses seat, and taught his law were to be heard, albeit otherwise bad men. But the pope's do not sit in Peter's seat, nor in Moses chair, nor teach apostolical or true doctrine.  
He telleth us further, That railers shall not inherit Christ's kingdom, especially such, as rail against Magistrates. All which we admit. For it is a sentence condemnatory against the pope of Rome, and his faction, that of late time have taken to themselves infinite liberty in all their writings to rail against christian princes, and others not sparing any, that is contrary to their proceedings. For witness & proof hereof I refer myself to the railing bulls of Paul the third against Henry the 8. of Pius quintus and Sixtus 5. against Elizabeth his daughter; of Sixtus 5. and Gregory the 14. against Henry the third and fourth of France, and of Sixtus 5. against the prince of Condey: To , Ribadineiraes', Rishtons, Hannibal Scotus, the author of the commentary of the pope's late constitutions, and other most slanderous and railing libels against Queen Elizabeth. The wise fellow doth also condemn his own scurrilous railing against sir Francis Hastings. Against us it maketh nothing, that only in plain terms declare our adversaries lewd dealings sparing all evil terms, as much as we can. Neither doth this concern the pope, that is neither Magistrate, nor good Christian. For that which this Noddy writeth, How the pope is a spiritual Magistrate, and hath a higher degree of authority then temporal magistrates, and that he doth represent immediately the person of Christ jesus: is nothing but a piece of his friar-like folly, and ignorance in spiritual and temporal matters. For if such high authority had been given him, no doubt, but we should long ere this have seen authentical writings of this donation, and have heard of the particulars. Now we must take these words, as proceeding from a writer of antichrists mark, that for Christ would commend unto us antichrist.  
He telleth us, That all ancient divines and doctors for above a thousand years together have taught, that it is blasphemy to rail at the bishop of Rome appointed by Christ to govern in his place, and damnation not to acknowledge his authority. And yet he is not able to show either one sound divine or doctor that hath so taught. Nay he is not able to name many canonists, no nor schoolmen, that have so written or spoken. Thomas Aquinas 
a 2.2. q. 13.  teacheth him, That blasphemy is against God. Sylvester Prierius 
b Summa in verb. blasphemia.  saith, Blasphemy is a sin against God properly, which he proveth by the authority of Saint Ambrose, and improperly against saints. But the pope is neither God, nor saint. Nay if it be blasphemy to attribute to man that which is proper to God, as the foresaid schoolmen teach, then do the papists blaspheme, that give to the pope Christ's power to remit sins, & stick not to call him a god on earth. All ancient fathers of the church had the bishop of Rome in no other esteem, than they had other godly bishops; neither did ever any one suppose, that it was damnation not to acknowledge his authority. Nay his universal authority over all the church, and infinite power in deposing princes, not Caluin and Luther, but all ancient writers do gainsay and deny. So that unless the Reader have great patience in this place, he will hardly endure to read so shameless and notorious lies. I cannot choose but wonder, that he is so lavish in talking of the pope's authority without offering his Reader any proof or reason of his sayings.  
Because Luther and Caluin have spoken against the pope's authority, therefore doth our adversary in a furious rage of railing call the first A lose apostate friar, and the second, A searbackt priest for Sodomy. As if it were lawful to rail & revel against any, but the pope and his darlings; and as if his declamation against railers did not touch himself. I answer therefore, that as it is lawful to reprove public offenders publicly, and to publish the abominations of the whore of Babylon to the world; so none but such, as have whorish foreheads, think it lawful to publish notorious slanders against innocent men. As for Luther, his innocency was such, that he gave the adversary no just cause of evil speaking. And therefore they call him lose, because he was matched in honest marriage, themselves being given to all viciousness of living and looseness. Nay albeit themselves be friars, yet they are still railing at him, for that once he had been a friar. Caluin was never mass priest, and yet the priests of Baal object priesthood to him. He lived without suspicion of incontinency, and yet are they not ashamed to charge him with most unnatural and abominable filthiness, and say he was punished for it. But the author of this slander Bolsecus in an open synod did confess with tears, that without ground he had slandered him, and the very narration itself is so improbable, that any man may see it was devised by a sot, suborned to rail upon Caluin, & most absurdly forged against so innocent a man. Let it be proved, that such a punishment is due for such an offence, and that Caluin at Noyon was so punished; and then we will confess, that they have reason to rail against him. In the mean while, they have no reason to object to Caluin their own faults, which are to be proved against them by authentical witnesses. 
a Visiones Vguetini.  Vguetinus a monk, in his visions doth note the abominable Sodomitry of monks and priests. 
b Novel. 2.  Boccace testifieth that the Romish clergy offended most abominably Both in natural, and unnatural lust. john the 23. was condemned in the Council of Constance for Sodomitry. Sixtus quartus was generally noted for his villainous affection to Petrus Riarius. julius the second for his unnatural love of two young French gentlemen was taxed by the masters of Paris. All Rome did well know, that julius the third kept Innocentius de Monte for his Ganymedes, and made him Cardinal without desert. In the visitation of the monasteries in England in king Henry the eight days, it was found, that they were nothing but sinks of Sodom. john Casa for his virtue highly preferred by the pope wrote verses in commendation of this sin. 
c Hist. jesuit c. 6.  Hazenmiller doth in a large discourse show the filthiness of the jesuits lives. Lechery and filthiness of life among the priests of the whorish synagogue of Rome, is accounted but a small fault. The author of the book called 
d C. 21. 22. 23.  Onus Ecclesiae doth testify this to be true, and bringeth suffcient proofs against the infinite abominations of the Romish clergy. Nay it is not long since the jesuits contending with the priests and scholars of the English college at Rome about the government thereof, charged them to be a pack of Sodomites; and Harward one of their faction said, that he could directly charge seven of the company with that abominable filthiness. And even Parsons himself, hath been under the hand of Surgeons, and cut and seared, which showeth that he is not altogether so clear, that he can without blushing accuse others of uncleanness. May they not then be ashamed to charge Luther and Caluin with those sins of which they were most clear, and the Romish clergy most guilty? Beside this, in this place this crimination of Luther and Caluin was very impertinent.  
But saith the wise Warder, If an herb should be presented to sir Francis to eat, that for a thousand years hath been held for poison by all Physicians, one or two only excepted, that without actual experience hold the contrary, would he eat it? And so the wise man by a similitude drawn from an herb would prove the pope's supremacy. ●or that the supremacy is no more to be refused, being so long holden, than poison to be received for medicine contrary to experience, and consent of Physicians. Where it is worthy to be noted how the adversary compareth the pope's authority to a poisoned herb. But howsoever he maketh his comparison good, the argument certes which he bringeth is not worth a rush. For in disallowing the pope's tyrannical government, we do not depend on two or three new doctors, no nor on two thousand, but upon the authority of the apostles and apostolic church, and all ancient fathers of the church. We find it contrary to the government of the church under the law, to apostolic rules, to the ancient canons of Christ's church. If then we will rightly judge, popish doctrine is better compared to this poisoned herb, then ours: and the popish schoolmen and canonists are the new physicians, of which this Noddy speaketh. Upon whose credit he that will eat poison, is guilty of his own blood, and proceedeth contrary to the rules both of divinity and reason.  
We say further, that all those reasons which this Noddy bringeth to prove this noble and famous kingdom of the pope, upon which the papists do build all their hope, as the jews do upon the expectation of the terrestrial kingdom of their Messias, be nothing else but idle fancies of an addle head distempered with affection to the pope, and hatred to his prince.  
First 
a P. 97,  saith he, It cannot be imagined, but that Christ instituted a church to continue, & to be governed to the world's end. Which is a very grave consideration, and very deep, continuing from Christ's time to the end of the world. But it maketh nothing for the pope's government, nor for his universal monarchy. For God had his church from Adam: yet did he not institute one universal head and governor like the pope, nor approve any such like government, wherein one had all power, and bought and sold men's souls for money. But if Christ appointed, that his church should continue, then is it not likely, that the papacy which tendeth to the destruction of the church, and of all religion, came in by his appointment.  
Secondly he telleth us, That this government was to be under bishops and prelate's ordained by the holy ghost by imposition of hands of the apostles, whose successors they were; and that this succession is to endure to the worlds end. But he had said better, if he had determined that bishops should be under government, rather than government under bishops. For that is best government where governors are subject to laws, and not laws to men's fancies, as it is in the pope's government, where all matters are referred to his determination. Further he had dealt more wisely, if he had passed over in silence this ordination by the holy ghost, and succession from the apostles. For if bishops appointed by the holy ghost, and that have right of succession from the apostles be to govern the church of God: then must the pope's of Rome lay hands off, of this government. For neither can they show commission from the holy ghost, nor right of succession, and truth of doctrine from the apostles. Nay it appeareth they are rather wolves, then true bishops and pastors, and succeed Nero rather in killing and murdering, than Peter in feeding and cherishing Christ's lambs. Neither is it sufficient for them to allege, that they sit at Rome. For the Turkish priests sit at Jerusalem, Antioch, and Caesarea, yet are they neither successors of james, nor Peter, that sometime taught in those places.  
His third reason, as he saith, is drawn from the light of nature. For because among the prelate's of the church, Christ would have some subordination for avoiding schism and confusion, and because all philosophers held without controversy, that the monarchy was the best among all regiments, he saith it is very probable, even by reason itself, that Christ instituted a monarchical government in his church. But first it is no small error in matters of spiritual government to draw a pattern from human reason, that in spiritual matters is so blind, and from philosophers, that understood nothing; and to ground faith upon probabilities, and likelihoods. 
a Lib 2. de pontiff. R●m.  Bellarmine hath hitherto borne us in hand, that Christ instituted the papacy. But this wise Noddy layeth the foundation of it upon probability, and human reason. Secondly it is absurd to think, that the same government is best both for church, and common wealth. For the church is Christ's mystical body, and hath her head in heaven, and is governed by divine laws. The common wealth is a political body, and hath her governors present with her here in earth, and is governed by laws of men. There all command cometh from heaven, here the most part cometh from men. Thirdly albeit Christ would have a subordination of officers in church government, yet maketh that nothing for the pope's extravagant power, but rather against it. For when Christ made his subordination, & 
b Ephes 4. & 1. Cor. 12.  set out the list of the officers of the church, he gave apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and doctors, not so much as mentioning the pope's holiness, which could not have been done, if the pope had been constituted chief governor of Christ his church. Lastly it is a bold and impudent untruth to say, that all philosophers held a monarchy to be the best form of government. This simple hoddy Noddy hath neither read all, nor many: and therefore cannot tell. But his fellows could have told him, and their writings declare, that Plato, Cicero, Philo, josephus, & divers others condemn monarchical government: and that Aristotle preferreth an aristocratical government before a monarchical. Nay Bellarmine himself above all governments commendeth a form mixed of divers states, and forms of commonwelthes'.  
His fourth reason is very celestial. for Because God made Lucifer first head of the angels, and afterward head of all devils; he believeth That one pope must necessarily be head of the catholic church. So his first reason for the papacy was from man and human reason, the second is from the devil of hell, and his authority. Is it not likely to prove a brave government, that hath so strange a precedent? Beside it is very uncertain, whether God established any such government among angels, as is supposed. Nay it is not likely, seeing Christ jesus is head of angels, and present with them, that they have any head, but him. In the 40. of job, and 14. of Isay there is no such matter to be found, as our adversary pretendeth: nor doth Saint Austin, or any other father teach any such doctrine. Mention is made of Michael and his angels Apocal. 12. But that he is head of all angels, cannot out of those words be proved. As for our adversaries themselves, it is very unlikely they should know the economy and government of angels in heaven, that will not see, what God hath ordained concerning his church on earth.  
Fiftly he affirmeth, That God established a monarchical government in the church of the jews giving them a high priest to direct all other priests, and all synagogues in the world. Wherein he bewrayeth his great ignorance in matters of the people of God. For in that state the chief authority for matters both ecclesiastical and civil was in the council of state, which they called Sanedrin, which was appointed by God himself Deut. 17. and judged all causes, and persons, yea the high priest himself. Afterward the chief command was in princes both concerning priests, and other church matters. Solomon deposed one high priest and placed another: all which maketh against the supposed government of the chief priest. They that list to see these matters proved out of Scriptures, & writers of the histories of that people, let them read M. Sutcliffes' treatise De Pontifice Rom. lib. 1. c. 5. 6. 7. 8.  
His sixth reason is drawn from the similitude of rivers, trees and all creatures. But he is much deceived, if he think all creatures to have liked of monarchical government. All birds have not one head, no nor all beasts, nor all trees. Can he show me who is the head governor of all owls or woodcocks, he should work a wondrous feat for the establishing of his holy father's monarchy. If not, than his similitudes will show him to be a Noddy and a woodcock. Which also appeareth in this, that there is great difference in things natural and political, and that the papal government is not like to those natural things, which he mentioneth.  
His seventh reason standeth upon this ground, That without a monarchy in the church, schism and division cannot be avoided. But that is but a point of his folly and ignorance. For no doubt, but God provided against schism, when he gave chief authority to the council of state Deut. 17. And Christ provided for the same likewise, when he chose not one, but twelve apostles, and sent them abroad into the world with one and the same commission. As for the human devices of pope's, they were never so sufficient remedies against this supposed mischief of schism, but that there hath fallen out among the pope's some 22. or more schisms, and infinite sects, and divisions among the members of the Romish synagogue.  
Last of all he saith, The church is compared to a well ordered army, that must necessarily have a known general: likewise to a house, a sheepefould, a ship, the ark of Noah; all which things have one head governor. But nothing is more prejudicial to so great a government, then that it should rest upon so weak similitudes, which prove nothing, further than they have confirmation out of the holy Scriptures, from whence they are taken. For example out of these similitudes we may with better reason overthrow the papacy, then establish it. For if every household, and ship, and sheepefoldly have several heads, and are not under one chief master of household, or one principal shipmaster, or shepherd; then is not this general monarchy proved by so weak similitudes. We may therefore very well conclude out of the premises, that all the arguments, which the Warder with his multiplicity of words hath brought to prove, that the government of the church universal ought to be monarchical, are misshaped, evil featured, weak timbered, and utterly insufficient. Beside all that we have yet alleged, we are to understand, that Christ is so the monarch of the church universal, that no other can be admitted in his place without injury to him. There is but one head of one body, one husband of one wife, one chief governor of one state. As for the pope he being no bishop deserveth no place in the government of the church; and the first bishops of Rome were but fellows first with other bishops, and afterward with other patriarchs.  
So than it appeareth not, that the external government of the church was monarchical. Neither do I think, that this Noddy will prove, that Peter was the monarch or head of the church under Christ. His reasons do hang together like ropes of sand. Christ's proceeding with Peter, saith he, declareth his meaning. But it appeareth not, that his meaning was to make him the monarch of the church. For albeit he did that to Peter, that he did to none of the rest of the apostles, yet doth it not follow thereof, that he meant to give him any such privilege or authority, as is pretended. For he did that to judas and to the sons of Zebedei, that he did not to any other apostle. judas was made treasurer; yet was he not made a monarch of the world, although the purse doth work much in such cases. He saith further, That Christ first revealed to Peter the hidden mystery of the incarnation, and of the blessed Trinity, and that he said only to him, Rogavi prote, ne deficiat fides tua. And, That he promised to him, that the gates of hell should never prevail against his seat. And showeth, How Christ paid tribute only for Peter, and for himself, and changed Peter's name, and did miracles in Peter's ship, and how Peter walked on the waters, and Christ told Peter what death he should die, and washed Peter's feet first, and would have his resurrection declared first to Peter, and such like other singularities. But it is most ridiculous to conclude that Peter was made monarch of the church, because either Christ revealed to him the hidden mysteries of the faith, or prayed for him, or changed his name, or paid tribute for him, or made him walk on the sea, or foretold his death, or washed his feet or did any such like matter. For if every of these actions should bring with it a monarchy, there would be more monarch, than monarchies. Moreover the Noddy doth affirm divers things most falsely, and impudently, which he shall never be able to prove. For what can be more absurd, then to think, that none ever understood the mystery of Christ's incarnation, and the holy Trinity, before Peter? Again what was revealed to Peter, that was not likewise revealed to other apostles? Moreover it is manifest, that Christ 
a john 17.  prayed as well for the rest of the apostles, as for Peter, and changed both Matthew the apostles name, and the names of the sons of Zebedei, and told them, what death they should die, as well as Peter. Finally it is most untrue that Christ prayed, that the gates of hell should not prevail against the pope's seat, whom they take to be Peter's successor, or that he paid tribute for Peter alone. Why then doth he avouch these matters so confidently, and leaveth them without proofs so nakedly?  
To supply his former weak argument, he proceedeth further and telleth us, That Peter first called a council, and caused Mathias to be chosen in the place of judas, and first after the coming of the holy ghost published the gospel. He telleth us also, That Peter wrought the first miracle, and as high judge condemned Ananias and Sapphira to death, and that he first saw by a vision, that the gentiles were to be admitted to Christianity. Likewise, That he passed through all, and that Paul went up to jerrusalem to see Peter, and finally, That Peter by Christ's special order left Antioch and went to Rome. But if these be the grounds of Peter's monarchy, and of the Romish faith, it must needs fall out, that the faith of papists is built not only upon sand, but upon mere conjectures and fancies so weak, that they cannot bring forth any strong conclusion. For what is more vain and ridiculous, then to conclude that Peter was chief and universal monarch of the church, because he wrought the first miracle, and was visited of Paul, and went to Antioch? Besides, it standeth on false positions. First it is no where written, That Peter called the first council. Nay it is apparent, that returning from the mount of olives, they all came together of their own accord, without commandment from Peter. Secondly Mathias was not chosen by the apostles, but by God himself. Thirdly Peter wrought not the first miracle. For what greater miracle, then that the apostles spoke with tongues, which they had not learned: which was common to them all? Fourthly he condemned not Ananias and Sapphira, as high judge, no nor by way of iudciall proceeding, but rather by miracle wrought their death. Fiftly it is most absurd to think, that the other apostles did not understand, that the gentiles were to be called to the faith, when sending them into the world our saviour bade them, Go teach all nations. Lastly it is no where to be showed, that Christ gave any special commandment, that Peter should remove his seat from Antioch to Rome. If this hoddy Noddy think otherwise, let him if he can, bring forth his proofs, and show where this commandment is to be seen. And if he mean to prove Peter to have been constituted head monarch of the church by these grounds, he may do well to frame his arguments, and to prove his positions sound. If not, than we do him to understand, that all that monarchy, which the papists so much stand upon, is built upon fancies, and dreams, and mere foolery without firm foundation.  
To strengthen his weak building, he doth in the end take upon him a great matter. For he 
a P. 100  vaunteth, That he will show forth a plain commission for the monarchical government of Peter, given him by Christ, in two places recorded, beside others not recorded. The first saith he, is in these words Matth. 16. Thou art Peter or a Rock. The second in these john 21. Feed my lambs, feed my sheep. In the words written by Matthew, he telleth us, That the principality of the church is promised to Peter, as the words themselves do show, and the consent of ancient fathers both Greek and Latin doth expound. In the latter he saith, Peter was made pastor general of all Christ's flock, as both the words themselves do import, and all antiquity with one consent hath ever taken the sense to be. And this is the commission, these are the records, these the proofs, which he vaunteth of. But if he acquit not himself the better, he will be taken and convicted for a forger of false patents and commissions, for a falsifier of records, and for a corrupter of fathers, and a vain pretender of antiquity. And all that read his vain writings with judgement, will condemn him worthy, if not to have his ears clipped, because our proceeding is not before the tribunal of judges, yet to have his coxcomb pared for crowing, and crying so loud, and so proudly upon so little cause. For first the words of Christ are not, Thou art Peter, or a Rock? As he forgeth changing a proper name into a noun appellative; but simply Thou art Peter. Secondly he confesseth himself, that Christ in the first place giveth nothing, but only promiseth. Now it is no warrant for any to allege a promise of a commission, unless he can prove an act passed, or else exhibit the commission itself. Thirdly nothing is here promised to Peter, but the keys of the church. But those keys are common not only to the apostles, but also to all true pastors, and successors of the apostles, and therefore cannot signify any sole, monarchical, or supreme government of the whole church. Fourthly suppose that Peter were in this place promised to be made the rock and foundation of the church, which as the fathers expound it, was only in respect of his confession, or of Christ the rock which he confessed; yet that is no privilege, nor matter properly belonging to Peter, but a common grant made to all the apostles, who in respect of their doctrine, and after a sort, may be termed the 
a Ephes. 2. & Apoc. 21.  foundation of the church. Fiftly it cannot be showed, that any Greek, or latin fathers do so expound the words Matth. 16. as if Christ meant to give to Peter the sole monarchical government of the church. Let them speak in their own words, and he shall perceive it to be, as I say. Nay it appeareth by Bellarmine himself, that no such matter can be proved by the fathers. Sixtly Christ saying to Peter, feed my sheep, and redoubling his charge three times, gave him not any new authority, but rather stirred him up to the execution of his office, and sought to draw from him a thréefould confession, to answer his former thréefould denial. And so saith Nazianzen in Orat. in sanct epiph. lumina, and Cyrill upon john, Lib. 12. c. 44. and Augustin. tract. 123. in joan. & de utilit. poenit. c. 1. & serm. 149. de tempore. Seventhly the charge of feeding was as well committed to all the apostles Matth 28. as to Peter. john 21. Lastly not one of the fathers doth by these words prove, that Peter was ordained the monarchical, and sole supreme governor of the church. Saint 
b In c. vlt. Luc.  Ambrose saith, That Peter was preferred before all the apostles, but he speaketh not of his office or function, but of love & affection. For speaking of all the apostles, he saith, 
c Ibidem.  Similiter praedicandi his per totum orbem mandat officium. Saint 
d In c. joan. vlt.  Augustine saith only, That Christ committed his sheep to be fed of Peter. But so he did also commit them to be fed of the rest of the apostles, when he gave them authority to teach all nations. 
e In c. 21. joan.  Chrysostome saith, That Christ committed to Peter the care of his brethren: but we may not imagine, that other apostles were careless, or had no care committed to them; neither may we imagine, that all are supreme and sole governors, that have care committed to them. Epiphanius doth 
a In Anchirat.  testify, That Christ committed his sheepfold to Peter. So do the holy scriptures testify, that the apostles had all commission to feed Christ's sheep, and to govern his fold. But saith our wise adversary, 
b P. 101.  These words, Pasce ovesmeas, were spoken to Peter in pre-eminence, and highest degree. But Saint 
c De simplic. Praelat.  Cyprian, and 
d C. In novo. dist. 21.  Anacletus, that were wiser than he, make all the apostles equal in power and apostolical dignity: and the common commission given to all doth prove them equal. And lest any might surmise, that the apostles received any power from Peter the apostle, 
e Gal. 1. & 2.  Saint Paul saith, he had his authority from God and not from man, and Received nothing from the rest of the apostles. Most vain therefore and foolish is all this our adversaries discourse concerning the supposed monarchy of Peter. But whatsoever is to be supposed of Peter, yet that concerneth the pope of Rome, that is more like to Nero and Heliogabalus, than Peter, just nothing. For he is not the Rock, of which Christ speaketh, he hath not the keys of heaven delivered unto him, he feedeth not Christ's sheep, nor liveth in poor estate and contempt, nor suffereth persecution, as did the holy apostle saint Peter.  
But saith the woordy Warder our adversary, All the christian world hath made ever this most certain and infallible deduction; that Christ gave not Saint Peter these eminent prerogatives for himself alone, but for his posterity and successors also, that should ensue him in his seat to the world's end. As if whatsoever Saint Peter had, must necessarily descend to his counterfeit successors the pope's of Rome. Beside that, the vanity of this brag of all the christian world, and of the infallibility of this collection may appear in divers particulars. First it is clear, that divers of Peter's prerogatives were personal, as to have his name changed, to be called Cephas, to work miracles, to speak with tongues, to confess Christ three times, and such other like. And therefore strange it is, that this ignorant fellow durst either talk of all the christian world, wherein he is but a stranger, or would say, that all the christian world believed these prerogatives of Peter to belong to the pope's of Rome. Secondly it can never be proved, that Peter had, or that the world believed, that he had power to depose kings, to translate kingdoms, to dispense with oaths, to grant pardons, to release out of purgatory, to hear appeals out of all the world, and such like points of the pope's power. Thirdly, admit Peter had apostolical power over the whole world, yet neither was that proper to Peter, nor did any sound doctor of the church, or true Christian imagine, that whatsoever belonged to Peter, descended to the pope of Rome. Fourthly the adversaries themselves cannot prove this succession by any such infallible and certain deduction, as is pretended. Wherefore unless this Noddy can show, first that the pope hath succeeded Peter in the general charge of apostolical government, and teaching throughout the world; and secondly, that the pope is a true bishop, pastor, and successor of Peter: and thirdly, that neither the bishops of Antioch, nor Caesarea, nor joppes, nor Lydda where Peter taught, nor any, save the bishops of Rome, succeeded in Peter's seat: and four that the pope's authority in giving laws, in censures, exactions, dispensations, judgements was generally allowed and never contradicted: and finally that he still holdeth the apostolic doctrine and faith entirely, and admitteth no heresies, nor false opinions in religion: unless I say he prove all this, he is at the end of his reckoning for the pope's authority, and showeth himself to be but a vain babbler, and a foolish challenger, that even in the midst of danger conveyeth himself out of the steccato. And I do much wonder, that all true Christians do not suspect this manner of proceeding, and detest the pride and vanity of this discourser, that leaveth his miserable disciples more perplexed, then before. For he teacheth, that upon pain of damnation they must subject themselves to the pope's authority, and yet when it cometh to the jump, he is neither able to justify the pope's authority in making and dissolving laws, nor in ordering bishops throughout the world, nor in judging of controversies, nor authorizing the scriptures, nor in dispensing in cases reserved, nor in deposing princes, nor in raising wars, and handling both the swords, and such like matters. Nay he is not able to prove, that he is Peter's true successor, or a lawful bishop. He teacheth subjects to rebel, and setteth princes to murder Christians, and blind papists blindly obey; and yet no warrant can the pope's proctor bring, to justify the pope's strange desseines, and doings.  
Only he endeavoureth in the last end of his pleading for the pope, to show That this land ought especially to respect the sea of Rome for being twice converted from paganism to Christian religion: and that first by Eleutherius; then by Gregory the first, which were both bishops of Rome. And here he triumpeth, and thinking that he hath satisfied his reader with an exquisite and delicate dish at the ending of his papal banquet; he taketh away the table, and biddeth all his guests Proface, and à dieu. But if his readers be not more wary, while they think to be fed with wholesome meat, they are like to be gulled which googeons. This gull certes in this his catastrophe seemeth to have no other purpose. For first it is a mere fable to say, that this land was converted from paganism either by the one, or by the other of these two. For Christianity was in England long before Eleutherius time, and stories say, he did only, and that by his deputies, christian king Lucius. And when Augustine the monk came to the Saxons, the Britons long before that were Christians. Secondly neither did Eleutherius, nor Gregory preach the faith here, nor give much aid to the conversion of the people of this land. Only Eleutherius sent Eluanus and Meduinus two Britons otherwise called Fugatius and Damianus to king Lucius, and Gregory sent Austin the monk hither. But the Saxons were converted by certain Britons and French, that could speak the Saxon language, and not by Austin, that could do nothing, but hold the cross like a crosier-clerke, whiles others preached. Thirdly albeit this land had been converted by Eleutherius and Gregory, yet this is but a personal favour, rather making us beholding to those two, then to those, that succeeded them. To prove that we own any obedience to the sea of Rome for that cause, this argument is all too weak. For the church of Rome was first converted by those that came from jerusalem: yet doth not Rome yield any obedience to the bishops of jerusalem. Nay they have forgotten Saint Paul, whom we are assured, preached at Rome, and do all depend of Peter. Likewise the Phrysons and Germans were converted by Saxons out of England; yet do they not subject themselves to the church of England. Fourthly the late pope's of Rome have been always beholding to the kings and people of this country. One king gave the tribute of peter pence: others gave them great privileges and authority; by which means they drew out infinite treasure out of England. Bonner 
a In praefat. in lib. de ver. obed.  saith, that the revenues of the pope out of England were equal to the king's revenues. In requital whereof the pope's have 
b Matth. Paris.  sent to our princes either glasses, or feathers, or rotten bones, or paper & lead, and such like toys. Adrian the fourth gave to our princes a title to Ireland, which he had no power to give. Innocent the fourth to king Henry the thirds son gave a bare title to the kingdom of Naples, which cost infinite treasure, & in the end proved a mere mockery. Other pope's have showed themselves always opposite to the English nation, & to the kings of this realm. No sooner had the pope intelligence, that William of Normandy was purposed to come with a puissant army to conquer this land (which could not be done without great waste, wrack and slaughter) but he 
c Matth. Paris.  caused his standard and ensigns to be hallowed and blessed. So much did it please him, to hear of an invasion of our country, and so holy a thing did war and waste of this kingdom seem unto him. Another pope did uphold Thomas Becket and his rebellious consorts against king Henry the second, favoured his professed enemies, and in the end forced him to a most shameful penance. 
d Matth. Paris in joanne.  Innocent the third thundered out his excommunications against king john, and stirred up foreign enemies against him. Neither did he ever cease to pursue him, until such time as he had made both the king himself, and as much as in him lay, all his people tributary to foreigners. At which when the Nobility and people of England repined, the furious pope in great choler 
e Ibidem.  sent out his interdictions, excommunications and curses against them, and never ceased to pursue them, as long as he had means to hurt them. In the wars, which the kings of England made in France, for the obtaining of their right in that kingdom, the pope's crossed them by all means possible, and declared themselves utter enemies to our nation, being glad of any calamity that happened to us, and sorrowful for our good success. But never did any declare more malice against any of our kings, than Paul the third against king Henry the eight the queens most noble father, as appeareth by his most execrable 
a D. Sanders de schism. lib. 1.  bull, which he published against him. For therein he doth not only curse the king, and stirreth up both his subjects, and foreign enemies against him; but also curseth and banneth all his friends, subjects, and partakers. Their goods he giveth away for a spoil; their persons he will have sold for slaves; and the waste of the whole land he would have remain, as a monument of his holinesses great displeasure. Neither did it content him to prosecute the living only, unless the dead also were thrown out into the fields, as unworthy of christian burial. Such is the charity of his holiness towards christians, and his loving affection toward the English nation. Neither was Paul the thirds fact singular. For in our times Pius quintus, and Sixtus quintus have published no less odious, and scandalous excommunications against her most gracious Majesty, most bitterly cursing her, and all her loving subjects, than their predecessor did against Henry the eight and his people.  
Further they have not only gone about to trouble this state by rebellions, but also to subvert it by foreign 
b The plots were taken upon Criton a jesuite, Throgmorton and others.  invasions. Have we not then great cause to honour and love the pope's holiness, that hath showed himself so friendly to our princes, and nation? We may do well also to entertain such priests and friars, as come from him, seeing they wish us no more harm, than the destruction of the prince, the overthrow of religion and the state, & the slaughter of our people. Neither have they any thing in their vows, but that all our throats were cut by the Spaniard. Nay when neither by open hostility, nor secret treasons and practice they could prevail against us, they have encouraged certain railing and scurrilous companions by infamous libels to defame her Majesty, to rail on her chief Counsellors, and to dishonour all our nation, and those especially that have showed themselves most forward in doing God and their country service. This prating companion showeth himself very spiteful, albeit he would dissemble it. , Rishton, Allen, Ribadineira and others have published cartlodes of slanders and lies against the Prince, the Nobility, and divers other honest men.  
Finally beside these wrongs and disgraces, which concern matters temporal, the pope's of Rome have gone about to wrong us in matters spiritual, which concern the salvation of our souls. For they have not only sought to deprive us of the word of God in our mother's language, of true faith and doctrine, of the sincere administration of the Sacraments, and of a true ministery according to Christ his institution: but also in am thereof to establish the idolatrous worship to stock and stones, of angels, of saints departed; and to bring into the church the abomination of the mass, together with manifold superstitions, impieties and heresies. And for this cause they have secretly sent into this land divers 
a It is thought, that above 400. of them, are dispersed in divers corners in England.  troops of massing priests and friars all marked with antichristes brand, to seduce simple people, and to draw them to superstition, idolatry, and heresy. Wherefore let all true christians, and true hearted Englishmen open their eyes and beware, that they be not oppressed both with spiritual and temporal bondage and slavery. This is it which the pope's of Rome intend, and have by so many practices laboured: this is also the drift of this glavering parasites discourse. This the merchants of Babylon, and slaves of antichrist, which secretly lurk in divers corners of this land watching their opportunity, do wholly purpose. But remember that you have fair warning.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the Spanish nation, and king Philip the second, and his practices against England; wherein also the eight encounter of our adversary N. D. is examined.  
Loath I am and very unwilling, where the different betwixt us and the Spaniard hath been so long in deciding by blows, to begin any long contention about words & terms. It is a common saying, words are light as wind, and men of action, in words commonly use lest ostentation. Beside that, I hold it no good course to set out invectives against princes, and especially such, as are now departed this life, and have received their guerdon, whether they have done good or evil. The pope's and their parasites take to themselves liberty in infinite slanderous pamphlets to disgrace all men opposite to their faction, neither sparing prince nor private person, living nor dead: but all honest men detest this friar-like fashion. I think it also a vain thing, to recount matters formerly passed, that concern us little or nothing.  
But yet seeing this prattling and busy fellow our adversary will needs have the Spaniards and their late king the subject of this encounter, and like a fugitive traitor sticketh not to advance them above his own nation, and to plead their cause against his own prince and country; I am content thus far to reason of them, as that men may learn how far to trust them, and understand, that we have no reason either to fear their force, or to yield them any superiority, or to think better of the Spaniard, then of our own nation. Lastly lest any might suppose our adversary to have spoken wisely and learnedly, I will briefly run over his discourse, and note the lewdness, and unsufficiency of his pleading. His unnatural and unkind dealing against his prince and nation, before which he taketh on him to prefer the Spaniard, I need not to note, for it is too too apparent, and sufficiently known to any, that will take pains to read over his idle discourse.  
The time hath been, when the English and Spaniards did well agree, as appeared not only by mutual trade and conversation of both nations one with another, but also by divers public contracts and leagues made betwixt them. Sometime the kings of England matched with the house of Spain, and sometime the Spanish kings have had their wives out of England; and both of them esteemed much of the amity each of other: albeit the Spaniard hath been more happy to receive more profit of this conjunction with England, than our nation by our matches and linking with the house of Spain. For by the aid of our archery the Spaniards divers times have obtained victory against the Mores: and Don Pedro king of Castille being expulsed by his subjects; by the black prince, and the English forces was restored to his kingdom. Neither could Ferdinand king of Spain so easily have possessed the kingdom of Navarre, had not the forces of English sent for his aid by king Henry the seventh distracted the French so, that they could not come in time to succour their friends distressed. Contrariwise king Edward the first matching with the house of Castille received small advancement, as is declared in the chronicle of 
a In Henric. 3.  Matthew of Paris: and king Henry the seventh matching with Catherine of Spain, presently lost his son and heir. The same woman also being married afterward to king Henry the eight, was like to have caused great trouble both to the king, and this realm, upon the dissolution of that unlawful contract; if the king's vigilancy and magnanimity had not surmounted the same.  
Great friendship likewise hath been between our kings, and the dukes of Burgundy, of whom the late kings of Spain are lineally descended: betwixt the English nation, & the people of the low countries depending on the house of Burgundy. The nations by mutual trade reaped great profit each of other. The princes by the aid and countenance each of other were much strengthened against their common enemies. Charles the fift in his time much esteemed for his wisdom, did make so great account of our nation, that he chose Mary Queen of England, as a fit match for his son Philip, to whom he left all his dominions; and dying, gave his son this special charge, that he should never break with England, nor lose the favour of our nation. He did wisely consider our strength by sea, and what aid we were able to afford him being friend; and what hurt we might do unto him, if we conjoined our forces with his enemies.  
Much it were to be wished, that the friendship of the Spaniard had been as profitable to the English nation, as the friendship of the English was to the Spaniard. But then we should not have lost Guines and Caleis by this conjunction, nor been spoiled of the remainder of the ancient conquest of our ancestors in France by his means; neither then should the English for his pleasure have been intricated with the wars with France. Howsoever the same aught to have been profitable unto us; yet for our goodwill a man would never have thought, that we should have reaped displeasure and wrong.  
Yet we see, what is come to pass. This league of friendship is broken, and all ancient good offices done by our nation to the Spaniard quite forgotten. King Philip when her Majesty came first to the crown, forgot not only the bond of alliance with her sister, but also his father's charge. In the treaty of peace between France and Spain, he 
a Guicciardin de paesi bassi.  forsook his sister and left her to shift for herself; and that also in a war, which himself had begun. Not long after, at the solicitation of pope Pius the fift, he became our professed enemy, and sought the destruction of her Majesty. 
b Girol. Catenae in vita Pij Quinti.  one saith, that to secure his dominions in the low countries, he determined to aid the rebels in the north, and to overthrow the Queen. 
c This record of Pius his negotiation with king Philip, doth overthrow all Philopaters' calumniation.  Non potendo assicurare i suoi stati di Fiandra con miglior mezzo, che con l'abbatimento de quella reina. Both Pius the fift and he conjoined their forces and counsels together to do us hurt, determining under the conduct of Chiapin Vitelli to send over aid to the rebels in England. Havendo commandato saith 
d Ibidem.  Catena, Il re catholico, che dalla part di Fiandra si mandasse in Inghilterra una quantita di gente armata sotto la scorta di Chiapin Vitelli, & Pio quinto rimessa grossa provisione di denari, etc. When the Duke of Alva made some stay of the execution of the kings commandment, the king again sent him express word, that notwithstanding any difficulties, or considerations whatsoever, he should 
e Ibidem.  aid the rebels of England, which he termed, His friends. Nuovament il rè gli comandò, che non ostante qual si volesse difficultà, ò consideratione, seguisse l'impresa d'aiutar gli amici d'Inghilterra, & gli mandò appresso la persona di Ridolphi, & denari per l'esse cutione. Yea and with such affection did he prosecute this matter, that when he saw his purpose took no effect, he wept for sorrow. E'lre Catholico saith 
f Ibidem.  Catena, ne pianse alla presenza del Cardinal Alessandrino. By this therefore it appeareth, that all love of that king to her Majesty, which this philippical parasite so much pretendeth, was altogether extinguished, and all bonds of alliance and friendship utterly broken: and that by king Philip's 
g Andrea's Philopater his slanderous report to the contrary is refuted by Pius Quintus his letters.  default first.  
When secret practices of rebels prevailed not, the king provided a navy which his flatterers called invincible, and a great force and army of land soldiers, determining with fire and sword to invade this realm, & by fine force to dispossess her Majesty of her crown. What success his enterprise had, the world knoweth, and therefore we need not here report. His invincible navy was well beaten and scattered; his soldiers and mariners for the most part either were slain, or taken, or died of want and misery; and the mighty monarch of whose Potent force our adversary maketh such cracks, was overcome by a woman. But whatsoever the succsse was, it appeareth, that this was no brotherly part, thus to invade her Majesty; nor any point of a catholic and Christian king, to oppugn peaceable Christians for the profession of true catholic religion.  
Nay albeit this great loss and shame, might have forced him to acknowledge God's justice and powerful working against him, and caused him to surcease his cruel persecution against Christians; yet did the same work nothing in his hard heart; nor could he be induced to give over his former desseignements so long as breathe lasted. anno 1594. being very weak, and for some days speechless, the 
a This was written out of Spain.  first words which he uttered after he came to himself were these, Is the adelantado gone for England? So much was his head troubled about that voyage. His friends also report, that he should say, that he would sell his silver candlesticks, and the rest of the furniture of his chapel, before he would give over the wars against England. And I believe it to be true, seeing notwithstanding divers repulses and infinite losses anno 1588. 1594. 1595. and 1599 he never gave over until such time, as he gave up his spirit, and yielded to nature.  
The papists do exceedingly commend his zeal in popish religion, or rather his great hatred against the professors of true religion. So earnest he was in this cause, that he spared not his own only dear son, for that he was thought to favour that truth which we profess. E cosa molto notabile, saith 
b In vita Pij 5.  Gierome Catena, Ch' el re facesse sacrificio della sua carne, & del suo sangue à dio. Et Pio publicament commendò la Christiana & catholica mente & religione di lui dicendo; quia proprio filio non pepercit. Albeit his son Charles was a prince for his years of great excellency, and then the only son of his father, and the hope of his succession; yet did not that move the father's hard heart to pity, but he made him a sacrifice for the good of the Romish clergy: and pope Pius did highly extol this fact comparing king Philip most impiously and blasphemously to God almighty, that gave his son to be sacrificed for the redemption of mankind. But to forbear now to speak of the pope's blasphemy, and to speak of the Spaniards malice, it is very apparent, that king Philip, while he lived, professed himself an enemy unto all that professed true and catholic religion; and especially to her Majesty, that hath always according to her style declared herself to be a defender of the faith, and a principal maintainer of the professors of true religion, and all true catholics.  
He hath also showed himself an enemy to our whole nation, intending with force to subdue us, and by all means to trouble us. He hath taken many 
a In the embarguo anno 1586.  honest men of our nation prisoners, and confiscated their ships and goods without any lawful proclamation of wars. He hath suffered divers of Her majesties subjects to be murdered by the bloody Inquisitors, contrary to all justice. Neither have the rebels attempted any thing against the state either in England or 
b jacobo Geraldino Cantabrorum ac Gallecorum manum concessit. Andrea's Philopater p. 134.  Ireland, but by his knowledge, abettement and procurement.  
The whole Spanish nation also hath drunk very deep of that cup of hatred, which the pope hath filled to their king. Don ivan de Austria, while he was governor of the low countries, did never cease to 
c This was a part of Escovedoes negotiation, at his going into Spain.  persuade his brother, to transport an army into England, & here to make wars. The duke of Alva before that was likewise desirous, that his son might pass with forces into England for the aid of the northern rebels. And that of long time hath been a common argument for priests and friars to handle in their sermons. They have also 
d These pardons were found upon divers Spaniards ann. 1588.  preached indulgences and remission of sins, and offered the same to all, that would fight against us, accounting it percase meritorious to kill any of our nation. If their journey 1588. had succeeded, either they had killed our people, or made slaves of them to work in their Indian mines, or to row in their galleys, or else to do other base and servile work▪ our goods they had already swallowed in their hope, and meant to have divided the land amongst them, and to have reigned here like great conquerors. And albeit at that time they had no good success, yet have they not given over their hope, nor ceased to take all opportunities to work us either dishonour, or damage.  
I omit to speak of the wrongs they have done to particulars, albeit many & grievous; for that our dispute is about the disposition of the Spaniards to our whole nation. And yet many particular wrongs, and acts of injustice & cruelty do argue a great hatred to the English in general. But to forbear to speak of particular actions, and of general attempts formerly passed, it appeareth they mean not thus to give us over. For out of Spain there come priests and others daily to practise treason against her Majesty and the state. It is not long, since Squire was executed for a most horrible treason plotted in Sevile. Neither can the shameless & impudent denials and cavils of jesuits and priests which they make at the process against him, either make that undone which is done, or qualify so foul a fact. Nay admit the poor fellow should err in some circumstance, yet no reason can be alleged why he should accuse and charge himself in a matter that concerned his life, wrongfully. And to the intent there may be a succession of traitors and conspirators which may make the way more ready for their intended invasions and conquests; at common costs they maintain two Seminaries of English fugitives and traitors. I know they pretend planting of popish religion: but if that were their only mark they aim at, why doth 
a Testified against him by priests in their memorial.  Parson's cause every one of them that come for England to take an oath, that they shall to their uttermost power prefer the Infantaes of Spain's title to the crown of England? Is this no point of treason? And doth not this flow from some purpose of the Spaniard against our country and nation?  
To make our nation hateful, Ribadineira a certain ribaldly friar hath published a most odious discourse of schism in Spanish, wherein he omitteth nothing that may procure us dishonour or hindrance.  
And yet these are the men, whom our adversary commendeth and defendeth, and unto whom Cardinal Allen, Robert Parsons, and other jesuits and priests, that lurk among us, have vowed their service.  
Great reason therefore hath our nation, where so violent enemies seek to hurt us, and so malicious traitors endeavour to ensnare us, to watch and look about. Our adversary crieth peace, peace, but war is in his heart. he may tell us as long as he listeth, that the Spaniards are our good friends, and mean us no hurt at all. But if we list to arm ourselves, and prevent their malice; we may assure ourselves, if God be pleased, that they neither dare fight with us, nor can be able to hurt us. These double toonged traitors pretend good dealing, and use many kind words, as if they loved their country. but who can trust them, that are so near linked by oath, friendship, and opinion to public enemies? Finally now the Spaniards and other public enemies seem to have laid aside their arms: but yet it is not safe to trust them. After great calms oft-times arise great storms. We must remember that king Philip the second was always ready to execute the pope's command, and was still set on by the jesuits, 
Acosta in his book of the new world calleth it, Praeclarum Zelum in expugnandis & debellandis fidei (Romanae) hostibus. in praefa. ad Philip.  and commended for his zeal in oppugning the enemies of the Romish faith. The whole Spanish nation is also much devoted to popish religion, and very ready to execute the pope's commandments.  
We must also consider that it is no argument of a disposition to peace, that such great forces of men are continually levied throughout most of the parts of Spain and Portugal; and that such numbers of ships of war are either made of late, or in making, as we have not heard of many years before; and that such care is had of provisions of corn, wine, munitions, and other things necessary for the wars, as is not usual. I confess, that by reason of the kings large dominions, and great occasions and affairs, these provisions are necessary: yet unless he had some extraordinary purpose, neither would his provisions be so great, nor should his men march toward Lisbon and Coronna, nor his Magazines be dressed in those parts, that look hitherward.  
Further it would not be forgotten, how much it grieveth the Spanish nation, that they have been disturbed by us in their trade to the Indies, and pursued by our ships even to their own doors. The enterprises also of Portugal and Calais are no small corrosive to their haughty hearts. And no doubt they see, how that to secure their Indies, and their own countries both of Spain, and Flaunders, and the parts adjoining, they have no means, but by making wars upon us.  
But suppose the Spaniards should neither respect their profit, honour, nor safety, or that they would by conclusions of peace provide for themselves, and their own indemnity: yet what assurance can we have, either that any peace will be concluded, or that it will certainly be performed, when the Spaniards 
a Pope Pius 5. and Sixtus 5. excommunications take hold of them, if they should.  dare not once treat of peace with us, being excommunicated by the pope, without express licence; nor may perform their grants further, then shall please the 
b The canonists give him power to dispense with oaths and dissolve contracts, and he challengeth that power, as may appear by Paulus 3. his bull against k. Henry the eight.  pope? Is it likely, that the pope will suffer the very foundations of his authority to be shaken to gratify us? Or will he revoke so many sentences of excommunication and decretals, as have been made against her Majesty and her subjects, that we may now enjoy a firm peace? When was ever any such thing done? Nay the pope's authority standing in many places, how can any such matter be done? If then the pope cause his jubiley and indulgences to be preached and published in Spain against us; and if he offer full remission of sins to all, that will take arms, or send forth soldiers against England, do we not think, that there will be a great stir in Spain? Do we not know how much the Spaniards are addicted to these opinions, and how they believe that the pope hath Saint Peter's keys and power either to send men to heaven or to hell? Great reason therefore had our good knight, hearing of great preparations made in Spain, and combinations of 
c There are troops of them sent over into England daily.  popish priests dispersed every where in England, and considering the state of both nations, to give the alarm to his countrymen, and to exhort them to prepare themselves to resist so great and violent an enemy, as meant the utter subversion of the state, and the destruction of our most dear country. Neither had our adversary any reason to take this in dudgeon, or to mislike their forwardness that armed themselves upon their prince's commandment, & resolved themselves to fight for their prince, their country, their religion, their liberty, their laws, their wife, their children, their friends, their goods, and whatsoever they now enjoy by this government; but that he declareth himself a traitor to his prince and country, and an utter enemy to true religion, and that he hath renounced all affection toward his nation, to join himself to Spaniards, Italians, Moors and barbarous people culled out of divers countries, and thought fit to be employed in this service against us. Neither would he have declared so much to the world, had he not well answered his name, and showed himself a Noddy, not knowing how evil it beseemeth him that joineth with public enemies, to pretend love and friendship to his own nation. And therefore, albeit peace be a gladsome matter, and much to be desired; yet we have no reason either to hearken to this treacherous friars tale, or over far to trust to parleys or offers of peace made by the Spaniards. Oftentimes sword may be covered under branches of laurel. But this our superiors will look unto, whom it specially concerneth; unto whose care I report me. This is sufficient to show, how little we are to trust the Spaniard, whom our adversary so much advanceth.  
Now it followeth, that I show briefly, that we have less cause to fear him, then to trust him: which may evidently appear by these particulars. First our soldiers give no place to the Spaniards, if they may meet them upon equal terms: as experience & trial in divers encounters doth plainly declare. It is not long since our troops encountering them hand to hand betwixt Ostend and Newport gave them a greater foil, than they have received within our memory. The effects do plainly show it, seeing they have been quiet ever since. Our mariners are without comparison better men at the sea, then theirs, and more able and skilful in managing of their ships, and better do they understand the nature of these seas, and the situation of Islands, ports and harbours in these parts, than the Spaniards.  
Our ships are better of sail, and better accommodated for shot and great ordnance, than those of the Spaniards. And being assisted with the fleet of our associates of the Low countries, far superior to any fleet in the world.  
If the Spaniards come into these seas, we have both the seas, the harbours and ports favourable, and may have present supply of any thing we want; which they being far from home, cannot look nor hope for.  
If the Spaniard come into these seas, he cannot long continue here without encounter, nor departed at pleasure, the winds being commonly southerly and westerly. But if our fleet should go into the Indies with any strength, they might either take any Island or port, or sail along the coast, and return with more commodity.  
They can win little by us, but blows, for that our riches are not great, nor easy to be come by. But if in the Indies or in Spain we overcome them, our spoil cannot choose but be great, their trade being for gold, and silver, and things of great value.  
If any suppose the Spaniard to be invincible, considering our want, and his abundance of treasure; he must think first, that as his revenues are great, so his employments are many; and that he wanteth oftentimes money to pay his soldiers, and set his ships to sea. Nay he wanteth money to pay his debts, and defray necessary charges: insomuch as king Philip the second was constrained to play 
a Anno Dom. 1575. & 1597. as appeareth by the record of his proclamations.  bankrupt twice or thrice in his time; and his soldiers for want of pay have been forced to ravage the country, and to mutiny against their commanders.  
Secondly albeit we want the Indian mines; yet we want not means both to pay our soldiers and mariners; nor to furnish them both by sea and land; nor can want sufficient provisions of all sorts, if we list to establish a certain course of proceeding for the continuance and maintenance of the wars.  
Thirdly it is not money that fighteth, nor hath principal use in wars, but men, iron, munition and necessary provisions. Neither do moneyed men spoil the poor; but the poor armed soldier, maketh a spoil of him, that is rich in money. Lastly as princes and states, that have great store of treasure have means by their hired soldiers to make wars abroad, and hardly can be overcome that way; so are they weak, and unable to resist, if they be strongly affronted and set upon at home, where their treasure lieth, and their hired soldiers cannot be found. Which appeared by the example of the Carthaginians; and may appear by the spaniards, if we please.  
Now, our cause is far more just and honest, than the Spaniards. 
b In primis spectat, ut pacatè tantum & suaviter vivat. Andrea's Philopater p. 14.  Her Majesty & her people never desired any thing more than peace: they desire nothing more than wars. We, if the Spaniard shall come against us, shall fight for our country, our liberty, our laws, our religion and conscience: they come to spoil us of all these, and fight for the pope's pleasure, and for that religion, of which they have no 
a Stapleton praefat. in princip. doctrine. relect.  further assurance, than the pope's word. Her Majesty never wronged the Spaniard: nay she hath not taken that, which laws of war, and all nations did give her. When the ships, that carried money to pay the soldiers in the low countries, that were prepared against her, and her country, were brought into her ports, and gave her good means to help herself against her enemy; yet was she content to restore the money to the king. When the Islands of Azores were offered into her hands, yet did she refuse them. Nay she would not accept of Antwerp and a great part of the low countries, that offered to submit themselves unto her, being always unwilling to intricate herself with unnecessary wars. Yet was she assured, that this was most lawful, and would be a certain means, both to bring the Spaniard to any conditions, and to make the wars far from home, and upon other men's charges. Nor in assisting them of Holland and Zealand hath she done any thing, but after she had attempted all other means, and was forced to take this course by necessity for her own safety. But the Spaniards have sought matter of quarrel against her, and offered her and her people infinite wrongs. First king Philip having intricated our nation with the French about his quarrel, lost Caleis, and abandoned the English in his treaty of peace. Anno 1567. when we thought he had continued our friend, at the solicitation of the pope, he 
b Girol. Catena in vita Pij 5. It may also be gathered out of the adversaries discourse in Andrea's Philopater.  determined to make war upon us. Afterward he encouraged and holp the rebels of the North: and determined to aid the earl of Desmond in Ireland. Anno 1588. he made open wars upon us, and never since hath ceased to molest us. Nay when he could do her Majesty and her people no other harm, he hath suffered Sanders book of schism, and divers other most railing libels to be published by Ribadineira and others to the dishonour of our nation, our princes, and governors. Finally Lopez, that was executed for attempting to poison her Majesty, 
c See his confession and the acts of the process against him.  confessed that he was hired by Ibarra, the Count of Fuentes, and divers of the kings agentes, not without the king's privity, as was proved by the deposition of Manoel Lois, and Stephen Ferreira, and divers other circumstances. Seeing then we have such means to make wars, and so just a cause to undertake them; why should any either doubt, or fear to encounter the spaniards, especially if they will needs be quarreling?  
But to surcease to discourse of the valour of the Spaniard in the wars, and of his puissance, or rather weakness both by sea and land; let us a little consider him in his other parts and qualities, and see whether he deserveth such extravagant commendations, as N. D doth heap upon him, and what reason he hath to advance the Spaniard so highly, and to debase his own nation. Our adversary 
a P. 106.  commendeth the Spaniards For their religion, their labour in preaching and winning souls in the Indies, their learning, their moral virtues; and forgetteth not to praise them for their country, which he calleth Rich, fertile, and potent. But if these be the points, that he meaneth to stand upon; he will hardly persuade his Reader to afford him any assent or credit. For the religion of the Spaniard is not catholic, as we shall easily prove, when we come to speak of catholic religion. Nay few of that nation know any religion, but are led by the noses by the pope and his priests and friars, receiving for truth whatsoever they teach, though never so false, & not knowing the very grounds of Christian faith, though never so true. Our adversary knoweth, that the Spaniard is said to account it but a Peccadillo or little fault, not to believe in Christ, and every man may see, they have no right faith, that receive all the pope's decretals for true religion.  
In the Indies their disorders have been so great, that the barbarous people do believe rather any religion, then that of the Spaniard. Bartholomew à Casas a friar, and Hierome Benzo show, that where in Hispaniola there were three millions of people at the first arrival of the spaniards there, they shortly by their pious and virtuous government, brought them to the number of 300. So great was their slaughter and cruelty. 
b Histor. Indiar.  Hierome Benzo saith, that all the religion the Indians have, is to make the sign of the cross, and to hear a latin mass, which they understand not; and to perform such like ceremonies.  
And if he will not believe me, yet he may not with any reason refuse the testimony of joseph à Costa a jesuite, who of purpose writeth a story of the new world, and declareth how the Indians have profited in religion He showeth that the Indians are so unwilling to be baptised, 
a De procuranda Indorum salute lib. 6. c. 3.  That the Spaniards have baptised many against their wills: whereby baptism Is made a mock among them. Speaking of Christian religion in the Indies, he saith their knowledge is small, and so offered to them, that it is either refused easily, or easily lost. 
b Ibid. lib. 1. c. 2.  Notitia quaedam vel ten vis offertur, vel ita offertur, ut facilè repudietur, vel ita recipitur, ut mox perniciosiùs deseratur. He 
c Lib. 1. c. 14.  saith, They are like the Samaritans, that worship god & idols both together. And again, 
d Ibidem.  Simulatoriam Christianitatis speciem praeferunt, non colunt (deum) seriò, nec credunt ad justitiam. 
e A costa lib. 4. c. 15.  Their priests and teachers he chargeth to be given to covetousness, dicing, hunting, concubinage and luxuriousness. And this is that goodly conversion of millions of souls of which this personate N. D. so much braggeth: and of which the pope doth seem so studious and desirous. But if he were indeed desirous to win souls to Christ, and not gain and glory to himself; why doth he not seek to convert the Grecians, Asians, and Moors that are hard by him, and which through his ambitious quarrels about his superiority have been oppressed by the Turks, and abandoned by the princes of the west empire? Doth it not appear, that where Christian princes rule with their sword, he entereth there into the people's closerts with his counterfeit keys or rather picklocks; and that he neither can do any thing in countries oppressed by infidels, nor is so willing to win souls, as to establish his authority, and to seek gain?  
To return to our purpose: In school divinity divers friars I confess seem well studied: neither are the Spaniards ignorant of other human arts and learning. Yet neither is the number of learned men great, nor their learning singular. Their priests for the most part are ignorant both of tongues and of the grounds of religion. Their common people know almost nothing, and scarce can say their Credo, pater noster and ave maria. but admit they can say the words; yet are they ignorant of the sense. Their moral virtues we will examine, when we come to speak of particulars. It should seem they are not many, when their advocate mentioneth none.  
Finally it is but a simple praise to dwell in a rich and fertile country. For so the Indians, and Canaanites should deserve to be preferred before the Spaniards. For no country is richer in gold, than the Indias. And in time past the land of Canaan flowed with milk and honey; and that is clearly testyfied of it in holy scripture.  
But were it, that the Spaniards deserved commendation for their religion, and their zeal in preaching the truth and other virtues; yet hath our adversary no reason to despise his own nation, or to prefer the Spaniards before us. For here true religion without mixtures of popery is embraced, and the same so generally taught, that none can be ignorant, but such as like the adder, that stoppeth his ears, refuse to hear God's word, and to understand the truth. The number of learned men among us is greater, then among the Spaniards, proportion for proportion; neither to abridge this idle dispute, shall N. D. find, that our nation either in moral virtues, or natural endowments, or supernatural graces is inferior to the Spaniard, or aught to yield to him in any thing; save in this, that he hath better hap to encounter with English traitors to flatter the Spanish nation, and we no Spaniards, or few, that will take on them to set forth our due praises.  
It resteth now that we examine the particulars, of our adversaries pleading, according to the course which before we have proposed to ourselves. Not that any great matter doth result of the whole sum, but that we may at the least, gather a sum of our adversaries fooleries and treacherous purposes.  
In the beginning of this last encounter he 
a P. 103.  telleth us That there remaineth yet another bickering about the Spanish king and nation. He should also have told us, against whom this bickering, made as it should seem by the shade 
b That is, of a glass of wine.  d'vn bicchier di vino, is intended. but that is apparent by the discourse ensuing. for it is wholly against his country and nation. So then, this champion cometh out in his Spanish jerkin, to fight for Spaniards, and against his own nation. May we therefore (think you) safely trust him, that taketh on him to speak for public enemies against the safety and state of his country and country people? Well let us see what this champion hath to say for his clients.  
First he 
c Ibidem.  saith, That a man must speak moderately of his enemy, and that we must not lie, nor feign reproaches, no not of the devil himself. So he maketh a fair entrance into his matter, comparing the Spaniards to the devil: than which course nothing can be more reproachful to his clients. He may be glad that the Spaniards understand him not. Otherwise they would make him know, that they are not to be compared to devils. But to let that pass, and to grant, that a man must speak moderately of his enemy, yea of the devil; yet hath not he observed that moderation in speaking either of friends or enemies. For he flattereth his friends grossly, and raileth against his enemy most odiously and despitefully. Nay he raileth against his liege prince, and such as have showed themselves to be her most faithful subjects, and praiseth her greatest enemies, albeit if he were a true man, he would have done neither. In the libel against her majesties proclamation of the year 1591. published by him and Creswell under the name of Andreas Philopater, under the title he placeth this sentence, Vidi mulierem ebriam de sanguine sanctorum: as if she were drunk with the blood of saints. He 
a Scelus sceler nectit. p 6.  saith She added wickedness to wickedness, and useth words not to be uttered against so gracious a prince, 
b P. 11. libr. Romae excus.  comparing her to Maxentius, julian, Costantius, Decius, and Nero. He disgraceth her in her parents and stock, and saith what his malice can devise against her.  
The like course he taketh against her principal Counsellors, 
c In praefat. ac edictum.  accusing them of fraud, cruelty, rapines, impiety, and most heinous crimes. Against the earl of Leicester and the Lord Treasurer that dead is, he hath published whole volumes of reproaches in two several libels, entituling the first Leicester's commonwealth; and setting out the second under the name of, Causes of supposed fears, etc. Neither hath any railing libel of late come forth but he hath had some finger in it. Furthermore as the former books are full of railing and reproaches, so they want no provision of lies, and untruths. He saith in 
d Andr. Philop. p. 121.  Philopater, that King Philip did thrice deliver the Lady Elizabeth out of trouble; and cannot prove once. And that king Philip denied the rebel's aid, which Pius quintus the pope his grand master controlleth. He repeateth divers slanders out of  and Genebrard, and can write nothing without lies.  
In this treatise, which we have now in hand, albeit he seem to profess Warding and fensing; yet hath he no fence to keep his tongue from lying. And yet they say he lieth very closely; yea and falsely too. Such is his excellency in both faculties, that a great question may be made, whether he raileth or lieth more impudently and starkely. Do you not then take him to be a fit man to give precepts of modesty and true dealing to others, that hath nor modesty, nor truth, nor reason in his own dealing? And may he take upon him to censure others for railing, libeling, raging, lying and facing, that in lying and libeling hath surmounted, not only Lucian and Rabelays, but also all his own companions of the society of his fiery father Ignatius?  
As for his adversary, he hath not spoken any thing, that in equal judgement can be thought to savour of immodesty. For albeit he seemeth to charge the Spaniards with Oppression and tyranny, and saith, that they are Proud, ambitious, bloody, ravening, and cursed of God: yet his intention was not to touch the whole nation, in which no doubt there are many civil, religious and honest men, and of great worth, especially when they come to the knowledge of the truth; but divers of them indefinitely, and such especially, as came in the pope's service, to execute his wrath and displeasure against innocent Christians. For against these doth he direct his discourse, and against them doth he animate his countrymen to fight, seeing their purpose is to destroy our country, and with cruelty to establish both a false religion, and an absolute tyranny. Neither could he use more gentle terms, considering the insolencies of the Spanish forces in these cases, and the tyranny of their government. The ambassadors of the city of Sienna 
a Natal. Comes pistor. lib. 6.  say, That the government of the Spaniard in the kingdom of Naples, and other places of Italy is so rigorous, that the country people desire to live rather under the Turk, then under the Spaniard. And this by infinite insolencies, and acts full of injustice, and cruelty, for many years exercised by the Spaniards in the 
b Bartholomeus casas.  Indies, in the 
c Belgica hist. Meterani.  Low countries, and lately in the countries of juliers, Wesell, Monsterland and places adjoining, may be verified. Our ancestors were wont to say they were crab faced, and worse natured. Vultu despicabiles, moribus detestabiles, as Matth. Parts testifieth. And if antichrist, and these that receive his mark, and worship him, be cursed and miserable; then are the Spaniards, that are so willing to execute the pope's most irreligious and unjust commands, most miserable, and have a great curse hanging over their heads.  
But faith our fencing warder and bickerer, The Spaniards are hated for their catholic religion especially, and next for their virtue and valour. He saith also, that the like happened to the English, when they were Lords of France for the most part; and to the Romans', when they ruled a great part of the world. But why should he seek for new supposed causes, when the true causes and reasons are so well known, and so violent and all sufficient? Beside that it is well known, that the Neapolitans, Milanese and Portugeses do not hate the Spaniards for their religion, but for the causes formerly declared. Neither do we malign the Spaniards for their catholic religion (for we know that their religion is not catholic) nay we do not hate them in regard of their false religion, which they hold, but rather pray for them, and pity than: but we have great reason to suspect their encrochements, and to detest their ambition, injustice, rapines and tyranny. How they may be called Forts, or valiant, I report me, seeing as Philosophers hold, 
a Fortitudo est virtus pugnans pro justitia.  Fortitude is a virtue striving for justice. Lastly he offereth great wrong not only to the Romans', but also to the ancient English, to compare the Castilians unto them. For never was the Roman or English government like to the Spanish, nor can these two famous nations well be compared to the inhabitants of Casttle, Granada, Valentia and Arragon, that until of late were a poor 
b Matth. Paris in Henr.  base people, and for the most part now consisteth of Goths, Vandals, Moors, Maranes and jews, which have surmounted and devoured the ancient inhabitants of Spain.  
He telleth us also, That it is no reason, albeit some Spaniards be found to have those vices, which Sir Francis imputeth to them, that all the nation should be charged with them. As if either he, or any other did suppose all Spaniards to be of like vicious humour. No, Sir Francis doth only charge Spaniards indefinitely, and those principally, that are the pope's vassals, and agentes, and are so willingly employed in his service. And in effect saith no more, than our adversary willingly confesseth.  
He 
a P. 105.  saith further, That no nation in Europe hath more cause to glory and give God thanks for his gifts abundantly powered on them both natural, moral and divine, than the Spanish, who have a country potent, rich and fertile praised in scripture. 1. Machab. 8. a people able in wit and body, as appeared by trajan, and Theodosius emperors; by Seneca, Lucan, Martial, poets; by Hosius, Damasus, Leander, Isidorus, Orosius renowned Christians; by famous martyrs, Christian kings, famous soldiers, that have conquered great countries by the sword, and finally by excellent preachers, that have gained many millions of souls to Christ by preaching. And thus with big words, and many great brags he thinketh to put his adversary down. But he is confident without cause, and triumpheth before the victory, nay before he seeth his enemy. To answer him in his own terms, I think there is no nation in Europe more beholding to this base lying companion, than the Spanish. For renouncing all love to his country, and duty to his prince, he hath sold himself to public enemies, to flatter them, and to set out their praises. Beside that he forgetteth all plain and honest dealing, and delighteth himself with vain reports and lies. The world knoweth that Spain for the most part is a bare and barren country, and that the common sort is poor and miserable. Portugal that is accounted the more fruitful, notwithstanding is but barren.  
jeiuna miserae 
b Buchanan.  saith one, tesqua Lusitaniae  
valet longùm, vosque glebae tantùm  
Fertiles penuriae.  
How potent the country is, it may appear by this, that it hath been so often conquered by the Cathaginians, Romans', Goths and Vandals, and lastly by the Moors of Barbary. Theodosius and trajan albeit borne in Spain, were of Roman blood, & brought up in Italy and Rome. Seneca also and Lucan and Martial had their learning and skill at Rome, albeit martial for his filthy and obscene writing savoureth of the humour of some Spaniards.  
It is also a matter of mere impudence, to compare the battles and conquests of Spaniards in the Indias, where they had to do only with naked men, and people unskilful in feats of arms, to the actions of the Romans', that have subdued the most warlike people of the world. Neither can we account of his relation of winning of souls to Christ in the Indies by friars otherwise, then as of a lying legend, and vain brag, that hath no ground. For 
a Hierom. Benzo. & Barth. Cas.  divers report, that they have destroyed millions of souls, and speak sparely of winning of souls. But were all this true, that is here reported, yet maketh the same nothing so much for the Spaniard, as the Noddy imagineth. For what availeth it to possess a fertile and good country, and which is praised in scriptures, unless the inhabitants be good and virtuous? Spain, I trow, is not better than the land of Canaan, that flowed with milk and honey, yet were the people exceeding wicked. What commendation is it, to be descended of a nation, that hath had many religious Christians, constant martyrs, just and wise princes, valiant soldiers and captains, unless the Spaniards continue in the steps of their ancestors? But that now the Spaniards are like their ancestors, this declamer durst not say. Nay it may very well be said, that the inhabitants of Spain now are not descended of the Spaniards that were either in Traian's & Theodosius his time, or in the days of Isidorus and Leander. Nor have they the religion, or zeal of the ancient Spaniards. But saith the Ward-worder, God in regard and recompense of other rare virtues, will pardon other infirmities and defects. He avoucheth also that God hath advanced the Spaniards above other nations of Europe for the defence of Catholic religion. So it appeareth by his own confession, that the Spaniards his clients want not sins and faults (he calleth them only infirmities Peccadilloes, and defects) but all their enormous sins, as he supposeth, are covered by their zeal in the pope's service. A very excellent piece of doctrine. If the Spaniard commit most heinous murders, and ravage whole countries, and live most filthily, and blaspheme Gods holy word never so execrablie; yet by this man's divinity they need not fear, if they maintain the pope's cacolike religion, and murder all that are studious of peace and Christ's truth. Let them go to father Parsons, and he will absolve them, and set them toll free, that they shall not pay any thing to the pope. But what if they oppugn catholic religion and murder God's saints? Then the case is altered, and the Warder hath no fence for them, nor for such offences. Nay he cannot deny, but as their faith is heretical and superstitious; so their sins are great and enormous. The Spaniards therefore would be advised not to trust this false friar too far. Zeal is commendable: but than it must be joined with knowledge. It is no Christian zeal that induceth men to kill poor christians. Our Saviour Christ sent his disciples to teach the Gentiles, and not to kill them. Neither did Peter kill the Gentiles and sinners, that were ignorant of the truth, albeit in a vision he was 
a Act. 10. macta & manduca.  commanded to kill and eat: but sought by preaching to convert them from their wicked lives, to the truth of Christ jesus. But the pope and his adherents the Spaniards avert many from the truth, convert none to the truth; kill the body with the sword, and destroy the soul with corrupt doctrine, run into the Indies upon pretence of winning souls, and yet neglect the Turks, Moors, and jews, that are hard at their doors. And all this is commended in them by our adversary. Nay he seemeth to teach, that sinners, that are out of the state of grace can merit remission of sins, and that the Spaniards for murdering of Christians, shall be pardoned for other sins, which they commit. But be it he should only say, that a man, that should zealously adhere to the truth, should thereby purchase remission of other sins; yet is not this justifiable. For we being out of grace are dead in trespasses and sins, and Christ only can purchase remission of sins, which without faith cannot be applied to us.  
Finally he is not ashamed to confess, That in times past our ancestors were near linked to the Spaniard in love, leagues and alliance betwixt the princes of both the nations: and that at this time the Spaniards show great kindness to papists fled beyond the seas. But little doth this make to the purpose, and less for the commendation of the Spaniard. For it is not here called in question, what hath passed betwixt the nations, but whether the Spaniard hath so rare parts in him, that he is to be preferred before all other nations, and before the English especially: which is no way to be deduced or decided by this discourse concerning leagues and alliances. Again if we were so near linked and conjoined together, as our adversary talketh, and that to the profit and honour of both the nations; what reason had the Spaniards at the solicitation of that bald friar Pius Quintus to fall out with their old friends, and to treat with our most malicious enemies? What can they allege, why without all just cause, they should both by force and practices oppugn our nation, that never offered them wrong? Had they not thereby hazarded the loss of the low countries, if her Majesty would have accepted them being offered unto her? And have they not opened a way for the possessing some part of the Indias as oft, as it shall please the princes of this land to establish a course for the maintenance of the trade into those countries? And albeit we have omitted to take the advantage of either of these two courses; yet there is no time past, but her Majesty may always take the one, and percase have opportunity to make benefit of the other. Finally if the Spaniards had remembered the old friendship, that hath passed betwixt both nations, they would not have abetted traitors to rebel, nor receited rebels, that are fled out of the realm for fear of laws, albeit they pretend religion.  
After the defence of the Spanish nation in general our warder with his guard of lose words descendeth to speak of king Philip the second in particular. A man now dead and buried, and therefore the rather to be spared, although while he lived he was a heavy enemy to our whole nation. Yet for as much as our adversary hired percase to pronounce a funeral discourse in his praise, doth so commend him, as he sticketh not to touch the honour of our nation someway entangled with his cross dealings; I thought it not amiss to consider what this exorbitant friar hath to say either for king Philip, whom he raiseth out of his grave, purposing percase to enshrine him for a saint, or against the English nation, which he hateth more deadly, then doth the Spaniard.  
First he is offended that king Philip should be termed Proud, ambitious, false, cruel, treacherous, tyrannical, and such like: and saith that If any of the king's subjects were to answer sir Francis, he would give him the lie and challenge him into the field. As if the king's subjects were such dangerous men, as none durst maintain an honest quarrel against them; or as if they were more terrible Rodomontes' among the Spaniards, than otherwhere. Well seeing these challengers come not forth, we shall easily justify Sir Francis his charge against this friar-like combatants rude and uncivil cavils and wrangling. For it was no part of Sir Francis his meaning simply to charge king Philip with any matter further than concerned the cause in hand, and further than the king, taking upon him to be the Pope's champion, persecuted poor Christians with great injustice and cruelty. And using the pretence of popish religion sought both by force of arms, and fraudulent practice to usurp the dominions of other princes, and to establish a tyranny among such people, as by arms he had oppressed. Hereupon let the world judge, whether Sir Francis had not reason to exhort all true English to oppose themselves against such ambition, pride, usurpation, treacherous practice, injustice, cruelty and tyranny, and whether any man in such a case could have said less. But if he had said more, yet the kings strange proceed against his son Charles, testyfied by pope 
a Vita Pij 5. Girol. Cat.  Pius himself: against his wives; complained of by the French: against the prince of Orange, and the people of the low countries recorded in the acts of the Duke of Alva, and testyfied by divers apologies of the prince of Orange and the states, and known to many yet living: against his subjects of Naples and Milan, reported in Natalis Comes, and divers histories: against the Portugeses witnessed by the history of the conquest of Portugal, by Don Antonio the king wrongfully dispossessed of his country and best known to the Portugeses: against the Queen of England known to the world, and recorded in the process against Lopez the physician, and partly testyfied by Gierome Catena in the life of Pius Quintus; against the secretary Escovedo, and Antonio Perez, and the state of Arragon published to the world in a treatise for that purpose: these proceedings (I say) and his whole life recorded in histories, would sufficiently justify the same. Against which records, and testifications the idle talk of this addleheaded Noddy Concerning his catholic majesties opposite virtues, of his sweet nature and condition, of his princely behaviour & pious government, deserveth neither credit, nor consideration. He was of so sweet a nature, that for certain months before his death, neither his physicians nor surgeons, nor others without good preservatives could endure to come near him, albeit his clothes and lodging were never so sweetly perfumed. So excellent a thing it is to be sweet natured. He saith also, That by the witness of envy king Philip is cleared. Percase he himself in this friar-like declamation degorged in the king's praise taketh on him the person of envy, and so cleareth him. Otherwise all the water in the bay of Alcasson would neither wash him, nor clear him.  
Where sir Francis doth object to king Philip certain dangerous practices here in England, during his marriage with Queen Marie: this idle discourser not remembering his title of Wardeword, leaveth his guard, and runneth into a needless discourse Of the state of things in Queen Mary's time, while the Spaniards were in England. As if it were in question, what was then done in England, and not how king Philip carried himself in Spain, and all other places; or else, as if the state of things in England concerned king Philip's humours and qualities any thing at all. Well let us notwithstanding see, what this idle jangler hath to say for the state of matters in England.  
He saith first, That king Philip paid the expenses and for the furniture of the marriage with Queen Marie: and how the two Spanish and English navies, that accompanied the king, when he came into England were at his cost, until they came to Portesmouth, and the whole train from thence to Winchester, and that the marriage was celebrated at his charges. But what is this to the discharge of his promise concerning the relation of the state of England? Besides that, this narration is full of vanity and falsehood. For what is more vain, then to brag that the king defrayed the charges of his servants, and attendants, or that he paid the charges of his own marriage? What more consonant, then that the husband and goodman of the house should be at the charge of his wife and household? What a ridiculous thing is it to vaunt, that the king paid all charges between Portesmouth and Winchester, when either little or nothing was spent in the journey? The falsehood of his narration may be controlled by the accounts, that are yet to be seen in the auditor general's office, and in the Exchequer. For thereby it is apparent, that the Queen not only defrayed the charge of her own fleet, but also spent infinitely about the furniture and preparations for her marriage. Money certes evil bestowed. For never was marriage more unhappy either to the prince herself, or her state.  
Secondly he telleth, That the Spanish nobles and gentlemen came furnished with necessities and money. It is marvel he setteth not down also, how they came furnished with Moriscoes and Negroes, and horseboys, and such Canalliary. All which pertain as much to the purpose, as that which he setteth down of the nobles and gentlemen. But be it they came well furnished, yet that deserveth no great commendation. As for their expenses they could not be great, seeing most did eat upon the queens charge, and the rest ate bread by the ounce, and drunk water by the quart: and yet all of them could not avoid to come in merchants books.  
Thirdly he saith, That the privy council was not altered by the king. As if that were not a point following upon the conditions of the marriage. Beside that, albeit he altered nothing, yet through the subtlety of Winchester, the Council was at his devotion: and should no doubt have been altered, but that he was prevented by the queens death.  
Fourthly he vaunteth much That he honoured the English Nobility, and gave many of them great pensions. But he should do well to name those, that were so honoured, and enriched by king Philip. For it is more than I can learn. Howbeit it is no strange matter, if for to effect his purposes, he was at some expense. For fishers when they angle for fish must be at the charge of the bait; and fowlers, that seek to catch birds, must draw them to their nets by casting them meat. Like vanity he useth where he showeth, That the king honoured highly English captains and soldiers, and made them equal in all points of service with the Spaniard. As if it were a high point of honour for English to be made equal with Spaniards. Beside that, all the honour the king did them, was to suffer their throats to be cut in the sack of Saint Quintin, and the service ended, to send them home poor, bare, and naked. He affirmeth also, That the king made our merchants free to enjoy all privileges throughout all his kingdom. Which is a plain and most notorious untruth. For neither were they suffered to trade into the Indies, nor had any more privilege in Spain & the Low countries, then mere strangers, as is evident by the merchant's books now to be showed, if need be. It is also a mere fable, That the king in all quarrels betwixt English and Spaniards should favour the English, & that this should cost the Queen many a bitter tear. Let the quarrels be specified, & witnesses produced to prove the queens tenderness more to Spaniards, than her own people.  
Fiftly he telleth a very pitiful case, viz. That no Spaniard could walk in the night without danger of his life, nor at other times without injurious words; and that they paid dear for all things, especially if they were taken talking with a man's wife, daughter, or servant: and, as a certain Viceroy told him, that some English would send their wives & daughters of purpose into the fields, where Spaniards walked, to allure them to talk with them, and thereby to entrap them, and get money from them: and that divers of the Spaniards had their purses taken from them, & that the Count Fuensalida was rob, as he was at supper with divers of his countrymen. All which long discourse is as far from the purpose, as Spain from England. For what doth this concern king Philip's virtues, or the state of England, which are the points which here he taketh on him to handle? Must the state of England consist now in the brabbles betwixt the scum of the king's train and a few bands and base fellows, about their Senoras'? Further the same doth rather show the insolency of the Spaniards, then deserve any commiseration for the losses or knocks they privily received. For why should they be suffered to abuse honest women, or to attempt maiden's chastity? Will N. D. our Warder play the bawd to make matches betwixt knaves and whores, and mislike that there was not a guard set, while such lend fellows went about their base affairs? Again it may be, that it was not a Viceroy (for what hath such a Noddy or vice, as this, to do with Viceroys, or viceroys to do with such petite matters) but some vice that purposed to delude him, that told him the tale of these walking women, or walking knaves. For how could he know, that they were men's wives or daughters, if he were a stranger; or else that they were sent for that purpose that he speaketh, into the fields? how knew he, but that it was a quarrel betwixt knaves & bawds? how knew he, that the Spaniards did not willingly bestow their money upon baggages, being men that frequent the bordello, as oft as the church? As for the robbery of the Count Fuensalida, if any such thing were, it no more concerneth the honour of our nation, than the robberies by Fuorusciti in Italy & Naples the honour of the king of Spain. Robberies & disorders will every where be committed: but we praise them not, we allow them not. Neither did Queen Marie then allow this foresaid robbery. And rather than the old Count should weep for his plate, he shall have a collection in part of recompense for his losses. All this great matter therefore being well considered is nothing: neither hath our adversary any reason to exclaim and say, That these were the fine fruits of our new Gospel, then freshly planted among us. For those that did these feats were papists, and not men of our religion, and these disorders were committed in Queen Mary's time, when popery was publicly professed in England, and not in the time of the Gospel. Again, the Spaniards, and not any of our profession, used to haunt bordels, and to make these bawdy matches. And if in states, that profess the Gospel there be divers outrages committed; they cannot be imputed to our profession, but to the lewdness of those, that will not be reform; and that live among us, and are not of us. Which kind of people are both reproved by their teachers, and punished by the magistrates.  
Having thus for his pleasure ranged far from the matter, in an idle discourse concerning certain brabbles betwixt the English and Spanish in Queen Mary's days, he cometh to his purpose concerning king Philip: and gladly would he purge him from all suspicion of evil meaning towards our nation, contrary to a letter mentioned by Sir Francis, and written out of Spain, when king Philip was yet in England. The letter purported, that notwithstanding the king's fair pretences, his purpose was to win the favour of the nobility, and so to make himself absolute king, and possessing the principal places with his own soldiers, to alter the laws, and to impose taxes, and rule the country at his pleasure. And this the warder by all means seeketh to shift off, and to discredit: and that first, Because these plots and practices were never heard of before, as he saith. But he must needs be deaf, that lived in Queen Mary's days in any eminent place in the state, that heard not often of these practices; and very dull and senseless, if he suspected them not. Neither is it likely, that such a prince would desire to come hither, if he should still be tied with conditions.  
Secondly he saith, That the name of the writer and receiver of the letter would have been set down. But that might have bred danger, the letter being written against Spaniards, that then ruled in England. Neither is it the fashion for intelligencers to declare either their own names, or the names of such as they writ unto.  
Thirdly he would avoid it by this shift, That it was some flying report, without ground, and taken up in some port-town or tavern, by some factor, or other wandering companion. But the probability of the plot, and proceeding of the Spaniard, and the event of things did show the contrary.  
Fourthly he would bear us in hand, That it was some devise to make the Spaniards odious, and perhaps to uphold the faction of the earl of Devonshire, that missing the marriage of Queen Mary began to practise. But the ambition, and malicious purpose of the Spaniards against all that professed the truth, and his proceedings in the government did plainly declare, that it was a truth, and no fiction. As for the earl of Devonshire he never desired to marry the Queen. For if he had, he might. Such was her affection towards him. Neither did he ever take any grief for not marrying her. for his affection was no way inclined that way. Neither could he poor gentleman entertain any practice, being destitute of friends and means, & watched by his enemies, & of no subtle reach to compass any such matter. I wonder the Noddy was not ashamed once to name this young earl, who albeit innocent and harmless, yet was poisoned at Padua to content some men's humours. But our adversary, as if he were a smith and of Vulcan's generation, as his supposed father was, can forge twenty such devices: and shift off wicked practices, with a number of lose words. He saith, It is a grievous and heinous slander against a mighty, munificent, and bountiful monarch, to say, that he meant to make himself king. As if mighty and munificent monarch do not in their ambitious humours seek to enlarge their dominions. That this was no fiction, it may appear by the drift of Charles the fift intending this marriage; by the pope's demands to the king, that could not be effected without greater authority; by the propositions made by king Philip to the counsel to enlarge his power, and release the rigour of the conditions, whereto he was tied; by the king's secret working to draw over Spanish soldiers, and his practices to possess himself of the navy, and the principal ports and fortresses of this kingdom; by words commonly given out; by the testimony of Sir Francis Englefeld, if he were alive and would say truth, and also of divers others of the nobility; by the ambitious humours of the Spaniard; and finally for that otherwise his advancement by this marriage would have amounted to nothing. And if in the low countries, where he is but duke, or earl, he hath sought to be an absolute king; we may not doubt of his purpose in England, where he had the title of king, and possessed the Queen.  
Where the letter saith, That king Philip meant to have altered the counsel, to possess the havens, to make new forts, to furnish them with his own men, to change the common laws, to bring in the Spanish inquisition and Spanish laws, and to impose strange taxes upon us, after the fashion of Spain: he thinketh it sufficient to answer first, That no such thing was attempted by him; and secondly That all this was provided for in the conditions of his marriage with the Queen. But his slender surmises are all too weak to cross such violent purposes. For albeit being prevented by the hand of God, that took away the Queen, he could not put matters in execution; yet doth it not follow, that he never had any such purpose or intention. Again, it is a fond thing to imagine that the king could be tied with words and conditions, when experience teacheth us, that neither promises, nor oaths, nor laws of God, nor laws of nations could bridle his ambition. He was 
a Guicciardin. de paesi bassi.  precisely sworn, to observe the privileges, and laws of the low countries. Yet did he observe none; but contrary to all order change the council of estate, bring in the inquisition, and enlarge the authority of the ecclesiastical state, erect citadelles place garrisons, and impose strange taxes upon the people. And if the Duke of Alva did this by his direction in the low countries; no doubt, but he would have done the same himself in England, if he had attained his purpose, and had not been crossed by the queens death. And that this was his full intention, we have already showed by divers arguments beside the testimony of the letter. These therefore are no bugs, nor imaginations; but true collections grounded upon principles of state, and the king's actions. Hereby also we may gather, that we were happily delivered from the thraldom of the Spaniard, more grievous than the thraldom of Egypt, as their rigorous dealing with them of the low countries may plainly inform us.  
Where among strange taxes imposed by the Spaniards, one is mentioned most strange, That the subject payeth for every chimney; and others are noted as not common, that some pay by the poll; and all pay for their victuals, so that a man cannot eat but the king must be paid, as if he were a common host (as indeed he keepeth a common tavern in his court after a base fashion, that a man cannot drink, but the king will gain somewhat) our adversary wondereth, That any should publish such childish toys. But the Spaniards and the king's subjects in other places do find, that the burdens are so heavy, that neither children, nor yet men are able to bear them. And albeit there is (percase) some error in the particulars, yet the sum is not much mistaken. For throughout the king's dominions a tribute or tax is paid for all things bought and sold in the market. Neither is any merchandise exported, or brought into the country, or passed from place to place, but there is a custom paid. Of late there is a tribute exacted not only for every Hanega of corn ground at the mill, but also for salt. Neither are the countries of Biscay, Arragon, Navarre, Catalonia, or Valentia so free, as our adversary pretendeth. In Flanders according to the Spanish style, the duke of Alva imposed a tenth and twentieth part upon all the king's subjects: a tribute never exacted in the Turkish dominions. Now than if the king exact such payments upon his own free subjects; in what case are they like to be, that he shall vanquish with his sword?  
Where it is declared in the letter, That the king purposed to root out the nobility of England, and to bring the commons to beggary; and to sell all not above twenty years old for slaves: our adversary doth term this narration sottish and impudent; and asketh, How this being contrived in England could be discovered by one in Spain. But whatsoever terms the relation doth deserve, certain it is, that this manner of proceeding is most inhuman and barbarous; and not so improbable, as the warder would make it. For first we may not think, that the haughty mind of the Spaniard could either be content with a simple revenge of wrongs, or contained within the bounds of common laws and customs. Secondly we know, that the pope's malice is so great against such as spurn at his authority, that he stirreth up all the world against them, and giveth them for slaves to those, that can take them, as 
a Saunder. de schism. lib. 1.  Paul the third did give the English in Henry the eight his days. Thirdly it is most notorious, that in the Indias they have practised all these barbarous cruelties, so that they have almost dispeopled divers countries, that were very full of people at their first coming thither. Fourthly the example of our neighbours of the low countries, that live under the Spanish yoke, and have their nobility either extinct or debased, and their liberties abolished, and live in great slavery, may show us some part of their purposes, and as it were the plot of their government. Lastly in their fleet that came against us anno. 1588. beside store of halters and fetters provided to bind our poor countrymen, that should be taken prisoners, and were already taken in conceit, there were found in Don Pedro de valdez his ship divers engines and irons to mark such, as should be taken, for slaves. Add hereunto the testimony of him that wrote the letter out of Spain mentioned by Sir Francis, and did understand by good intelligence the resolution of the Spaniards in this point, and we shall not need to make question, but that this was indeed intended, and resolved against our nation. Neither could he reveal this secret, unless it had come to his notice: which might by divers means come to pass. For albeit the king hatched this purpose first within his own breast; yet was the same communicated to others, and so made known in Spain to those, that should concur in the execution of it. Such abominable treasons God would not have kept secret.  
Lastly where it is said, That the king had laid a plot for the destruction of the Lady Elizabeth now Queen of England: he answereth, That the world knoweth, that the king at that day was her chief stay and defence; and that for the reasons before alleged, and that finding her when he came into England in prison, and hardly pressed about Wyat's insurrection, he delivered her, and brought her to the court, and yielded her most careful protection. In the end he concludeth, That it is barbarous ingratitude, not to acknowledge his favour towards her. But if this were a matter known to the world, it were a great wonder, if it should never be known in England, where men have greatest reason to know the same. No, no: he abuseth his Reader very much, that, imputeth the cause of her safety to king Philip. For albeit for some causes he had reason to respect her then, when he hoped to have issue by Queen Mary; yet afterward, no doubt, he consulted (and that for many and potent considerations) to be rid of her. Yea albeit her innocency in Wyat's cause was sufficiently known; yet if God almighty had not been her chief protector, and stirred up means for her safety, never thought of by man; it was not the king's favour, that could have defended or delivered her. But suppose God should use the king likewise for an instrument of her deliverance; yet did he never any thing in regard of the Lady's innocency, but rather in regard of his own profit, as the Noddy unawares confesseth in his third encounter, and as is very apparent by the proceed of the king in that action. But what if the king should do a favour to any person, is it barbarousness for all others, not to acknowledge the same? In ancient time those that received a benefit, were deemed unthankful, if they did not acknowledge the same, and endeavour to requite it; but our barbarous Warder will have all condemned for barbarous and ungrateful, that either know not, or acknowledge not the kings favour extended to others. Other points of his answer, I have before touched and refuted.  
The premises considered he doth wonder, How sir Francis his book (which he termeth a libel) could be suffered to pass to the print, especially containing so reproachful calumniations against so great and potent a prince, as the king of Spain is. But rather it is to be wondered, that Parsons, or any jesuite should once open their mouth to speak of calumniations and libels, when their common course is by libels and slanderous writings to denigrate all such as oppose themselves to their factious courses. Parson's is not only a practitioner, but also hath passed master in this faculty. Against my Lord of Leycester he 
a Leicester's commonwealth  began to play his master's prizes; yet was not that his first libel, as his friends of Oxford know. The book, which he published under the name of Andreas Philopater, toucheth her Majesty, and all her chief Counsellors very rudely▪ beside that he set out a book against the old Lord Treasurer, and his whole house. After that followed Dolmans' book, which he will not deny to be both calumnious and injurious, and to have been written by him. He is also charged by a friend of his to be a principal actor in the infamous libel, set out anno 1588. by Allen against the Queen, at the least he oversaw the presses, and divulged certain copies thereof. Now he hath set out this fencing Ward-word comparable to the rest of his satirical writings for the bitterness thereof. A certain 
a A discovery of a counterfeit conference p. 6.  priest of his own religion doth call his book of succession set out by Dolman, An infamous babbling cartel or libel. john 
b Discovery of the errors of William Criton jesuite.  Cecil a popish priest doth not only tax Criton a Scottish jesuite for setting out a satire, pasquinado, and libel against himself and others, but condemneth all these pestilent courses, of libeling and killing practised by the jesuits. Neither do I think that any can allow Ribadineiraes' book of schism. As for sir Francis Hastings Watchword, it is a discourse of another nature, containing neither satirical invective, nor injurious calumniation, but a just accusation and declaration of our enemies most wicked and malicious purposes against us: which none can mislike, but such, as profess themselves either enemies to our nation, or traitors to their prince.  
In the end of this discourse he goeth about to clear king Philip the second Of all suspicion of hiring Lopez to poison her Majesty, yea of being privy and consenting to that execrable fact. But he doth his client no pleasure in mentioning that, wherewith he is not charged, and refuting the charge so loosely, as if he were hired to betray the king's cause; as he hath heretofore long gone about to betray his prince & country. We, I say, do not charge the king with any such matter, but only refer ourselves to Lopez his confession, and to Manoel Lois, and Stephen Ferreiraes' depositions, and to the bill of exchange for fifty thousand crowns to be paid to Lopez. The witnesses and parties do all blot the king, and his principal agents in the Low countries, the Count of Fuentes and Ibarra. Such a great sum could not be paid without the kings notice: hereto may be added a certain token or jewel sent from Christopher Moro the king's counsellor, and a message from the king brought to Lopez by one Andrada. But nothing doth breed more suspicion, than this Noddies defence for the king. He saith, That this matter could never probably be known to the king. And why not? Could neither Lopez himself by letters, nor Andrada by message, nor secretary Ibarra tell him of the purpose? It is no question. Nay it is confessed and deposed that they did. Secondly he saith, That Lopez never gave any signification of any such matter. But his confession in writing testifieth the contrary. And many heard him say more than his confession importeth. Thirdly he allegeth, That the king was not to have correspondence with Lopez being a Iew. As if the Spaniards use not to have correspondence both with jews and Turks to serve their own turns; or if any could be more fit to execute such horrible facts, then jews and Infidels. Lastly he asketh, If the king had no agents near to plot such matters, but he must be made privy himself. But it may be answered, that no warrant could be granted for so great a sum, but by the king, that would not let fifty thousand crowns go for nothing: and that Lopez would do nothing, unless he had the kings warrant both for the money and his further preferment. It is therefore no Turkish impiety, to talk of such matters, but a course Turkish and heathenish or worse to do, or consent to such execrable empoisonments. Neither would Parsons have taken upon him the defence of the king in this foul fact, if he had not been of a Turkish humour. Which also appeareth by a letter signed with his own hand, where he confesseth that one of his own consorts doth charge him With tyrannical, Turkish, and Machiavellian practices. And another priest in a letter resembleth Dolmans' book of succession to Machiavels' prince, making Machiavelisme, and Dolmanisme or jesuitisme words of one signification, and saying that Both signify Turkied Atheism.  
But saith the Warder, It may be doubted, whether any such thing was intended by Lopez. It may be also, that he will doubt whether Lopez and his consorts were publicly convicted, and executed for that treason. For he is an infidel, as it should seem, and will believe nothing, but that which the pope delivereth him to be believed, and that maketh for the pope's advantage. And yet if he had been in Lopez his case, he should have felt and touched with his finger, that all that was true, which now he will not believe.  
Wherefore if he have no further Ward to make for the Spaniards and their late king; his fence will prove worth nothing. If he have no better argument to prove the excellency and renown of the Spaniards, then is contained in this encounter, his clients will never thank him; nor will any man take the old king for Catholic, pious, wise and potent, as he oft termeth him, unless his proctor answer better for his faults, and bring better ground for his exorbitant praises. Only thus much he hath gained, that men may see how with drinking good sack, he is become Spanish. What good then may we look for at the hands of a professed enemy, and rinegate friar the pope's sworn slave?  
In the end of his discourse for a farewell he putteth us in some hope of peace between both nations: but we will then believe it, when we see the conditions equal on both sides, and sufficient security that they shall not break their promise upon the pope's warrant. In the mean while we will take the Spaniards as we find them; and make ready to receive those, that shall offer us violence: and trust such, as use to keep promise.   

CHAP. IX.  
Containing an answer to N. D. his conclusion and petition to the Lords of her majesties most honourable privy Counsel, to whom the determination of all this controversy is referred.  
ALthough, my good Lords, your leisure is not such, as that well you can attend, to read every frivolous discourse set out by Parsons the jesuite, or other his consorts; nor can take pleasure to see their vain and wrangling pamphlets, which they writ daily in defence of public enemies, notorious traitors, and dangerous malcontents against religion, state, law, prince, country, and those that show themselves most forward in defence thereof: yet if any of you chance to light upon a petition made by them of late, but, I think, not exhibited to your Lordships; I would also most humbly beseech you, to take the pains to read and consider of this my answer. Not that I dare commend the work as excellent, or perfect, but for that I thought it might be a matter not unprofitable for you to know, unto what boldness the jesuits and popish priests are come, and how necessary it is to repress their notorious insolency, that with painted glosses, and glorious terms have defended the actions, not only of public enemies, but also of most disloyal traitors; and not only encourage mal-contents, and stubborn subjects in their disobedience, but also endeavour to disgrace all those, that shall dare to enterprise the defence of religion, of her Majesty, and the present government. Nay albeit they take to themselves liberty to oppugn religion, and the state, and uphold the cause of those, that seek the ruin of both; yet are they greatly offended, that any should touch public enemies, or mislike these treacherous and disloyal courses. Yea such is their impudency, that they have presumed to address their pamphlets to your Honours, and to complain to you, as if we offered them great wrong, when we defend ourselves against public enemies, and traitors, and evil disposed subjects; whereas themselves wrong her Majesty and the state, and wrangle against all honest men, that are studious of truth and peace, and loyal to their prince and country. But this you shall perceive the better, if as in the rest of his encounters, so in this his conclusion and petition I note, not only the perverseness and presumption of this petitioner, but also the vanity and absurdity of his petition.  
In his first entrance he offereth his discourse To your view and judgement. But presently he excepteth against you, as if you were not equal, nor indifferent judges. I cannot 
a P. 119.  saith he, expect to have you equal judges. Which is a course most absurd. For if he thought you not indifferent, why did he come before you? If he presented his cause in good earnest, why doth he refuse you before hearing? Is this law among jesuits, to refuse and appeal from arbitrators chosen by themselves, and that before the cause be entered? Is not this notorious insolency thus to scorn your Lorshippes? Beside that he is plain contrary to himself. For in the title of this conclusion, he remitteth The whole answer to the judgement, and arbitrement of your lordships. Here he draweth back, and refuseth you for his judges. And yet, as if he had not refused you for judges, he proceedeth in his pleading before you. Perhaps he meaneth to make you readers in stead of judges, or such judges, as all readers are, which judge what they like or dislike themselves, but give no rule to others.  
Well albeit he will not make you judges Of the controversy itself; yet he is content you should judge of the manner of the prosecution thereof. So he will not have you judges, whether the pope and Spaniards are public enemies, nor whether jesuits and priests fled out of England are traitors; nor whether papists are dangerous subjects; nor finally whether we are to arm ourselves against foreign enemies, and beware of traitors and suspected subjects; which is the controversy betwixt him and Sir Francis Hastings, but in what terms we are to deal against enemies, and traitors, and their consorts. Belike he meaneth to make your Lordship's grammarians, for such are fittest to judge of words and phrases: the controversy he telleth you plainly, you are not to meddle withal. I believe you have not seen many such suppliants come before you: neither do I think, that a form can readily be found of such a petition.  
He saith, If the watchword had been presented to your Lordships, before it was printed, that it should, as he thinketh, have been stopped or moderated. So he doth not only bestow on your Lordships an office of judicature, but also of watching of presses and correcting of books set out against jesuits: and albeit a base companion, yet is he bold to abuse your Lordships and to make you ministers of his pleasures and purposes, that nothing may pass but formally, and to the jesuits good liking. For he is much offended, that any should speak either for truth, or state against public enemies and traitors, and would most earnestly pray you, that you would be pleased to suffer him and his consorts to undermine the state, and to stir up rebellion, and cut honest men's throats without any noise, or question made about the matter. And because Sir Francis hath exhorted his countrymen courageously to withstand the Spaniards and other public enemies, and speaketh plainly, what we are to think of him and his consorts; he calleth him A troublesome stickler, and saith, He is transported with violent rage against potent and anointed princes, and in divers places chargeth him with railing and slandering, & here imputeth to him Base detractions and contumelious fictions, and giveth him many other very big words degorged out of his wicked and impotent malice against good men. As if it were not lawful for us, to defend ourselves, or touch our enemies, but in such manner and form, as this critical Aristarchus, and new teacher of forms of speech shall like. So ridiculous and absurd a Noddy we do encounter, & such unreasonable requests we are to answer: as may further appear by the sequel of his discourse.  
My first petition 
a P. 120.  saith he, Should be. Note I pray you, that he saith, Should be, and not, Is. Whereby we may understand, that this proud companion disdeineth to make petition to your Lordships. Signifying only, that if he might abase himself so low, as to make petition to such, as he accounteth heretics, That then his petition should be to restrain such turbulent spirits as those are, which more of a mad and malicious kind of wantonness, then of wit, do lose their tongues with overmuch liberty against the honour of mighty catholic princes abroad. So his complaint is, that we lose our tongues to speak without wit, thinking (percase) because he and his consorts do rail against Christian princes wittily, or rather saucily, that they may do it freely and lawfully. His desire is, That turbulent spirits may be restrained. But he doth not consider, that this concerneth him and his consorts the jesuits and popish faction very near. For they are the turbulent spirits stirred up by satan to trouble kingdoms and inflame wars throughout the world as before hath been in part declared. 
b Discovery of William Critons' errors.  Criton was taken with divers plaits for the invasion of England. He holp to stir wars in Scotland. They are therefore Turbulent spirits, and condemned by their own consorts and all the world for such. As for us it toucheth us nothing. And therefore we willingly subscribe this petition, and would wish that all Christian princes would take a course with such as publish libels and slanderous calumniations to the disgrace of princes and states. For none have more cause to complain than we. Paul the third published a slanderous bull, or libel against Henry the eight. Which was seconded with a bitter invective written by cardinal Poole. Pius 5. and Sixtus 5. 
a In bulla Pij 5. & Sixti 5.  have ᵈ spoken their pleasure against her Majesty, 
b  & Ribad. de schism.  and this kingdom. , Ribadineira and Rishton have ᵉ written books full of most impudent calumniations against divers catholic princes. ᶠ Cardinal Allen hath passed all that went before him in bitterness and malice. 
c In his letters to the nobility and people of England and Ireland.  The like course have they taken against Henry the third and fourth of France, and divers noble princes of that kingdom. Parsons the jesuite himself alone hath published cart loads of libels. Time therefore it is to stop the mouths of such barking curs, and to tie them up for barking.  
But why would he have such turbulent Spirits restrained? He saith, That the furious hatred of Sylla and Marius, of Pompey and Caesar was kindled by certain opprobrious speeches uttered by some of their followers. But he should do well to show his author and prove his words true, lest he be taken for a false forger of examples. I could yet never understand any such matter. And therefore let him take heed, lest for want of good handling, he mar the fashion of his first petition.  
His second petition is, That your honours would resolve to be mediators unto her Majesty for some more gentle, mild, and merciful course to be taken with papists. Wherein First he doth greatly wrong her Majesty, charging her with rough, unmerciful and cruel dealing against papists, who hath so much spared them, that to many it is thought, that she hath neither had sufficient regard of her own safety, nor of the peace and security of her subjects. Secondly he doth covertly charge your Lordships, That you have borne a hard hand over them, and assisted her Majesty in her unmerciful dealing. Thirdly he is so saucy as to make you his factors, and mediators in a cause most irreligious and impious; most dangerous to her Majesty and the state; most odious to her most loyal subjects; and most unreasonable in regard of the petitioner and his consorts. and this I will briefly show, leaving the consideration and provision for the rest, to your honours.  
Most impious it is to persuade a toleration of popish religion, being a doctrine full of heresies, and not clear of Idolatry, as is notorious to all that know it, and shall God willing be fully proved hereafter. And if it be impious to persuade it, we must think that piety will not suffer us to yield it. Our 
a Matth 4.  Saviour saith, It is written we must worship the Lord our God, and serve him only: and that is the brief of the first 
b Exod. 20.  commandment, Thou shalt have no other Gods, but me. Now how is God only served, where the idol of the altar, and every crucifix is worshipped with divine honour? How do they serve God alone, that make angels and saints their mediators, and communicate gods honour to them? Besides that, it is nothing but idolatry and Worshipping of strange Gods, as saith 
c Adverse. haeres.  Vincentius Lirinensis, to embrace and stiffly to maintain heresies. For heretics no less reverence their opinions, than the Gentiles their gods. Nay Saint 
d De vera relig. c. 38.  Augustine saith, That it is the vilest kind of idolatry, for men to worship their own fancies, and observe that for a religion, which their deceived and swelling minds imagine. The apostle forbiddeth the Corinthians to have any society with them, that 
e 1. Cor. 5.  worship and serve idols. And showeth, that there is no fellowship betwixt light and darkness, nor company to be kept with Infidels. Nolite saith he, 
f 2. Cor. 6.  jugum ducere cum infidelibus. quae enim participatio justitiae cum iniquitate? Aut quae societas luci ad tenebras? Quae autem conventio Christi ad Belial? Aut quae pars fideli cum infideli? Qui autem consensus templo Dei cum idolis? God was much offended with the bishop of Pergamus for winking at false teachers, and their lewd doctrine. Habeo saith 
g Apocalyps. 2.  he, adversus te pauca, quia habes illic tenentes doctrinam Balaam, qui docebat Balac mittere scandalum coram filijs Israel, edere, & fornicari. Ita habes & tu tenentes doctrinam Nicolaitarum. And shall we endure the balaamitical priests of antichrists synagogue, and more damnable heretics, than the Nicoloitans? The 
h Apolalyps'. 2.  bishop also of the church of Thyatira was sharply reproved for permitting one, that pretended to be a prophet, to teach and seduce gods servants. Habeo saith he, adversus te pauca, quia permittis mulierem jezabel, quae se dicit prophetem, docere, & seducere servos meos, fornicari & manducare de idolothytis.  
The prophet David would not suffer any strange worship of God within his kingdom, neither could he endure, so much as once to mention the names of idolaters. Their offerings of blood saith he, 
z Psal. 16.  I will not offer, nor make mention of their names within my lips. That was likewise the zeal of godly emperors. Omnes vetitae legibus divinis & imperialibus constitutionibus haereses perpetuò quiescant, say the 
a L. omnes. Cod. de haereticis.  Emperors Gratianus, Valentinianus, and Theodosius. Now to suffer contrary religions was ever condemned. Solomon greatly offended in suffering his wives to erect idolatry, yet were they his wives. And when the Israelites served God and Baal, Elias greatly reproved them. How long 
b 1. Reg. 18.  saith he, halt you on both sides? If God be God, follow him; if Baal be god, follow him. Nay it is punishable in matters of religion, to wink at idolaters, as appeareth by the example of Solomon before rehearsed, and of those kings, that did not cut down groves, and destroy hill altars. He that serveth God, saith 
c Lib. 5. ep. 30.  Ambrose, must bring no dissimulation, no connivence, but faithful zeal and devotion: he must give no consent to the worship of idols, and other profane ceremonies▪ for God will not be deceived, which searcheth all things, even the secrets of men's hearts. Now besides these reasons, that make against all false worshippers, and abused Christians, there are special laws against teachers of heresies, such as the jesuits, and other friars, and priests are. 
d Deut. 13.  God commandeth False prophets, that would turn us away to worship other gods, to be slain. God 
e Apocal. 16.  he poureth out his wrath against those, That have received antichrists mark, or worship his image. Helias caused Baal's priests to be slain. 
f L. Cuncti. Cod. de haeret. & Manich.  Arcadius and Honorius took away all churches from heretics, lest they should teach, or do the exercises of their false religion in them. Such as have been zealous in removing all monuments of idolatry, and advancing Gods true worship, have received manifold blessings at gods hands, and are well reported of in holy Scriptures, and their memorial and name is blessed. Such were Hezekiah, josiah, josaphat and others mentioned in holy Scriptures: Constantine, Theodosius, Martian and other famous princes in the church of God, mentioned in Ecclesiastical histories. Contrariwise not only open idolaters, but such as showed themselves cold in promoting Gods service have been punished by God, and accounted infamous among godly men. The 
g 4. Reg. 17.  Samaritans were content to serve God, but they would worship idols too. Fuerunt gentes timentes dominum, sed nihilominus & idolis suis seruientes. Therefore were they hateful to god's Church. 
a Nicet. Choniat. lib. hist. 7.  Manuel Comnenus removed out of the church certain tables containing both the articles of Christian faith, and certain anathematisms of Turkish impieties and Mahomet's false gods, and substituted in their places other tables and articles of doctrine not so directly contrary to turcism: and this he did for fear to offend the Saracens. But his fact neither pleased God nor men. Neither did he satisfy those, whom he sought to please. Let all those therefore that seek to mingle contrary religions, or fear to maintain true faith, diligently look to the examples of the 
b 4. Reg. 17.  Samaritans, and of 
c Nicet. Choniat. lib. 7.  Manuel Comnenus.  
This course would be dangerous to her Majesty, and the state. Now the pope being publicly hence excluded, hath not those means to work her Majesty displeasure, as he hath to work against princes in countries of his obedience, and should have here, if popery might be tolerated. And this to be true, Sixtus Quintus in his bull published against her Majesty anno 1588. and translated by Cardinal Allen, doth himself in plain words testify. Not having saith he, in these parts the ordinary means, which by the assistance of Christian princes we have in other countries to remedy disorders, and keep the people in obedience, for that Henry the eight late king of England did of late years revolt from the sea apostolic. Likewise it appeareth by the 
d Vita di Pio 5. Girol. Catena.  example of the pope Pius the fifth Nuntio Vincentio Lauro, who not daring to pass into Scotland to practise, but staying at Paris, was deprived of means to effect his wicked purpose. Likewise the jesuits and priests not daring now publicly to show themselves, nor to deal with all persons publicly and without danger, lose many opportunities to set forward the pope's cause. The recusantes also, though they come not to the church; yet having no liberty to converse with jesuits, nor to learn their seditious doctrine, keep themselves in better terms, than otherwise they would do, if it were lawful for them to profess their religion openly. But admit once jesuits and seminary priests to re-enter into the land, or to live among us; the pope first will have more opportunity and means to work his purposes. Neither is it likely, that he will ever desist from prosecuting her Majesty, having by so many sentences disabled her, excommunicated her, and deposed her. Secondly the jesuits and priests would have better means both to pervert the simple, and to work their treasons against the prince, and her most loyal subjects. And if they do much hurt now, when they are restrained, because they are suffered to live in prisons; what would they do, if such wolves were let lose amongst Christ's lambs? That they will always be ready to execute the pope's commandments against her Majesty, there is no question, seeing they hold it damnation, not to obey him. Thirdly, the Recusants having such teachers, what would they not do, when Hall could persuade Somerfield; and Ballard, Babington and so many gentlemen desperately to adventure to kill the Queen?  
How dangerous this may be to good subjects we may consider, if we do but look into their wolvish practices in France, and Flanders, and other where. Did not the papists of Orleans being admitted thither according to the edict after the first wars, murder those of the true religion, and shut out the rest? Did they not in all other places, as oft as they were the stronger, seek to murder them? The matter is apparent, and recorded in many histories. Neither may we think, we shall better agree with them here, than others have done in other places. Light and darkness, sheep and wolves cannot agree together. And albeit our doctrine will not suffer us to persecute papists, yet their doctrine teacheth them to kill us. And that is their continual practice.  
Finally this petition is most unreasonable, in respect of the petitioners themselves. They will not grant or procure our brethren liberty in Spain and Italy; and yet they are so shameless to ask that, which they will not grant us, or procure for us otherwhere. Again they desire to live under her Majesty, and yet they will not renounce her sworn enemy, and his usurped authority, nor acknowledge her to be lawful Queen; although the pope do depose her. Nay they give her enemy power over her, which by laws of state is not sufferable.  
Thirdly they have heretofore showed themselves rebellious and factious. How should we then secure ourselves, that they will behave themselves more loyally hereafter? Why should we think, that they will do otherwise, than the Irish rebels, that have shaken off her majesties government? They say they will behave themselves peaciblie: nay, percase they will not stick to swear it. But how should we believe either oaths, or promises, when they depend upon the pope, that will suffer them to keep neither?  
I conclude therefore, that to ask a toleration of the mass and of popish religion, is a matter impious, unsafe for her Majesty and her people, and most unreasonable. For it is contrary to the 
a Exod. 20. & Deut. 13.  law of God, that forbiddeth all idolatry; to the doctrine of Christ, 
b Matth. 15.  That excludeth all human devices in gods worship: to the doctrine of the 
c Ephes. 4.  apostle, that teacheth us, That there is but one Lord, one faith, and one baptism: to the practice of ancient Christians, 
d joan. epist. 2.  That would not receive those into their house, or bid them god speed, that brought not with them Christ's true doctrine: to the authority of fathers, & holy emperors and princes, that by no means could endure any idolatrous worship, or heretical doctrine: to the custom of the Romish synagogue, and the traditions of the pope and his 
e Possevini bibliotheca selecta lib. 1. c. 26.  jebusites and Canaanites, and finally to the laws of the church and kingdom of England, which without great consideration are not to be dissolved or suspended. Neither can the same be allowed by any good Christian or loyal subject, seeing it bringeth with it first an uncertainty of faith and religion. secondly a confusion in God's worship. thirdly a dissolution of ecclesiastical government & discipline. four an overthrow of laws and civil policy. fifthly an entrance for seditious priests and jesuits not tolerated every where among the papists. sixtly an easy means to practise against the prince and state. seventhly a coldness in religion, eightly sedition, trouble and rebellion. Lastly the wrath of God, and most speedy destruction. And that this is true, the very 
f Ibidem.  adversaries will not deny within the sphere of their activity, and in their own government. Why then should they look for that at our hands, which they will not yield unto themselves? Or with what face can they desire things so impious and unlawful?  
First saith our adversary, Great princes and monarchies round about us that had greater difficulties and differences, than we have. He should have said monarch, and near unto us. For not monarchies but monarch do treat of peace. And the kings of France and Spain dwell not round about us but near unto us. But we must bear with our great adversary if talking of princes and states, he forgot to use fit words or make good sense. Beside that, he is much deceived where he saith, That they had greater differences & difficulties in concluding of a peace, than we have. For all civil causes may be compounded. But no composition can be made with false religion or idolatry. Again kings may agree concerning temporal titles, but we cannot agree with the pope or his faction, unless we mean to forsake God and the true Christian faith. Well let us see notwithstanding what These great princes and monarchies round about us have done. They have saith he, concluded a most honourable peace and friendship. And I will not deny, but it may be so, albeit divers small accidents may much alter the case. But what maketh that for this purpose, where it is debated, whether the idolatrous mass is to be tolerated, or any other course to be taken with English fugitives, and homebred papists? If we might have an honourable, profitable and most assured peace, it is the thing that we do much affect and desire, never prosecuting wars but for our own defence and safety. But what is this peace here spoken of to the toleration of seditious priests, and jesuits and such rebels and traitors? Can we have no peace, but by suffering of exiled and banished rebels and traitors to return? Why, that is the extremest calamity, that a ruined common wealth can suffer. Perditae civitates, saith 
a Lib. 5. in Verrem.  Tully, desperatis omnibus rebus, hos solent exitus exitiales habere, ut damnati in integrum restituantur, vincti soluantur, exules reducantur. Again we are not at war with recusantes, or papists. Why then should he talk of peace and friendship here? Therefore he telleth further, How the French king is returned to the sea of Rome, and that her Majesty is courteously invited to the same. And is this the only means of peace? Sure then any war is better, than such a peace. For if we respect only temporal matters, yet to yield to a tyrant, is the last, and most extreme calamity, that happeneth to a nation vanquished and subdued: and no prince can put himself under another, but he giveth over his sovereignty. Beside that, suppose her Majesty should yield to the pope, which without indignation cannot be spoken, nor yielded unto by any true English man; how is she sure, that she shall either retain, or recover her crown, he having disabled her, and dispossessed her of it? Shall she beg a crown at his hands? Shall she do penance at his pleasure? Will she abandon herself and her subjects to such a base fellow? Fie fie, that any should be suffered once to motion such a shameful and an abominable matter. But if we respect religion, truth, and conscience: we cannot submit ourselves unto him; we cannot acknowledge his authority: we may not embrace his abominable doctrine and heresies, whatsoever may ensue of it. He is the head of antichristes kingdom, and the synagogue of Rome is the purple whore mentioned in the seventeenth of the Revelation of saint john. His whorish allurements to idolatry and heresy we value not. And if this be means of peace, and no other; then welcome wars, nay welcome rather death. For who had not rather endure ten thousand deaths, then die the second death, and kill his own soul? Our adversary saith that her Majesty hath been invited courteously to come to the pope. But we think it strange courtesy to stir up rebels against her; to curse her; to hire desperate cutthroats to murder her and empoison her. But were she invited courteously, yet simple are the birds that suffer themselves to be taken at the fowlers call. Ulysses' heard the sirens songs, but he would not come near them. As for the French kings example, it is not to purpose. He to win a kingdom might do as it pleased him▪ but if her Majesty should so do; she should hazard that kingdom, which she possesseth already quietly, rather than win one poor town or hamlet. Nay she should hazard her soul. Beside that, her Majesty is rather to follow the examples of godly kings, that abolished idolatry; of godly emperors, that would not admit heresies in their states, of her noble father, that overthrew the pope's usurped tyranny in this land, & her own former noble actions, then others. Of the French kings act we dispute not. Only we desire God to open his eyes, that he may see how he standeth.  
Secondly he telleth us of the qualities of Clement the eight, and the king of Spain, & reporteth him to be A meek, mild, sweet, and holy man, and calleth king Philip Solomon the peaceable. And certes evil should he deserve his hire, if he did not set out these his two old masters with extravagant praises. But as in the fairest monuments and most glorious sepulchres there is ofttimes nothing but rotten bones; so I think while men think in these two to find treasure, they shall find nothing, but rotten bones, and corruption. Clement the eight is a severe persecutor of Christians, and not very gentle to cacolykes, as appeareth by the excommunication of Don Cesare Duke of Ferrara, against whom he thundered with fire and sword, and many foul words. Outwardly he pretendeth to be a sheep, but inwardly he is a ravening wolf; a saint in show, but indeed of a filthy and 
a When he was in Minoribus, he was known to be a great hanter of bordels.  unclean life. A bishop in name, but indeed antichrist. King Philip is now dead, and loath I am to rake into his ashes further than I needs must, especially having said much of him already. But the name of Solomon no man can deserve worse, than he, being neither extraordinarily wise, nor very studious of peace: of which two his best friends do testify the first, and the latter is proved by his troublesome reign, that never was without wars either with French, Dutch, Italians, Portugals, or English. But were the first never so mild, yet his office is wicked, his doctrine heretical, his practices detestable; and were he not so, yet what peace can be honourable, that bringeth with it slavery; or composition firm with him, that keepeth no faith nor promise? Neither can we look either for honourable or sound dealing with the Spaniard, so long as he dependeth on the pope. He may percase desire favour for his faction, but will yield no exemption from inquisitors to true Christians. He will desire to trade with us; we shall not I think trade into the Indies. Finally he will not yield us and our associates either reasonable and equal conditions, or firm assurance. If he please to do it, and can do it, I know none, but is most desirous of peace.  
Thirdly he saith, There is no cause of doubt of dutiful behaviour of English cacolykes at home and abroad. But his saying showeth, that he hath neither shame, nor honesty in avouching things so false. What? Is there no cause for us to doubt, when we see how they are linked to the greatest enemies this kingdom hath, and take themselves neither bound by oath nor affection further, than the pope giveth them leave? Do we look for more loyalty at their hands, than we have already found at the hands of their predecessors and consorts? Do we think that suddenly these serpents will cast off their skins, or lose their stings? Do we not see how undutifully the papists have behaved themselves in Ireland, and how they have revolted from their liege sovereign, and that these wars were stirred by priests and jesuits? Have we not heard what massacres they have committed in France, and how they have leagued and confederated themselves against their kings? Do we not know how in England they have rebelled against their Sovereign Lady, and sought to murder her, and empoison her, and betray her, and her country into the hands of Spaniards and foreign enemies? What impudency then, or rather fury doth possess this Noddy, that he should say, that There is no fear of their dutiful behaviour? He answereth that Their first and highest desire is, that her Majesty would return to the sea of Rome, and that by this act all difficulties and jealousies would be ended and taken away. But he may as well say, that by yielding to the Spaniards all controversies would be ended. Certes as well may the one be done, as the other, and yet neither without manifest impiety against religion, without perpetual dishonour to our nation, and utter destruction of the country. This is the worst that can happen to a nation shamed, spoiled, beaten, vanquished; and yet with these execrable rinegates it is the first and highest point, that they desire, as themselves confess, seeking nothing more, than our hurt, dishonour and destruction. They study to ruinated religion, to bring her Majesty & their country into slavery. Nay, and when they have their desire, they are nothing nearer. For they may not think that all English men are so base, that ever they will endure either the idolatrous mass, or the tyranny of the pope, or the command of strangers. Neither can any true English endure to receive conditions either from pope or Spaniard, much less, that they shall have power to dispose of this crown and government. If then this be their desire, we are come to a full stop. this as long as we live neither will, nor can with honour, or safety, or conscience be yielded.  
Their second desire is as their proctor telleth us, That they may have the same liberty for their consciences in England, that our brethren have in France and Germany. But we have answered already, that it were impious, dishonourable, dangerous, and unprofitable to grant any such matter. Neither is the case of France and Germany like to this country. There religion was always openly professed, and that by grant of princes and consent of the people. Here popery since her majesties government was never permitted. But if our adversary could assure us, that our brethren in Spain and Italy might without danger profess the Gospel, and that we might hear the king of Spain and princes of Italy secure us as much; then should he receive an other answer. In the mean while both he and others must have patience, if we bridle those, that would run a course to the hazard of this kingdom. Neither because we stand against this proposition, Do we therefore cry fire, and sword, & blood against the papists, nor do we cry out Crucifige, crucifige, as this desperate jew, and fugitive friar chargeth us. For we utterly renounce all such bloody massacres, and fiery executions, as the papists practise against our brethren; but only we tie up these popish wolves, that would devour Christ's flock; and stop their furious rage against their countrymen. We may not suffer them to come with fire and sword to the destruction and desolation of their country. We know that in Queen Mary's times they persecuted Christ in his members, and made us bear his cross: but we are not so simple to put sword and fire into their hands again. Now if they will needs rebel against laws; they shall find us ready in the field to defend our religion, prince, and country; and not burn us at a stake, as most cruelly they have done divers of our brethren. If the papists yet will quietly live amongst us, we neither mean to endanger their lives, nor take away their lands, goods, and liberties. If they begin to stir, whatsoever shall happen, they must impute it to their own deservings.  
He telleth us further, That there hath been blood enough spent in this realm, and that above a hundred and thirty priests have lost their lives within these twenty years for religion, men of peace, learned, virtuous, well descended, and martyrs. But if he had named the men, it would easily have appeared, that they were no martyrs of Christ, but traitorous agentes of the pope and Spaniard sent hither out of Italy, Spain and other countries by foreign enemies. It would likewise have appeared, that most of them were simple and ignorant youths, that for need were driven to seek adventures, blindly led, furiously bend, fautors & raysers of faction, and such as no common wealth could endure. And yet too many of this sort have been spared, to the great hazard of the country; I pray God, that they do not first feel the harm, that are cause of fostering such young wolves. The last lord Treasurer knowing their natures, kept them short. And time I hope will make us see hidden truth. It is known what Ballard practised with Babington, and his confederates. Bisley otherwise called The green priest, professed, and set it down under his hand, that it was lawful to kill the Queen, and that himself would have done it, if he had could.  
The rest were all linked in intelligence with foreign enemies. He therefore that desireth liberty for such men, doth not only profess himself an open enemy of his prince and country, but also impudently desireth that such may come amongst us, as may sow sedition, bring in strangers, and cut our throats. If this be a reasonable request, let him be heard. If we be weary of our lives, then let us entertain this butcherly race. They have skill to cut men's throats artificially and closely. And finally if we be content to hear her Majesty closely charged to be an extreme persecutor, and her judges and justice calumniated, as if they had done to death peaceable quiet men; then let us open our ears to such impudent petitions, as this is. I think no honest man can read it without indignation, and therefore few words serve to refute it.  
After he hath told us his pleasure of popish traitors, and called them martyrs, he joineth recusantes with them, who no doubt he esteemeth as confessors. Such confessors, such martyrs, as never Christ's church knew: all either dying for treasons, or suffering for heresies, and disorders, and set on by Antichrist. Of these recusants he prophesieth, That they must win in the end. That all shall be paid us; that fear is an evil means to make things continue; that her Majesty will not live always; that if exasperated minds come to wreak their wraths, great extremities will ensue; that we have many enemies abroad. All which discourse doth show, that the recusants, whatsoever they pretend, do nothing else but grind their teeth, and whet their sword to take revenge upon us; that they desire her majesties death, whom God long preserve; that they mean to join with strangers, and to work the destruction of their adversaries by all means whatsoever. Our wise adversary doth plainly confess it, and threaten it, and by that means would strike a terror into us. Which as it may make himself, and his consorts odious; so it may teach us first, to serve God as being threatened with this danger; next to take a course to strangle such viper's blood, as seek the destruction of their prince and country. As for the fears he objecteth, they may rather stir us up to watch, then to fear. For the only way to be without fear, is to remove the causes of fear. He that hath mad dogs must tie them sure up, if he will not fear their biting. He that will not fear thieves, must ride well armed. If we arm resolutely, I see no cause, as I have said already, but that the Spaniards should rather fear us, than we them. To yield to conditions unequal with papists, were not, as this senseless sophister surmiseth, a way to clear us of fear, but to redouble both fear, and danger. For it is an easy matter to thrust him down to the bottom of the stairs, that is content to go down one step. But he that standeth upon equal terms, and yieldeth not to any dishonourable conditions, nor feareth to meet his enemy upon the way, may with more probability defend himself against him.  
He allegeth also the examples of Augustus, Henry the fourth, Edward the fourth, and Henry the seventh, which disposed themselves to clemency toward their latter days, and would persuade her Majesty To use the same clemency and sweetness to the exhilerating of all her people. But first the case is so unlike, as nothing can be more. For those princes contended not about religion, but matters of state. Now matters of state may be compounded by remitting of a man's right. But religion may not be abandoned, for that it is the cause of God. Her Majesty she did not possess her kingdom by violence, as those princes did. And therefore if papists were true and loyal men; they should not seek to deprive her of her right. She never offered violence to papists, but only sought to live in peace; and put to death none, but such as rebelled and practised against her, sparing but too many of this sort: those princes used clemency towards their subjects, that were not linked with foreign enemies, nor were factious, and punished those rigorously, that practised against their states. How then, if the case were like, can her Majesty not defend her right against such traitors? Shall she yield her crown to her enemies? And is this the sweetness that the papists seek? Secondly admit her Majesty should spare traitors and factious persons, this I confess to priests and jesuits would be a joyful day, but there cannot be a greater calamity, that can happen to good subjects. Nay it would be a dissolution of laws, and confusion of the kingdom.  
Seeing that the former examples fitted not his purpose, he bringeth in the example of Henry the eight, Who, as Gardiner said, was desirous in his latter days to return to the union of the Romish church: Likewise he is still harping upon the French kings submission to the pope. But that king Henry did ever purpose such a matter, or that such a magnanimous prince could endure to debase himself so low, as to come under a paltry friar, or a proud pope, is incredible. Nay the last negotiation with the French kings ambassador, the king then lying at Hampton court, was to draw him likewise from the pope's obedience. As for Gardiner he was neither so near, nor so dear to the king, as to know any such secret purpose, being long before the king's sickness, forbidden to come at the king: and his practice about the pope had cost him his life, if he had not submitted himself to the king's mercy.  
Neither is it certain whether Gardiner ever uttered any such matter or not. If he did, yet we are not bound to believe him. Nay we are to believe that he spoke so much rather to please the pope's legate, then of any truth.  
But if her Majesty do consider, how her noble father was dishonoured by this generation, she cannot choose but detest them, and follow his steps, that abolished this tyranny; and not of those, that establish it. Further if examples may prevail; then is she rather to follow the steps of godly Emperors, that stopped the mouths of heretics, and would not suffer them to practise their false religion, and of the godly kings of judah, that abolished all monuments of idolatry, and burned the idolatrous priests bones upon their altars, then of idolaters. As for the French king, that for a crown altered his religion, we have little to say. We will rather pray for him, then dispute of his doings. Her majesties case is far unlike his, being with content of all quiet and honest subjects possessed of her crown, and able by God's assistance to defend it, and all her rights, maugre all enemies, and traitors, that jointly conspire against her.  
He appealeth to your Lordship's considerations, what a comfort it would be to her Majesty, and yourselves, to see all sorts of people laugh, and sing together, and pray to God most heartily for her majesties health, wealth, and prosperous long continuance. All which I do believe, her Majesty being so gracious a prince, and yourselves being so studious of the good of your country, and her majesties safety. But they that desir●●is, must take a far contrary course to this, which our adversary desireth. Her Majesty must, as she doth, resolutely defend God's religion: justice must be executed severely: wicked members must be rooted out utterly: good men must be cherished lovingly, and employed respectively. But if we should once admit a pack of factious traitors, within the bowels of this kingdom, and hearken to Parsons that traitorous and infamous jesuite; all our singing would be turned into mourning, and our laughing, into lamenting, as it is in Ireland. The prayers as well, as the practices of papists would be little for her majesties safety, or continuance; as former experience teacheth us. all this joyful state which these traitors dream of, would be nothing, but a state divided by wars and sedition, a time of darkness and desolation, and extreme misery. finally he blusheth not to propose unt us the example of such, as first professed true religion after the first establishment of reformation, that desired, that their conscience might not be forced: which doth quite overthrow his cause. For as in Italy and Spain, and such places, as were subject to popish princes our brethren could obtain no toleration for the exercise of true religion; so they cannot with any reason desire the establishment of their mass, where under Christian princes it is utterly abolished.  
Wherefore if nothing be more impious, then to erect idolatry, and to suffer notorious superstition and heresy to be preached; if nothing be more dangerous and dissolute, then to receive rebels, traitors, and enemies within the entrails of our country; if no composition can be made with the pope of Rome & the whore of Babylon; if nothing be more dishonourable, then to listen to enemies and traitors threatenings, and promises; I doubt not, but all men of religion and judgement, and well affected to their country, see that our adversaries motion is impious, dangerous, dishonourable, and not to be yielded unto, nor granted without the destruction of the present government, and desolation of this kingdom. All which I refer to your Lordship's consideration, and beseech God to reveal the truth to the ignorant, and to establish the weak, and to confound all that are enemies either to his truth, or to their most gracious Prince and dear country.    

A NEW CHALLENGE MADE TO N.D.  
Wherein O. E. offereth to justify, that popish religion is not catholic or apostolic; secondly that it is compounded of divers novelties and heresies; thirdly that the church of Rome, is not the true church of Christ jesus. Lastly that such as have died in the pope's quarrel, were rather false traitors, than Christian martyrs.  Revelat. c. 3. They call themselves jews, and are not, but do lie. Matt. 10. There is nothing covered, that shall not be disclosed; nor hidden, that shall not be known.  caduceus 
caduceus Imprinted at London by Arn. Hatfield. 1600.   

The preface to the discourse ensuing, directed especially to every moderate, and sober minded papist.  
ALthough sufficient hath been said already, not only to rembarre the malice of N. D. his encounters, but also to content every man, that is but meanly affected either to the state, or religion now publicly professed among us: yet could I not satisfy myself, unless I took a course to satisfy thee also, whose instruction and salvation I do earnestly affect and thirst after, beseeching God to touch thy heart, and reveal the truth unto thee, and open thy eyes, that are now heavy, and oppressed with a slumber and gross darkness of popery. The principal pillar, and almost sole foundation of all our adversaries discourse is the pretence, which he maketh of ancient apostolic & catholic religion, & the vain show of the catholic church: & upon this he buildeth his invectives against us, his defence of public enemies, notorious traitors, and privy malcontents, and presumeth to press into her majesties presence, & to present his petitions to the Lords of her majesties most honourable privy Council; as by that which hath been spoken may easily be perceived. Take away this colour, it must needs appear, that he is a favourer of public enemies, a consort of malicious traitors, and an abettor and nourisher of men evil affected in their malcontentment. Nay albeit his colour were better cast; yet were his pleading unsufficient, seeing true religion cannot stand with rebellion or disloyalty, nor may true catholics be suffered to oppugn their prince and country, to practise treachery against the state, and to nourish malcontent humours among subjects. But if it appear, that the Romanistes are not the true church, and that their religion is neither catholic nor ancient, nor true; then must it needs be granted, that N. D. and his consorts are not only malicious traitors, but also impious heretics. It is also very plain, that all his wrangling encounters are built upon fancies and supposals, without ground and foundation: and are no better, then malicious invectives degorged against good men, and idle pretences to colour the practices of enemies, traitors and heretics. For every traitor can pretend, that he is a true patriot, and Catiline and his consorts, and all rebels use to set a gloss of common good upon their private wicked designments and treasons. All societies also of heretics will take upon them, as true Christians, as saith 
a Lib. 4. institut. cap. vlt.  Lactantius, and suppose themselves to be the catholic church. Tertullian saith, 
b Lib. 4. contr. Martion.  That as wasps make honycombes, so the Marcionites pretend to make churches: albeit indeed they were no true churches. Novatian like apes that sergeant men, saith 
c Epist. 73.  Cyprian, would challenge to himself the authority and truth of the church, albeit he be not of the church, but a rebel and enemy set up against the church. Which fitteth our adversary very well, who if he had his yellow jerkin, were a very ape or an apish jebusite, entitling himself and his companions with the name of the church. But if he had been a fox as well as an ape, and had but had a fox's wiles, he would have made better proof of his main grounds: which not being 〈◊〉 is a main maim of his whole cause.  
Now to the intent that thou mayest perceive, that all his building is either without foundation, or upon a marish ground, that will bear no such great work, I have thought good for thy satisfaction to challenge him once more into the field, and to make trial of his manhood in five new encounters which do much concern his cause and credit. For as before I have showed him and his consorts to be perfect traitors, and Recusants and malcontent papists to be very sorry and defective subjects; so now God willing I purpose to show first That papists are no true catholics: secondly, That their religion, as it differeth from that which we profess, is a pack of novelties: thirdly, That it is patched up of many old heresies: four, That the Romish church is not the true church, and lastly that N. D. his consorts whether they were jesuits or priests, or their adhaerentes, that have been executed to death according to the laws of England, are to be esteemed traitors, and not martyrs. And this in defence of her majesties justice, or rather clemency. For if she would do them justice, then would not she suffer them to live as subjects, that will not directly acknowledge her to be their Queen, and lawful sovereign, especially where the pope saith contrary. If she did herself right, she would not tolerate a faction notoriously opposite to her government. If she did justice, she would not suffer such to enjoy wealth and honours, & life, that adhere to foreign enemies, that seek the destruction of the commonwealth, the dishonour of this state, the ruin and blood of all that stand well affected to religion, and the state. And that Parsons and the priests, that come out of Spain, and are sworn to maintain the Infantaes title, and are reconciled or adhering to the pope are all culpable of these treasons, it is so cleared by the former discourse, and by the last chapter of this, that I think it may be felt of blind men, and not only discerned by those, that have eyes to look into the state. The rest maketh for defence of our religion, which no m●n can reprove, but such as have drunk deep of the cup of the purple harlot spoken of Apocalyp. 17. and are sworn slaves to the pope, and professed enemies not only of religion and the state, but also of their own good in this world, and of their eternal salvation in the world to come.  
Beware therefore my good countryman (for so I must account thee, until I see thee declare thyself open friend to popish traitors, and enemy to thy counrrey) that hearkening to the Sirens songs of jebusites and priests, enemies to gods true religion, & not only to their prince & country, thou be not swallowed up in the gulf of their heresies and treasons. They lead thee not to the rock Christ jesus, upon which the church is built, but to the 
a Bellar. praefat. in lib. de pontiff. Rom.  rock the pope, and the banks of his sandy inventions, upon which thou must needs wrack thyself, if thou shun them not quickly. True religion is grounded upon Christ's word revealed to us in the holy canonical Scriptures, all which we profess according to the rule of the true catholic church. And for this truth we doubt not to give our lives: so assured we are of our profession, where as thou, as long as thou continuest a papist, hast no warrant, but the pope's word, which (to say no worse) is ignorant of true religion, and apostolic faith, and subject to many errors and infirmities. Read therefore indifferently, and judge sincerely and uprightly, and the God of truth guide thee into the way of justice and truth▪   


CHAP. I.  
That papists are no true Catholics.  
Fruitless it is, and almost endless, to contend much about names and titles, but especially in causes of religion. For as 
a In Apolog.  justin Martyr saith, 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  true religion Consisteth in good works, rather than good terms: and the 
c Ad Tit. 3.  apostle exhorteth Titus, and all true teachers, to avoid contentions and quarrels about words of the law. Yet forasmuch as many simple people are abused by false teachers taking upon them glorious names and titles, and look only upon the sheeps clothing that is outward, and not on the wolvish nature of priests and friars that is inward, I thought it not amiss to show what this name Catholic importeth, and to whom the same truly belongeth, and how dangerous it is, to trust every one that taketh to himself the name of a Catholic.  
The jews 
d joan. 8.  called themselves The children of Abraham, and bragged much of the 
e Hierem. 7.  Temple of God, and of 
f Rom. 2.  the law. But the apostle teacheth us, that not every one, that in name and outward show was a jew, deserved so to be esteemed and taken. 
g Epist. 83.  Leo speaking to certain monks saith, Ecclesiae nomine armamini, & contra ecclesiam dimicatis: and our saviour found no greater enemies, than the Priests, Scribes and pharisees, which stood most upon the succession of Moses, and title of God's people. The devil 
h 2. Cor. 11.  Transformeth himself into an angel of light; and brass is often set out with a glorious lustre, as if it were gold. But nothing can be devised more counterfeit, than the papist, who albeit he maintain a religion full of novelties, and improbable fantasies; yet taketh on him, as if he were the only catholic christian, and jetteth up and down with a mask of catholic religion. So apes clad with purple jackets, bear themselves very proudly among other beasts, and all for their gay apparel. But as apes by their apish tricks bewray themselves to be apes, so papists by their apish, popish and fond devices show themselves to be factious heretics, and no true catholics.  
That they are no true catholics, the very name of catholic, and true signification of this word declareth. For Catholic doth signify that, which is universal or general. And the church is called catholic, because it containeth all the people of God and all Christians, whether of time past, or time to come, or time present; and in what place soever they remain dispersed. The christian faith likewise is called catholic, for that it is, and ever was, and ever shall be generally taught and received of faithful christians. In time past God was peculiarly known of the people of Israel, and to them was the law given, and prophets were sent. But our Saviour Christ sent his apostles into all the world. 
a Matth. 28.  Docete, saith he, omnes gentes. He also told them, they should witness his truth to all nations of the earth. Eritis mihi testes, saith 
b Act. 1.  he, in Jerusalem & totam judaeam, & Samariam, & usque in totam terram. So that we are to understand, that there is but one catholic church, into which all true catholics are to be gathered. This Catholic Church, 
c In Psal. 56.  saith Saint 
d In Psal. 44.  Augustine, is spread throughout the world, and containeth not only those that are present, but those also that are past, and are yet to come. And Saint 
d In Psal. 44.  Hierome saith, That this church is one, and is founded by the apostles doctrine, and converteth men to Christ.  
We belée also, that there is but one apostolic and catholic faith, which all true catholics both have holden, do hold, and must hold unto the world's end. In this catholic church, saith 
e De haeres. c. 3.  Vincentius, Lirinensis, we are to hold, that which always hath been believed of all christians, for that is truly and properly catholic. He 
f Ibid. c. 34.  teacheth us also, That the property of catholics is, to keep the doctrine committed to them, and left with them by the ancient fathers, and to avoid profane novelties. Further he 
g Ibid. c. 25.  determineth, That those only are truly and rightly called catholics, which only hold and believe that, which the catholic church in old time did universally hold. With him also doth Leo sometimes bishop of Rome agree. una est vera, singularis, perfecta, inviolabilis, catholica fides, 
h Epist. 81. ad M●●na●h. pa●aest. & epist. 95.  saith he, cui nihil addi, nihil minui potest. That is, there is one true, singular, perfect, inviolable, & catholic faith, whereunto nothing can be added, and from whence nothing is to be diminished.  
This ground then being laid, and I think, confessed by the adversaries themselves, that those only are catholics, that hold the catholic faith received universally of all true christians, of all times, and all places, and that the catholic faith is that, which Christ commanded universally to be taught and which of all the catholic church hath been generally received, and which is most perfect and absolute, and admitteth no additions, alterations, nor innovations; it may easily be proved, that the papists are neither catholics, nor hold the catholic faith of Christ jesus.  
For first they do not believe that, which the catholic church ever believed, but that which the church of Rome believeth. Pius quartus 
a In constit. Pij 4.  ordaineth, that all that are preferred in schools shall openly profess, That they believe all things contained in that creed, which the church of Rome useth. The form of their profession is this: Ego N. firma fide credo, & profiteor omnia, quae continentur in symbolo fidei, quo sancta Romana ecclesia utitur. Likewise are they bound to condemn all doctrines, which that church condemneth, and anathematizeth. In the Spanish 
b Manual de oraciones por Hieron. Campos.  catechism set out under the name of Canisius, he is termed a true Christian, That holdeth nothing, but that which the church of Rome holdeth. Y no tiene cosa fuera de lo, que tiene la yglesia Romana. Finally the papists 
c C. ad abolendam de haeret.  condemn all for heretics, That either teach, or think otherwise of the sacrament of the altar, or of confession of sins, or other Romish sacraments, than the church of Rome. How then can we esteem them catholics, that for a general and catholic faith embrace a particular, or peculiar faith of the church of Rome, and openly profess so much?  
Secondly they do not believe the catholic church, but the Romish church, nor do they make themselves members of the catholic church, but of the church of Rome subject to the pope whom they believe to be their head. 
d De eccles. militant. c. 2.  Bellarmine doth define That to be the true church, which is united in confession of faith, and communion of sacraments, and obedience to the pope of Rome. 
e C. unam. ext. de maior. & obed.  Boniface the eight determineth That all, that will be saved, must of necessity be subject to the bishop of Rome. In the 
f Manual de Hieron. Campo●  catechism published under the name of Canisius, the church is defined, A congregation governed upon earth by the pope the only head of the same. una congregation regida en la tierra por el papa unica cabeza de toda ella. Finally the 
a Confessio Burdegalens.  jesuits of Bourdeaux do profess, That to be the church only, which hath communion with the church of Rome, whereof the pope is the chief governor. But the ancient fathers teach us, that the catholic church is not tied to one city, or one country, or one pope or bishop, but universally spread over the whole earth, as hath in part been declared. Si dei est (ecclesia) saith ᵃ Chrysostome, 
b In homil. 1. in epist. 1. ad Corinth.  una est, non Corinthi solum, sed universi orbis. So I may say, if the Romanists were the catholic church, then should not their universal church be termed by the name of the church of Rome, but of God's universal church. Saint 
c Lib. 4. de Symbol. c. 10.  Augustine saith, that Every congregation, that is gathered in one corner, is a concubine, and not the spouse of Christ. How then can the papists be catholics, that are gathered out of the society of the universal church, into the communion of the church of Rome? Writing to Vincentius the Donatist he 
d Epist. 48.  concludeth, that the Donatists and Rogatians were not the catholic church, for that they took their names of others, then of the christian church.  
Thirdly the faith of catholics is 
e Ephes. 2.  built Upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, jesus Christ being the chief corner stone. And this foundation is no where to be found, but in the writings of the apostles and prophets, which show unto us the doctrine of Christ jesus. The apostle saint 
f Rom. 10.  Paul doth teach us, That faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God. Which we may not seek in decretales, nor legends, but in the most holy scriptures, indited by the holy ghost. And so the fathers teach us. 
g Lib. 3. adverse. haeres. c. 1.  Irenaeus doth say, that the apostles First preached, and afterward delivered the gospel in Scriptures, that they might be a foundation, and pillar of our faith. Per apostolos evangelium pervenit ad nos, saith he, Quod quidem tunc praeconiaverunt, postea verò per Dei voluntatem in scriptures tradiderunt, fundamentum & columnam fidei nostrae futurum. Athanasius in Synopsi, doth call The canonical Scriptures, the anchor, and stay of our faith. He would not have any thing spoken or heard of christians in matters of faith and religion, beside the holy Scriptures. Si diversa à scripturis fabulari vultis, 
h De incarr ●t. verb.  saith he, cur nobiscum concertatis, qui nec loqui, nec andire sustine●●s, quod extraneum sit ab illis? The church saith 
a Homil. 6. in Matthaeum.  Chrys●stome, is Jerusalem, whose foundations are placed upon the mountains of the Scriptures. Hierome calleth the Scriptures the limits or bounds of the catholic church. Non est egressa de final us suis saith 
b In Mich. ●●.  he, id est, de Scriptu●● fanc●●. Finally the 
c ●rir. Aquin. 2. 2 q. 1. art. ●.  papists themselves confess, that the object or ground of faith is The f●●st truth, or God himself. And we doubt not, but that all certain knowledge of God is to be found in his written word, which therefore is called the rule of our faith. But the papists speak evil of scriptures, and either will not have them to be the proper foundation of our faith, or sorge to themselves divers other foundations, whereupon they build their church, and their faith▪ in the 
d In c. 3. epist. 2. ad Corinth.  annotations upon the Rhemish testament, they call them A kill letter, as if God had delivered his will in writing, to the end to kill the Readers. They writ 
e Annot. Rh. in c. 5. joan.  also, That they are hard to be understood, and would bring them in disgrace by 
f Ibid. in c. 4. Matth.  saying, That the devil and heretics allege scriptures. Some call them A nose of wax, without any certain sense, as the jesuits of Collen in their censure; others call them Inken divinity, and account them no better than Matter of strife, and contention. Generally they 
g Censur. Colon f.  esteem the canon of scripture to be a rule unperfect, and a maimed and lame piece of doctrine; and condemn the reeding of scriptures, As pernicious and hurtful.  
Stapleton 
h In praefat. ante relect. princip. doct.  plainly denieth the scriptures to be the foundation of religion. Aliud hody, saith he, Christianae religionis fundamentum habemus; and afterward, Ab ipsis literis evangelicis & apostolicis aliud. The same man speaking of divers principles and grounds of Christian religion, 
i In analysi. ant r●lect. p incip. doct.  doth leave the scriptures quite out of the reckoning. Others also make small reckoning of scriptures, but where they can by forced interpretations draw them to their purpose: and such, as deny not the scriptures to be a foundation of religion, do notwithstanding adjoin divers other foundations to the scriptures, and build their faith upon them as well, as upon the Scriptures.  
Unto the canon of the scriptures of the old testament consisting of two and twenty books ˡ they add first the books of Tobias, judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, 
k Synod. Trideni●s●ss 4.  and the story of the Maccabees, and secondly certain additions found in the latin translation over and above the original books: and this contrary to the judgement of most ancient and catholic fathers. Neither is it material, that saint 
a Lib. 2. doct. Christ. c. 8.  Augustine, and a certain council of Carthage, and two or three more following them do number these books among canonical Scriptures. For they by Canonical understand such books, as by order of the church were read publicly, and commonly bound together, and were rather a rule for manners, then for faith. Legi volverunt in ecclesijs, saith 
b In exposit. Symbol.  Ruffian, non tamen proferri ad authoritatem fidei ex his confirmandam. The same is also the judgement of 
c In Synopsi.  Athanasius, 
d In prolog. galeato.  Hierome, 
e De ponder. & mensur.  Epiphanius, and of the most sound, and ancient fathers of the church. And if we should otherwise interpret the words of those, that reckon these books among canonical Scriptures; we should also put the 3. and 4. of Esdras among the books canonical. For they are also by saint Augustine, and 
f Sixtus Senensis biblioth. sanct. lib. 1.  others after a sort judged canonical; and Athanasius in Synopsi doth attribute no less authority to the third book of Esdras, then to the books of Tobias, judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, and the Maccabees. The Greeks also place the third book of Esdras first: although the assembly at Trent excluded the third and fourth book of Esdras out of the canon, and Sixtus quintus in his new edition of the Latin Bible, hath excluded them out of their ancient place.  
They add also unwritten traditions to the Scriptures, and build their faith equally on them two, giving unto them both equal authority. Libros veteris & novi testamenti, saith 
g Sess. 4.  the assembly at Trent, nec non traditiones ipsas etc. pari pietatis affectu ac reverentia suscipit ac veneratur synodus ista. 
h Lib. 3. de verbo dei.  Bellarmine accounteth of these traditions, as of the most certain word of God, and calleth them The word of God not written. 
i De fid. & Symb. q. 22. op. Catech.  Canisius would have us to believe these traditions Most firmly, as revealed by the holy Ghost. The which is not only derogatory to the sufficiency of Scriptures, but also utterly overthroweth the certainty of faith. For if traditions be not certainly known of the adversaries, and if divers ancient traditions be now grown out of use, how can the faith, that is built on traditions be certain? Further the ancient fathers do not only testify the Scriptures to be sufficient, but also condemn unwritten and uncertain traditions. Electa sunt quae scriberentur, saith Saint 
a Tractat. 49. in joan.  Augustine, quae saluti credentium sufficere vide bantur. 
b Aduer. gentes.  Athanasius saith, That the holy and divine Scriptures are sufficient to instruct us in all truth. And divers others testify the same. What, saith 
c Regul. 80.  Basill, is the property of a faithful man? Forsooth to believe with certain fullness of mind, whatsoever is contained in Scripture, and neither to reject any part thereof, nor to add any new thing unto them. Saint 
d Lib. de parad. c. 12.  Ambrose saith, We may no more add to God's commandments, then take from them. And although the father's talk ofttimes in commendation of traditions; yet either they mean such things, as are now contained in Scriptures, and from them to be derived and deduced by firm conclusions; or else such matters, as concern order and decency: and yet do they not account of these, as of divine precepts. Si aut in evangelio praecipitur, aut in apostolorum epistolis, saith 
e In Epist. ad Pompe●um.  Cyprian, aut in actibus continetur, obseruetur divina haec & sancta traditio. Whereby it appeareth, that other traditions which were not written, were not had in like revence: and that the faith of papists, that resteth on these uncertainties, is most uncertain.  
Further the papists do build their faith upon most fabulous martyrologies, and lying legends. For upon these narrations doth stand the holiness of those saints, whom they canonize and worship. In these legends we read of the moving, yea and speaking of stocks & stones; of restoring not only dead men, but also dead beasts to life: of apparitions of Christ, of the blessed virgin, and of saints, and infinite more miracles and prophecies, then are contained in holy Scriptures. All which, notwithstanding any absurdity ensuing, our masters of Romish traditions must needs receive, if they believe either traditions to be the word of God, or else give credence to 
f C. Sancta. dist. 15.  Gelasius. for he saith, That the histories of martyrs, and their sufferings are to be received. Gesta sanctorum martyrum saith Gelasius, recipimus. Let it therefore be considered, whether this faith can be catholic, that is built upon such fabulous vanities; which not only the strangeness maketh suspected of us, but also even of papists themselves. 
g Ibid.  Gelasius condemneth the legend of George, of Cyricus and julitta, of Abgarus, of the invention of the cross, and of Saint john Baptistes head. 
a Contra donat. Constant.  Laurentius Valla laugheth at the folly of these legends. 
b Canto 29.  Dante calleth them fooleries, and vain fables. 
c In his history to Clement the 7.  Machiavelli saith, That these new miracles are repugnant to old christian religion. The Germans among other grievances account the vanity of these fabulous legends.  
They do also take themselves bound to believe the doctrine of the church of Rome. For this to 
d In praefat. & analies. ante relect. princip. doctrine.  Thomas Stapleton seemeth a very firm foundation of his popish faith. And, as he suppose●h, the voice and testimony of this church is most certain, and infallible. This sure we find by experience, that they 
e C. ad abolendam. de haereticis.  condemn for heretics, and most cruelly murder all, that dissent from the church of Rome in matter of sacraments.  
Nay they do ground their religion upon the pope's decretals. Decretales epistolae saith 
f C. Sancta. dist. 15.  Gelasius, quas beatissimi papae diversis temporibus ab urbe Romana pro diversorum patrum consultatione dederunt, venerabiliter recipiendae sunt. The pope's they honour, as their supreme judges, and say they cannot err. Unto them they have recourse in all difficulties, as unto a rock immovable. Stapleton doth 
g Princip. doctrine. lib. 6.  teach, That the pope is the principal subject of ecclesiastical authority, and is not ashamed to write, that his authority is the foundation of religion. In hac docentis hominis authoritate, saith 
h In praefat. ant rel●ct. princip. doct.  he, in qua deum loquentem audimus, religionis nostrae cognoscendae fundamentum necessariò poni cernimus. O noble religion, that is founded upon so firm and holy a foundation, as is the pope's holy authority! But, sure, catholic it cannot be. For neither the ancient church in times past, nor the eastern and African churches did ever acknowledge any such foundation.  
Neither do they account the pope's authority only to be the foundation of their faith, but also for Christ the corner stone substitute the pope, and make him the rock of the church, and of their faith. For at his hands they receive the scriptures, and all the principles and points of their faith, and account his determination more certain, than the letter of Scriptures. Bellarmine calleth the pope, The foundation, and corner stone of the church; 
i In praes. ante lib. de Pontif. Rom.  and commonly by the rock Matth. 16. they understand not Peter only, but the pope's of Rome; which they imagine to be his successors. Matters strange, new, absurd; and most contrary to catholic faith.  
To the vulgar latin translation they give more authority, then to the original books of the old testament in Hebrew, and of the new testament in Greek. For that translation they make authentical, and do not give like authority to the original books. That translation they will not have any to reject: but the original books themselves calumniate, and reject. Which course is neither catholic, nor reasonable. Saint 
a In epist. ad S●niam & Fretel. & ad Damasum.  Hierome saith, That in the old testament in matters of doubt concerning the translation, we must have recourse to the Hebrew, as to the fountein; in the new to the Greek. Ad exemplaria Hebraea & Graeca à latinis recurratur, 
b Lib. 2. de doctr. Christ. c. 10.  saith Augustin. Hilary writing upon the 118. psalm, confesses, That the latin translation cannot satisfy the reader.  
They hold also The doctrine and determination of priests, and jesuits, and others sent by the pope, to be no less the foundation of Christian religion, than Christ and his doctrine. For so doth 
c In praef. ante relect. princip. doctr.  Stapleton in express terms determine: and generally they 
d C. ad abolendam. de haeret.  condemn such for heretics, As the prelate's and bishop's do adjudge to be such. Which is nothing else, but to make the determination of popish prelate's the foundation of the popish church. But Christ sending forth his disciples to preach, commanded them to teach all nations, and withal 
e Matth. 28.  gave them in charge, To teach what he had commanded them. The 
f Gal. 1.  apostle pronounceth him Accursed, that should teach otherwise, than the Galatians had received. By the law of Moses the Sanedrin, or chief tribunal in Jerusalem had sovereign authority in judgement, yet might not those judges pronounce sentence, 
g Deut. 17.  But according to the law of God. The which doth argue, that popish religion is built upon grounds most absurd, and contrary to religion.  
Finally some do stand much upon ancient fathers, and councils, and the first churches practise, and have not doubted to attribute much unto them. But now finding by experience, that these do not much make for them, and that the fathers themselves do wholly rely upon the scriptures; they fly wholly to the authority of the pope, and to the late church of Rome; and perceive, that unless they may sit judges in their own cause, the same cannot stand. But herein it may plainly appear, that they are no catholics. For ancient catholics attributed most to scriptures, and used the testimony of fathers, and of the ancient church, to declare the true sense, and meaning of scriptures. But 
a S●ss. 4. council. Tr●d.  these admit no sense, But that of holy church, as they call it; which is nothing, but the private fancy of so●e foolish pope.  
Fourthly, as in the foundations of Christian religion, so likewise in divers points of faith the papists do plainly declare themselves to be no catholics. For first in the object of faith they mainly differ: true catholics believe in God only. Faith, saith the 
b Rom. 10.  apostle, is by hearing, and hearing by the word of God. 
c De divin. nomin. c. 7.  Dionyse saith, That faith hath for his object the most pure and always being truth, that is God. And every Christian rehearsing his faith, confesseth, That he believeth in God the father, the son, and the holy ghost, and in no creature. But the papists believe in angels, and in saints, and call upon them. For as the 
d Rom. 10.  apostle saith, How shall they call on him, on whom they have not believed? To them also they make confession of their sins, and from them they look for help, and all things necessary, as may be showed by infinite particulars.  
Further they believe the determinations of the pope to be true, and trust in him, as in the rock of the church. 
e In opusc. contra error. Graecor.  Thomas Aquinas saith, that it is a matter of faith to believe the determination of the pope. Ad fidem pertinet, saith he, inhaerere determinationi pontificis summi in his, quae sunt fidei, imò & in his, quae spectant ad bonos mores. And this is also the opinion of 
f Summa silvest in verb. fides.  Silvester Prierius. They believe also whatsoever is taught by the church of Rome. Ad fidem pertinent omnia, quae sunt in doctrina ecclesiae, saith 
g Ibidem.  Silvester Prierius; and he gathereth the same out of 
h 2.2. q. 5. art. 3.  Thomas Aquinas: and that is their common opinion, holding the traditions of the church in equal estimation with the word of God: all which can never be proved to have been believed by true catholics. For neither can it be showed, that in public liturgies they have called on saints, and on angels, as the church of Rome teacheth, or confessed their sins to them, or believed in the pope or church of Rome.  
Again, true catholics believe, that Christ jesus was true man, and had a body like to ours in height, breadth, thickness; and that he filled the place where he was, as do our bodies. We must believe, saith 
a De essentia divinitatis.  Augustine, that the son of God according to his deity is invisible, incorporeal, and incircumscriptible, but according to his human nature, that he is visible, corporeal, and local. 
b Contra Eutych. lib. 4. c. 4.  Vigilius saith, That Christ is contained in a place according to his human nature, and that this is the catholic faith. Illud corpus, saith 
c Dialog. 2.  Theodoret, habet priorem formam, & figuram & circumscriptionem, & ut semel dicam, corporis substantiam. So likewise saith 
d Ad Thrasimund. li. 2. c. 5.  Fulgentius, Siverun est corpus Christi, loco potest utique contineri. But the papists do assign him a body invisible, impalpable, and such a one, as is incircum scriptible, and without the dimensions of height, breadth, & depth. A body that may be contained in infinite places at once, & yet not continued to itself, as is the nature of Continua quantitas. Finally a man's whole body, that is without all qualities of a body, & may be contained in every little part of a consecrate host, increasing and diminishing at the priests pleasure.  
Further every catholic Christian believeth, that our Saviour Christ's true body is ascended into heaven, and there remaineth. 
e joan. 16.  He told his disciples before his passion, That he must leave the world, and go to the father. And in another place, 
f john 12.  That they should not always have him with them. In the first of the Acts we learn, That he is taken up from us into heaven. And the apostle S. 
g Act. 3.  Peter doth plainly declare, That the heavens must contain him, until the time, that all things be restored. And this also the fathers plainly teach us, According to his divine nature, saith 
h In Matth. tractat. 33.  Origen, he is not absent from us, but he is absent according to the dispensation of his body, which he took. 
i Lib. 10. super Luc. 24.  S. Ambrose saith, That neither on the earth, nor in the earth, nor after the flesh we ought to seek Christ, if we will find him. Saint Augustine saith, 
k Tractat. 50. in joan.  He hath carried his body into heaven, although he hath not withdawne his majesty from the world. 
l Homil. 21. in euangel.  Gregory the first doth plainly affirm, That Christ is not here by the presence of his flesh. The flesh of Christ, saith Vigilius writing against Eutyches, lib. 4. c. 4. when it was in earth, surely was not in heaven, and now because it is in heaven, certainly it is not in earth. Neither did ever any ancient father teach otherwise. But the papists do teach, that Christ's true body and flesh is both in heaven and earth, and upon every altar at one time, and that he is touched and received not of men only, but also of mice and dogs, and other beasts, which to true catholics seemeth not only absurd, but also abominable.  
All true catholics firmly believe, that th●●r sins are forgiven them for Christ his sake, and that they shall attain eternal life: according to these two articles of the creed, which every one professeth saying, Credo remissionem peccatorum, & vitam aeternam. God he Hath promised and sworn, as the 
a Heb. 6.  apostle saith, That we should have firm comfort. And saint 
b 1. john 5.  john saith, These things writ I unto you that believe in the name of God, that you may know, that you have eternal life. And whosoever believeth not this; as he 
c Ibid.  testifieth, Maketh God a liar. The apostle saint 
d Rom. 5.  Paul saith, That he that is justified by faith hath peace with God. But that cannot be, unless we believe, that our sins are remitted, and that we shall assuredly obtain eternal life. The sacraments that are delivered to every christian are seals of remission of sins, and of the promise of life. For by baptism We put on Christ, that is, we are made members of his body, and partakers of his merits. And in the Lord's supper we hear, that the cup is the new testament, and that Christ his body was delivered, for every true receiver. Of Abraham it is said, 
e Rom. 4.  That he doubted not of the promise of God, and that the Same was imputed to him for righteousness. The apostle saint 
f Rom. 8.  Paul saith, that he was persuaded That nothing should separate him from the love of God. Si justus es, & fide vivis, saith 
g Serm. 4. de mortalit.  Cyprian, si verè in Christum credis, cur non cum Christo futurus, & de domini pollicitatione securus, amplecteris. Again he saith, 
h Ibid.  We are not to waver or doubt, for that God hath promised us immortality. 
i Serm. 28. de verbis dom.  Saint Augustine writing upon these words, Thy sins are forgiven thee: saith, It is faith, and not pride, to acknowledge what we have received. 
k Serm. 2. de annunt.  Bernard saith, That we have no promise but by God's favour, and that the spirit of God worketh this in us, that we do believe remission of sins. Neither do any teach contrary but Novatians, pharisees, and such like heretics. But the papists will have men only to hope for remission of sins, & eternal life, and that not without doubting. The doctors of 
l Sess. 6.  Trent pronounce them Anathema, That shall say that a man must certainly believe, that his sins are forgiven. And Pighius, Andradius, and others teach, that Christians must doubt of eternal life, and of their salvation; as if faith were only conversant about general promises, and were not appliable to him, that rehearseth his faith, and truly believeth.  
Finally all true catholics believe, that the faithful presently upon their departure out of this life are happy, and enter into joys, that never shall have end, as the wicked and unbelievers are presently thrown into everlasting fire, and begin to suffer endless pains. These shall go into everlasting pain, as our 
a Matth. 25.  Saviour saith, and the righteous into life eternal. The 
b Rom. 8.  apostle plainly testifieth, That there is no condemnation to those that are in Christ jesus. And the 
c Apoc. 14.  spirit of God pronounceth them Blessed that die in the Lord; and saith, that they rest from their labours. 
d Eccles. Hierarch. c. 7.  Dionyse commonly called Areopagite saith, That the godly shall test in Abraham's bosom, when they come to the end of their lives, and that there shall be no grief, sadness, nor sighing. justin Martyr 
e Quaest. 75.  saith, That the souls of good men shall presently be carried into paradise. Both 
f Lib. 1. adverse. haeres. c. 2.  Ireney and 
g Serm. de mortalit.  Cyprian make only two sorts of souls departed: whereof the first are in bliss, the second in pains. And that is the common opinion of the fathers. Only Augustine in this point standeth doubtful, and Gregory affirmeth that certain small sins are remitted in purgatory. But the papists teach, that all that have not satisfied for their sins in this life, must be plunged in purgatory, and there suffer pains not to be told, contrary to the opinion of all the fathers. They also grant 
h Stationi di Roma.  indulgences for many thousands of years, as if the pains of purgatory were so long to continue. In Saint Marie maior and other churches of Rome there are many thousand years of pardon granted by divers pope's. Pope Silvester when he consecrated Saint john of Lateran's church, as is said, Gave as many years of pardon, as fell drops of rain that day, when it was consecrated; which were innumerable, for that it reigned all that day. And when he doubted, lest he had been too lavish in his grant, he heard a voice from heaven, as it is said in the book Of the pardons of Rome, that he had power enough to grant what he would. They believe also, that out of purgatory souls are delivered by indulgences and pardons: all which is contrary to catholic faith, and never believed of any true catholic.  
Fiftly they have diversly corrupted the law of God, which is contrary to the practice of ancient catholics. The second commandment, or as they reckon, that part of the first commandment, that concerneth the worship of images, they have either razed out, or left out of their short catechisms. Nay albeit Canisius in his catechism, where he rehearseth the ten Commandments, doth mention graven images: yet Hieronymo Campos in his Spanish translation of the same doth leave it out. Full well they know, how much their idolatrous worship of images is contrary to God's commandments.  
The jesuits teach, 
a Censur. Colon. fol. 46.  That all is not sin, that is repugnant to the law of God. As if it were lawful to transgress any part of God's law, when man's laws may not be broken without offence. The 
b Deut. 27. & Gal. 3.  law doth pronounce a curse upon him, That abideth not in all things, that are written in the book of the law, to do them. And saint 
c 1. john. 5.  john saith expressly, That all unrighteousness is sin. And if the transgression of the law were not sin; then were the law of God a most imperfect, and uncertain rule, which no catholic will affirm.  
The doctors assembled in the conventicle at Trent 
d Sess. 5.  determined, That concupiscence in the regenerate is no sin, and pronounce them accursed, that say, or think otherwise. Yet the law of God saith directly, Thou shalt not covet. Which law bindeth aswell the regenerate, as the unregenerate, and the apostle doth expressly call it sin in the regenerate, Rom. 7. and necessarily must it be so, seeing we are by the law of God bound, 
e Deut. 6.  To love him with all our heart, all our soul, all our strength Saint 
f In Amos 1.  Hierome saith, That it is sin to think things that are evil. And saint 
g Lib. 2. contr. Faust. Manich. c. 27.  Augustin saith, That whatsoever is desired, or coveted against the law, is sin. So that it appeareth, that papists in this point are no catholics.  
The 
h Censur. Colon. f. 309.  jesuits do teach, that there are certain sins which are not convinced by God's law, and yet are more grievous, then divers transgressions and sins committed against the law: as namely the breaches of the laws of the pope, and precepts of the church. For to break the law of God in some points, they make it either no sin, as hath been said, or else a venial sin. But to condemn the pope's anathematisms, and to break the commandments of the church, they make it mortal sin. Nay they make it sin to mislike the abominable worship of images, and invocation of saints. But the apostle doth teach us, That the knowledge of sin doth come by the law. And it is flagitious to think, that the law of God is not perfect, and that man's traditions are of equal value with the law of God. Finally the 
a james 4.  apostle james teacheth us, That we have but one law giver and one judge, viz. that can bind our consciences. Which doth further convince them to be no true catholics.  
They teach and hold, that the regenerate cannot only perform the law of God perfectly, but also do works of supererogation, and more than is commanded. But the apostle james teacheth us, That we do sin all, and that in many things: and our Saviour Christ taught his most holy apostles to pray for remission of sins. Yea when we have done what we can, yet we are taught to say, That we are unprofitable servants. Saint john saith, That they that say, they have no sin, deceive themselves. Saint 
b Lib. 1. adverse. Pelag.  Hierome therefore saith, That then we are just, when we confess our sins. Saint 
De spiritu & litera.  Augustin saith, that We shall then perform the law of God with all our soul and all our heart, and love our neighbour as ourself, when we shall see God face to face: that is, in the life to come.  
They teach us, that we are justified by the works of the law, and that All our life and salvation doth 
d Ce●sur. Col●n. f. 22.  consist therein. The council of 
e Sess. 6. c. 10.  Trent condemneth those that say, We are justified formally by Christ's justice. All hold that charity is the formal cause of our justification. But the catholic church teacheth us far otherwise. Non iustificatur ex operibus legis ulla caro. No flesh, saith the apostle, 
f Galat. 2.  is justified by the works of the law. He saith also, 
g Galat. 3.  That as many as are of the works of the law, are subject to the curse: and denieth, that the law hath power to give life. Nay he 
h Rom. 4.  denieth, That Abraham was justified by the works of the law. justitia nostra non ex proprio merito, sed ex dei consistit misericordia. Our justice, saith 
l Adverse. P●lag. lib. 1.  Hierome, doth not consist in our merits, but in the mercy of God. And 
k Adverse. hares. lib. 3. c. 20.  Irenaeus teacheth us, That the law being spiritual doth only manifest 〈◊〉, and not kill it. Neither is it likely, the law should ius●●t us, when it pronounceth us accursed, and showeth we are all sinners. For none are justified by the law, but those that perform the law. But how can we acquit ourselves, seeing as saint 
a D● interpelat David.  Ambrose saith, David doth acknowledge his sin, & Paul doth confess himself guilty? Saint 
b De lib. ache. c. 16.  Augustine saith, That we are therefore commanded to do things, which we cannot, that we may understand, what we are to desire of God.  
To conclude this point, they have not only changed the catholic doctrine of the law, mingling the same with Pelagianisme, but also brought in a new law giver. Because the 
c Heb. 7.  apostle saith, That the priesthood being changed, the law must needs be changed; the 
d De constitution. 6. translato.  canonists gather, That Christ's vicar hath authority to make laws. And these laws, say they, bind men's consciences. So the pope is now forsooth become a lawgiver, and a new Lycurgus in the Romish church. But the 
e james 4.  apostle Saint james telleth us, That there is but one lawgiver, that is able to save and destroy. And for a thousand years after Christ the catholic church of Christ did never see any pope, that durst take upon him authority to give laws to the whole church. Of which we have proof even by the books of popish decretals, that began first by Gregory the ninth to be brought in form, and were never authorized before his time.  
Sixtly the papists hold doctrine both concerning original and actual sin divers from the doctrine of the catholic church. For first they deny that original sin passed over all men, and 
f Decretal. Sixti 4. & synod. Trid. sess. 5.  exempt the holy virgin Mary: and some say, that saint john Baptist, and the prophet Hieremy were sanctified from this sin in their mother's womb, and so not borne in original sin: which is contrary to the doctrine of the apostle, that 
g Rom. 5.  teacheth, That through the offence of one all men were subject to condemnation: and to the words of the blessed virgin, that calleth Christ Her Saviour.  
Again they say, that original sin is the least of all sins having so little force of our will. As if that deserved to be accounted little, which bringeth with it death and damnation, and which without Christ's death could not be purged and forgiven.  
They 
h Thom. Aq. & ●d. in 2. sent. dist. 33.  teach, that children departing without baptism, and with original sin only, shall not be punished with hell fire, nor with any sensible pain. As if at the last judgement all that stand on the left hand, as it is written in the 25 of Matth. shall not departed into everlasting fire: or as if that sin, 
Rom. 5.  That brought condemnation upon all, should not be punished with sensible pains: or as if there might be a place in hell, without sensible pain. Saint 
a Lib. 1. de Orig. anim. c. 9  Augustine saith, There is no middle place between the kingdom of heaven, and damnation. 
b Lib de fide ad Petr. c. 3.  Fulgentius doth plainly affirm, That children dying without baptism shall sustain endless punishments. And Gregory in his 
c Lib. 8. c. 16.  morals saith, That they shall endure perpetual torments of hell.  
They 
d Bellar. de purgat. lib. 1.  hold, that all Christians can satisfy for the penalty of all actual sins, though never so grievous: and yet for original sin, which they account the smallest of sins, they say no satisfaction could be made by any, but by Christ jesus. But saint 
e 1. john 1.  john saith, That the blood of Christ cleanseth us from all sins. And absurd it were, if man could satisfy for most grievous sins, and could not satisfy for the least sin.  
Of their false and erroneous doctrine concerning concupiscence, and concerning the transgressions of the pope's laws, which they account mortal sin, I have already spoken. 
f Enchir. Navarre. de 1. precept. c. 11.  Martin ab Aspilcueta saith, That it is mortal sin for a lay man to dispute of matters of faith. And others devise a multitude of strange mortal sins.  
The 
g Censur. Colon. f. 40.  jesuits teach, that the regenerate after baptism have no sin. But saint john saith, That they deceive themselves, if they say they have no sin. For as it is 
h 1. Reg. 8.  written, There is none, but sinneth. And who can say, 
i Prou. 20.  My heart is pure, and I am clean from sin? And this is proved by the most holy men that ever lived. The most just man, saith 
k Lib. 2. adverse. Pelag.  Hierome, in some things standeth in need of God's mercy. And 
l Epist. 29. ad Hieron.  Augustine saith, That no man liveth here without sin: albeit some offend more, some less, and the best least of all.  
Generally they believe, that certain sins are so venial and small, that it is not necessary to repent us of them; and that they do not exclude men from the kingdom of God, albeit they die without repentance. Which doctrine all catholics abhor: for the law doth pronounce him accursed, whatsoever he is, 
m Deut. 27. & Gal. 3.  That abideth not in all the things, that are written in the book of the law. And S. 
n james 2.  james saith, That he that doth offend against one law, is guilty of all. Neither can any thing impure, or unclean enter into the kingdom of heaven. 
b Quaest. brevit. ●xplicat. 4.  Basill saith, That no sin is to be called light: Quodcunque enim peccatum, esse stimulum mortis. Saint 
c In Isai. c. vlt.  Hierome saith, That those that have built wood, hay, or straw upon the foundation, are the nourishment of everlasting fire.  
Finally where they affirm, that the transgression of the law is not always sin, and that it is a more heinous sin to transgress the decretals of the pope and precepts of the Romish church, than the Moral law; they show, that they understand not well what is sin, and differ far from true catholics in their doctrine of sin.  
Seventhly they 
d Censur. Colon. f. 204.  teach, that this is the proper doctrine of the Gospel, If thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments. But the 
e Rom. 1.  apostle teacheth us, That the gospel is the power of salvation to every one that believeth. And 
f Act. 16.  Paul and Silas, when the Jailer asked them, What he should do to be saved; answered, Believe on the Lord jesus, and thou shalt be saved. Again the law doth justify none, but those that fulfil it: but by the grace of the gospel all are justified, that believe in Christ jesus. And this is the belief of all true catholics.  
Further, as if the Gospel contained no certain rule for to attain to Christian perfection, they have devised divers other rules under the name of Benet of Nursia, Francis, Dominicke, Ignatius Loiola, and divers other monks and friars, supposing by them to attain more speedily to perfection, then by the rule of the holy Gospel.  
8. Of faith the papists think very basely, as if it were nothing but a bare assent, and that not only to things revealed in holy Scriptures, but also to such unwritten traditions, as the church of Rome, or the pope delivereth. So that the ground of the popish faith is laid as well upon the pope's decretales, and lousy, lying legends, and such trash, as upon the holy canonical Scriptures. They believe also, that not only wicked men, but also the devils of hell may have true faith. But the scriptures teach us, that the chief object of faith that justifieth, is Christ jesus, and those promises which are made unto the faithful through him. God so loved the world, that he gave his only begotten son, saith 
g john 3.  saint john, that whosoever should believe in him should not perish, but have everlasting life. They 
b Heb. 11.  show also, that of faith proceedeth obedience, patience, hope, sure trust, victories, and such like effects. Being justified by faith, saith the 
c Rom. 5.  apostle, We have peace with God. Now that faith doth only rest upon God's word revealed in scriptures, we have declared heretofore. That wicked men and devils have not faith, it may appear, for that they cannot believe remission of sins and eternal life: and this is the faith of true catholics.  
They teach, that charity is the form of faith, which is most ridiculous. For how can one virtue be the form of another, seeing matter and form are the parts of a natural body? It is also most false. For if charity were the form of faith, then could faith work nothing of itself. But 
d Rom. ●.  the apostle saith, That the just shall live by faith. And 
e Ephes. 2.  again, You are sa●ed by grace through faith. And that not of yourselves; it is the gift of god: no● of works, lest any should boast. Ex nullo legis opere saith 
f Lib. 3. ad Rom.  Origen, sed pro sola fide, ait ad illam mulierem, remittuntur tibi peccata tua. Whosoever, saith 
g Lib. 2. epist. 3.  Cyprian, doth believe in God, and live by faith, he is found to be just. And Hierome 
h In●. 10. ad Rom.  saith, That God doth justify by faith only. And infinite allegations may be brought to this purpose, to show that where faith and other virtues concur, yet it is faith only, that apprehendeth Christ jesus, and worketh our reconciliation and justice with God; and that the works of charity and other virtues are effects of faith. And this is most catholic doctrine, as the doctrine of papists is most erroneous and sophistical.  
To conclude this matter of faith, they attribute to faith, only the first beginning of justice, or first justice. But our second, and more perfect justice they ascribe to charity and works of the law. Which is a plain way to overthrow man's justice, & not to establish it. For who can say, that he hath that measure of charity, that the law requireth? Who can say, that his heart is so clean, that his conscience doth not accuse him of any transgression against the law? Who can say, he is without sin? Certes no true catholic will either challenge to himself that singular holiness and purity; or affirm, that he is without sin.  
9 The papists do teach, that there are seven sacraments of the new law: and neither more, nor less. And that all these seven were instituted by Christ jesus, and contain grace, & work justification. For so much the venerable friars assembled at 
a Sess. 7.  Trent have declared and determined: and it is the pope's pleasure, that all his adherents should believe their determination. But this doctrine is neither true, nor catholic. 
b Apolog. 2.  justin Martyr, where he hath occasion to describe the rites of the church, doth only mention two sacraments: to wit, Baptism & the lords supper. 
c Lib. 1. & 4. contr. Martion▪ & de coron mil●t.  Tertullian, where he handleth the same argument, doth mention no more, then two. Cyrill likewise of Jerusalem 
d Catech. Myst●g.  speaking of the mysteries of Christian religion, doth only discourse of Baptism and the Lords supper. Dionysius whom they suppose to be Dionyse the Areopagite, albeit he do fully set out the rites of the church of his time, doth neither make penance, nor matrimony, nor unction of the dead a Sacrament. He that wrote the books of Sacraments, that bear the name of Ambrose, and Augustine, and Paschasius only mention two sacraments. Now who doth not see, that ordination of priests, and penance and matrimony were instituted either in the law of nature, or under the law of Moses? And certes if these things did justify, than should the Sacraments of the old law justify; and justification were a very easy matter. No catholic writer doth imagine any such matter to be in marriage or order, and neither was extreme unction, nor popish confirmation known unto antiquity.  
10. In the Sacrament of Baptism they use exorcisms, blowings, salt, spittle, hallowed water, anointings, light, and divers ceremonies, neither used by the apostles, nor practised by the ancient church. And yet 
e S●ss. 7. Trident. Concil. c. 13.  they say, That none of their ceremonies may be omitted without sin. Finally they denounce them accursed, that shall not hold Baptism to be necessary to salvation: which ceremonies and doctrine do not appear to be catholic.  
11. They dissolve marriage contracted, by entering into religion, as they term it; and albeit it be consummated, yet they hold, that by mutual consent the married couple may departed a sunder, and that it shall not be lawful for them afterward to company together. They separate also marriage for spiritual kindred, and force all that will be priests, monks or friars to forswear marriage. Matters not only strange in the catholic church, during the apostles and their successors times for many hundred years, but also contrary to Christ's doctrine. For what man can separate them, whom God hath joined? And what reason hath man to command any to forswear marriage, which the 
a Heb. 13.  spirit of God pronounceth to be Honourable?  
12. They believe, that penance standeth upon contrition, confession and satisfaction, and that t●ese are the three parts of penance. And yet themselves say, that absolution is the form of penance, and that confession is not always necessary. Further 
b Concil. Trid. Sess. 14.  they pronounce him anathema, That believeth not, that penance is properly a sacrament, and that denieth confession in the priests ears to be instituted by Christ. Wherein they digress both from the catholic church, and catholic doctrine.  
13. The sacrament of the lords supper they have most shamefully altered and abused, teaching first, that Christ is present with his body corporally and carnally in the sacrament, and that he is there also really with his soul, and that not only wicked and faithless persons, but also brute beasts swallow down Christ quick into their bodies. Next, that the substance of bread and wine is abolished, and that the accidents thereof remain without subject, and the substance of Christ's body without the qualities of a body. Thirdly, that the sacrament is to be worshipped as God, which is plain idolatry. Fourthly they take the cup from the communicantes, and for a communion make a private action of one priest, called the mass. Fiftly they make of this sacrament, or sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, a sacrifice external and propitiatory both for quick and dead. And by this sacrifice they hope to obtain remission of sins, health, wealth, victory, and whatsoever the b●ter desireth. Finally they do not distribute the sacrament, as Christ commanded, but reserve it in pixes, or carry it about in procession, or as it pleaseth the priests. All which do show them to be no catholics. For catholics do believe that these words, This is my body: are figurative. 
c Lib. 4. contr. Marc.  Tertullian saith, That Christ made the bread, which was given to his disciples, his body, by saying, this is my body, that is, the figure of my body. 
d De unct.  Cyprian saith, That Christ at his last supper gave bread and wine with his own hands, and that things signified and signifying were called by the same names. 
a In c. 15. Matth.  Origen doth call the sacrament Christ's figurative and typical body. 
b De ijs qui initiantur mysterijs c. 9  Ambrose saith, That Christ's true flesh was sacrificed, but that the eucharist is the sacrament of that true flesh. The Lord did not stick to say, this is my body, saith saint 
c Contr. Adimant. c. 12.  Augustine, when he gave the sign of his body.  
They believe not, that the bread is abolished. 
d Adverse. judaeos.  Tertullian saith, That Christ called bread his body. Saint Hierome writing to Hedibia saith, That the bread which the Lord broke, and gave to his disciples is the lords body. The bread, saith saint 
e De consecrat. dist. 2. c. qui manducant.  Augustine, is the body of the Lord, & the cup his blood. In the giving of the mysteries, saith 
f Dial. 1.  Theodoret, he called bread his body. But what need testimonies of fathers, when the apostle rehearsing the words of the institution, calleth bread Christ's body, and nameth bread after consecration, and when the pronoun Hoc, can be referred to no other thing, but bread?  
True catholics believe, that the holy communion of the Lords supper is a commemoration, and a memorial of the sacrifice made by Christ jesus upon the cross, rather than any actual and external sacrifice. Our 
g Matth. 26. & Luc. 22.  Saviour saith, This do in remembrance of me. The 
h 1. Cor. 11.  apostle saith, that in this Sacrament We show forth the Lords death, and celebrate a memorial of it. 
i In dialog. cum Tryphon.  justin Martyr saith, That in the sacrifice of bread and the cup, which Christ instituted, for a memorial of his passion, Christians give thanks to God. Saint 
k De fide ad Petr. c. 19  Augustine saith, That in the sacrifice of bread and wine there is a commemoration of the flesh and blood of Christ, that were offered for us. Saint 
l In epist. ad Hebr.  Chrysostome saith, That our sacrifice is a remembrance of Christ's sacrifice.  
Finally all true catholics did distribute and receive the holy Sacrament, when they came to the lords supper, and observed his holy institution without mixtures of their inventions, or other alterations.  
14. The papists have either abolished Christ's priesthood, or else much debased the same: and have brought in a new order of priesthood never instituted by Christ, nor practised by the catholic church. For in stead of Christ they run to angels, to our Lady and saints, and believe, that these can reconcile them to God. They believe also, that their priests are after the order of Melchizedeck, and do offer sacrifices propitiatory for quick and dead. But the apostle teacheth us, that Christ is only able to reconcile us, and that he is our only Mediator and Redeemer, and is 
a Hebr. 7.  A priest after the order of Melchizedeck, and hath offered up one most perfect sacrifice, which is no more to be renewed. Saint 
b Lib. 10. de Civit. Dei. c. 20.  Augustine saith, That Christ is a priest, that is both the sacrificer, and the sacrifice itself, of which the sacrifice of the church is but a Sacrament. Such a priest never was any, but he. And this is that, which catholics believe of Christ's priesthood: and which papists believe not.  
15. The papists have altered the form of prayer used in the catholic church. Christ taught us to pray to the father in his name; and so did all true catholics. But they pray to Christ in the name of our Lady▪ and of saints, and pray to angels, to our Lady and saints; and of these prayers they have infinite forms neither practised, nor allowed by true catholics. They 
c In Hortul. animae, & breviar.  begin their confession thus, I confess to God almighty, to the blessed virgin Mary, to the blessed Archangel Michael, to saint john Baptist etc. That I have offended in thought, word, and work. To the virgin Mary 
d In the office of our Lady.  They commend their souls and bodies. And fly to her in all their need. In their Litanies they call her, The gate of heaven, the refuge of sinners, the Queen of Angels, the comforter of the afflicted, the ark of the covenant. And as every one doth fancy, so he chooseth to himself a peculiar saint, believing to obtain things more easily by the intercession of saints, then of Christ jesus. Further they say masses and prayers for the souls departed, and for the dead have appointed special offices, which our adversary shall never prove to have been frequented, or used by true catholics. Neither shall he be able to show where catholics had any rosaries consisting of 63. ave Maria's, nor where they prayed in languages, which they understood not. Nay the 
e 1. Cor. 14.  apostle saith, That such prayers are without fruit; and that we 
f Rom. 10.  cannot call, but upon those upon Whom we believe. How shall they call on him, saith the apostle, on whom they have not believed?  
16. The papists have corrupted the true worship of God. For not only have they published new worships according to their own devices, which our 
a Matth. 15.  saviour condemneth as vain, but also have devised forms of worship contrary to God's commandment. Contrary to the second commandment they make the images of God, and worship the same with divine worship. They do likewise worship the cross and crucifix. They worship saints departed, their images and relics. And of late time have devised masses and offices in honour of the cross, of the virgin Mary, of saint Francis, Dominike and other saints. Unto these images they burn incense, they offer their prayers, and devotions. Nay they, I say, fall down before stocks and stones, they kiss them and worship them; and yet will be accounted the only catholics. But our adversary will be much puzzeled, when he goeth about to prove, that true catholics have done the like. Nay be shall find, that true catholics have condemned this manner of popish devotion for plain idolatry. Helena crucem Christi invenit saith 
b De obitu Theodosijs.  Ambrose, Et Christum adoravit, non crucem: is enim est error Gentiles, & impiorum. He saith, that it is heathenish to worship the cross. In the first commandment saith 
c Epist. 119.  Augustine, the image of God is forbidden to be worshipped with men's devices. 
d Lib. 2. in joan. c. 92.  Cyrill saith, That God is not to be worshipped with any corruptible matter. In ancient liturgies of the church there are no offices for the dead, nor any prayers to angels and saints to be found.  
17. The missales, and breviaries, and offices and psalters of our Lady, and all the ritual books, which now by order of the Council of Trent they use, are nothing catholic. Nay they contain matters erroneous & blasphemous, which all catholics abhor. They detort the Scriptures to the honour of our Lady, saint Francis, saint Dominike, saint Clare and other Romish saints. They contain many fabulous and lying narrations. divers of their masses and offices are devised in the honour of saints: and savour of novelty.  
18 True catholics do serve one God with spirit and truth. The papists have as many gods, as saints: and worship God with their lips, for the most part, not knowing what they say. They read Scriptures, and pray in tongues unknown, which not only by the apostle, but also by the practice of all ancient church's is condemned.  
19 Among catholics antichrist hath no place. For albeit he shall sit in the temple of God; yet after he hath once begun to sit and reign there; he shall make it of the house of God, the house of vanity; of God's church the synagogue of satan. Likewise they shall not worship the man of sin, nor kiss his feet, nor admit his laws. But the papists acknowledge the pope to be their head; they kiss his feet; they fall down before him; 
a Potestatem suam bestiae trad●nt. Apoc. 17.  Kings give their power unto him; they acknowledge him to be their sovereign judge and law giver, and take it to be mortal sin to break his laws.  
20. Among true catholics the chief government in matters Ecclesiastical is in general Counsels. Until general Counsels have decided such controversies as arise, provincial counsels, and christian magistrates have principal authority in settling and determining of matters. They make laws, determine controversies, establish governors according to apostolical orders. And this by acts of counsels and laws of princes is sufficiently testified. But the papists acknowledge no other head beside the pope, to whom they give power to make laws, to appoint bishops and ecclesiastical officers, and to determine all controversies throughout the whole world.  
21. Among catholics the government of the church was committed to apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and teachers: and bishops and pastors every one taught the stock committed to him. There were no glorious cardinals, nor idle and dumb bishops, nor prattling and busy friars among them. But among the papists the whole government dependeth on the pope and his agentes. The cardinals counsel him, the prelate's and inquisitors are made his executioners, to murder all that repugn against his laws; the bishops are dumb and feed not; the friars enter without calling, and like locusts crept out of the bottomless pit, devour the blossoms of true doctrine. Illi mendicantes perversi, saith a certain 
b Onus eccles. c. 22.  popish bishop, designantur per locustas de puteo abyssi exeuntes, quia ipsi sunt scurriles, leaves, volatiles, rodentes sacras literas virides, paganicae philosophiae sequaces, quasi equi currentes, sic illi in vanam disputationem.  
22. True catholics have always showed themselves obedient to their princes, and performed their oaths of allegiance. They neither sought to murder them, nor to deprive them of their crowns. David albeit he was grievously and unjustly persecuted by Saul; yet did he not lay his hands upon his prince, albeit God had taken away the kingdom from Saul, and given it to him. The Israelites rebelled not against their kings; although they were wicked. But papists rebel against princes, and neglect all promises and oaths made to them, as oft as the pope shall excommunicate them. Nay the pope and his adherents excommunicate lawful princes, and pronounce sentence of deposition against them; their associates make wars upon them: popish subjects are encouraged to rebel, and are promised great rewards and eternal blessedness, if they can kill the Lords anointed; as hath been sufficiently already declared by divers examples. In the rules or 
a Apud joseph Vestan. de oscul. ped. pontiff.  dictates of Gregory the seventh, the twelft is, That the pope hath power to depose the emperor. The eight, That he may lawfully use the ensigns of the emperor. The 27. That he hath power to absolve subjects from their allegiance. And this divers late pope's have attempted and practised. The which, as it showeth them to be no catholics; so it proveth them to be worse than Turks and Infidels, which always have had a reverend regard of their princes and superiors.  
23. True catholics believed only to have remission of sins from Christ jesus, and neither trusted in indulgences, nor jubilees, nor in pilgrimages to Rome, or to other places. But the Romanists without the pope's pardons think themselves in no security, and presuming of his favour commit murders, and marry incestuously, and do many outrages and villainies.  
24. True catholics embrace all that doctrine, which our Saviour Christ commanded his apostles to preach to all nations throughout the world; and refuse to hear those that preach otherwise, and teach another kind of doctrine. But the papists have not only embraced divers novelties, of which Christ's apostles knew nothing, but false heresies contrary to the doctrine of Christ and his apostles. Which for that it is a principal argument to convince them to be no catholics, shall particularly God willing be demonstrated in the two chapters following. Heretofore we have showed them to be no catholics, for that their doctrine was neither generally taught, nor received of all true catholics; now they shall be proved to be no catholics, for that divers points of their religion are either new devices and fantasies, not taught by the apostles, nor received of the apostolical and catholic church, or else old heresies condemned for such by the catholic church of ancient time.   

CHAP. II.  
That divers positions and principles of popish religion, are mere novelties, and new devices, unknown to the most ancient and true catholic church of Christ.  
IT may percase seem strange, especially to such papists, as are but younglings and novices in the jesuits school, that the religion of pope's, which is commonly called The old religion, should now be charged with novelty, and condemned by testimony of antiquity. Yet if we please not only to consider these later ages, but also to look back to the apostles times, and the ages next succeeding: we shall assuredly find by enumeration of many particulars, that popish religion, as it differeth from the religion now generally received and professed in the church of England, is a new upstart religion, and full of novelties, and late received fancies. For in religion that is only to be accounted ancient, that is derived from Christ, and from his apostles. Antiquitas mea saith 
a In epist. ad Philadelph.  Ignatius, Christus est. That is, Christ is the original, from whence we fetch our antiquity. 
b Lib. 4. contr. Martion.  Tertullian saith, that the religion taught by the apostles is most ancient, and from the beginning, and most true, Id vertus, quod prius saith he, id prius, quod ab initio; id ab initio, quod ab apostolis. Saint 
c Epist. 65. ad Pammach. & Ocean.  Hierome rejecteth all for new, that was not taught by the apostles. Cur proffers in medium, saith he, quod Petrus & Paulus edere noluerunt? 
d Contra haeres. c. 25.  Vincentius Lirinensis calleth him a true catholic, That doth only believe and hold, whatsoever the ancient catholic church did universally believe. Qui quicquid universaliter antiquitùs ecclesiam catholicam tenuisse cognoverit, id solum sibi tenendum, credendumque decernit. But the ancient church is not this late Romish church within this five or six hundred years, but the apostolic and primitive church.  
Now whatsoever cometh from late pope's, albeit the same hath had some hundreds of years continuance; yet is the same new, and no part of the ancient catholic religion, for that it hath no beginning from Christ, nor from the apostles, nor was universally received of the most ancient church of Christ. That corruption I say of popery is new, which the church of England refuseth, as appeareth by divers particular points.  
First the very chief grounds and principles of popish religion, and the laws whereby they stand, have no greater antiquity, then from john the 22. Clement the fift, Boniface the eight, Gregory the ninth; or to go to the highest, from Hildebrand, otherwise called Gregory the seventh, for from him doth 
a Bullarium.  he that made a collection of all the pope's bulls, and laws, fetch their first original. Before that, it may be, divers bishops and pope's wrote decretal epistles, but until this time they had no force of law. Nay before this time all histories do teach us, that the church was governed partly by the laws of Emperors, and partly by the canons of counsels. Now that the decretals of the pope's being received and authorized for laws, are the foundation of popish religion, it is apparent. For therein all the novelties of the Romish church are confirmed, and established. And 
b In praefat. ante relect. princip. doctr.  Stapleton doth in plain terms affirm so much. In hac docentis hominis authoritate, saith he, in qua deum loquentem audimus, religionis nostrae cognoscendae fundamentum necessariò poni credimus. And generally all papists confess, that the pope is the sovereign judge in matters of religion. Whereupon it followeth, that his determinations and decretals are the chief grounds of popish religion.  
Secondly the apocryphal Scriptures of Toby, judith, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, the two books of the Maccabees, and the additions extant in the Latin translation, and not in the original books, which are as second grounds of popery, were not declared of equal authority with other canonical scriptures, before the council of Trent.  
At that time also was the Latin vulgar translation made authentical, and preferred before the original books of the old testament in Hebrew, and of the new testament in Greek: a matter very new, and most unreasonable, and plainly contradictory to the ancient fathers. In the same 
a Sess. 4.  council, because they would be sure of their grounds, the doctors of the Romish Babylon decreed first, that none should interpret Scriptures against that sense, that the church of Rome holdeth; and secondly, that unwritten traditions kept in the church by succession should be of equal value with canonical Scriptures.  
After this divers friars and priests, taking upon them to plead the pope's cause, have determined unwritten traditions and customs of the church, and the pope's determinations and decretals, to be the foundations, and principles of their popish faith. 
b Loc. Theolog.  Melchior Canus speaking of theological arguments, and Thomas Stapleton taking upon him to declare, which be undoubted principles of popish doctrine, do both principally rely upon these two. They talk also of the church, of counsels, fathers, the latin translation, and of rules of faith. But when it cometh to the trial; than whatsoever is not consonant to the pope's doctrine and decretales, that is rejected as of no value. Now gladly would I have any jesuite, that taketh himself to be learned (for our adversary is but a babbler) to prove these grounds to be ancient. Let him show what those traditions are, that are with equal reverence to the canonical scriptures to be received. Let him justify by testimony of antiquity, that the pope's decretals are infallible rules of faith.  
The apostle saith, that the church is well and strongly built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, jesus Christ being the corner stone, and this foundation do all ancient fathers allow. The testimony of Irenei and Athanasius I have before alleged. Saluianus saith, the church is best founded on scripture. Videtur nostra ecclesia, saith he, 
c Lib. de provid. Dei. 5.  ex una scriptura felicius instituta. Aliae habent illam aut debilem, aut convulneratam. Habent veterem magistrorum traditionem corruptam, & per hoc traditionem potius, quàm scripturam habent. Let him show the like, if he can, of his decretals and traditions, unless he will have his grounds to be condemned for new and nought.  
Thirdly scriptures were never generally forbidden to be publicly read in vulgar tongues before the council of Trent, neither was it ever thought unlawful before that time for lay men to talk of matters of faith, or to read scriptures privately without the ordinaries licence. Chrysostome and other ancient fathers were wont to exhort Christians to read scriptures, and Christ our saviour willed his hearers to search them: and the apostle doth declare them to be very profitable: which showeth the practice of the Romish church in fraying men from scriptures, to be of a late humour and invention.  
Fourthly the definition of the Romish church is new, and of force made new, to fit their new popish fancies. 
a De eccles. milit. c. 2.  Bellarmine defineth the church to be A company of men conjoined in one profession of faith, and communion of sacraments under the government of lawful pastors and especially of the pope of Rome. Which is neither to be showed, nor proved out of any ancient authentical writer. For the eastern and African churches did never acknowledge this sovereign authority of the pope. Nor did our saviour or his apostles teach us any such obedience. Nay they show rather, that the bishops of Rome are not to be obeyed. For suppose Peter had been bishop of Rome, and the bishops of Rome his successors, which will never be proved in that sense, as the adversaries take it; yet Paul resisted Peter, and received no 
b Ibid. c. 9  authority nor grace from him: which showeth that other bishops have no dependence or authority from the bishop of Rome, albeit this proportion were granted.  
Fiftly they make not the catholic church A communion of saints, as we profess in our creed: but h●ld, that all wicked men, and 
c Ibid. c. 10.  heretics, so they outwardly communicate with the church of Rome in faith and sacraments, are true members of the church. 
d Ibid. c. 2.  Bellarmine saith, That to make a man a part of the true church, neither faith, nor charity, nor any inward virtue is required. Which is a mere new fancy, and therefore received, lest they should grant, that the church in some respect should be invisible.  
Sixtly the confession of faith made by Pius quartus, wherein all that take degrees in school profess, 
a Conf●t. 28.  That they firmly admit all ecclesiastical traditions and constitutions, and the Scriptures according to the Romish sense, and believe that there are seven sacraments, and receive the doctrine of the council of Trent concerning original sin, and believe the sacrifice of the mass, and transubstantiation, and the pope's sovereign authority, and other points of doctrine therein contained; is new, and absurd. This we shall other where declare: that appeareth, for that the papists cannot produce any precedent of this confession, or prove the several points of it by good argument.  
7. Where in our creed we believe the catholic church, of late time the papists have added a word, & made it, 
b Confess. ●urdega●ens.  The catholic Roman church: and in Canisius catechism translated into Spanish by Hieronymo Campos, they define him to be no catholic, that believeth any thing beside that, which the church of Rome believeth.  
8. They confess their sins not to God almighty, as do the ancient fathers, but to the ᵃ Virgin Mary, 
c Hortulus animae.  and to angels and saints.  
9 They have of late ᵇ put out that commandment, 
d Officium beatae Maria in catech.  that concerneth the making of graven images like to God, and worshipping them: wherein they have the word of God, and all antiquity against them.  
10. In the doctrine of the law all those points, wherein they show themselves no catholics, of which we have spoken in the former chap. are mere novelties, as namely, That all that is repugnant to the law of God is not sin; that it is mortal sin to break the pope's laws or commandments, either concerning rites of the church, or other matter, which he doth under his curse will men to observe: that concupiscence in the regenerate is no sin, and yet that it is sin not to fast the ember days: that the regenerate may be without sin, and that Christians may be justified by the law of Moses: that the pope's laws bind in conscience, and that he hath authority to make laws: and lastly, that the law of God is not perfect, but that we are to observe all the traditions of the church, and the pope's decretals.  
11. It is not long since they began to teach, that oaths do not so bind men, but that the pope can dispense with them: and that he is able to discharge children from obedience to parents, and subjects from obedience to princes. 
a Lib. 2. regest. f. 109. & apud joseph. Vestan. de oscul. p●d. pontiff.  Gregory the seventh in his dictates began first to broach these fancies, and to declare, Quod papa â fidelitate subiectos possit absoluere. The canonists continued and increased this wicked doctrine. And now the jesuits defend it; and themselves draw children to forsake their godly and Christian parents, to creep into a Sodomitical cloister of monks.  
12, We do now lately learn, that under the commandment of sanctifying the Sabaoth is contained the observation of all the feasts of saints canonised by the pope's of Rome. For so doth 
b Op. catech. de 3. prae●●p. c. 11.  Canisius teach, and that is now a common doctrine: but certes very new.  
13. The precepts of the Romish church, as they are called, are but new devices. For if we seek all antiquity, we shall not find, where the church of Christ hath commanded us to keep this pope's day, and that pope's day, and to abstain from work on saint Francis, and saint dominic, and other canonised friars days: or where the same hath enjoined Christians to hear mass, or to fast Lent, and imber days, and vigiles of saints, and other tides according to the fashion of the church of Rome; or to confess our sins to Romish friars, and priests; or not to solemnize marriage on days forbidden; which now the 
c Short Catechism, and Canisius.  church of Rome doth keep more devoutly, than the laws of God. For these are those human doctrines, and voluntary worships devised by men's own fancies, which our 
d Matth. 15.  Saviour Christ, and the 
e Coloss. 2.  apostle condemneth. The 
f D●ut. 4.  law of God also forbiddeth any such additions.  
14. It is not long, since the Franciscane friars began to dispute, That the virgin Mary was conceived without original sin; which if they had affirmed of other saints, they had run into flat Pelagianisme. Lately also have papists begun to diminish the guilt of original sin. In the council of Florence under Eugenius the fourth, they first determined, albeit covertly, that it deserved not Poenam sensus, but only Poenam damni, and that is now their common opinion.  
15. They have of late devised a multitude of new sins, as appeareth by the enchiridion of Navarrus: which are nothing but transgressions of their new laws. And yet they doubt not to affirm, that the regenerate may live without sin, albeit contrary to all antiquity. Nay they make it sin ofttimes to obey the laws of God: condemning those that will not worship saints, stocks and stones, and rotten bones and rags; and which obey lawful princes, unlawfully excommunicate by the pope.  
16. It is but a late fantasy, that all men are to satisfy for the guilt of actual sins, for which they have not satisfied in this life, in purgatory. For Gregory the Dialogist albeit he allow purgatory for venial sins, yet he hath not one word of these satisfactions. Neither were the same determined before the council of Florence under Eugenius the fourth.  
17. The rules of monks and friars, whereby they pretend, that they follow evangelical counsels, are also very new. He that first brought in the orders of monks into the western church was Benet of Nursia. The friars were founded by Francis and Dominike. The jesuits had their patron Ignatius his rule allowed first by Paul the third. And he is their founder, and the ground of their antiquity.  
18. The scholastical divinity, which is a mixture of father's authorities, philosophical subtleties, and papal decretals began from Peter Lombard some eleven hundred years after Christ. The canon law began from the time of Gregory the ninth, and this is the original of their late divinity and law.  
19 
a De verbo Dei Lib. 1. c. 3.  Bellarmine saith, That the new testament is nothing else, but the love of God shed in our hearts by the holy ghost. Which showeth that the gospel and new testament of papists, is a new gospel differing from that of Christ jesus. For Christ's testament was 
b Matth. 26.  established by his blood, and is a covenant concerning remission of sins most especially: but charity is wrought by the holy ghost in those, that are already reconciled by the blood of the testament. Chrysostome, Theodoret, and others writing upon the second to the Corinthians. chap. 3 Say, That the spirit quickening is the grace of God, that remitteth our sins. And if charity were the new testament, than Christ died in vain. For charity might then have satisfied for all, and established this new testament, albeit Christ had not died: which is most untrue, and blasphemous. The perfection of the gospel they place In 
c Bellar. de monach. c. 7. 8. 9  voluntary poverty, abstinence from marriage, and obedience to monastical rules. But this is a new perfection, and a new gospel. For Christ's gospel neither commandeth, nor counseleth any to live under monastical vows, nor wilfully to make himself poor, nor to forswear marriage. Neither did Christ ever account widowers, or unmarried men, or wasteful givers of their goods to monasteries, or monks, more perfect, than his apostles, or other Christians.  
20. The holy apostle doth 
a Rom. 3.  teach us, that we are justified by grace and faith in Christ without works, and this he 
b Rom. 4.  proveth by the example of Abraham, who, albeit he was faithful, and the father of the faithful; yet was he not justified by works. But the jesuits and papists speak of philosophical justice, and say, that none is justified, nor obtaineth eternal life, but by his works, and by charity.  
21. The distinction and doctrine of our First justice, and Second justice, and of Explicit and Implicit faith, and likewise of Faith form, and Informed, is all new, and borrowed rather from Philosophers, then divines. Nay a great part of their faith standing upon new decretals, and the determinations of their Romish church is new, and scarce yet settled, seeing they are bound to believe the future determinations of the church, as well as those that are already passed. 
c Lib. 2. de pontiff. Rom. c. 12.  Bellarmine saith, It is a matter of faith to believe, that the pope hath succeeded Peter in the government of the universal church. The which the church never received, albeit the pope's flatterers have gone much about to persuade it.  
22. That by congruity a man may deserve grace, and that men unregenerate may dispose themselves to receive grace by force of their free will, is both new, and false, if we look back to Christ's true religion. The apostle saith, that Without faith it is impossible to please God. And Saint 
d De vocat. gent. lib. 1. c. 3.  Ambrose saith, That without true religion, that which seemeth to be virtue, is sin. Saint 
e De vera innocentia. c. 56.  Augustine saith, That the whole life of Infidels is sin. And the council of 
f Can. 6.  Arausicane condemneth all those, that say, That grace or mercy is conferred on those, that will, seek and endeavour; and not by God's spirit conferred on us, and which so doth cause us to will, seek, and endeavour. And certes strange it were, if men dead in trespasses and sins could work, or that a man could live the life of grace without faith.  
23 The doctrine of doubting of remission of sins, of God's favour, and of our salvation was first established by the late 
a S●ss. 6.  council of Trent, and is contrary to the Scriptures, and faith of ancient fathers, and the nature of faith, that worketh in us, not a doubting, but a sure persuasion; and finally it maketh faith a doctrine of universal propositions without application. Nay it doth not only frustrate the truth of God's promises, and effect of the sacraments, and powerful working of the holy Ghost, but doth take away all comfort from Christians.  
24. That there are just seven Sacraments, and neither more nor less, was first 
b In instruct. Armen.  delivered by the council of Florence under Eugenius the fourth, and afterward confirmed by the 
c S●ss. 7.  council of Trent about 40. years agone▪ than also was it 
d Ibid.  determined, that All these seven sacraments were instituted by Christ jesus, and those pronounced accursed, that should say contrary. How falsely, I have before showed: how newly, it may appear by the adversaries silence, that being urged to show testimony of antiquity, rest mute.  
25. That the form of confirmation now used by the Romanistes is new, the decree of the 
e In Instruct. Armen.  Florentine council about the year 1423. that then established it, may ascertain us. The papists themselves being urged ad exhibendum, cannot prove this form, Signo te signo crucis, & confirmo te chrismate salutis, to be more ancient.  
26. That spiritual gossips might not entermarrie, and that such marriages being contracted should not be of force; and that marriages contracted may be dissolved by entering into religion, or that by consent the husband and wife may sunder themselves, proceedeth only from the new forge of popish invention.  
27 From thence also proceed divers greasings, salting, spittings, and other ceremonies in baptism. From the apostles certes, or their next successors they cannot be derived.  
28. The doctrine of transubstantiation was first 
f C. firmiter. de summa. Trin. & fid. Cath.  established by Innocent the third, about the year 1212. and after that renewed in the council of Florence & Trent. Before that council it was scarce named any where. But were it by any named; yet can it not either by scriptures, or fathers be proved, as Scotus, and Petrus de Alliaco and others writing upon the sentences do seem to confess.  
29. Urban the fourth upon a revelation of a certain Anachorete called Eve did first institute the feast of Corpus Christi; and the same was reordeined by Clement the fift in the council of Vienna about the year of our Lord 1311. Honorius the third about the year of our Lord 1220. did first ordain, that the sacrament should be worshipped. But this idolatrous adoration of the sacrament, and the carrying of it about in procession, and keeping it in pyxes savoureth of novelty.  
30. In ancient time it was never heard, that dogs, and mice, and other brute beasts did receive Christ's glorified body. Nay the schools themselves are divided about this question, although the more blasphemous opinion be now approved, and the worst side hath gotten the victory.  
31. In ancient time the Lords supper, or eucharist was never received of one alone. The ancient 
a Can. apost. 9  canons of the church excommunicate all those, which are present at the oblation, & do not communicate. Our Saviour Christ did institute it to be delivered and distributed to others, and not to be devoured by the priest alone. But in the mass the priest eateth and drinketh all alone.  
32. Among ancient Christians, it was never taught nor believed, that either the accidents of bread and wine did subsist without dependence on their substance, or that Christ's body was in the sacrament without all dimensions or properties of a natural body; which all authority of fathers notwithstanding, of late time the schoolmen have taught, and the pope's of Rome have established, and confirmed by their decretals.  
33. In the ancient fathers of the church Species sacramentales, do never signify accidents, as the deceived papists take it. Speciem pro veritate accipiendam legimus, saith 
b de ijs qui initiantur mysterijs c. 4.  Ambrose, 
c Ibid. c. 9  Et, ante benedictionem alia species nominatur: where species doth signify a substance. Idem cibus illorum, qui & noster, saith 
d In Psal. 77.  Augustine, sed significatione idem, non specie. 
e Apud Bedam in 1. Cor. 11.  Again,  sit visibilis species panis, multa grana in unum consperguntur. And that is the signification of the Latin word species.  
34. That the sacrament of the lords supper is also an external, and propitiatory sacrifice available for quick and dead, and to so many purposes, as the papists pretend, is also a late fantasy of priests devised for their own gain, and received of the people of mere ignorance of Christ's institution.  
35. Our Saviour Christ did ordain, that as many as received the Sacrament of the lords body, should also received the sacrament of his blood; and that this was the true institution, it appeareth by the 
a 1. Cor. 11.  apostles doctrine, that diligently setteth down the words of the institution. The same also was 
b Ignat. ad Philadelph. Dionys. eccles. hierarch. Chrys. hom. 18. in 2. Corinth.  continued in the church of Christ for many ages. Ne●ther was the contrary established before the late counsels of Constance and Trent.  
36. The parts of the mass were first form by one scholasticus, and increased and altered by divers pope's, and in divers hundred years could not be brought to any perfection.  
37. In ancient time Scriptures were publicly read, and prayers said in tongues commonly understood of the people. If I pray in a strange tongue saith the 
c 1. Cor. 14.  apostle, my spirit prayeth, but my understanding is without fruit. Neither was there ever act made to the contrary, but by the 
d Conc. Trent. sess. 22. & Constit. Thom. Arundel.  Romish synagogue of late time.  
38. In the apostolic churches neither were there masses nor prayers made in honour of angels, of the blessed virgin and other saints. Nor had the blessed Virgin a peculiar Psalter, and office dedicated unto her. If we search all antiquity, we shall not find, where after the lords prayer, the salutation of the blessed virgin with a prayer to her is placed. Nor are there special Litanies to her and to saints in old liturgies to be found.  
39 The apostles and their successors neither taught us to make the images of God, and of the holy Trinity, nor to worship the cross with divine worship, or the images and relics of saints with all devotion and service. Nay this worship is contrary to the second commandment, and condemned by the council of Eliberis, by Epiphanius, and all ancient fathers.  
40. The Romish missals, breviaries, offices and psalters of our Lady, primers and other ritual books, wherein the whole worship of the Romish church is contained, receive all their authority from Pius quintus. Gregory the 13. corrected the Calendar, and published the same after his own fashion, neither agreeing with truth, nor with antiquity.  
41. It is not long, since the pope's of Rome took upon them to 
a De reliq. & venerat. sanct. c. 1. & 2. in gloss.  canonize saints, and after a heathen fashion to put them in the calendar of popish demi Gods. Neither the apostles, nor the ancient fathers did ever know any such thing.  
42. The 
b Manual di Geronymo Campos.  rosaries and beads of our Lady containing 63. ave mariaes, and .7. Pater nosters, which are now much reckoned of in Spain and Italy, are but a new trick of some late pope to get money.  
43. The manner of the sanctifying of the paschal lamb, as it is prescribed in the Romish missal is very strange in the church of Christ. All ancient fathers condemn it, as an odd trick of judaisme.  
44. Ancient Christians had no mediators, but Christ jesus; neither did they pray to our lady, or to saints, or to angels, but to God in the name of Christ jesus.  
45. Neither had they any priests consecrated to sacrifice for quick and dead, as have the papists. Nay as the apostle saith, they believed that Christ was a priest after the order of Melchizedech without succession, and that the sacrifice which he made, was not to be reiterated.  
46. The doctrine of penance, which the schoolmen first began to talk of, was not settled before the council of Florence and Trent. If our adversaries will needs maintain the contrary, let them show first where the ancient fathers teach that private penance consisteth of three parts, to wit Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction, and how these are nothing without Absolution, which they account to be the form of penance. Secondly let them show, that auricular confession was received in the Western church before the 
c C. omnis utriusque sexus. de Poenit. & remiss.  constitution of Innocent the third, that first established that order. Thirdly that certain cases were specially reserved to the bishop of Rome's absolution in time of the ancient fathers. Fourthly that all Christians did make satisfaction to God for their actual sins. Lastly that in times past either contrition differed from satisfaction, or absolution went before satisfaction, or that no●e were reconciled to God, but such as were confessed to priests, and did satisfy according to their pleasures.  
47. The council of Trent did likewise innovate divers things i● the ordination of bishops and priests. For the friars there determined, that there were 7. orders, and every of these a sacrament, and yet but all one sacrament: which seemeth very enigmatical. They decreed, That priests should be shaven and greased, & that by the act of ordination there was a print made in their souls, which they call, An invisible character: matters very new and strange.  
48. In ancient time neither were monks permitted to execute the office of priests, nor were any ordained bishops but such as did feed their flocks. The dumb bishops, and boy-cardinalles and prelate's of the Romish synagogue are but new creatures of the pope: brought in only to confirm and establish his new tyranny.  
49. Purgatory was not established before the late counsels of Florence and Trent. Neither was any part of it known in ancient time. Saint Augustine began first to talk of purgatory for venial sins, and after his time Gregory, that made the dialogues, believed, that venial sins were indeed remitted in purgatory. The schoolmen added, that satisfactions for penance enjoined, and not accomplished in this life, were there to be performed. They also have of late begun to talk much of the pope's power, and of the merits of masses in purgatory: but as yet they are not agreed about the same, nor about many other such like matters.  
50. The year of jubiley was 
a Constit. Pauli. 2.  ordained first by Boniface the eight, and afterward altered by Clement the fift, and last of all brought to twenty five years by Paul the second. But not borrowed from Christians, but either from the heathen that every hundred year had Lu●os seculares; or from the jews, that every 50. years celebrated a jubiley; and now agreeing neither with jews, Gentiles, nor christians.  
51. That the pope's indulgences depend upon the late pope's authority, without proof out of Scriptures or fathers, the patrons of them, that are ingenuous do confess. 
b Art●. 18. adverse. assert. Luther●.  Fisher sometime bishop of Rochester said, That before purgatory was feared, no man sought for indulgences: and that in the beginning of the church there was no use of them. Quamdiu saith he, nulla fuerat de purgatorio cura, nemo quaesivit indulgentias. And afterward, In initio nascentis ecclesiae nullus fuerat earum usus. Such indulgences, as are mentioned in the book of Pardons of Rome, are mere forgeries and fooleries. In the church of Saint Paul at Rome, saith the book, Ye have 48. thousand years of pardon; on the day of his conversion a hundred years of pardon; on Childermas day four thousand year of pardon. For kissing two iron crosses at S. Peter's church door five hundred years of pardon. On the feast day of Saint Peter 1000 years of pardon. And for looking on one of the pence for which our Saviour was sold, 1400. years of pardon. In the church of Saint Marie mayor ye have fowerteene thousand years of pardon. And Blessed be the mother, saith our author, that beareth the child, that heareth mass on Saturday at Saint john of Lateran. For he delivereth all them, that he desireth, out of purgatory, to the number of 77. souls. He saith further, That on the tower of the church standeth a double cross, that was made of the sword, that Saint john was beheaded with, and that at every time that a man beholdeth that cross, he hath 14000. years of pardon, and as many karines of all penance. And infinite such indulgences are granted by pope's in that book. Pope Gregory the 13. 
a In Constit. Gregor. per Petr. Matth.  sent over his indulgence of jubiley into England: and no doubt, but that this pope either hath or will do the like. O simple creatures that buy such trash, and suffer themselves to be abused with such novelties and fooleries, as beseem neither christian religion, nor common reason!  
52. The pope's penitentiaries tax, which containeth the rates of absolutions For murders, Parricides, Rapines, Perjuries, Adulteries, Incests, Sodomitry, yea and Apostasy and Turkish blasphemies, I think, our adversaries will not deny, but that it is most new.  
53. Gregory the first albeit he would not have images of saints broken down, yet condemned the worship of them: and Epiphanius utterly misliked the using them and setting them up in churches; which showeth the antiquity or rather novelty of imagery, or to say better, idolatry in churches. The second Nicene council celebrated about the 774 year of our Lord, and the fathers there, were the first, that went about to establish the worship of images, but that idolatrous synod was oppugned by the council of Francford, and of long time after could not generally be received.  
54. In times past Christians were wont reverently to entomb holy Martyrs, and to call upon God at their monuments. But now the miserable papists of late time have begun to dig them out of their graves, and to kiss rotten bones, and rags, and to worship them, and to pray to the martyrs: nay to worship those, that are no martyrs. And every day (as there is no end of man's curiosity) they make more saints, and institute more pilgrimages and masses in their honour. Of late time they have begun to frequent the Lady of Loreto, of Monserrat, of Iames of Compostella, and infinite other such like saints and places.  
55. By a late decree of the council of Florence about the year of our Lord 1434. The pope was declared to be head of the universal church, and Christ's true vicar, and Peter's successor in the government of the universal church: which declareth the novelty of the papacy.  
56. That the pope was above the council, was decreed in our father's time, by Leo the tenth, in the Council of Laterane. Which showeth, that till then, it was commonly holden, that the government of the universal church was aristocratical, and not monarchical, and that the council was reputed supreme judge of controversies of faith, and all ecclesiastical matters, and not the pope.  
57 In ancient time the pope neither was borne upon men's shoulders, nor had his feet kissed of great princes; nor wore the cross in his slippers, to show that he treadeth down religion with his feet. Nor had he a triple crown on his head, nor was he guarded with bands of soldiers, nor attended on by princes and cardinals, nor had he swarms of friars and monks to defend all his pretences and claims. Quod solius papae pedes principes de osculentur, we read first in Gregory the seventh his dictates: the rest we find in later records of the pope's ceremonies.  
58. It is not long since, that the pope hath usurped power over general counsels, and taken upon him sole power to call them, dissolve them, and confirm their acts. For in ancient time the council judged the pope, as appeareth by divers counsels of Rome, and by the late council of Pisa, where Alexander the fift was chosen pope, and by the council of Constance, where three pope's were deposed; and by the council of Basilea, that deposed Eugenius the fourth.  
59 Of late time the pope hath taken on him power to make laws to bind the whole church, and to place and displace bishops and prelates at his pleasure. Lately also hath he begun to bear himself as supreme doctor and judge in matters of religion, in hearing of appeals out of all provinces, and in excommunicating of princes and emperors, throughout the world.  
60. Until Boniface the 9 his time he was not Lord of Rome, nor did he bear himself, as a temporal prince, for that is testified by Theodorie of Niem, and divers other writers of histories.  
61. Gregory the seventh was the first, that took on him to depose emperors, as appeareth by his dictates, and by his bloody wars. Before his time it was a rare matter, to see a pope intermeddle with wars or government of kingdoms. After the time of Gregory, these, that pretend to be Peter's successors, proved the only firebrands of all the wars and troubles in christendom.  
62. Before Innocent the third his time it was never adjudged a matter capital, to think otherwise of religion, or the sacraments of the church, than the pope of Rome believed and taught. He first persecuted Christians with all extremities: and now it is the pope's common practice, to kill all religious Christians, that shall contradict his usurpations.  
63. In ancient time the pope's were confirmed by emperors, and never durst pretend a right to depose princes. Now they deny any to be emperor, but such, as is sacred by the pope; and do take to themselves power to depose princes, and to cause subjects to rebel against them.  
64. The first Christians, albeit not tied to emperors by oath, yet never rebelled against wicked emperors. But now the pope causeth Christians to break their oaths, and they are made to believe, that it is meritorious to rebel against princes excommunicate by the pope, and to murder them. Neither may we think, it was want of means, that made them to be obedient. For 
a Ad Scapulam.  Tertullian saith, that where they were the stronger, yet they never took on them to fight against their princes.  
65. The first Christians served God in spirit and truth, and were known by their modesty and virtue. But the religion of papists consisteth all in eating red herrings and fish, in fasting, knocking, kneeling, greasing, shaving, crossing, ringing, and outward ceremonies. At Rome, and in Spain, & Italy, are common bordels, and banks of usury, and such dissolution, that the very heathens might not compare with them. Swearing, whoring, kill, are small faults among them, so they meddle not with the pope's authority and religion.  
Finally, for that it is not possible to rehearse all particulars, I say, and by God's grace shall prove, that the whole religion of papists which we reject, is nothing but a pack of novelties, and heresies, and the corruption of true catholic and Christian religion. Wherefore as in this chapter we have noted their novelties, so in the chapter ensuing we purpose to make good our challenge concerning their heresies; which being performed, I hope it will largely appear, that they are no catholics.   

CHAP. III.  
That the papists do publicly profess and teach divers erroneous points of doctrine, by the ancient catholic church condemned for heresies.  
AS in deceitful language, so in erroneous judgement the jesuits and Romish priests are not unlike to the women called 
a Philostrat. in Apollonio. & Horat. carm. Lib. 1.  Lamiaes. For as the flattering Lamiaes by their external shows and fair words deceived and spoiled many young men: so these flattering and fawning favourites of the whore of Babylon abuse many simple youths with their fair glosses, and allure them to like the errors and heresies of popery to their utter ruin, and destruction. And as the Lamiaes were very quick sighted, when they came abroad, and pierced far into other men's matters, yet were altogether blind at home, and ignorant in their own affairs: so these good fellows, although they are always prying into other men's matters, and pretend, that they can look through millstones; yet are they altogether blind, and see nothing in their own causes. They do very well verify that, which Sophocles said long since, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Their eyes are as sharp as eagles, when they look a far off and they see small motes in other men's eyes, but see nothing at home, nor feel the beam that is in their own eyes. If any of us offend never so little, nay ofttimes when we maintain true doctrine, they presently exclaim that we are heretics, and with their cries stir up the world against us: but they do little consider their domestical matters, and see not how many heresies themselves maintain. Nay when we show it plainly unto them, they will not open their eyes, nor acknowledge any. But howsoever their impudence maketh them confident in their denials; yet shall it appear to all men of discourse and judgement, that no sect did ever maintain so many, and so divers heresies, as the papists do. Neither when I charge them with heresy, do I impute unto them Peter lombards, Thomas Aquinas, caietan's, Eckius, Gregorius de Valentia, Bellarmine's, or other their private doctors particular opinions (for then should we make no end in rehearsing their heresies) but only such matters as papists commonly and publicly do maintain, and the pope's of Rome authorise, and our adversaries (I think) will not deny.  
First as the 
a Rom. 2. & 3.  jews, and especially the scribes and 
b Luk. 18.  pharisees rested in the law, and gloried in their works, and 
c Rom. 2. & Galat. 3.  sought to be justified by their works, and by the law: so the papists do define justice to be nothing else, but charity and the observance of the law, and by this justice they hope to merit eternal life; and this the assembly of doctors at 
d Sess. 6.  Trent doth determine, and all papists hold. Neither may we think, that the apostle condemneth those only, that sought justice by the works of the ceremonial law, or of free will before regeneration: for he 
e Rom. 4.  saith, That Abraham was not justified by works of the law. And speaking of himself, he 
f 1. Cor. 4.  saith, That although he was not conscious to himself of any thing, yet he was not thereby justified.  
Secondly the sect of the pharisees was condemned, for that They 
a Marc. 7.  made void the law of God by their own traditions. Reprobastis mandatum dei per seniorum vestrorum traditionem, saith our Saviour speaking to the pharisees. They were likewise reproved for their diligence in making proselytes. Circuitis mare & aridam, saith our 
b Matth. 23.  Saviour, ut faciatis unum proselytum & accessorium, & cum factus fuerit, facitis illum filium Gehennae duplo plus, quàm vos estis. The pharisees also stood much upon external ceremonies, but devoured widows houses. They loved pre-eminence in meetings, and to be called Rabbi. Dicebantur pharisaei saith 
c Haeres. 16. ante Christum.  Epiphanius, eo quod separati essent ab alijs propter spontaneam superfluam religionem apud ipsos receptam. He doth also mislike in them their vows of continency, and their sleeping on thorns and boards, and their superstitious fashions in praying, and lastly condemneth them for that they allow fatum or destiny. All which notwithstanding, the papists make special reckoning of their traditions, and 
d Sess. 4. Concil. Trid.  account them equal to Gods written word, and yet they are in divers points repugnant to God's laws, and holy scriptures: as for example the tradition of making images of the holy trinity, and worshipping of stocks, and stones, and saints departed is contrary to the first and second commandment. The jesuits and priests travel land and sea to reconcile men to the pope, and to make recusants, and proselytes to the synagogue of Rome: and when they have inveigled simple people, they go about to make them as unnatural traitors, as themselves: they devour widows houses, and impoverish poor orphans by seeking means and revenues to maintain their own faction and colleges. They strive much for external ceremonies, and are called Fathers and Rabbi, and are now the ringleaders of all the popish faction. They say they are more perfect than others, and sever themselves from other Christians. They lie upon the ground, and lash themselves sometimes, and in their manner of superfluous religion are very singular. Finally both they and the 
e Thom. Aqu. 1. p. q. 116. art. 2. 3. & 4.  schoolmen do allow of fatum, and subject all second causes unto it: and in divers of their opinions and fashions are very pharisaical.  
The scribes were likewise 
f Epiphan. in haeres. 15. ante Christ.  reputed sectaries and heretics, for that They brought in a superfluous and sophistical exposition of the law. Epiphanius doth call it Supersophisticam expositionem. They were likewise 
a Ibidem.  condemned For their often washings and purifyings, and for that they accounted themselves more holy than others. Why then should not the popish schoolmen and other doctors be likewise reputed heretics and sectaries for their vain and sophistical expositions, whereby they have forced the scriptures to contrary, and not only to divers purposes, from that of the holy ghost? Do they not also use often puryfyings and halowing of altars, churches, vestments, and divers instruments of their profane priesthood? Do they not wash themselves with holy water, and account their sects of monks and friars in the state of perfection, and far more holy, than the vulgar sort of Christians? It cannot be denied.  
The papists do likewise daily sprinkle themselves with holy water, thinking thereby themselves to be purged and cleansed from venial sins. Yet as 
b In haeres. 17. ante Christum.  Epiphanius saith, Neither can drops, nor rivers of waters, nor the whole ocean wash away sins. The Hemerobaptistes for these continual washings, and for that they imagined that they were thereby cleansed from their sins, are by 
c Ibidem.  Epiphanius numbered in the catalogue of jewish heretics.  

d Epiphan. haeres. 13. ante Christum.  The Dositheans were a sect of heretics among the jews, and so reputed for their affectate virginity, and abstinence from the use of marriage, being married. Likewise for their voluntary fastings, and for the divers voluntary afflictions of their bodies. What then is to be thought of the papists, that allow these voluntary whip, and afflictions, and extraordinary fastings and think to merit heaven by them? Among them likewise divers account it great holiness for married couples to live a sunder, and to creep into monasteries: for which they do well deserve to creep into the catalogue of heretics.  
Among the heretics that rose after the first planting of Christian religion Simon Magus and his followers are commonly reputed the ringleaders. Of them the papists have learned to buy and sell benefices, churches, masses, and all spiritual things. Nay these 
e Apocal. 18.  merchants of Babylon cell men's souls.  
Venalia nobis saith 
f Lib. calam. 3.  Mantuan,  
Templa, sacerdotes, altaria, sacra, coronae,  
Ignis, thura, preces, caelum est venale, deusque.  
They do also sell Christ, and therefore by Brigit are pronounced to be worse than judas. Deteriores sunt juda, saith 
a Brig. 132. & onus eccles. c. 23.  Christ in Brigittes revelations, qui pro solis denarijs me vendidit, illi autem pro omni mercimonio. The pope he 
b Taxa penitent.  selleth pardons, and jubleies, making most gain of foulest sins. Of the scholars of Simon Magus the friars have learned to worship the images of their founders. For as they 
c August. de baeres. c. 1.  worshipped the images of Simon and Helena, so do the papists worship the images of Francis, and Dominike, and Clare, and Brigit, and other founders of the divers sects of monks and friars.  
The 
d Iren. adverse. haeres. li. 1. c. 23.  Basilidians were reputed heretics, For that they worshipped images, and used enchantments, and superstitious adjurations. How then can the papists excuse themselves, that worship images, and fill every corner of their churches full of them, and conjure and enchant water, candles, herbs, flowers and such like, making exorcists and conjurers a holy order, and that order a sacrament of the church?  
Carpocrates 
e Irenaus lib. 1. adverse. haeres. c. 24.  used to worship images, and Marcellina one of his followers, as saint 
f Augustin. de haeres. c. 7.  Augustine saith, adored the images of jesus and Paul, and burnt incense unto them. If then this were heresy in them, why should it not be heresy in papists to worship the image of jesus, with divine worship, and to burn incense not only before that image, but also before the images of other saints?  
The 
g Iren. lib. 1. adverse. haeres. c. 23. & Epiph. haeres. 24.  Carpocratians and Basilidians Did conceal and hide the mysteries of their religion, least holy things should be cast to dogs. So likewise the papists keep the mysteries of their religion secret, and will not have lay men to dispute of them. They read scriptures and prayers in toongues unknown, and say the words of consecration, and divers other prayers secretly, that the people hear not, and all this, as they stick not to say, Lest holy things should be cast to dogs. For no better do heretics esteem of Christians, then of dogs.  
The Marcosians did 
h Iren. lib. 1. c. 18.  baptize in an unknown language, and anoint those whom they baptized with chrism, or Opobalsamum. They anoint also their dead, and give them extreme unction. 
l Ibid. c. 9 & Epiph. haeres. 34.  Marcus their founder went about to make his followers believe, That he did transubstantiate wine into blood in the sacrament. 
a Ibidem.  They accounted themselves perfect: but as 
b Ibidem c. 15.  Irenaeus saith, Perfectus nemo, nisi qui maxima mendacia apud eos fructificaverit. Finally they 
c Ibidem c. 17. & Epiphan. haeris. 34.  allege A multitude of apocryphal scriptures, which themselves have forged. All which heresies the papists have translated into their religion. For they also baptise in a language not understood of the people, and use greasing and anointing in baptism and confirmation. They do also anoint men, when they lie a dying, and believe, that the wine in the Lord's cup is transubstantiate into blood. Their orders of religion do account themselves to be in state of perfection, but the most perfect of them which are employed by the pope in defence of the popish faction and religion do fructify in telling of greatest lies. Finally for proof of their traditions and doctrine, they forge divers writings, and write new devised legends; and now lately for a cardinals hat have they hired one Caesar Baronius to corrupt the history of the church with innumerable fables and lies.  
The Nazarites were condemned for heretics, first for that they 
d Angustin. de haeres. c. 9 & Epiph. de haeres. Nazaraeor. 29.  mingled judaical ceremonies with the doctrine of Christianity; and secondly, for that they boasted much of their revelations and miracles. The like sentence is therefore to be pronounced against the papists, which 
e In missali Rom in fine.  consecrate every year A paschal lamb, and observe the jewish jubiley, and jewish feasts, and have translated the ceremonies of the levitical priesthood into their synagogue; and brag much of their revelations and miracles, and 
f Bellar. de not. eccles.  make them a mark of the church.  
The 
g Augustin. de haeres. c. 16. & Epiph. haeres. 36.  Heracleonites did anoint their followers departing out of this life, and gave them their extreme unction. Likewise they did say prayers over the dead. For which they are numbered among heretics. So it seemeth, that the papists have borrowed their extreme unction, their dirges and masses for the dead from heretics.  
The followers of Helzai as 
h Haeres. 19 ante Christ.  Epiphanius reporteth, and the Osseni likewise Swear by salt, and bread, and other creatures: and worship the spittle & relics of two of their saints. This 
i Ibidem.  Helzai did also teach his disciples to pray in a tongue not understood by them. Nemo quaerat interpretationem saith he, sed solum haec dicat: and then he addeth a prayer in a strange tongue. These heresies the papists also embrace. For they swear commonly by creatures, yea by bread and salt, and by saints, as the Helzaites did. They keep the ashes, & excrements, and relics of their saints, and worship them. Finally they pray in unknown tongues, and say it is not material, albeit a man understand not, what he prayeth.  

a Damascen. de haeres.  Martion gave women power to baptise, and albeit he had corrupted a maiden, yet did he much extol virginity. à Marcione saith 
b Haeres. 42.  Epiphanius, virginitas praedicatur. He also stood much upon fasting. 
c Lib. 1. c. 30. adverse. haeres.  Irenaeus saith, that he and Saturninus began to teach abstinence from living creatures. He did also 
d Epiph. haeres. 42.  teach, that By Christ's descending into hell divers men's souls were thence delivered: and 
e Tertul. adverse. Martion.  separated marriages for religion. Of which heresies the papists do savour very strongly. For they do also 
f C. adijcimus. 16. q. 1. etc. mulier. de consecrat. dist. 4.  authorize women to baptise: and extol virginity and fasting highly, and yet observe neither. Their monks should abstain from flesh. They separate marriages upon pretence of religion, and teach that the fathers were delivered by Christ's descension into hell out of that place, which they call Limbum Patrum.  
The Messalians believed, that baptism was only available to cut away former sins. So likewise the papists believe, that baptism doth purge sins past, and that sins committed after baptism are to be done away by penance. Against them both 
g Divinor. decret. c. de baptismo.  Theodoret teacheth, That baptism is the earnest of future graces, and the communication of Christ his passion. Again he saith, Non ut dicunt amentes Messaliani baptismus novaculam imitatur, quae praecesserunt peccata auferens. hoc enim ex superabundanti largitur. Likewise the Messalians did mumble over their prayers with their lips, having their heart otherwhere, and believed, that they were heard, for their much babbling. Which custom the papists do so well like, that they rehearse infinite ave Maria's, Pater nosters and Creeds; and the pope's give great indulgences to those, that say the Lady's rosary, and pray upon blessed beads, albeit the poor souls understand nothing, what they pray, or rather prattle.  
The Caians were reputed heretics, for worshipping angels, and praying to them. unusquisque eorum, saith 
h Epiph. haeres. 38.  Epiphanius, uniuscuiusque angeli nomen invocat. For the same cause the Angelickes were condemned both by the 
a Epiph. de angelic. & Augustine de haeres. c. 39 & Isid. lib. 8. Orig.  fathers, and by counsels. Non oportet Christianos, say the 
b Can. 35.  fathers of the council of 
c In 3. ●. epist. ad Coloss.  Laodicea, derelicta ecclesia abire, & ad angelos idololatriae abominandae congregationes facere. What then are we to think of papists, that pray to angels, and say masses in honour of angels? To avoid this blemish, in that canon of the council, they have turned Angelos into Angulos. But ᵈ Theodoret doth plainly convince them both of heresy, and falsehood. Synodus saith he, quae conuênit Laodiceae lege prohibuit, ne precarentur angelos. That this worship of angels is superstitious, Chrysostome commenting upon the Epistle to the Colossians declareth, and especially in his ninth homily upon that Epistle.  
The Severians were noted as heretics for their miracles, either vainly forged, 
a Augustine de haeres. c. 24.  or by the devils help effected. Their prophetess ᵉ Philumena through a narrow mouthed glass would put in a pretty big loaf, and draw it out again, without breaking the glass. The Mirabiliaries were likewise condemned, for that by miracles, and prophecies, they sought to confirm their religion. And what do the papists? Do not they likewise confirm all their superstition, idolatry, and false religion with counterfeit miracles? It cannot be denied: and if it were; yet are the lying legends of the Romish church sufficient to convince them.  
The Tatians and other heretics 
f Epiph. hares. 46.  abstained from marriage, as a state of life impure, and imperfect. Which heresy the popish monks have embraced, esteeming wedlock contrary to perfection. 
g C. proposuisti. dist. 82.  Syricius calleth marriage Fleshly pollutions. In Capgraves' legend Romish saints no otherwise talk of marriage, then as if it were uncleanness, sin, and abomination. divers of our adversaries have written, that it is less sin for priests to commit fornication, then to marry. Nay as if marriage were contrary to the cleanness and holiness of priesthood, they admit none to priesthood but such as abjure marriage.  
The papists also agree with the Manichées in divers points of heresies. For as the 
h Augustin. epist. 74.  Manichées condemned marriage in their priests, which for their excellency they called Electos; so likewise do the papists in their monks, and greater orders of the clergy. The Manichées in the sacrament of the Lords supper, 
a Leo serm. 4. de quadrag. etc. relatum, etc. comperimus. dist. 2. de consecrat.  used to minister in one kind, as do the papists. Both of them destroy Christ's humanity, the Manichées giving him no true flesh nor  body; and the papists giving him a body neither visible, nor palpable, nor endued with the dimensions, and qualities of a body. Nay they say, that his one body may be in infinite places at once. The 
b Augustin. de morib▪ eccles. & Manich. lib. 2. c. 31. & de morib. Manich. c. 13.  Manichées in their fasts, albeit they abstained from flesh, yet used divers other exquisite, and dainty meats. And this also is the rigorous fast of most papists, which the rest also allow.  
Montanus did first establish laws of fasting, as is recorded in the history of 
c Hist. eccles. lib. 5. c. 17.  Eusebius, and appeareth also by the practice of the church, that had no law concerning that matter in his time. The same man began first to give credit to unwritten traditions, & to 
d Epiphan. in haeres. 48.  dispute, that the scriptures were not perfect, and that they were to be supplied by his new Paracletus, that, as he said, was to teach all things necessary. His 
e Augustin. de haeres. c. 26.  followers had the prophecies of Prisca and Maximilla in great reverence. Both he and his disciples did believe Limbum Patrum, to be in hell, and that sins were to be purged after this life. They also first ordained that the birth days, or suffering days of Martyrs should be kept holy, and that offerings should be made for men departed, and all this 
f Lib. de corona milit. & de anima.  Tertullian now pleading for Montanus his heresies, doth prove by the testimony of his Paracletus, and of unwritten traditions. So likewise hath the synagogue of Rome of late established many new fasts, and new laws of fasting. The 
g Synod. Trid. sess. 4.  same doth also place traditions in equal rank with Scriptures, and say, that Scriptures teach not all things necessary for salvation. The doctors of that school affirm likewise, that Limbus of the fathers is in hell, and that sins may be remitted after this life, & for this cause offer for the dead. Both papists and montanists boast much of the sufferings of their martyrs; and no less do they esteem the prophecies of Brigit, Hildegardis, and Mechtildis, then do the montanists of their Prisca and Maximilla.  
As the ʰ Pepuzians did honour their town Pepuza, 
a Augustin. de haeres. c. 27.  as the mother church of all Christendom; so do the papists honour Rome. Both papists and Pepuzians suffer women to minister baptism. Should not then the papists have wrong, if they were not made equal to the Pepuzians? Herein they also far surpass them, for that among the papists a 
a Martin. Polon. Plat. chronic. chronicor. Marian. Scotus in joan. 8.  woman was once pope and chief precedent of their church, which I doubt, whether the Pepuzians can show in their sect.  
The Catharistes do boast much of their merits. Mundiores se caeteris praedicant, saith 
b C. de haeres. lib. Orig. 8.  Isidorus. They do also deny absolution in some cases to the repentant, and rebaptize those that are already baptised. Which is also the case of papists. For among them the monks and friars count themselves more perfect and clean, than others; and all of them do hope to be saved by their merits. The inquisitors punish with death all that relapse into heresy, as they call it, without remission; and in France and Flanders our adversaries have baptised many most Christianlike baptised. Nay they believe, that as many as are regenerate, are without sin, and albeit examined by the law, yet are to be reputed just.  
The jacobites and Armenians were condemned for heretics, For that they made the images of God the father, and God the holy ghost▪ imagines, saith 
c Lib. hist. 18. c. 52.  Nicephorus, patris & spiritus sancti effigiant, quod est perquam absurdum. Yet this absurdity is a high point of popish religion.  
The worshippers of the cross, which were called Chazinzartj, and Staurolatrae were therefore esteemed heretics. Crucem, saith 
d Ibid. c. 54.  Nicephorus, adorare, & colere dicuntur. Which is a plain conviction of the heresies of papists, who worship the cross with divine worship, which percase those heretics did never.  
The Collyridian heretics were condemned for worshipping the virgin Mary, and that worthily. For, as saith 
e Haeres. 78.  Epiphanius, she was a virgin, and honourable, but not to be adored. Non dominabitur nobis antiquus error, saith 
f Ibidem.  he, ut relinquamus viventem, & adoremus ea, quae ab ipso facta sunt. But the papists not only adore her, but also give unto her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is an honour above the common sort. Nay they devise masses, and offices in her honour, and Bonaventure hath shamefully falsified the psalms of David, to draw them to her honour, and superlative worship.  
The worshippers of images of saints by a certain 
g Hist. Miscell. Pauli diac. lib. 21.  council of Constantinople, whose acts are inserted in the sixth action of the second Nicene council were noted as idolaters, and condemned by the fathers, as heretics, or worse. The synod of 
a In lib. Caroli magni contra synod. in partib. Graeciae pro imaginib. adorand.  Francford did condemn the second Nicene council, that allowed the worship of images. Non nos imagines in basilicis positas, say they, idola nuncupamus, sed ne idola nuncupentur, adorare & colere eas recusamus. 
b Haeres. 79.  Epiphanius saith, That by worishipping images, the mind is turned from one only God, to commit fornication with images. All which notwithstanding the papists kiss them, bow to them, worship them, and burn incense to them.  
The bare footed brethren 
c Augustin. de haeres. c. 68  were condemned for their heretical singularity in going barefoot. Yet the papists account this a part of their friar-like perfection, and believe, that it is meritorious to go barefoot in pilgrimages, and processions.  
The apostolics, notwithstanding their arrogant presumption in taking on them the name and profession of the apostles followers, were condemned of heresy, for that they received none into their communion, that used wives, or possessed any thing in private. Apostolici, qui se isto nomine arrogantissimè vocaverunt, saith saint 
d De haeres. c. 40.  Augustine, eo quod non reciperent in suam communionem utentes coniugibus, & res proprias possidentes, quales habet ecclesia catholica, & monachos & clericos plurimos. Where note that Augustine saith that monks and clergy men had wives, and goods in property. The papists do notwithstanding receive this heresy, condemning all monks and friars, that possess any goods in property, and both monks and priests, that match themselves in marriage.  
The Heraclites, as saith 
e Orig. lib. 8. c. de haeres.  Isidorus, were heretics, that received only monks, and condemned married folks. Monachos tantum recipiunt, saith ᶠ he, coniugia respuunt. They also do not believe, that children dying young shall possess the kingdom of heaven. So the papists do believe, that only monks and friars are in the state of perfection, and do not suffer either them, or priests to marry. They believe not also, that any child dying before baptism can be saved, albeit the parents be christians, and use all means to have their child baptised. But such children they place between heaven and hell in Limbo puerorum, or at least in hell without sensible pain.  
The Priscillianists disjoin married folks for religion sake. Coniuges, saith 
a Augustin. haeres. 70.  Saint Augustine speaking of Priscillian, quibus hoc malum potuerit persuadere, disiungens. For hiding their wickedness & filthiness, they 
b Ibidem.  made no account to forswear themselves. Propter occultandas contaminationes, & turpitudines suas habent in suis dogmatibus & haec verba. jura, periura, secretum prodere noli. The papists likewise separate married folks, that vow religion; & before marriage consummate they hold, that either party may enter into a monastical religion. They seem also to make small reckoning of oaths. If thou be put to an oath say the 
c In annot. in act. 23. & resolute. quorundam casuum nationis Anglicanae.  Rhemistes, to accuse catholics for serving God, as they ought to do, or to utter any man to God's enemies and his, thou oughtest first to refuse such unlawful oaths; but if thou have not constancy and courage so to do; yet know thou, that such oaths bind not in conscience, and law of God, but may and must be broken under pain of damnation. Now by catholics these good fellows understand such, as come with an intention to murder their dread sovereign, and to raise rebellion, or at least such as embrace all popish heresies; which are no less damnable, than the wicked opinions of the priscillianists.  
The Helcesaites make Christ in heaven to differ from Christ in earth. Christum, saith 
d Haeret. fabul. lib. 2. de Helcesaeis.  Theodoret, non unum dicunt, sed hunc quidem infernè, illum verò supernè, & eum olim in multis habitasse. One Christ they make dwelling in heaven, and another in earth. So likewise the papists believe & teach, that Christ in heaven is visible, and palpable, and hath the dimensions and just proportion of a man's body: but their Christ on the altar, and in the Sacrament, they believe and teach to be neither visible, nor palpable, nor that he hath any just proportion, or dimensions of a true, natural, and human body.  
The Eutychianistes deny, that Christ after the union of the two natures had a true body, but as 
e De jeiunio 7. mensis ser. 6.  Leo signifieth A body without shape, dimensions, or circumscription. They said also, that Christ was whole both in heaven and earth, against whom 
f Lib. 4. cont. Eutych. c. 4.  Vigilius disputing saith, That the flesh of Christ, when it was in earth, was not in heaven, and now being in heaven, is not on earth. And their chief ground, as appeareth by 
g Dialog. 2.  Theodoret, was, That Christ's human nature was abolished, even as in the sacrament after consecration the signs are changed into an other nature. Who then doth not plainly see, that the papists by their transubstantiation do bring in Eutychianisme, holding that Christ's body in the sacrament is without shape and true dimensions, and that his body is both in heaven, and in earth, and as many several places, and altars, as the sacrament is? Who doth not perceive, that Christ's humanity was abolished, if as the father's hold, the union of the natures was like to the union of Christ's body in the sacrament, especially if the substance of bread & wine be quite abolished? This is most certain that both 
a Vbi supra.  Theodoret, and 
b Contra Eutychen.  Gelasius do confute Eutyches by this reason, for That the substance of the bread remaineth in the Sacrament: which being denied by the papists, it is plain, that they bring in Eutychianisme.  
The papists also in many points conspire with the enemies of the grace of God the Pelagians. First both Pelagians and papists define sin to be, not whatsoever is repugnant to god's law, but that is committed of free will, and by him, that understandeth what he doth. Propriè vocatur peccatum, say the Pelagians, quod libera voluntate, & à sciente committitur. This is the ground of Pelagius going about to overthrow the traduction of original sin in the posterity of Adam, as appeareth by Saint Augustine's disputations against him concerning this point. And that also the 
c Censur. Colon. fol. 44.  jesuits of Collein expressly do hold. The Pelagians do teach, that a just man in this life may be without sin. Hoc Pelagiani audent dicere, hominem justum in hac vita omnino nullum habere peccatum, saith Saint 
d De bono perseverant. lib. 2. c. 5.  Augustine. The papists likewise believe, that the regenerate are clear of mortal sin, and not only that, but also may live without sin.  
The Pelagians teach, That concupiscence by baptism is sanctified, and being before evil, afterward beginneth not to be evil: which doctrine Saint 
e Contra julian. lib. 6. c. 6.  Augustine calleth very absurd: yet is that the doctrine of the council of Trent, and of all papists. Both papists and Pelagians do build upon one foundation, and say, that therefore concupiscence after baptism is no sin, for that the guilt is remitted in baptism.  
The Pelagians would not grant, that the Gentiles and Infidels sinned in all their actions, nor that their actions were sin, as done without faith, as Saint 
f Contra julian. lib. 4. c. 3.  Augustine showeth, proving the contrary. The same doctrine the papists receive for catholic.  
The Pelagians sometimes were 
a Augustin. contra. 2. epist. Pelag. c 19  wont to say, In omni bono opere hominem semper adiwari à gratia: 
b Ibidem. lib. 4. c. 6.  & gratiam adiware bonum eviusque propositum. But their meaning was, that God gave his grace to them that disposed themselves, and whose free will was ready to receive grace. Which is also the doctrine of preparations and dispositions commonly taught by papists: so that notwithstanding their fair pretences of grace, they yield a great part of the glory of our conversion, to our own free will.  
The papists say, That sin is subject to our will; so likewise the Pelagians say, 
c Augustin. lib. 1. de gratia Christi. c. 28.  Nos fort & firmum habere ad non peccandum liberum arbitrium. And saint 
d Lib. 2. de baptis.  Augustine teacheth us, that this doctrine is Pelagianisme.  
The papists say, that God is ready with his grace, if he see a man's soul ready and prepared to receive it. They also believe, that a natural man may desire his own conversion. But Saint 
e Contr. epist. Pelag. lib. 4. c. 6. & lib. 2. c. 5. & 8. & de Gratia lib. 1. c. 14.  Augustine teacheth us, that these were the propositions of the Pelagians.  
They also both do use the same reasons to prove the strength of free will: as first, that we are commanded to choose: secondly that God would not command us things impossible. Magnum aliquid se scire putant Pelagiani, quando dicunt, non iuberet Deus, quod sciret ab homine non posse perfici, as Saint 
f De Grat. c. 16. & count epist. Pelag. lib. 2. c. 10.  Augustine testifieth. Therefore Thomas Brandwardine doubteth not to call the popish schoolmen Pelagians. Totus penè mundus 
g Lib. 1. de Grat. adverse. Pelag.  saith he, post Pelagium in errorem abijt. exurge Deus, judica causam tuam. He wrote about three hundred years agone.  
The Donatists, as Saint 
h De haeres. c. 69.  Augustine writeth, believed, that the church was only contained in Africa, and in the obedience or part of Donatus: quod ecclesia Christ in Africa, & Donati part remanserit, as he saith. They did also rebaptize catholic Christians. So likewise the papists believe that to be the church, that continueth in the obedience of the pope, and retaineth communion with the church of Rome, and of late time have not doubted in France and Flanders to rebaptize children before baptised.  
The Circumcellions thought it meritorious to kill those, that were contrary to their sect, Immania facinora perpetrando, as S. 
a De haeres. c. 69.  Augustine saith. Nay that holy man had much a do to escape their hands. So likewise the papists teach, that it is meritorious to kill princes opposite to the popish faction. Sixtus quintus, that shameless friar did highly commend 
b La fulmiminante.  james Clement, that killed Henry the third of France. john Ghineard a jesuite did maintain this doctrine, and was therefore, by arrest of the parliament of Paris, executed. By these desperate assassins the papists have divers ways sought to murder the queens Majesty, & have most shamefully murdered the Prince of Orange, james the Regent of Scotland, and divers other christian princes. Alphonsus Diazius did most wickedly murder his own brother, travailing as far as from Rome into Germany to commit that act, and for the same was by the pope not only defended, but commended.  
The Au●●ans or Anthropomorphites did imagine God to have a human shape, and parts like a mortal man. Cogitation carnali, saith 
c De haeres. c. ●0.  Augustine, Deum fingebant in similitudinem hominis corruptibilis. And likewise do the papists imagine, when they make the images of God the father and the holy ghost, and the whole Trinity. The 
d Sess. 25.  council of Trent doth permit the divinity to be figured: Divinitatem ex primi & figurari. But how can this be done, unless they believe either their god to be like their images, or their images like their god?  
Origen believed, that sins might be purged and done away after this life, and therefore 
e Augustin. de haeres. c. 43.  imagined, That even the wicked after a long time should be saved. And certes if sins may be purged by fire, why should not mortal sins as well be washed away, as venial? And if man be able to satisfy for the guilt of mortal sin after this life, and so be quited from them; why should not every one satisfy in hell for his sins? And why should a debt be exacted, when satisfaction is made? In this heresy therefore concerning the purgation of sins after this life, and the satisfaction for the penalty of mortal sins, the papists savour of Origens' heresy. They favour his heresy also in this, that they do say, there is four senses of Scriptures, and draw the same by their allegorical interpretations to their own most perverse purposes.  
Eunomius taught, that so a man were of his religion, it skilled not greatly what sins he committed. Asseverebat saith 
a Augustin. de haeres. c. 54.  Augustine, quod nihil cuiquam obesset quorumlibet perpetratio, ac perseverantia peccatorum, si huius, quae ab ipso docebatur, fidei particeps esset. Unto which heresy the papists come very near. For so a man profess the Romish faith, and communicate with the Romanists in their sacraments, and be obedient to the pope, they 
b Bellar. de eccles. milit. c. 2.  say he is a good catholic, and a true member of the church, although he have no inward virtue. And so facile they are in this point, that they absolve murderers, and incestuous persons, and most wicked rebels, yea Marans and apostates, so they will profess their Romish religion. In Ireland the White knight and Piers Lacie have had children by their own daughters, and others that I could name, by their sisters, and near kinsewomen. And infinite outrages have they committed, not one●● against their lawful prince, but also against their own people and kindred, and so continue living almost without law; yet do the priests and friars, and pope's agents absolve them, and count them good catholics. Nay these are the pillars of the Romish church, and the chief maintainers of the popish sect there.  
The papists also where they by their laws forbidden priests and monks to marry, and to abstain from certain meats, do plainly embrace the heresy of the Tatians, Severians, and Manichées, and are of the number of 
a 1. Tim. 4.  those, That teach the doctrine of devils, forbidding to marry, and willing men to abstain from meats, which God hath created. Rectè posuit illud, saith 
d In 1. Tim. 4.  Theodoret, prohibentium contrahere matrimonium. Neque enim caelibatum, aut continentiam vituperat, sed eos accusat qui lege lata ea sequi compellunt. He noteth those, saith Theodoret, that by their laws compel men to abstain from marriage, and certain meats. So that by his censure the papists are within the compass of these false teachers, of whom the apostle speaketh.  
The heretics called Ano●ni either corrupted, or contemned the law of God: which heresy is also by right of inheritance descended to the papists. For first they deny the law of God to be perfect, and therefore add unto it their own traditions, and the customs and precepts of the Romish church. Secondly they have 
c In office beat. Mariae. & Manual de Geronymo Campos.  cut out the commandment of worshipping of images, as directly opposite to their idolatry. Thirdly they deny concupiscence after baptism to be sin, contrary to the tenth commandment. Lastly they have chosen to themselves a new 
a C. translato. de constitutionibus.  lawgiver, that taketh on him to give law to men's consciences, and received a new decretaline law, wherein they walk more curiously, then in the law of God. Nay for the true and ever living God, they worship this their Terrestrial God, as 
b In epist. dedic. ante princip. doctrine.  Stapleton doth call him, and diligently hearken to the pope's statutes and commandments.  
Irenaeus and Tertullian doth range those among heretics, that fly from the scriptures and accuse them, and affirm that the apostles did not commit all things necessary to writing. Cum ex scripturis arguuntur, saith 
c Adverse. haeres. lib. 3. c. 2.  Irenaeus, in accusationem convertuntur scripturarum, quasi non rectè habeant, neque sint ex authoritate, & quia variè sunt dictae, & quia non possit ex his inveniri veritas ab his, qui nesciant traditionem. Non enim per literas traditam illam, sed per v●uam vocem, ob quam causam & Paulum dixisse, sapientiam loquimur inter perfectos. He 
d Adverse. haeres. lib. 3. c. 1.  saith also, That the apostles first preached the gospel, and afterward by the will of God brought the same into writing, that it might be a pillar and foundation of our faith. Alius manu scripturas, saith 
e De praescrip. adverse. haerec.  Tertullian, alius sensu expositiones interuertit. That is, some heretics plainly blot and corrupt the scriptures, others pervert them by false expositions. But he maketh the catholic to say thus; Ego sum haeres apostolorum, sicut caverunt testamento, sicut fidei commiserunt, sicut adiuraverunt, ita teneo. He saith, they are true catholics, and successors of the apostles, that continue in the doctrine delivered in their testament. And afterward, speaking of scriptures he 
f Ibidem.  saith, Quod sumus, hoc sunt. That is, that we believe and teach, that is there to be found. But speaking of heretics, he 
g De resurrect. carnis.  saith, Aufer haereticis, quaecunque ethnici sapiunt, ut de scriptures solis quaestiones suas sistant, & stare non poterunt. That is, bring heretics from that opinion, that is common to them with ethnics, and cause them to be judged in these questions by scriptures, and they cannot stand. In describing the qualities of these heretics, these two ancient fathers seem to have prophesied of the conditions of the papists. For they will not allow, as saith Irenaeus, that the apostles have comprehended all their doctrine necessary to salvation in the scriptures. Neither will they confess, that out of holy writ, we can learn the truth without tradition. But contrariwise being convinced by Scriptures, they accuse the Scriptures, and speak evil of them: and say that they in respect of us receive authority from the pope: they affirm, that they Are subject to divers understandings. 
a Adverse. Sadeel. lib. 1. p. 99  Turrian calleth them Delphicum gladium, others A nose of wax. they stand upon the lively teaching of their priests and friars, and 
b Censur. Colon.  say, That the wisdom of the church is apparent in unwritten traditions. They pervert the Scriptures by their wicked interpretations, 
c Concil. Trid. Sess. 4.  allowing no sense, but that which the pope and church of Rome giveth. They fly from the judgement of apostolical writings, and will not have the Scriptures to be the rule, whereby all controversies are to be ended: and therefore plainly declare themselves to be descended from heretics, and to be very well like their parents.  

d Lib. 8. Orig. c. de haeresibus.  Isidore doth declare them to be heretics, that do otherwise understand the Scriptures, than the meaning of the holy Ghost requireth. Quicunque saith he, aliter Scripturam sacram intelligit, quàm sensus Spiritus sancti flagitat, à quo conscripta est, licèt de ecclesia non recesserit, tamen haereticus potest appellari. But whosoever listeth to read either the pope's decretals, or the popish factions writings, shall find that they do interpret Scriptures not only otherwise then the holy Ghost meant, but quite contrary to his meaning. Which is evident by many particulars: but we will content ourselves with some few for a taste. The 
e Isai. c. 28. & 8.  prophets & 
f Rom. 9 & 1. Pet. 2.  apostles, by the corner stone placed in the foundation of the church, and stone of offence, do understand Christ jesus: but 
g In praef. in lib. de Pontif. Rom.  Bellarmine will have the pope to be understood by these words. He will also ᶻ have the words of Christ, Super hanc Petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam; to be meant of the pope. Where our Saviour saith, 
h Ibidem.  Pasce oves meas, these words the papists do appropriate to the pope. These words, Drink ye all of this; they interpret, as if Christ had said, drink not all of this. Where the apostle saith, Marriage is honourable among all men, and understandeth it of such, as may marry by the laws of God: they say marriage is not honourable for priests or monks. Where our Saviour Christ saith, Scruta mini scripturas; they say Search not the Scriptures. Where he saith, that Those do in vain worship him, that teach doctrines of men; these teach quite contrary, and place the special worship of God in human traditions. Where the spirit of God commandeth, That prayers be made for princes, and willeth subjects to obey the Magistrate, these antichristian papists curse princes, and teach subjects to rebel, and say that it is meritorious to kill them. Ecce duo gladij hîc: ergo, saith pope Boniface, the pope hath two sword, and with these sword, de facto, the pope's do destroy men's souls, and kill their bodies. It were infinite to rehearse all their wicked and false interpretations of Scriptures, and in this place it is not necessary, seeing by these, which we have already alleged, it may sufficiently appear, that the papists are heretics: at least, if Isidorus say true.  
As the 
a Damascen. de haeres.  Herodians gave the name and honour of Christ to Herode, so the papists do give the names of Christ to the pope, allowing these words of Bernard to Eugenius, unctione Christus es. They call him the foundation and rock of the church, the head and spouse of the church, and such like. They teach that he and Christ make but one seat of judgement, and 
b Lib. caerem.  say, That all power is given to the pope in heaven and earth. If then the Herodians deserve, for honouring Herode with Christ his titles, to be reputed heretics, why should not the papists likewise be reputed heretics, that do as impudently and wickedly give Christ's honour to the pope.  

c De haeresib. c. Heicetae.  Damascene numbereth those monks and nuns among heretics, that meeting used to dance together in the praise of God: yet do not the popish fort leave their piping and dancing processions, nor do monks and nuns cease to celebrate their comedical dancing masses, skipping and hopping about the altar like apes, that are taught to leap for their master's advantage.  

d Ibidem. c. Gnosimachi.  Gnosimachi were certain heretics, that would not, that vulgar Christians should study the scriptures. Omni christianorum cognitioni, ac scientiae ita adversantur, saith Damascene, ut vanum & minus necessarium laborem esse dicant eorum, qui in divinis scripturis aliquam exquirunt scientiam. Neque enim deum aliud à Christiano postulare, quam bonas praeclarasque actiones. Itaque aliquem simplici rudique animo institutum suum pierce qui melius est, ut aiont, quàm multam curam in cognoscendis de cretis & sententijs ponere.  
The which now is just the opinion of the papists, that hold it to be mortal sin for lay men to dispute of matters of religion, and think the collier's faith to be sufficient, albeit he knoweth nothing, but only answereth, That he believeth, as the church believeth. 
a De le●●t indi●●. lib. ●.  Hosius writing against Brentius doth commend ignorance, and doth greatly allow this saying, Fides te saluum fecit, non exercitatio scripturarum. 
b Lib. 3. de auth. scripture.  He saith also, That nothing is more pernicious, then with scriptures to enter combat with satan. Generally they allow an implicit faith in the rude sort, and dehort them from knowledge of scriptures, which is the flat heresy of the Gnosimachians.  
The 
c Damascen. d● haeres. c. ●thnop●ronis.  Ethnophronians were condemned for observing divers heathenish customs, and holy days. Which notwithstanding, pope Boniface the eight instituted the jubiley every hundred years in imitation of the plays called by the Romans' Ludi seculares. The papists also have their censinges and expiations with holy water, like the Gentiles. They keep the Carnevall, as the Romans' did their Lupercalia. They canonize saints, as the heathen did canonize their benefactors for Gods. They offer sacrifices for the souls of the departed, as did the Gentiles. They use their lots and conjurations, and lash themselves before their idols, and have divers other fashions of the Gentiles.  
ᵈ As the montanists, 
a De haeres. c. christianocategori.  so likewise do papists mislike second marriages, denying to bless them, and not accounting those marriages so holy a sacrament as the first.  
Damascene accounteth them also heretics, That worshipped the images of our Saviour, of the blessed virgin, and the saints, as the Gentiles did their Gods. Which is just the case of papists. For both of them bow to them, pray to them, burn incense to them, offer sacrifice before them. And both of them deny, that they worship stocks or stones, but rather those persons, that are represented by them.  
Finally the very nature and properties of heretics, do argue and convince the papists to be such. The apostle when he had warned the Romans' to beware of those, that caused divisions and scandals, 
Rom. 16.  he ᵉ addeth also Against that doctrine, which they had received: so that by the apostles judgement those seem to be heretics that cause sects, divisions, and scandals contrary to apostolical doctrine. He also is an heretic, That 
a 1. Tim. 6.  teacheth other doctrine, and resteth not in the wholesome words of our Lord jesus Christ. The apostle Peter where he saith, 
b 2. Pet. 2.  that There shall rise up false teachers, which shall privily bring in heresies, and damnable sects: doth show them to be heretics, that teach false doctrine, overthrowing the mystery of our redemption through Christ. 
c De praescrip. adverse. haeret.  Tertullian doth oppose heretics to the apostles, and their doctrine to apostolical doctrine. unde extranei, & inimici apostolis haeretici, saith he, nisi ex diversitate doctrinae, quam unusquisque de suo arbitrio adversus apostolos, aut protulit, aut recepit? Haeresis saith 
d Lib. 2. paert. 1.  Occam, est dogma falsum fidei contrarium orthodoxae. 
e Apud Matth. Paris in Hen. 3.  Robert Grosthed saith, That heresy is an opinion chosen of human understanding, contrary to Scripture, and either openly taught or defended. 
f Apud Dionys. Carth. in 3. sent. dist 31.  Durande signifieth, That heresy is only an opinion contrary to canonical Scripture. Opinio ista 
g Aen. Sylu. de gest. council. Basil. lib. 1.  saith he, non est haeretica, quia non est contra canonicam scripturam. The ʰ council of Basill doth determine him to be an heretic, That doth reject the catholic faith deduced out of canonical scriptures, and proved by fathers. Seeing then the papists have caused a great division from the apostlike and ancient church, and have taught other doctrine contrary to that of Christ jesus, and have corrupted the very deepest mysteries of Christian religion, and have digressed from apostolical rules, and taught doctrine contrary to Christian faith, to the catholic church of former times, and finally to canonical scriptures, as may appear by their grounds of faith, by their legends and decretals, by their Tridentine doctrine concerning the Gospel and the law, by their idolatrous mass, by their worshipping of saints, nay of stocks and stones, rags, and rotten bones, by their rebellion against princes, and their allowance of the government of the pope; there is no question to be made, but that papists are clearly heretics.   

CHAP. FOUR  
That the church of Rome is not the true church of Christ.  
NOw if the pope and his faction the papists be heretics, then doth it necessarily follow thereof, that they are not the true church. For the true church keepeth the faith sound and entire. But these 
a 1. Tim. 1.  Have made shipwreck of faith. Heretics are gone out from us, because they are not of us, as saint 
b 1. john 2.  john saith. Those of the true church, are of the household of faith, and the apostles heirs. But heretics are strangers, as 
c De praescrip. adverse. haeret.  Tertullian saith, and maintain doctrine contrary to the apostles. Heretics, as 
d In dialog. contr. Lucifer.  Hierome saith, Are not the church of Christ, but the synagogue of antichrist.  
Again if the church of Rome have altered, and innovated Christ's religion; then can it not be the true church, for That 
e 1. Tim. 6.  doth faithfully keep the faith committed to her in deposte, and avoideth all profane novelties: she 
f Ibidem.  keepeth Gods commandments without addition, or blemish. Catholica ecclesia sedula & cauta depositorum apud se dogmatum custos nihil in ijs unquam permutat, nihil minuit, nihil addit, as saith 
g Contra haeres. c. 32.  Vincentius Lirinensis. Contrariwise 
h Ibidem c. 36.  Heretics not content with the ancient rule of faith, are daily seeking out novelties, and are desirous to add, to change, to take away.  
Further if the faith of the church of Rome be not catholic, and general, and that which our Saviour commanded his apostles to teach all nations; then is not that the true church. For as we believe the church to be catholic, so we believe that the faith thereof is catholic, and universal. We may not follow the pope of Rome, nor the bishop of jerusalem, or Alexandria, but the catholic church, and that we shall do, if we embrace that faith, which the whole church throughout the world confesseth. Sequemur universitatem, saith 
i Adverse. haeres. c. 3.  Vincentius Lirinensis, si hanc unam fidem veram esse fateamur, quam tota per orbem terrarum confitetur ecclesia. If any have a singular faith, beside that which always, and in all places hath been taught by the apostles, and their true successors, we are not to hearken to them. No 
a Deut. 13.  Although a Prophet, or great learned man rise up among us, yet are we not to listen to him.  
This may be sufficient to teach us, that the synagogue of Rome is not that church, whereto we are to resort, and adjoin ourselves. But forsomuch as heretics, as apes imitate men, so counterfeit to be the true church, as 
b Epist. ad jubatan.  Cyprian telleth us; and every society and company of heretics do think themselves to be christians, and bear themselves bold on the name of the catholic church, as 
c Lib. 4. instit. c. 30.  Lactantius writeth, and considering that the church of Rome hath long abused the world with the mask of the true church: I thought it very requisite in this chapter briefly to set down such arguments, as may clearly demonstrate, what she is, and so much the rather, for that many simple souls have heretofore been seduced, and persuaded, that Rome is the city of God, and that chaste spouse of Christ, which loveth and serveth none, but him. If our adversary will needs call the same the catholic church, yet let him first peruse and answer our arguments, as they are here laid down in order.  
First then we both confess, that the church of Christ is built upon Christ jesus. No man, saith the 
d 1. Cor. 3.  apostle, can lay any other foundation beside that, which already is laid, which is Christ jesus. He is 
e Isai. 28.  that Corner stone, that is 
e Isai. 28.  placed in the foundation of Zion. He is that 
f Matth. 16.  Rock, upon which the church is built. Super hanc petram, quam confessus es, saith saint 
g Ser. 13. de verb. Dom.  Augustine, super hanc petram, quam cognovisti dicens, tu es Christus filius dei, aedificabo ecclesiam meam, id est super meipsum filium dei vivi aedificabo ecclesiam meam. Other fathers 
h Ambros. in c. 9 Luc. & Cyrill. lib. 4. de Trinit.  that say the church is built, either upon The confession, or faith of Peter, or else upon Peter himself, do understand indirectly Christ jesus whom he confessed, and on whom he believed, and on whom Peter was built. But the church of Rome is built upon the pope, and upon the papacy. Est Petri feeds, saith 
i In praefat. in lib. de pontiff. Rom.  Bellarmine, lapis probatus, angularis, pretiosus, in fundamento fundatus. He 
k Lib. 2. de pontiff. Rom. c. 3.  saith also, That the pope is the foundation of the building of the church, and goeth about to prove it by certain words of Hierome, who never thought any such matter. 
a Sanders his rock of the church.  Sanders doth endeavour to prove, That the pope's are the immovable rock of the church. 
b Contr. Sa●eel●●.  Turrian, because Christ saith, Aedificabo ecclesiam meam, & non aedifico ecclesiam meam, concludeth that the pope's of future times are understood: and this is the common opinion of all papists. How then can that be the true church, that is built upon a divers foundation, and either neglecting, or not greatly caring for Christ jesus the principal rock, doth wholly rely upon the pope's of Rome, men neither like to Christ, nor like to Peter, nor like to a rock? Unless it be in that they deny Christ, and are as hard hearted against Christians, as if they were rocks.  
Secondly the faith of the true catholic church is built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets, and their canonical doctrine. The apostle 
c Ephes. 2.  saith, That the household of God, and citizens of saints are built upon the foundations of the apostles and prophets. S. 
d Apocal. 25.  john showeth, That the wall of the city of God hath twelve foundations, and in them the names of the twelve apostles. The church is built not upon Peter only, as saint 
e Lib. adverse. ●●in.  Hierome saith, but upon all the apostles. At dicis super Petrum fundatur ecclesia, licèt id ipsum in alio loco super omnes apostolos, & cuncti claves regni caelorum accipiant, & ex aequo super eos ecclesiae fortitudo solidetur. The church of God saith 
f In Ephes. 2.  Theophylact, is built upon the apostles and prophets. And all this is therefore affirmed of them, because they preached not themselves, but Christ jesus, and wrote the canonical scriptures, that they might be, as 
g Lib. 3. adverse. haeres. c. 1.  Irenaeus saith, The foundation of our faith. Unto this foundation the ancient fathers do all give testimony. But the faith of the Romish synagogue is built upon the determinations & decretals of pope's. They count their determinations to be infallible, and make them sovereign judges of all controversies in Christ's stead. Alij nunc à Christo missi, saith 
h In praefat in relect. in prin●ip. doct.  Stapleton, eorumue doctrina, praedicatio, determinatio fundamenti apud me locum habebunt. He plainly 
i Ibidem.  confesseth, that the papists have another foundation of their faith besides the scriptures. Christianae religionis fundamentum habemus saith he, ab ipsis literis evangelicis & apostolicis aliud. And 
k Lib. 4. de verb. Dei. c. 4.  Bellarmine disputing of traditions calleth them the word of God not written, and saith, That the scriptures are neither necessary, nor sufficient without them. Demonstrare conabimur, saith he, scripturas sine traditionibus nec fuisse simpliciter necessarias, nec sufficientes. Now if they cannot show, that the church of God in times past did build their faith upon the pope's decretals and traditions; they must needs confess, that they are not the true church.  
Thirdly never did the church of Christ speak evil of Scriptures. 
a Lib. 3. adverse. haeres. c. 2.  Irenaeus saith, It is the property of heretics, when they are convinced by Scriptures, to fall into dislike of them, and to accuse them. The children of God certes cannot calumniate their heavenly father's testament, or refuse to hear his voice. My sheep saith our 
b I●hn 10.  Saviour, hear my voice. But the papists say, they are neither necessary, nor sufficient, as doth Bellarmine: or no sufficient foundation of the church, as doth Stapleton, in the places above mentioned; and speak evil of them, as if they were 
c Annot. Rhem. in 2. Cor. 3.  A kill letter, and most pernicious; or as if they were a nose of ware, 
d Ce●sur. Colon.  or a matter of contention: and will not suffer them to be publicly read in a tongue, that is understood of the vulgar fort.  
4. The church of God doth keep the doctrine of the apostles, without addition and alteration, avoiding all profane novelties. The 
Gal. 1.  apostle pronounceth him accursed, That teacheth any other Gospel, then that which he taught. So 
f Adverse. haeres. c. 34.  Vincentius L●rinensis saith, Catholicorum hoc ferè proprium, deposita sanctorum patrum & commissa servare, damnare prophanas novitates, & sicut dixit, & iterum dixit apostolus, si quis annuntiaverit praeterquam quod acceptum est, anathematizare. But the synagogue of Rome hath added unto the doctrine of the apostles infinite novelties, as hath been declared above in the second chapter. Their doctrine concerning the grounds of faith, concerning the law, the Gospel and divers points of Christian faith▪ their worship of God, their massing service, and popish government is new, as their new decretals, and late Tridentine doctrine, & the decrees of other late counsels, whereupon all their popish faith dependeth, do plainly testify.  
5. The true church cannot abide heretics that teach doctrine contrary to that of the apostles. Christ jesus speaking of his sheep 
g john 10.  saith, They will not follow a stranger, but fly from him, for that they know not the voice of strangers, that the apostles gave the faithful Christians in charge. If there come any unto you, saith 
a 2. john.  saint john, and bring not this doctrine, receive him not to house, neither salute him. Tantum apostoli & horum discipuli, saith 
b Lib. 3. adverse. haeres. c. 3.  Irenaeus, habuerunt timorem, ut neque verbotenus communicarent alicui eorum, qui adulteraverant veritatem. Let us separate ourselves, saith 
c Lib. 1. ep. 3.  Cyprian, as far from them, as they separate themselves from the church. Neither can the true church embrace erroneous doctrine. For true Christians will not hear the voice of strangers. Si haeretici sunt, saith Tertullian, 
d De praescrip. adverse. haeret.  Christiani esse non possunt. But it is apparent, that the pope's of Rome are heretics which are the great masters and Rabbins of the Romish synagogue, as may appear by the examples of Liberius, Felix, Vigilius, Honorius th● first, john the two & twentieth, Eugenius the 4. and divers others. We have also showed, that the synagogue of Rome hath embraced divers heresies, and doth wholly addict herself to embrace heretics, and to persecute true teachers.  
6. The church of God is the mistress and teacher of truth, and admitteth no falsehood nor untruth. The 
e 1. Tim. 3.  apostle doth call her The pillar and ground of truth. Est fons veritatis faith 
f Instit. divin. lib. 4. c. vlt.  Lactantius, hoc est domicilium fidei. She is the fontaine of truth, that is to say, The house where true faith dwelleth. but the synagogue of Rome, is not only a receptacle of lewd opinions, but also the mother and mistress of lies, and vanities. She not only receiveth false traditions, but also teacheth them. She embraceth lying legends, and old wives fables, and apocryphal devices. And this is the word of God not written, which they so much commend, and make equal to holy scriptures. That church 
g In breuiar. in festo Catarrh.  believeth, That saint Catharine was a maiden of Alexandria so well learned, that at eighteen years of age she passed the most learned, and overcame fifty philosophers, & converted Faustina the empress and Porphyrius a captain of his to the faith, and broke the tormenting wheel with her orisons. They say also, that her body was buried by angels in mount Sinah. Matters incredible and no where to be found.  

h In festo Clementis.  They believe also That Clement the successor of Peter was by trajan sent into the wilderness of Cersona (we know not where) and that there he saw a lamb making a well to sally out of the top of the mountain, and that being cast into the sea with a millstone about his neck, the sea fled three miles from the shore, and there was found a little chapel built in the sea, where his body was bestowed.  
They tell how 
a In festo Gregor. Thaumaturg.  Gregory of Neocesaria caused the river of Lycus to keep within his bounds by planting his staff on the bank, And that his staff grew presently into a great tree.  
Peter Martyr one of dominics order, as they 
b In festo Petr. Martyr.  believe, did keep his virginity, both in body and mind, in that sort, That he never felt himself defiled with any mortal sin, and did so long fast, that scarce he could open his mouth to eat, as they tell.  
They tell us also like wonders of Nicolas, Valerian, Tiburtius, Cecilia, and divers others. In the legend of 
c Deal volto santo.  jacobus de voragine, translated into Italian, and commonly read to the women and vulgar people we read, How an image representing our Saviour, did lift up his foot, and cast off his silver slipper to a certain pilgrim that devoutly stood before it, & would have offered somewhat, and had nothing. 
d Di santa Catharina.  Catharine of Si●na is there reported to be betrothed to our Saviour Christ, and to have done strange things. They generally say, that Christ imprinted in Saint Francis his five wounds; and therefore they call him I●sum Typicum: and divers pope's do by their decretals confirm the same to be true. To abridge this point, they have infinite such like fabulous narrations, in their breviaries, and legendaries. Now gladly would I have our adversary to show us, whether these histories and legends are not received of the church of Rome, and esteemed as holy traditions; nay as the word of God revealed by the church, or by the pope; and how these that build their faith on such lies, can be the church of God.  
7. The faith of God's true church cannot be built upon any untruth, as Thomas Aquinas himself confesseth. Nihil 
e 2. 2. q. 1 art. 3  saith he, cadere potest sub fide, nisi inquantum stat sub v●ritate prima, sub qua nullum falsum stare potest. And afterward he saith, Fidei non potest subesse aliquod falsum. Christ jesus he is truth itself. How then can the church, that is built on this rock, admit any falsehood? But the synagogue of Rome believeth all the traditions of the church wherein infinite lies are contained. They as well believe the wounds of Saint Francis, as Christ's wounds. They believe that stocks have walked, that dumb images have spoken, that saints and angels have appeared, and spoken and done, as is contained in the legends of the church. Nay they are bound to believe the tales of Tecla, Christopher, George, Cyric and julitta and such other apocryphal legends; or else they must deny their traditions to be the word of God not written.  
The church of Christ is bounded within the limits of the Scriptures. Habet urbes legis, prophetarum, & evangelii, as Saint 
a In Mich. lib. 1. c. 1.  Hierome saith, non est egressa de finibus suis, id est, de scriptures sanctis. He 
b Ibid●m c. 7.  saith also, That it is the property of heretics to fly to men's commandments, and the leaven of Pharisees. Saint 
c Lib. 19 de civit. Dei. c. 18.  Augustine saith, That the city of God believeth the holy Scriptures, that are called canonical, but of other reports doubteth. But the church of Rome doth not keep within these bounds, nor believeth only things contained in holy Scriptures. For The same receiveth the 
d Trid. conc. sess. 4.  traditions of the church with equal reverence to the scriptures, and mingleth much of the leaven of pharisees, and other heretics with their doctrine. It believeth also all that is delivered in the missales and breviaries, & whatsoever the pope's of Rome either have determined, or shall hereafter determine to be a matter of faith.  
9 The church of Christ doth worship but one God, and serveth him only, according to this 
e Exod. 20.  commandment, Thou shalt have no other gods but me. Our Saviour Christ also showeth, 
f Matth. 4.  That God only is to be worshipped and served. The catholic church only, saith 
g Institut. lib. 4. c. vlt.  Lactantius, doth retain the true worship of God. But the synagogue of Rome hath utterly corrupted Gods true worship, and giveth divine worship to stocks and stones. Cum Christus, saith 
h P. 3. q. 25. art. 3.  Thomas Aquinas, adoretur adoratione latriae, consequens est, quod eius imago sit adoratione latriae adoranda. 
i In lib. 3. sent. dist. 9 q. 2.  Bonaventure proveth, that images are to be retained in churches, and worshipped with a verse of Horace, de arte Poetica.  
Segniùs irritant animos demissa per aures, saith he,  
Quam quae sunt oculis subiecta fidelibus, & quae  
Ipse sibi tradit spectator.  
They worship and serve saints; they offer sacrifices in their honour, they burn incense to their images, they light candles before them, they carry them about, which the catholic church never did, nor allowed.  
10. The church of God never burned the Scriptures. No, albeit there were errors in the old vulgar Latin translation, and in the translation of Theodotion, Symachus, and the 70. interpreters, yet did not the church therefore burn them. Neither did ever the true church prohibit the Scriptures to be publicly read in the vulgar tongues, or burn those for heretics that read them privately without licence. Nay rather they searched their heavenly father's will in his most holy testament, and exhorted men to search the Scriptures, according to our Saviour Christ's commandment. Saint 
a In Psal. 86.  Hierome saith, that these scriptures are not belonging only to priests, but to the people. Non scripserunt saith he, speaking of the apostles, paucis, sed universo populo. but the church of Rome not unlike to the barbarous heathen persecutors, hath divers times caused the scriptures to be burnt, and hath burnt divers for reading of them, as appeareth by the Registers of London and Lincoln. In the council of Trent they forbade them to be read publicly. And privately they will not have them read without licence. Lar●us, saith 
b In Manual. cap. 11. in 1. precept.  Navarrus, disputans de fide peccat mortaliter. They cannot abide them, no more than those that do evil, can abide the light.  
11. The true church doth acknowledge no head of the universal church, but Christ only, which is also the Saviour of his body. Christ saith the 
c Ephes. 2.  apostle, Is the head of the church, and he is the saviour of his body. Neither can any thing be devised more deformed and prodigious, than one body with two heads. 
d Lib. 4. epist. 38. ad Joan. Constant.  Gregory the first could not endure, that Peter should be called the head of the whole church. Peter the apostle, saith he, is the first member of the holy catholic church, and Paul, Andrew, and john what are they but heads of divers parishes, and yet all are members of the church under one head? Neither could he suffer any to be called the universal bishop of the church. Saint 
e De agone. Christ. & in Psal. 9  Augustine saith, that Christ jesus, that is the mediator betwixt God and man, is the head of the church. But the Romish church doth allow & acknowledge the pope to be her head. And the canonist 
f In gloss in c. unam. ●xtr. de maior. & obed.  Bertrand blasphemously saith, That Christ had not been discreet, if he had not left a vicar general behind him. And this doth 
a In praefat. in lib. de pontiff. R m. & lib. 2. de pontiff. R●m. c. 31.  Bellarmine teach, and all papists believe and profess; or else they are not perfect papists. Oh strange church, that liveth under such a head! oh miserable people, that endure this Babylonish slavery!  
12. The true church is Christ's faithful spouse. Sponsabo te mihi, 
b Oseae 2.  saith God to his church, in fide. 
c De unitate eccles.  Cyprian saith, that she cannot be drawn to like of an adulterer, being incorrupt and chaste. Adulterari non potest Christi sponsa: incorrupta est, & pudica. She hearkeneth only to the voice of her spouse. En dilectus meus, saith the church, 
Cantic. c. 2.  loquitur mihi, surge, propera amica mea, columba mea, formosa mea, & veni. But the church of Rome doth 
e Turr●●rem. sum. lib. 2. c. 28. & Thom. Aq. in 4. sent. d●st. 3. 8.  acknowledge the pope to be her spouse. And 
f Lib. 2. de pontiff. Rom. c. 31.  Bellarmine doth defend, that the pope is justly entitled the spouse of the church. Nay the pope 
g Canter corsoralia. de tra●st. episc. etc. qu●niam. de imm●nitate eccles.  doth so call himself: and therefore the papists must take heed, that they do not henceforth deny him to be the spouse of their cacolike church. Who then is so blind, as not to see, that she is rather that purple harlot, of whom mention is made Apoc. 17. of whose cup the nations of the earth have drunken so many abominations, than Christ's undefiled spouse?  
13. The true church is a communion of saints. For so we profess, when we say we believe The holy catholic church, the communion of Saints. The 
h 1. Cor. 1.  apostle doth describe the church of Corinth To be a society of saints calling on the name of the Lord jesus. So that to be a true member of this church, it is requisite, that a man have faith in Christ, and that he show his faith by his works. But the Romish church is a society of such as profess the faith, and receive the sacraments of the Romish church. And 
i Lib. de eccles. milit. c. 2. & 3.  Bellarmine confesseth, That to be a member of the Romish church there is neither inward faith, nor charity, nor any inward virtue required. Nay 
k Ibid. c. 10. & 11.  he saith, That such as be inwardly atheists and heretics, and most heinous sinners, may be true members of that church: which is a most evident argument, that they are not the true church.  
14. The true church is not necessarily tied to the obedience of the bishop of Rome, nor never was. The spiritual jerusalem, Which is the mother of 
l Galath. 4.  us all, is free; and acknowledgeth no Lord but one, which is Lord of all. For so the apostle 
a Ephes. 4.  saith, There is one Lord, one faith, one baptism. But the church of Rome beside this Lord, doth acknowledge herself subject to the pope her Lord and God in earth. 
b C. unam. ext. de ma. & obed.  Boniface the 8. determineth, that none can be saved in the Romish ark, but they that are subject to the pope. And 
c De eccles. milit. c. 2.  Bellarmine doth exclude all from the church of Rome, that live not under the obedience of the pope. Finally this is the common opinion of the 
d Ibidem c. 5.  adversaries, that exclude out of their church all schismatics, and account all to be so, that are not subject to the pope.  
15. The true church doth profess the catholic faith, Which unless a man keep entire, and inviolate, he shall perish everlastingly, as 
e In symbolo.  Athanasius teacheth us, and we publicly profess. Now the catholic faith concerning jesus Christ's incarnation and ascension 
f Ibidem.  is this, That I●sus Christ is perfect man, as he is perfect God, and that he took man's flesh, and yet is but one Christ, and that in his humanity he is ascended into heaven. We believe also, That we are 
g Rom. 4.  justified by faith in Christ jesus, and not by the works of the law, as the apostle teacheth us; and that Being 
h Rom. 5.  justified by faith, we have peace with God.  
We believe also 
i Rom. 6.  That the reward of sin is death, and that eternal life is the gift of God. We believe that Christ's institution is to be observed in the sacraments, and that in baptism we are to use clean water: and that in the supper of the Lord all that are present are to communicate, and to receive the cup, as well as the sacrament of the lords body, according to 
k Matth. 26.  Christ's words, Take eat; and Drink ye all of this. We believe also, that Christ is to be worshipped as he hath appointed, and not according to the inventions of men. Finally we believe, That 
l Ephes. 4.  Christ ascending to his father gave some Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some Pastors and teachers: and that these are sufficient for the building of the church, and the bringing together of the saints. And this all belongeth to the catholic faith.  
But this false and adulterous synagogue of Rome hath violated these points of catholic faith. For it believeth not that Christ is perfect man, but that he hath a body neither visible, nor palpable, that is contained under the forms of bread no bigger than a counter. It believeth not, that he took other flesh, then that which may be in heaven, and in earth, and in as many places, as the sacrament is, at one time. But 
a Contr. Eutychen lib. 4. c. 4.  Vigilius saith, That the flesh of Christ, that is in heaven, is not in earth. Fulgentius writing to Thrasimundus saith, That the body of Christ now hath the properties of a true body. It believeth also, that Christ is not so ascended, but that we are to seek his body here on earth, and to touch him with our mouths, and teeth. But saint 
b Lib. 10. in c. 24. Luc.  Ambrose saith, That we touch not Christ with corporal handling, but by faith, and are not to seek him on the earth, nor after the flesh, if we will find him. 
c De resur. carn.  Tertullian saith, That his body is in the palace of heaven. The papists also believe, that there is one Christ in heaven visible, and palpable, and another in the sacrament invisible, and unpalpable. They 
d Concil. Trid. s●ss.  teach, that we are justified by the works of the law, and that faith is nothing, but a preparation to justification. They teach men to doubt, and distrust of their salvation, and after justification send them to be tormented in purgatory, they cannot tell how long: but divers thousands of years, if their indulgences and bulls concerning the same contain truth. They believe, that there be certain venial sins, whose wages and reward is not death; and that eternal life is no free gift, but the wages of men's good works and merits. The institution of Christ both in baptism, and in the lords supper they have violated, adding many other things beside water in baptism, and turning the communion in the lords supper into a private action, and taking the cup from all the communicantes, save the priest, that saith mass. In the worship of God they have devised infinite matters, which God never required at their hands. Nay something they have instituted in the worship of God contrary to his commandment, as the worshipping of God in graven images, contrary to his commandment concerning images; and the calling upon angels and saints, contrary to the commandment, Thou shalt have no other Gods but me. Finally they have in lieu of Christ established Antichrist with a guard of Cardinals, and an army of priests, and certain swarms of vermin called monks and friars to the dissipation of Christ's body, and the subversion of the faith.  
16. The true church never made public confession of their sins to the virgin Mary, to the archangel Michael, to saint john Baptist, or to the apostles Peter and Paul, and to all the saints. Saint Augustine's confessions are comprised in divers books: yet hath he none of this fashion. In the ancient liturgies, albeit they have passed through the hands of falsaryes, yet can no such precedent be found. But they in their daily liturgies 
a In breviario & officio beata Mariae.  teach men to say in this sort, Confite or deo omnipotenti, beatae Mariae semper virgini, beato joanni Baptistae, sanctis apostolis Petro & Paulo, beato N. & omnibus sanctis, & vobis fratres.  
17. Christ's true church hath no sacraments, but such as Christ hath instituted, as may appear by justines' apology, by that book of sacraments that passeth under the name of Ambrose, by Dionysius his description of ecclesiastical mysteries, and all ancient liturgies of the Christian church, save such as are falsified. But the popish synagogue have made evangelical sacraments of matrimony, order, and penance. Of which the first two were instituted in the old testament, and the third is an act always used in the church of God, but never accounted a sacrament, as wanting both certain signs, and sacramental institution and form. They have also made sacraments of confirmation, and extreme unction, and given them both signs and forms, that were never known in the ancient church of Christ.  
18. The true church never shunned to receive the cup, as well as the lords body in the sacrament. 
b Serm. 4. de quadrages.  Leo saith they were Manichées, That receiving the sacraments, took the body of Christ, but in any wise shunned to drink the blood of our redemption: and he calleth this act Sacrilegious. 
c De consecrat. dist. 2. c. comperimus.  Gelasius also saith, That it is plain sacrilege, to part the one and the same mystery, and to receive a portion of the sanctified body, and to abstain from the cup of the sacred blood. But now the synagogue of Rome doth count this ministration of Sacraments in one kind to be good religion, and straightly commandeth all, save the priest, to abstain from the cup.  
19 The ancient catholic 
d Apost. can. 9 & council. Antioch. c. 2.  church did excommunicate such, As entered the church and heard the Scriptures read, and staid not out prayers, nor received the holy communion. And the Romanists themselves, under the name of Calixtus, have 
e C. peracta. de consecrat. dist. 2.  published this decree, That all should be excommunicate, that would not communicate. And that this was the order of the christian church, that all, that were present at the oblation should communicate, it appeareth both by justines' second apology, and by Dionysius the Areopagites description of these ecclesiastical rites and ceremonies. But the church of Rome after consecration, sendeth all away, for the most part, without communion, and thinketh it not necessary.  
20. The ancient catholic church had but one sacrifice, one altar, one priest. The priest and sacrifice was Christ jesus once offered for the sins of all: the altar was the cross of Christ. Christ, saith 
a De demonstr. evang. l. 1. c. 10.  Euse●i●s, offered a most excellent sacrifice for the valuation of us all, and gave us a memorial (or sacrament) thereof, instead of a sacrifice. Saint 
b In c. 10. epist. ad Hebr.  Ambrose saith, That our sacrifice is but a sampler of that, which our Saviour offered on the cross. Saint 
c Contr. Faust. lib. 20. c. 21.  Augustine saith, That the flesh and blood of this sacrifice was yielded in very truth, when Christ was put to death, and that after his ascension it is now solemnized by the sacrament of remembrance of that sacrifice. 
d Eccles. Hierarch. c. 3.  Dionysius calleth it A figurative sacrifice. That which is offered and consecrated by the priest, is called a sacrifice and oblation, because it is a memorial and representation of the true sacrifice, and holy oblation, made on the altar of the cross, as saith 
e Sentent. 4. dist. 12.  Peter Lombard: and so their glosses 
f Dist. 2. de consecrat. c. semel. etc. in Christo. etc. iteratur.  confess, that this sacrifice is but a memorial, or sacrament, or representation of Christ his passion, and sacrifice. 
g Epist. 25. plebi universae.  Cyprian denieth, that we can institute a new altar, or new priesthood. Aliud altare constitui, aut sacerdotium nowm fieri, praeter unum altar, & unum sacerdotium, non potest. But the papists have forged of late time a new external sacrifice propitiatory for quick and dead, and devised a new altar of stone, and instituted a new priesthood, not to celebrate a memorial of Christ's death and passion, but to offer indeed Christ himself in a true sacrifice, after a gross and carnal sort.  
21. The true catholic church never taught, nor thought so basely of the most holy body of our Lord and Saviour Christ jesus, that they imagined that a mouse, a dog, a hog or other brute beast did eat it, and press it with teeth, and swallow it down. For they believed, as we believe, that Christ is in heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God, and is far from those pressures, and contumelies. But the synagogue of Rome believeth, that a brute beast may eat Christ's body. If a dog or hog saith 
a Part. 4. q. 45.  Alexander Hales, should eat the whole consecrated host, I see no cause, but the Lords body should go therewithal into that dogs, or hog's belly. Some have said, as it is in 
b Part. 3. q. 8. art. 3.  Thomas Aquinas his sum, that Assoon as the sacrament is taken of a mouse, or a dog, straightway the body and blood of Christ cease to be there: but this is a derogation to the truth of this sacrament. And where the master of 
c Lib. 4. dist. 13.  sentences abhorreth from this position, saying that it may be well said, that the body of Christ is not received of brute beasts; the masters of Paris put this in the margin that 
d Hîc Magister non tenetur.  Hear the master is not believed.  
22. The true catholic church did never sell the holy sacrament, nor believe that it was a means to satisfy for sins both of quick and dead. Nor did the same promise health to the sick, sighed to the blind gain to merchants, husbands to maidens being present at the sacrament. But the Romish synagogue doth sell Christ. Deteriores sunt juda, 
e C. 23.  saith the author, that made Onus ecclesiae, alleging the authority of saint B●git, Qui pro solis denarijs me vendidit, illi autem pro omni mercimonio. And no traffic is more common in the Romish church, than the traffic for masses. They make men believe, that this sacrifice of the mass is expiatory both for the sins of quick and dead. Hoc sacrificium, saith 
f De valour missae. parad. 12.  Guernerus, est exp●atiuum debitae poenae tam hîc, quam in futuro exoluendae. He 
g Ibid. parad. 9  showeth also, that It hath miraculous effects against thunder, danger of enemies, and all other dangers, and that he that frequenteth the mass, shall be directed in all things. Neither can any man desire any thing, that priests by their masses will not promise to obtain for him.  
23. The true catholic church did never use to make holy water, nor to consecrate paschal lambs, nor oil, nor candles, nor such like things. Nor did the same believe, that by holy water venial sins were remitted, or that it was good to drive away mice, or make barren women conceive, or that the other hallowed things have such effects, as the schoolmen teach. But the Romish church doth 
h Missal. Rom. in fin.  consecrate holy water, and paschal lambs, oil, candles, and other creatures, and hath a great opinion of these consecrate things. Non mane institut●●●n est, saith 
i In lib. Numer. c. 19  Augustin Ste●chus, quod aquas sale & orationibus sanctificamus, ut ad ●orum aspersum delicta nostra deleantur. 
a In dialog.  Alane Copus telleth us, that holy water is good to drive away mice, and to make barren women to conceive.  
25. The true church standeth not much upon external ceremonies, as in the time of Moses' law. The 
b Coloss. 2.  apostle writing to the Colossians would not have men condemned In respect of meat, or drink, or of holy days. Nor would have them burdened with traditions, As touch not, taste not, handle not. And 
c john 4.  Christ saith, that in his church True worshippers should worship God in spirit and truth. But the service of the Romish church for the most part consisteth in external observances; as for example in abstaining from certain meats and drinks, and widowhood, and abstinence from marriage, in singing, ringing, going on pilgrimage, painting, knocking, greasing, keeping feasts and holy days, and worshipping the sacrament, and external signs.  
26. The true church of God neither made the image of the godhead, nor set up images in churches to be worshipped, knowing that the same is directly contrary to the commandment of God. 
d Adverse. Gentes. lib. 8.  Arnobius saith, That the first Christians had no altars, nor temples, nor images worshipped in open show. Ne simulachra quidem veneramur, saith 
e Contra. Celsum lib. 7.  Origen, quip qui dei, ut invisibilis, ita & incorporei formam nullam effigiamus. 
f Lib. 2. divin. instit. c. 19  Lactantius saith, There is no religion, where there is an image. The council of 
g C. 36.  Eliberis forbade pictures in churches. Arnobius saith, that Christians do not worship the cross. Cruces saith he, nec colimus, nec optamus. lib. 8. adverse. gentes. 
h Lib. 9 ep. 9  Gregory himself would not have images worshipped, albeit he would not have them broken down. 
De cultu imag. lib. 1.  jonas Aurelianensis writing for images condemneth the popish manner of worshipping them. Creaturam adorari, eíque aliquid divinae servitutis impendi, proh, nefas ducimus, huiusque sceleris patratorem detestandum & anathematizandum libera voce proclamamus. But the popish church doth make the images of God the father and the holy Ghost, and worshippeth them with divine worship. Likewise do the papists worship the crucifix, and cross: and with service, kissing, and crouching do they worship the images of Saints.  
27. The ancient church did always serve God in a tongue understood of the people. The Greeks had their Liturgy in the Greek tongue, the Italians in the Italian tongue, the Syrians in the Syriake, the Armenians in the Armenian language, the Slavonians in the Slavon tongue. 
a Lib. 8. contr. Celsum.  Origen saith, That God that is Lord of all tongues, heareth those, that pray in any tongue: and that every one prayeth in his native and mother tongue. 
b In Epitaph. Paulae ad Eustochium.  Hierome saith, that Psalms were song at the burial of Paula not only in Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, But in the Syrian tongue. In an other Epistle of his written to 
c Epist. 17.  Marcelia he showeth, That every nation that came to Bethlehem, had their several languages in their church service. For as the apostle saith, 
d 1. Cor. 14.  He that prayeth in a tongue not understood, profiteth nothing. But the papists and church of Rome will have no other tongue used in the common Liturgy of the Western churches, but the Latin, of which the vulgar people scarce understand one word.  
28. The true church is the kingdom of Christ, and there he only reigneth by the sceptre of his word. Transtulit nos, saith the 
e Coloss. 2.  apostle, in regnum filii Dei. The apostle Saint james saith, that he alone is our lawgiver, and our judge. There is one lawgiver, 
f james 4.  saith he, that is able to save, and to destroy. But in the church of Rome the pope beareth himself, as a sovereign monarch, and he taketh on him power to bind and loose in heaven, earth, and purgatory. And his agents say, That his laws bind in conscience, and that he hath power to save and destroy. The Romish church is governed by his laws, and acknowledgeth him to be the supreme judge of controversies.  
29. The true church of Christ contenteth herself with the religion first taught by the apostles. For as 
g Lib. 4. contr. Martion.  Tertullian saith, Id verius quod prius; id prius, quod ab apostolis. And as 
h Adverse. haeres. c. 26.  Vincentius Lirinens●● saith, it is the property of heretics, Not to content themselves with the ancient rule of faith, but to seek novelties from day to day, and to desire to add, to change, to take away. But the church of Rome doth not content herself with the doctrine of the apostles, nor with the ancient rule of faith, but is still adding, changing, taking away, as may appear by the pope's decretals.  
30. The true church is dispersed every where. For our Saviour ᶠ commanded his apostles To teach all nations. 
i Matth. 28.  And we believe not a particular church, but The catholic church, that is, the society of Christians of all times, and places. but the Romish church neither containeth the Greeks, nor Africans, nor men of Asia, that have for many ages been divided from that church. Nor doth it reach to the people before Christ, but only 
a Bellar. de eccles. milit. c. 2.  containeth such, as live in obedience to the pope. How then can the church of Rome be the catholic church? Shall the church of that city be as great, as the church of the whole world?  
31. The true church of Christ containeth neither lions, nor tigers, nor wolves, but consisteth only of sheep and lambs. Nay it maketh mild Christians of savage and wild atheists and miscreants; and as Paul of a fierce persecutor by christianity was made a constant professor, so the mildness of this our christian mother the church changeth men's cruel natures. They shall not hurt nor kill, saith 
b Isai. 11.  God by his prophet, in all my holy mountain. The wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the Pard shall lie with the Kid. 
c De incarnate. verbi.  Athanasius saith, that nothing but Christ's faith caused barbarous nations to become peaceable. Quis coegit barbaros, gentesque alias in suis sedibus, saith he, immanitatem deponere, pacifica meditari, nisi Christi fides, & crucis signaculum? 
d Lib. 2. contr. Parmen.  Optatus speaking of catholics: Which of us, saith he, hath persecuted any man? Can you show or prove, that any of you hath been persecuted by us? But the church of Rome hath of late years and yet doth murder infinite numbers of men, that would not adhere to her Romish faith. Their 
e Extr. de haeret. per tot.  laws are bloody and cruel, their executions are more cruel. In the time of Charles the emperor the fift of that name it is found in 
f Meteran. de Belgicis tumultibus.  record, That above fifty thousand persons were by sentence of judges executed to death for the profession of their faith in the low countries. In France, as their own stories report, at one 
g Anno 1572.  time three score thousand Christians without order of law were most shamefully massacred. Circiter sexaginta hominum millia, saith 
h Lib. 23. p. 508.  Natalis Comes speaking of the massacre, varijs in locis per illud tempus trucidata fuisse dicta sunt in Gallia. And so extraordinary was the fury of papists, that they spared neither age, sex, nor quality. Vel puberes, vel impuberes, saith 
i Ibid. p. 507.  he, trucidati sunt, neque ullius sexus, vel aetatis, vel dignitatis habita est ratio. Neither may we think, that they have showed less cruelty against Christians in Spain, Italy, Germany, England and other nations. The Romish church hath died her garments in the blood of saints, and the prelate's have showed themselves leaders to the people in these barbarous executions. Well therefore may that be applied to them, which 
a Lib. 2. con. Parmen.  Optatus spoke of the cruel Donatists. Lacerati sunt viri, tractatae sunt matronae, infants necati, abacti partus: ecce vestra ecclesia episcopis ducibus, cruentis morsibus pasta est. Men have been tormented, women have been abused, infants have been murdered, women forced to lose their children: behold your church is fed with cruelty, and your prelate's have been captains to the vulgar sort, in their cruel executions.  
32. The catholic church never showed more favour to the jews and Infidels, then to Christians that disliked the bishops of Rome. The Christian emperors 
b L. hac valitura. Cod. de judaeis & Caelieolis.  excluded the jews from all government, and authority in the commonwealth, and 
c Ibidem.  restrained their insolencies with divers sharp laws. The like course they 
d Cod. de Paganis, sacrif. & templ.  took also with Pagans and Infidels, shutting their temples, and forbidding their sacrifices and Idolatries. But the Romish synagogue doth endure the impieties of jews in the midst of Rome, albeit they deny and blaspheme Christ jesus, tormenting and killing christians, that shall but once offer to speak against the pope. Likewise 
e Onuphr. in Alexandro 6.  Alexander the sixth received Turks and Maranes into Rome being erpelled out of Spain; and the pope's are content, that their subjects shall trade with Turks, albeit they cannot endure any christian, that shall mislike the pope's authority.  
33. The true church of God never sought by forging and falsifying of men's writings, and by lying and slandering to advance Christ's religion. For truth is strong enough of itself, and needeth not to be supported with falsehood; 
f Proverb. 12.  and ᵃ Lying lips are an abomination to the Lord. False witnesses and slanderers in ancient time were so far from being esteemed in the church, that they were ᵇ excluded out of the church. 
g Concil. Agath. c. 27. & Concil. El●bert c. 73. & 74.  But the church of Rome perceiving, that she cannot otherwise prevail, goeth to work by plain forging and falsifying, leaving nothing sound, that once passeth her fingers. 
h Canon's apostolor. & constiutione●.  Somewhat she commendeth under the name of the ᵃ apostles, and many things under the name of ancient fathers. There is no ancient father, but she hath ascribed unto him many children, which were never begotten by him, as the works of Cyprian, Origen, Athanasius, Hierome, Augustine, Chrysostome, Gregory and others do plainly testify. For who seeth not how many unlearned and unsound treatises are daily published under the names of ancient fathers? Nay the Romanistes are much offended with Erasmus and other learned men's censures, that have gone about to make a distinction betwixt truth and falsehood, between books counterfeited, and that are truly belonging to the authors whose name they carry. The church of Rome under the names of Clement, Anacletus, Alexander and other ancient bishops of that city hath published divers vain and insolent letters containing plain and evident notes of falsehood. The same hath not only corrupted divers acts and canons of counsels, but hath supposed divers counterfeit counsels, of which in ancient records there is neither evident proof, nor any probable conjecture. Of late time she hath caused a formulary to be drawn, in what places the records of stories and fathers are to be corrupted. It is entitled Index expurgatorius. And daily do the jesuits devise more and more, what is to be cut out, added or altered, to shape ancient writers fit for their shameless and abominable practice and superstition. I will only give you a taste in one, that you may esteem of the boldness of the rest. 
a Select. bibliothec. lib. 1. c. 19  Possevin a shameless jebusite censuring the fathers saith, Ex libro 2. Hermetis col. 16. deleatur, rectè audisti. Et paulò post, qui enim crediderunt, aut credituri sunt. In transitu sanctae Mariae quifalsò ascribitur B. Melitoni deleantur illa verba, in solatium ferendum angustijs, quae superuenturae sunt mihi. Deleatur etiam à capite octavo, usque in finem tractatus. Ex libro Nicolai Cabasilae deleantur capita 29. & 30. In quaestionibus Anastasijs qu. 87. scribatur in margin, haec intelligenda sunt de gloria corporis. Out of the tract of Antonius Abbas he taketh what he pleaseth: and the like he doth in divers authors works. And this authority being given to jesuits by a bull of Gregory the thirteenth, it is not unlike that they will corrupt all antiquity, if order be not taken. In late writers they take liberty to put in, and put out at pleasure. Out of Guicciardins Italian history they have taken out, whatsoever he wrote concerning the pope's primacy and universal authority, and the original and proceeding thereof. I have by me Didacus' Stellaes commentaries upon Luke, taken out of the jesuits library in the sack of Cadiz, wherein not only divers sentences, but also whole pages are blotted out. The like practice they use in all late writers. Caesar Baronius of late hath most impudently set out Legends and lies for true stories, and gone about to corrupt the history of the church, with most fabulous toys, for which he can vouch no author, but Simeon Metaphrastes, jacobus de Voragine, and such legendaries. Others to help, where forgery will not prevail, do bring a large supply of prodigious lies, and most ridiculous and notorious fables. 
a Select. bibliothec. lib. 8.  Possevin is not ashamed to write, that we deny the articles of the faith. Of Beza some gave out, he had recanted his religion, and was turned papist. 
b Eccles. Anglic. trophaea.  Others tell how in England certain priests or papists were baited in bears skins; and make long discourses of crosses, that were seen in 
c Cop. dialog.  Wales, and at 
d Ciacon de cruse.  Norwiche; and 
e A certain popish pamphlet.  how the countess of Arundel died for grief, to see her husbands hard usage: matters devoid of all truth. They have also published infinite slanders not only against Caluin, Luther, Peter Martyr, jewel, and such like worthy men, but also against Christian princes; and shame not to say any thing against us, that may bring our cause into hatred, albeit never so untrue. And of this the writings of Sanders, Genebrard, Surius, Cochlaeus, Stapleton, Allen, Ribadineira, Bellarmine, Possevin, Caesar Baronius and others of that side, give sufficient testimony.  
34 That cannot be the true Church, that offereth sacrifice to other gods, than the true God, or that communicateth God's honour to creatures. Qui 
f Exod 22.  sacrificat dijs eradicabitur, praeterquam Domino soli. That is, he that offereth to other gods, save to the Lord alone, shall be destroyed. Saint 
g Lib 10. de civit. dei. c. 4.  Augustine saith, that God only is to be served with sacrifices of praises, and thanksgiving, and to have the worship, which he calleth latriam, done to him: and most apparent it is, that Angels do not suffer such worship to be done to them. But the papists do offer the sacrifices of incense, of prayers, and praises to Angels, to the virgin Marie, and to saints. They also erect churches and altars unto them; which showeth, that they mean there to honour them. And albeit they say, that the masses made in honour of angels, saints, and of our Lady, are directed to God; yet in all these masses they call upon saints, and offer to them incense, and the sacrifice of their lips. Of their Agnus Dei, they 
a Caerem. lib. 1. it. 7.  say, Peccatum frangit, ut Christi sanguis, & angit. When they consecrate a cross, they pray, That as the world was delivered from the guilt of sin by the cross of Christ, so those that offer to the new made cross, by the merit of the same may be acquitted from all sin. They offer Latrian to the images of God the father, of the son, and the holy ghost; nay to crosses of metal, or stone, or other matter. Finally they call the virgin Mary the Queen of heaven.  
35. The true church never used the mediation of other, then of the Lord Christ jesus redeemer of mankind. The 
b 1. Tim. 2.  apostle teacheth us, That there is but one mediator betwixt God and man, the man Christ jesus. And him he 
c Heb. 9 & 12.  calleth The mediator of the new testament. Saint 
d Lib. 2. contr. Parm. c. 8.  Augustine saith, that Christ is the true and only mediator. Hic unus verusque mediator est. Neither did the primitive church believe, that any other mediator was necessary. To obtain God's favour, saith saint 
e In Rom. 1.  Ambrose, we need no spokesman, but a devout mind. 
f De paenit. homil. 4.  Homines, saith Chrysostome, utuntur atriensibus: in deo nihil est tale. Sine mediatore exorabilis est. Again he 
g De profectu evangelii.  saith. Nihil tibi patronis opus est apud deum. Neque enim tam facilè deus audit, si alij pro nobis orent, quam si ipsi oremus, etsi pleni simus omnibus malis. But the papists beside Christ jesus, have infinite mediators. First they call the blessed virgin the mediatrix betwixt God & man: and, 
h Histor. p. 3. tit. 23. c. 3.  Antoninus saith, that on a time Christ sitting at the right hand of his father rose up in fury, purposing to destroy all sinners from the earth; but that he was entreated by his mother to stay, until such time, as she had sent forth Dominike and Francis to preach in the world. Secondly they beseech all angels to pray for them. Thirdly they fly to all saints. Nay sometimes they fly to their images and relics. Neither can the distinction of mediators of intercession help them. For the true church in her liturgyes never used to call upon any mediator, or intercessor beside Christ jesus. Beside that the Romish church craving of saints all things necessary, and attributing to saints the merit of remission of sins, do make them more, than mediators of intercession.  
36. In the church of Christ we never heard, nor read, that christians did use to scourge themselves before crucifixes, and other images. But the priests of Baal were wont to lance themselves before their idols. And the priests of Cybele in honour of their goddess were wont to cut themselves. So likewise the papists do scourge themselves, and punish their bodies, and are thereby declared to more be like to Pagans & heathen, then to the people of God.  
37. The true church is a society of faithful people under lawful pastors. For 
a Ephes. 4.  Christ jesus hath given them for The work of the ministery, and for the edification of the body of Christ, until we all meet together in the unity of faith, and acknowledging of the son of God, unto a perfect man. 
b Lib. 4. epist. 9  Cyprian saith, That the church is a people united to their bishop, and a flock adhering to their pastor. Est ecclesia, saith he, plebs episcopo adunata, & pastori suo grex adhaerens. So likewise saith 
c In Dial. adverse. Lucifer.  Hierome, Ecclesia non est, quae non habet sacerdotes. That is, there is not the church, where there are no priests or bishops. But the church of Rome hath long wanted true priests and bishops. For the Romish bishops have no authority nor mission, but from the pope, to whom they also 
d C. ego N. de ureiurando.  swear fealty. But he hath no authority to send them, or ordain them being himself no bishop. Secondly the Romish bishops neither teach, nor feed, nor do the work of a bishop. Neither do the priests of that synagogue observe their commission in teaching that, which Christ hath commanded. Thirdly in ordination of bishops and priests they neither keep the apostles rules 1. Tim. 3. and Tit. 1. nor the ancient canons; but ordain boys, and men unlearned and infamous, and unable to teach, and neither duly examine them, nor orderly choose them, nor canonically ordain them. Fourthly they do not ordain priests to teach and govern their flocks, but 
e Machab. in lib. de missis episcopor. pro ordinib. confe. rendis.  To offer sacrifices and to say masses for quick and dead. Which form neither did either Christ, or his apostles prescribe, or the ancient church ever practise or know. Fiftly they are ordained simoniacally, and by excommunicate persons, and by apostates from Christ's true faith. Lastly they are all 
f C. ego N. de jure iurando.  sworn to antichrist, and therefore no ministers of Christ jesus, nor true pastors. That the pope hath no authority to send forth pastors to feed Christ's flock, it is apparent, for that he is a hireling, or rather a wolf, and no successor of Peter, or of the apostles, varying so much from their doctrine and living; nor true bishop doing not the function of a bishop, nor teaching of Christ's flock. That he is antichrist, and of the temple of God hath made a den of idolatry and théevery, is proved in the former discourse. Most apparent therefore it is, that the bishops of the Romish synagogue are no true bishops, nor pastors. Which is also proved by their manners, and doctrine. For they murder Christ's lambs, and feed them not: if they teach at all, or if their priests and friars teach, it is not Christ faith, but heresy, which they teach.  
38 The true church of Christ cannot adhere to antichrist. Our saviour Christ speaking of his sheep 
a joan. 10.  saith, they will not follow a stranger, but will fly from him. But the church of Rome doth manifestly adhere to antichrist, that exalteth himself above all that is called God, and that sitteth in men's consciences, that persecuteth all true Christians, and yet pretendeth, that he is Christ's vicar. That the Papists adhere to the pope, they will not deny: for they 
b C. unam. ext. de ma. & obed.  make it a matter necessary to salvation, to be subject to him. That the pope is antichrist; his pride, his cruelty, his doctrine, the time of his rising, the place of his kingdom, and many arguments declare, which we have touched in the former discourse.  
39 As the true Church is figured by jerusalem, which was the holy city of God; so the malignant church is signified partly by Babylon, Apocal. 18. and partly by the purple whore, Apocal. 17. that had a cup of gold in her hand full of abomination and filthiness. If then the state of Rome under the pope's be represented by this purple harlot, then must it necessarily follow, that the Church of Rome is not the city of God, but rather the city of Babylon, and synagogue of Satan adhering to antichrist. But that the state of new Rome, as it is subject to the pope, and is the fountain and metropolitan church of all idolatry, and heresy, is meant by the purple whore, and by Babylon, Apocal. 17. & 18. divers arguments do teach us. First, the order of Saint john's history doth show it. For after that in the 12. chapter, and in the beginning of the thirteenth he had described the state of old Rome under the emperors, and the decay of that empire; it is not likely that he should return again to describe the flourishing state of the empire in the seventéenth chapter, and so to relate the same things confusedly. Secondly he representeth unto us the rising of antichrist out of the earth, and upon the decay of the Roman empire, in the end of the thirteenth chapter: and therefore whatsoever followeth may seem better to belong to antichrists kingdom, and new Rome, than old Rome. Thirdly, after the destruction of the purple whore and of Babylon, the Apostle describeth the end of the world, and last judgement, as if the one were to follow the other. But the end of the world doth not follow presently upon the destruction of the empire, but rather after the overthrow of Antichristes kingdom. Fourthly, the beast which john saw, and upon which the purple whore did sit was not then, as she should be. Non adhuc erat, ᵃ saith Saint john, & ex abysso ascensura erat. 
Apoc. 17.  But the empire than did most flourish. And therefore that beast must signify another empire, which in Rome was to be erected after the Roman empire's decay. Fiftly, those ten kings which were signified by ten horns, did not arise during the time of the old empire, but upon the rising of antichrist; neidid they give their power to the Roman empire, but to the pope; and therefore this must needs be a figure of the papacy, and not of the old empire. Sixtly, the kings of the earth committed fornication with the purple whore, and received abominable doctrine from her. But they did not love nor honour the Roman empire, nor received any idolatrous worship from Rome. But from the pope they have, and with this purple whore they have committed fornication. Seventhly, the kings of the earth lamented not the destruction of the Roman empire, but rather rejoiced at it, dividing the same among themselves. But divers help the pope, and are sorry to see his goodly kingdom ruinated. Eightly, this whore is called the mother of fornication or idolatry, which showeth, that this belongeth to popish idolatry, rather than unto the emperors civil government. Ninthly, after the empire began to decay, religion began to flourish in Rome, and therefore this description cannot belong to old Rome, but to new Rome. Which indeed is now become the habitation of devils, and unclean spirits. Tenthly, this Rome, which is here described, shall persecute the saints to the end of the world. eleventhly, the description of this woman, and of Babylon, doth best fit the state of Rome under the pope. For he ruleth by fraud, perjury, cunning, and his religion is full of mysteries: he persecuteth the saints of God, & to him the kings of the earth give their power, being ready to execute his excommunications, and commandments. And after his destruction it is not likely that Rome shall be restored and re-edified, which cannot be said of the Roman empire. Lastly, 
a In Apocalyps.  Arethas and Ambrose Ansbertus affirm, that new Rome may be understood by this Babylon: and the bishop of 
b Auentin. lib. 7.  Salisburg, 
c Cant. 106. & epist. 19 sine nomine.  Petrarch, and 
d Michael Cesenas. P●trus Blesensis. joan Huss.  divers learned men doubt not in plain terms so to call her.  
40 The church of Christ did never worship Peter, or any of the apostles, nor did 
c Cant. 106. & epist. 19 sine nomine.  Peter suffer himself to be worshipped of Cornelius. 
d Michael Cesenas. Petrus Blesensis. joan Huss.  Nay the Church did not fall down and worship angels. The same did not kiss any bishop's slipper, nor bear him high upon men's shoulders. Nay Valentinian and Theodosius forbade any cross to be 
g Apocal. 19  graven or painted on the ground. 
o Act. 10.  But the Romish Church doth fall down upon the ground, and worship the pope. 
q Cod. Nemini licere signum. etc.  The bishop of Modrusa in the council of Lateran cried out to Leo the tenth, Te beatissime Leo salvatorem expectavimus. They say to the pope, Have mercy upon us. They kiss his feet, and he hath a cross upon his slipper. They bear him on men's shoulders, and worship him as an earthly god.  
41 The true Church did always reverently think of the mysteries of Christian religion. But the Romish Church, albeit they believe that the consecrate Host is God, and worship saints and crosses, yet use them oft times but homely. For they believe that dogs and other brute beasts may eat their corpus Domini. The pope when he goeth abroad, doth send his corpus Domini before, accompanied with the baggage, and 
h Monluc. de la religion, à la roine mere.  basest servants of his house. The conspirators suborned by Sixtus quartus to kill Laurence and julian de Medicis, were commanded to do it in the church, and at the elevation of the sacrament. Dato signo, cum eucharistia tolleretur, saith 
i Lib. geograph. 5.  Volaterran. 
k In vita Hi●debrand. seu Gregorij 7.  Gregory the seventh cast the corpus Domini into the fire. Hildebrandus, saith Beno the cardinal, sacramentum corporis Domini responsa divina contra imperatorem quaerens iniecit igni. Oftentimes they cast their images into the water, to stop the fl●wings of water. 
l Girol. Catena in vita Pij 5.  Pius quintus cast one Agnus Dei into the water of Tiber, and another into the fire. Cresciuto il Tevere Pio vi gittò vn' Agnus Dei, & il fuoco appreso in una casa piena di fieno, vi si gittò vn' altero. And this is the honour, that they bear to their religion.  
42 The true church did always reverence magistrates▪ The 
a Rom. 13.  Apostle Paul commandeth every soul to be subject to higher powers. S. 
b 1. Pet. 2.  Peter exhorteth Christians to submit themselves to kings, and governors. The ancient 
c 1. Tim. 2.  Church did pray to God for kings, and for all in authority: and punished such as should use reproachful words to emperors or magistrates. In the 
d C. 83.  Canons of the apostles it is thus decreed, Quisquis imperatorem, aut magistratum contumelia affecerit, supplicium luito. Neither, if we search all antiquity, shall we find, where the Church of Christ did discharge subjects from their oaths to princes, or taught rebellion, or murder of princes or signified, that it was lawful either to murder princes excommunicate, or to rebel against them. But the church of Rome hath taken upon her to dispense with oaths of allegiance, & to discharge subjects from their due obedience. The same also hath published most slanderous and railing bulls, or rather libels against princes, as appeareth by the bull of Paul the third against Henry the 8. and Pius the fift, and Sixtus quintus against Queen Elizabeth, Sixtus quintus against the French king now reigning, than king of Navarre, and against Henry the third, and of Gregory the seventh, and of Alexander the third, and Gregory the ninth against ancient emperors. They have also commanded subjects to rebel against their princes, and taught that it is meritorious to murder them, or depose them: matters quite contrary to Christian religion, & the custom of Christ's Church.  
43 The marks of the Church brought by 
e Lib. de notis ecclesiae.  Bellarmine, do also plainly show, that the Romanists are not the true Church. For neither are they catholics, nor are they so called of others than themselves, unless it be of such as scorn their presumption, that take on them that name. Nor is their doctrine ancient, as we have by many particulars proved. Nor hath it always continued in one and the same state. For they have in their late conventicles of Constance, Florence, and Trent, altered the whole frame and form of their faith. And 
f Epist. 2. ad Bohem.  Nicholas of Cusa saith, that scriptures are to be fitted to the time, and to be diversly understood: and, that God doth alter his judgement, according to the judgement of the church. Fourthly, their doctrine was never universally received, as shall appear when our adversary shall dare to answer us in these encounters. Fiftly, they have no succession of bishops certain. For neither are the Pope's bishops, nor do they succeed the apostles, nor have they any certainty in their succession. Sixtly, the doctrine of that church hath been proved to be dissonant & contrary in divers main points to the doctrine of the apostles. Seventhly, they do neither retain union with Christ jesus, nor with the ancient Church, nor among themselves. Eightly, their decretaline doctrine is neither sound, nor holy, nor hath any efficacy in it, nor hath other fountain, than the pope's fancy. Ninthly, their legendary miracles and prophecies, whereupon a great part of the credit of the Romish faith dependeth, are nothing but lies and forgery, and those ofttimes very ridiculous. Tenthly their strange novelties and heresies have been by many both old & late writers reproved and condemned. Lastly, as the authors of it have lived unhappily, and died miserably for the most part; so those that have gone about to restore true religion, and to root out Romish idolatry and heresy, have for this only cause felt God's great favour towards them both in their lives, and ends.  
44 The Church of Rome is also convicted not to be the true Church by the confession of 
a Relect. doct. princip. count 1. q. 5.  Stapleton. For if the true Church began at Jerusalem, and is universally dispersed, and hath continued in all ages, and hath a true succession of bishops from the apostles, and disagreeth not about matters of faith, nor dissenteth from the head of the church, and which hath planted christian religion & preserved the same throughout the world, and hath kept the apostolic form of government, and prevailed against all heresies and temptations, keeping the rule of faith sound and entire, and which also showeth the true way of salvation, and keepeth the scriptures sound and pure from corruption, and finally which holdeth the decrees of all general counsels, as blundering Stapleton not only confesseth, but after his most odious and tedious fashion with multitude of words goeth about to prove: then is not the church of Rome, that now is, the true church of christ jesus. For to say, that the church of Rome began at Jerusalem, is as absurd, as to say, that Rome is Jerusalem, or to affirm that Rome now is like to old Rome. Our adversary should do us great favour to show that the glory and fullness of power that the pope challengeth, together with his cardinals, dumb bishops, mass-priests, idle monks, lying friars and all the pope's decretals and ceremonies are come from Jerusalem. He may do also well to prove, that the latter scholastical and decretaline doctrine was universally received throughout the world either in the apostles times, or in the times of the ancient Fathers of the Church. The rock of succession, upon which they build so huge conclusions, we have showed to be nothing, but a bank of sand. We have showed also, that their doctrine is not only divers, but contrary to the doctrine of Christ the head of the Church, and of his apostles. And how great contentions have been in the Romish church, not only the schisms, and wars betwixt pope's and prince's, but also the differences about all points of religion, which is apparent both in the disputes of schoolmen, and also in the writings of Bellarmine, and his consorts, do declare. That the Romanists have corrupted the faith, not only with novelties, but also with divers heresies, and have changed both the ancient form of apostolic government, and also the principles and grounds of faith established both by Fathers and counsels, and by the apostles themselves, and have yielded to heresies, and been overcome of the gates of hell, I think, no man can doubt, that readeth this discourse, and compareth the late proceedings of the Romish church, to the rule delivered unto us by Christ jesus.  
45 Finally, the testimony of 
a In his motives.  Bristol doth utterly overthrow the Church of Rome, and declareth it not to be the true church. For he commendeth that for the true church, that is catholic and apostolic, and which abhorreth all novelties and heresies, and idolatry, and whose doctrine is confirmed by scriptures, most certain traditions, counsels, fathers, and practise of the ancient church, and which teacheth the narrow way and maketh subjects obedient, and hath infallible judges, and is sure to continue. But the Romish church is neither catholic nor apostolic, neither doth it abhor either heresy or idolatry, nor shun profane novelties. The doctrine of that church hath neither ground of scripture, ancient counsels, nor fathers; neither can the Romish doctors bring any certain proof of their traditions. It teacheth a broad way, and maketh rebellious subjects. In judgement it hath no other certainty, than the pope's determination. Finally, already that tower of Babel, which is built so high, doth begin to totter, and as we trust, cannot long stand. Further he saith, that every church that is risen after the first planting of religion, and gone out of the catholic church, and from the apostolic doctrine, and is not the communion of saints, nor ever visible; and lastly, that is not the teacher of all divine truth, and the undoubted mother of Christ's children, is not the true church of Christ. But the Church of Rome, as it is now visible in the pope and cardinals, and officers of the pope's chamber, in popish prelate's, sacrificing priests, monks, friars and nuns, and their officers and adherents rose out of the earth long after the apostles times, and went out of the catholic & apostolic church, and hath for the pope's quarrel opposed itself against Christ and his true doctrine. The same is also departed from the ancient faith, and is no more to be termed Christ's Church, which is a communion of saints, linked together in the profession of Christ's true faith, but rather the combination of antichrist, and the synagogue of Satan. Such a church as is now to be seen at Rome, and in the provinces adhering to it, was not visible many ages after Christ, neither was any such church for a long time extant in the world: neither when the same began to show herself in great ruff, did she either teach all truth, or refuse all heresy & false doctrine, or bear or bring forth children to Christ, but to antichrist. And therefore we may safely conclude, that the Romish church of these times is the synagogue of Satan, and not the true church of Christ jesus. The nature and property of the true and unspotted spouse of Christ, the inseparable qualities of true faith, and such as truly profess the same, and finally the confession and doctrine of the adversaries themselves, when they speak of the true church, and true faith, and true professors, and matters incident unto them in general, do declare it to be so.   

CHAP. V.  
That no papists have been executed in England since her majesties coming to the crown for mere matter of religion, but for their treasons, or other capital offences.  
HItherto we have spoken in the defence of our religion; and Christian profession. It resteth therefore now, seeing our adversary doth not only calumniate our religion, but our laws also, and government, that we speak somewhat in defence of justice; especially so far forth, as it concerneth the popish faction, that pretendeth thereby to be greatly wronged. Our 
a In his first encounter.  adversary saith, That many honourable and worshipful gentlemen have endured continual, and intolerable affliction for persevering in their father's faith: and that above a 100 priests have been tortured, hanged, and quartered for the same cause. These men he cleareth 
b In the conclusion of his encounters.  from treason, & celebrateth their martyrdom. Likewise Cardinal 
c Ad persecutores Anglos.  Allen in his treatise against the execution done upon popish priests and their consorts, doth greatly complain of Persecution, injustice, tyranny, and extreme cruelty, and beareth the world in hand, That they were very innocents, and without just cause died for matters of their conscience only, and not (as the sentence of their condemnation ran) for their treasons and wicked practices against the state: and finally That they are to be esteemed as holy martyrs, and not as lewd traitors. And because few of late time have opposed themselves against these fellows exclamations, and accusations; not only divers abroad have had a heard conceit of our doings, but also some even among us have doubted of the matter, and of late time either stayed or moderated the execution of laws against them. I have therefore thought it a very necessary point, to resolve you, that the pope's agents and adherents, that have within this realm been executed about his quarrels, have died for treason and not religion, and are to be esteemed as traitors, and not as martyrs, and that the rest of their consorts are to praise God for her majesties great clemency and moderation, that suffereth them to enjoy their ease and pleasures, whom neither religion, nor laws nor rules of state, nor reason will suffer to live among us, believing, speaking, and practising as they do.  
First the law of God is very direct against false prophets and teachers, that shall go about to draw us to serve other gods. Propheta ille, saith 
a Deut. 13.  Moses, aut fictor somniorum interficietur. Afterward he saith, That if our brother or son, or friend, yea or wife, that lieth in our bosom, shall go about to induce us to idolatry, our eye must not spare them, nor have mercy on them to hide them. Neque parcat ei oculus tuus, ut miserearis, & occultes eum, sed statim interficies. Neither is it to be doubted, but that popish priests are within the compass of false prophets and teachers, that would draw us to worship the idol of the mass, angels and saints departed, the images of the Trinity, and cross, and stocks and stones, and ashes and bones, we know not of whom: nay to worship our own fancies and opinions, which is a gross point of idolatry.  
The 
b Apocal. 2.  Bishop of Pergamus is sharply reproved, for that he suffered certain false teachers, that spread and held the doctrine of Balaam, and the Nicolaitans. The prophet Helias caused Baal's priests to be slain. The 
c Tit. 2.  apostle commandeth us, To reject and avoid heretics. And saint john 
d john 2.  forbiddeth us, either to receive them into our houses, or to salute them. You, that are the children of light, saith 
e Epist. ad Philadelph.  Ignatius, fly the division of unity, and the evil doctrine of heretics. 
f Homil. 2. in genes.  Chrysostome exhorteth Christians To fly from an heretic, as from a mad man. The emperors Gratian, Valentinian and Theodosius 
g Cod. de haeret. & Manich. l. omnes haereses.  decreed, That all heresies forbidden either by God's laws, or imperial constitutions should for ever be silenced. Omnes vetitae legibus divinis, & imperialibus constitutionibus haereses, say they, perpetuò quiescant. They forbidden also heretical prelate's to teach, or to ordain inferior ministers. The emperors 
h Ibidem l. cuncti haeretici.  Arcadius and Honorius took from heretics all places of meeting, and forbade the exercise of their religion under a grievous penalty. They also confiscated all their goods, and deprived them of ability to buy or sell, or to make a testament or last will. Finally 
g Ariani.  Theodosius and Valentinian adjudged certain heretics worthy of death. To conclude this point, saint Augustine, albeit sometime he taught, that heretics were not to be forced with penalties and punishments to embrace religion, yet retracted his opinion; and highly commended these imperial laws against heretics. In hoc saith 
h Epist. 48.  he, serviunt reges Christo ferendo leges pro Christo. And again, Quis mentis sobrius regibus dicat, nolite curare in regno vestro, à quo defendatur, aut oppugnetur ecclesia domini vestri: Non ad vos pertineat in regno vestro, quis velit esse religiosus, quis sacrilegus. Neither need we use many words in this case, seeing our adversaries not only yield, but also contend, that all extremity is to be used against false prophets, and false heretics: and their practice is, not only to confiscate their goods, and to banish such, but also to kill them, and torture them with all rigour. But no man can doubt, whether papists be heretics and their teachers false prophets and seducers, but such as either are not resolved in religion, or are utter enemies of true religion.  
First then we are to understand, that religion cannot be maintained, unless heresies be suppressed. Secondly religion doth require at the hands of magistrates, that they defend themselves, their state and people against all rebel's, and traitors, and practisers against the state. For the magistrate 
i Rom. 13.  Carrieth not the sword in vain: & is gods minister for our good; & a revenger of wickedness. The principal end & scope of princes is, to protect their subjects against all violence and seditious practices. 
k 1. Tim. 2.  Obsecro saith the apostle, primum omnium fieri obsecrationes, orationes, postulationes, gratiarum actiones pro omnibus hominibus, pro regibus, & omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt, ut quietam & tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate & castitate. 
l Isai. 49.  Kings they are foster fathers and Queens foster mothers of the church, and therefore may not such suffer the church either by force, or practise of jebusites and Canaanites to be oppressed. How do Kings better serve the Lord saith Saint 
m Epist. 50.  Augustine, then by forbidding things contrary to God's commandments, and punishing severely such as offend? Quomodo reges domino seruimus in timore, nisi ea quae contra jussa Domini fiunt religiosa severitate prohibendo, atque plectendo? And the 
n Rom. 13.  apostle signifieth, That we pay tribute, for that they are gods ministers, and do him in this point service. And subjects as the 
p Tit. 3.  apostle teacheth, are to Yield obedience to princes, viz. that all may concur to this end, that the state may be preserved in tranquillity. If then our jebusites, and priests, and their consorts the recusants and Canaanites do practise against the prince and state, and the tranquillity of the country; Christian religion doth not only allow, but also enjoin princes and magistrates to punish them, and root them out. And that even the law of nature doth teach every man, planting in every creature an instinct leading to his own preservation; and allowing such things, as are done for defence of our lives; and such means, as serve to that end.  
Secondly the laws of all nations do punish such as either consort themselves with foreign enemies, or practise or imagine the death of the prince, or seek the destruction of the state. By the laws of 
q 25. Edward. 3.2.  Edward the third, long since framed, and always executed in this kingdom, it is adjudged high treason, To compass or imagine the death of the kings or Queens of this realm, or to levy war against them, or to be adherent to their enemies: by which it is evident, that those are to be reputed traitors, that commit any one of these four points of treason viz. either That compass, or That imagine the Prince's destruction, or that Levy war against him, or that Adhere to his enemies. Which I would pray the Romish faction to observe, for that which shall be said and proved against them hereafter. Within the compass of these points also do they fall, that shall either deny the prince to be lawfully possessed of his crown, or else make him subject to others, being a sovereign prince. For it cannot be imagined, but that every prince will defend his right; and that he cannot be deprived thereof, without loss of his life, or force of arms. 
a L. 16. qui opem. ff. de furto. & ibidd.  Neither is it material, whether in cases of this nature, and practise of treason a man be principal or accessary or adherent. For our laws punish all alike as principals, and deem all adherents in treason to be traitors. Which is also allowed both by the laws of the ʳ Romans', and the 
s 11. q. 3. c. qui consentit. & extra de homicidio. c. sicut dignum.  Canons of the Romish synagogue.  

Ad L. juliam mayest. l. 1.  Neither may we think, that these laws are proper and peculiar to our nation. ᵗ The laws of the Romans' do hold him culpable of high treason, That shall attempt against the state, or against him that hath sovereign authority; or that shall raise sedition, or stir up enemies against the state: or that shall give counsel, or send letters, or messengers to public enemies. Likewise do they judge of 
a Ibid. l. quive.  him, That shall run to the enemy; or 
b Ibid. l. cuiusque.  Shall take an oath against the state; or assist public enemies with any means: or make enemies of friends; or enter into any faction against the state: or receive or give an oath or note of faction. The words of this last 
c L. Quisquis. Cod. ad leg. Iuliau● maiestatis.  law are; Qui scelestam in●erit factionem, aut factionis ipsius susceperit sacramentum, vel dederit. In ancient times those that fled to enemies, being taken again, 
d L. is qui. ff. de re milit.  Were thrown to wild beasts to be torn in pieces. Those, that revealed the secrets of the state, were likewise executed, as traitors. Transfugae ad hosts saith the 
e L. si quis. §. transfugae. ff. de poenis.  law, Aut secretorum nostrorum renuntiatores, aut vivi exurantur, aut furca suspendantur. Qui malo consilio saith 
f L. postliminium. §. transfugae. ff. de cap. & postlimi.  Paulus the lawyer, & proditoris animo patriam dereliquit, hostium numero habendus est. Where note I pray you, that he accounteth them not only bad subjects, but also public enemies. The later Roman emperors do declare them, 
g Extr. feud. qui sunt rebels.  To be rebels and disloyal traitors, which either openly or covertly do the works of rebels, or practise against the prosperity of the state. And that is the common opinion of all lawyers. They commit treason as saith 
h Lib. 3. consil. 105.  Socinus the younger, and 
i Consil. 456.  Alciat, Qui faciunt tractatum contra personam domini: or, Qui tractatum faciunt contra statum principis, vel reip. as saith Bald. consil. 58. & seq. lib. 1. & Alexand. consil. 13. lib. 6. & jason consil 86. lib. 3. Or, Qui cum hostibus principis pacem & amicitiam contraxerunt, as saith De cius consil. 604. & 605. Or, Qui revelarunt secreta principis, as is determined by Mars. cons. 1. All which points I must likewise pray our factious papists, and popish proctor's to remember. And how it is a vain matter to pretend their cacolike religion, if they have made any pack against the prince or state, or had intelligence of any such matter, or have plotted with the pope or Spaniard for to make wars against the prince or state, or have had any design to alienate the subjects minds from the prince, or to stir rebellion; or else have given counsel or assistance in any such plot, or confederated or adjoined themselves to such practisers, or adhered to them, or relieved them, or have themselves fled and contracted friendship, or received pension or maintenance from foreign enemies, or bound themselves by oath or signal to them, or impugned the prince's title, or right, or refused to assist her right, or have made any compact, pack, conspiracy, or tractation to any such purpose, or have attempted any action tending that way.  
The Spanish laws likewise are very severe against such, as attempt against the king or state; or consent thereunto by deed, word, or counsel; or make any insurrection against the king or state, and that either within Spain, or without; or that shall join themselves with the king's enemies, or aid them in any sort. All such king Alfonsus the 9 adjudged traitors, and unworthy to live, or see the country, against which they practise. Que ninguno no sea osado saith 
a El fuero real. tit. de la guarda del rey.  he, por fecho, ni por dicho, ni por consejo de yr contra el rey, ni contra susenorio, ni hazer allevamiento, ni bollicio contra el, ni contra su reyno, en su tierra, ni fuera su tierra: ni de pararse contra sus enemigos ni dare les armas, ni otra ayuda ninguna por ninguna manera. e qualquier persona, que estas cosas, o alguna dellas fiziere, o ensayare de las fazer muera por ello, è no sea dexado bivir. The Spanish 
Ibidem. tit. 2. & 4.  laws also inflict great penalties upon such, as shall either speak evil of the prince, or refuse to assist him, or to obey his commandments. If then they take exceptions against our laws, yet may not the pope's adherents refuse to be judged by the laws of them, to whom they seem to run for succour.  
Neither doth the pope, whose slaves those are, of whom we speak, wink at any plot tending to sedition, or hurt to his state or person, whatsoever religion or pretence they make, that are found to deal against him: as 
c julius Clarus lib. senten. 5. §. Laesae mayest.  appeareth both by his laws, and practise. Innocent the seventh having but newly usurped the temporal dominion in the city of Rome, caused divers Romans, that sought to defend their liberty, without all order of law to be stabbed, and thrown out of a high window to the ground. Vndecim cives, saith 
d In Innocentio. 7.  Platina, reipub. suae labenti in negligentia pontificis consulturi, statim necantur, è fenestrisque deijciuntur: quod diceret eo modo tolli seditiones & schisma; non alio quidem posse. 
e Theod. à Niem. lib. 2. de schismat. c. 36.  Vrban the sixth upon pretence of conspiracy against himself put divers of his cardinals to death: and used great cruelty against all, that were but a little suspected of any course taken against him. Neither did his adversary Clement take a milder course against those, that wavered, or stood evil affected to him: although both Urban and he had their title called in question. john the 22. caused the bishop of Cahors to be skinned alive, and to be slain with great torments. Omnibus cruciatibus, saith 
a In joan. 23.  Platina, coegit vitam cum morte commutare, quòd in pontificem coniurasset. Clement the fift upon pretence of a conspiracy, dissolved the whole order of Templars, and caused divers of them to be put to death. 
b Platina in Paulo 2.  Paul the second upon suspicion of some practice against him apprehended divers principal men of his court, and put them to exquisite torments. 
iovius in vita Leon. 10.  Leo the tenth ᶜ spared not Cardinal Petrucci, but put him to death for speaking words tending to the alteration of state in Sienna, albeit the same was only recommended to the pope, and none of his proper dominions. Alexander the sixth used most cruelly to put men to death for every word spoken against him, as 
d In vita Alexandri 6.  Onuphrius testifieth. And of late time the whole order of friars called Humiliati, upon pretence of some pack against the Romish state, or rather against cardinal Borrhomey was overthrown and dissolved, and divers of them executed. No reason therefore have the papists to except against the actions of their holy father, or such as have care of their states, as well as he hath of his usurpations.  
In France also they use the same laws and proceedings against traitors, as their customary laws, and the arrests and judgements of their courts of parliament do declare. 
e Lib. de la rep. 2. c. 5.  Bodin showeth that a certain Gentleman was executed for a certain intention against the king, albeit he repent himself for it, and never told it to any but his confessor. Peter Barriere was likewise condemned of treason, and executed at Melun for that he intended to murder Henry the fourth of France, albeit Varade a jesuite, and others persuaded him it was an act meritorious. Neither did the French king doubt to proceed against any of the league or combination made against him by the pope. Ghineard was executed for impugning the title of kings excommunicate, and all the order of jebusites expulsed by the king's edict for allowing and teaching that seditious doctrine.  
I need not to bring any more testimonies in a cause so clear, seeing (I think) the adversaries will not deny, but that the laws of all nations do provide for the indemnity of the magistrates and state against rebels and traitors. If then the popish faction prove a pack of traitors, they must needs confess, that they are condemned traitors by public laws and acts of all nations. In this country also there are laws specially made against fugitives over sea, against such as bring in medals, Agnus Deies, grains, or other notes of faction, against such as draw men from obedience to the prince to obey the pope, and such like: which are nothing but special declarations against such, as adhere to foreign enemies, or practise against the prince or state. Whereby it appeareth, that all laws condemn practisers against the prince or state.  
Thirdly it is directly contrary to rules of state to suffer such as are linked with foreign enemies, and secretly combined against the prince or state, or that condemn the princes right, or entertain intelligence against the prince or commonwealth. The safety of the people and state is principally recommended to the magistrates and officers of state. Salus populi saith 
a De legib. l. 3.  Tully, speaking of the chief commanders of a city, illis suprema lex. And that ought to be every private man's principal desire and endeavour. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. saith 
b Polit. lib. 3. c. 3.  Aristotle. Neither can any state stand, where either men well affected are disgraced, or seditious and malcontent humours escape unpunished, and uncontrolled. Reward and punishment, as a wise politic saith, are the two bonds, that keep the parts of the commonwealth firmly together. And as good it were to have no laws against secret traitors & practisers, as not to see them executed. For law is a restraint of offences either voluntarily, or ignorantly committed. Lex etc. est dilectorum, quae sponte vel ignorantia contrahuntur, coercitio, as saith 
c L. lex ff. de legibus.  Papinian. Take away punishment and execution, and you frustrate the law: and take away law, and you dissolve the sinews of a commonwealth. 
d Ibidem l. legis virtus.  Legis virtus haec est, saith Modestinus, imperare, vetare, permittere, punire. Neither have any more interest in the execution of the laws, than such as have chief command, and reap greatest benefit by the state. If then we respect the saftetie of the state, or of her Majesty, or our superiors, or ourselves; or esteem the honours, lands, and commodities, which we enjoy; or regard our wives and children, and dearest friends, which all laws of state do recommend unto us, according to our several places; then may we not suffer those to rest or roost among us, that threaten the destruction of us all, and are still working to undermine the foundation of our state and safety. And if the pope's agents and their consorts be such, and so many, as is reported, every where dispersed in this land; then are they not to be longer harboured, nor suffered among us.  
Finally natural reason may stir us up, to look narrowly into the proceedings of these fellows. We may not suffer such as lie digging at the foundation of the state, and plainly oppose themselves against it. Neither hath the prince any reason to protect them as subjects, that will not acknowledge her to be their lawful Queen; nor to suffer them to live, that attempt against her life; nor to grant safety and security to those, that seek the destruction of her people, and the advancement of strangers; nor to defend them by law, that oppugn her laws, and would bring in Spanish and Italian laws.  
Her majesties chief officers and the nobility have no reason to bear with them, that seek by alteration of state to deprive them of their honours, and to dispose of their lands, and substance at their pleasure. Nor to suffer themselves to be disgraced and commanded by strangers, that were wont to command others.  
All those that love true religion have no reason to suffer such to live without controlment, that would overthrow religion, and erect a false worship, and gross idolatry; and that also by all fraud and violence. All true English men are to oppose themselves against such, as seek to bring in strangers, to set a fire in the midst of their country, to destroy their wives, children, friends, countrymen and most dear country.  
The reverend judges and learned lawyers have no reason to bear with such, as seek the subversion of laws and justice, putting arms in the hands of strangers, and malcontents, to rule all by violence, and according to the pope's and Spaniards pleasure.  
Nay the papists, that have any thing, albeit they desire an alteration of religion, yet have no reason to work their feats by violence. They may see by Ireland, that wars bring with them most lamentable calamities to both parties, and that many that thought to win by the false shuffling of cards, have lost both the wager, and their living, and lives also.  
Finally treason is a most execrable and odious thing, and therefore for this most grievous offence the law hath ordained extraordinary punishments. In hoc atrocistimo delicto saith 
a Sentent. lib. 5. §. laesae mayest.  julius Clarus, lex non nulla specialia introduxit. And all true patriotes aught to have the same in exceeding detestation. No enemy is more dangerous, than a traitor. Omnium communis est hostis, saith 
b Lib. 1. accusat. in Verrem.  Tully, qui hostis est suorum. To hate traitors saith 
c In Prometheo in fine.  Aeschylus, I have learned, neither is any villainy more hateful to me then treason.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
So much more dangerous, saith 
d Rerum Gracar. lib. 2.  Xenophon, is treason, by how much it is more difficult to take heed of traitors, than enemies. With our enemies we may be reconciled, but traitors are never to be trusted. Nay, by laws and all lawful means they are to be discovered, punished and avoided, seeing they seek to bring this land into subjection of the pope and Spaniard, to overthrow the laws, to destroy her Majesty, and her people, and to make this land a spectacle to all the world of extreme miseries.  
Neither do I think that the papists will deny this to be true, or that Parsons the common proctor for traitors dare avouch the contrary. Nay cardinal Allen in his Treatise against the justice of England, in executing of certain priests & their consorts, doth dissemble his client's treasons, & coloureth their practices, as much as he can. And N.D. sticketh not to avow, that papists are good subjects. And I doubt not but all papists will deny themselves to be either idolaters or heretics, or enemies to her Majesty, or their country; or that they have committed treason, or transgressed any ancient law made against treason. I know also, that they will plead, that they have not attempted against her majesties life or the state, or sought to stir rebellion, or bring in strangers, or to do any thing, but that which belongeth to a good conscience, either in priestly function, or otherwise. In sum, they stick not to affirm, that they are apostolical men, and seek only by teaching and saying of masses to win men's souls, and not to meddle with state matters.  
Let us therefore particularly consider, whether all that hath been spoken in general, may not properly be charged upon the pope's agents and adherents, that either have been executed as traitors, or else wander up and down disguised, as false teachers. I say it may, and that therefore they are guilty of those crimes, that I have named, and have diversly transgressed all those laws, which have been mentioned, and deserve to be reputed as wicked enemies of religion, and disloyal traitors to their prince and country. That they are idolaters it is too too apparent. For idolatry is nothing, but false worship, that attributeth that which is due to God, to creatures, as 
a 2. 2. q. 93.  Thomas Aquinas and other schoolmen confess. And it cannot be denied to be true. For seeing idolatry is contrary to God's true worship; that worship must needs be idolatry, that ascribeth God's honour to creatures, contrary to the first & second commandment. But all papists give the worship of God to creatures, turning their prayers and spiritual sacrifices to our Lady, to angels, saints and mortal creatures. They have also masses made not only in honour of angels, but in honour of Dominicke, Francis, and other petty saints of late standing. They burn incense, kiss and fall down before saints & idols. They give that which they call Latriam, and which is confessed of all hands, to be a kind of worship due to God only, to the cross, and to the images of Christ, and of the Trinity. Cùm Christus, saith 
b Part. 3. q. 25. art. 3.  Thomas Aquinas, adoretur adoratione latriae, consequens est, quòd eius imago sit adoratione latriae adoranda. Their own conscience also testifieth against them, that they are idolaters, which maketh them to suppress the second commandment against graven images, & in all their Sums of divinity positive, to say little or nothing against idolatry. It may be proved also by the propriety of the word Idolum, that is nothing else but parva imago, or a diminutive of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and also by the word simulachrum. For seeing they worship images & simulachra, which is forbidden as idolatry, they must needs be idolaters. And so the Greek Church taketh them, which albeit it retaineth painted images, yet it condemneth the worship of graven images, or sculptilia.  
Secondly, that popish priests and friars are false prophets, false teachers and damnable heretics, I have demonstrated by authority of the ancient Church, that condemned long since divers of their doctrines for heresies. 
a Suprà c. 3.  It is proved also by divers novelties, which they hold contrary to the form of words and doctrine delivered by Christ's apostles, of which I have brought divers particulars in the second chapter of this Treatise. It appeareth also by Bellarmine's, and his fellows disputations; wherein they teach divers points contrary to scriptures, and not long since heard of in the catholic church, as is justified by the writings of our teachers against them. the same may also be verified by their counterfeit traditions and lying legends, of which the first they make equal to scriptures, the second they believe as delivered by the Romish church. Yet are their traditions most false, & their legends most fabulous. If friar Parsons will maintain the contrary, let him prove to us the ceremonies and parts of the mass to have come from Christ jesus: that the legends of Dominike and Francis are true; That 
b Legenda de Catharina di Sienna Italic.  Catharine of Sienna had her face transformed like to Christ's face, and that she was lifted up into the air, and married to Christ: that Saint Francis was likewise made conformable to Christ, and had his five wounds printed in his body; and that all those miracles reported in the legends are true. Likewise he must prove, that all the shameless writings, which the pope's and their agents have published of late time are true: or else all the world will condemn them for false teachers, and wicked heretics.  
Thirdly their whole course of life, and all their actions have sufficiently declared them to be a faction opposite both to true religion now professed in England, and also to her Majesty and the estate. And that they are opposite to our religion, themselves profess, albeit they deny it true: which notwithstanding in divers treatises we have justified, and shall always be ready to justify the same both in public disputation and writing, as oft as occasion shall serve. The rest we shall now declare. I have heretofore brought proofs, that the papists opposed themselves to her Majesty both since, and before her entrance into the kingdom. This moreover you shall understand of , or Rishton, or both, men hired to speak villainy of their prince & country. Saepe conata est Maria, say 
c Sanders de schism. lib. 3.  they, illam (nempe Elizabetham) ab omni successionis sort etc. excludere. And no doubt whatsoever Queen Mary's meaning was; it is certain the popish faction had that intention. And when it pleased God to frustrate their purposes and intentions; yet would they not yield her any hearty obedience. The popish prelate's refused to consecrate her, and hardly could one be got amongst many, to accomplish that ceremony. but rather they incited the French king Henry the second to proclaim Marry Queen of Scots Queen. An impudent companion 
a L. Innocence de la Roine d'escoss.  doth (I confess) impudently deny it. But Sanders his own consort doth convince him of lying. Mortua Maria 
b Lib. 3. de schism.  saith he, Henricus Galliarum rex, etc. nurum suam Scotorum reginam Henrici octavi proneptim Parisijs pro concione Angliae & Hiberniae Reginam declarandam curavit. Neither did this claim cease, until the French by force being constrained to departed Scotland, in the capitulation betwixt them and us at Léeth, it was agreed, that the Scottish Queen should no more entitle herself Queen of England, nor bear the arms of England. That this trouble was procured by papists, it is no question. They also 
c Ibidem.  determined to excommunicate the Queen, and when that seemed dangerous, they complained to the pope, and stirred up foreign princes against the Queen and state: all which be points of high treason, for which if they had been called in question, law would have adjudged them traitors. That they were not so clear as is pretended, it appeareth, for that their conscience accusing them, some fled beyond the seas, others began to plot a rebellion, which afterward broke out anno 1569. And to make the side the stronger, Thomas Harding about the year 1567., was sent with faculties into England, to reconcile the people to the pope, and to draw them from the prince. Not long after pope Pius the fift at the solicitation of divers of them published his excommunication against her Majesty, depriving her of her kingdom, assoiling her subjects from their obedience, and by the means of Nicholas Morton a factious priest causing the earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, and divers other papists to take arms against her. Being overthrown in that rebellion, and considering, that all was for want of number and force, they erect one Seminary at Douai ann. 1569. and another at Rome ann. 1579. which by the year 1584. did 
f Sanders de schism. lib. 3.  send some 300. priests into England. anno 1579. they sent Sanders and divers priests into Ireland, where finding the people ready, they presently inflamed a rebellion, the which though suppressed for a time, yet by the persuasions of Archer and other jesuits, and Owen Mac Teag and other seditious priests, hath since flamed very bright, & brought all that country into trouble & combustion. Anno 1580. Parsons and Campian and their consorts came into England with large authority to make way for the execution of the pope's bull. Of which company Campian refused directly to acknowledge her Majesty to be his lawful Queen, and would not disallow the treacherous writings of  and Bristol, as appeareth under his own hand writing. The rest applied their business in working discontentment in the common sort, and setting on Somerfield, Parry, and divers others to kill the Queen. Ballard a seditious priest was set on to draw Babington, Tichborne and their consorts to attempt that, which other could not perform. And that hath been the continual labour of Parsons, Holt, Creswell, Walpoole, Worthington, Gifford and other jebusites and priests. Anno 1588. they brought upon their country the Spanish navy. Neither have they ceased at any time either to attempt against her majesties life, or by rebellion or wars to oppugn the state. But it cannot be denied, but such attempts by all laws are treason.  
And if they say they were neither privy nor consenting unto them, they declare themselves to be very shameless. For it is notorious to the world that Nicholas Morton, Woodhouse, and Plumtree, and divers other priests were actors in the Northern rebellion. So likewise Sanders & divers other priests were actors in the Irish rebellions. Cardinal Allen & divers English priests came in person with the Spanish forces intended against their country. Parsons and divers other his consorts were also ready to come with the Spanish forces anno 1588. and to lose no time, while matters were in preparing, he holp to make and print a treacherous and damnable libel against the Queen and state. Ballard was the principal in Babingtons' conspiracy. Again, those that were not actors either in the execution of the pope's bull, or in the rebellions and conspiracies dressed by their consorts in England and Ireland, did notwithstanding allow them. None of them dare open their mouths once to mislike pope Pius his bull, that utterly disableth her Majesty, and depriveth her of her crown. They all do well like of Morton, Sanders, Allen, Bristol, and such like trumpets of sedition, and allow their writings, and that, to go no further, appeareth by the seditious Ward-word. Nay albeit divers of them might have had favour, if they would have condemned them, and their writings; yet could they not be induced thereunto: as appeareth by the answers of Campian, Sherwin, Briant, Kirby, Filby and divers other priests. But 
a Lib. 7. de visib. Monarch.  Sanders saith, that the purpose of the rebels was to be praised, albeit they had no success. Nobilium iliorum laudanda consilia erant etc. and he 
b Ibidem.  calleth the rebellion Pium institutum, & fidei confessionem: a pious or devout resolution, and a confession of their faith. He 
c Ibidem.  accounteth those, that died in that rebellion, no worse than martyrs. 
d Motive 15.  Bristol likewise putteth the earl of Northumberland, the two Nortons', Woodhouse, Plomptree and others that died for rebellion, in the catalogue of martyrs. Both he and the rest allow pope Pius his bull, and make Felton a martyr, that was executed for setting the same upon the bishop of London's gates. Cardinal Allen not without the help of Parsons, and consent of other priests, published the declaration of Sixtus quintus his bull, and exhorteth all her subjects To take arms against her Majesty, and to lay hold upon her person, and to deliver her into the hands of her enemies. And with Allen and Parson's all the Seminary priests and friars, that come over are consorted. So than it appeareth, that the papists generally, and especially those that come from beyond the seas, and are by the pope & his agents employed in England, are a traitorous faction opposite to the state, and her majesties government.  
Fourthly it appeareth, that they adhere to foreign enemies: and namely to the Spaniard, and pope. That they are our enemies, it cannot be denied. The law is clear. Ho●●es ij sunt, saith 
e ff. de Verbor. signific. l. hosts.  Pomponius, qui nobis, aut quibus nos publi●è bellum decrevimus. They are enemies, with whom we have wars. That is also declared by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which showeth them to be properly enemies, that make wars upon us. They are also enemies, that either by force, or practise seek the overthrow of a Prince or state, if they be foreigners; as subjects intending the same are rebels and traitors. But the Spaniard hath made divers hostile attempts against her majesty and the state. As namely first in comforting and abetting the northern rebels, and promising them aid anno 1569. as appeareth plainly by testimony of Gierome Catena in Pius Quintus his life; and by the negotiation of Ridolphi with the Duke of Alua. 
Girol. Catena in vita Pij Quinti.  Nay at the ʳ solicitation of Pius Quintus about the year of our Lord 1567. he resolved to become our enemy, and to employ all his forces against us. Parsons also testifieth, that at the pope's agents request he sent succour to the rebels in Ireland. Alexandro Sega Nuntio apostolico supplicante Cantabrorum & Gallecorum manum subsidio Hibernis & Desmondano misit, saith 
s Andrea's Philopater. p. 134.  he, or at least his secretary, and agent Creswell.  
In the year 1588. he prepared great forces both by sea and land to execute the pope's Bull, and to conquer England forsooth; as both the 
t Sixti 5. sent. declarat.  pope himself in his declaratory sentence against her majesty, and Cardinal Allen, and Parsons that wicked traitor in their letters to the nobility, and people of England and Ireland, do plainly confess. Neither did king Philip the second ever cease to prosecute his purpose against us; as appeareth by divers attempts, and by the A●elantadoes proclamation published at his last setting out from the Groin, wherein he plainly telleth us, that he came to conquer England, and to kill us all, if he could. And yet some will not believe either his own words, or other proofs.  
Likewise, no question is to be made, but that the pope is a public and professed enemy of this state, and so hath been ever since her majesty came first to the crown. Pope Pius anno 1569. at the first chop published a most execrable Bull against her, declaring her to be deprived of her crown, and her right before to have been pretended, assoiling her subjects from their obedience, and forbidding them under pain of excommunication to obey her any more. Declaramus, saith he, de apostolicae plenitudinis potestate, praedictam Elizabetham haereticam, & haereticorum fautricem, eíque adhaerentes anathematis sententiam incurrisse, etc. Quinetiam ipsam praetenso regni praedicti iure, ne●non omni & quocunque dominio, dignitate, privilegióque privatam. Item proceres, subditos, & populos dicti regni, ac caeteros omnes, qui ei quomodocunque iuraverunt, à juramento huiusmodi, & omni prorsus dominij, fidelitatis, & obsequij debito perpetuò absolutos, etc. Praecipimúsque & interdicimus universis & singulis proceribus, subditis populis, & alijs praedictis, ne illi, eiúsue monitis, mandatis & legibus audeant obedire. Qui secus egerint, eos simili anathematis sententia innodamus. With his hostile sentence he joined also hostile actions. For he sent 
u Sanders de visib. monarch. lib. 7.  Nicholas Morton into the north, to stir up a rebellion in those parts. Nicholaum Mor tonum saith Sanders, in Angliam misit, ut certis illustribus & catholicis viris authoritate apostolica denuntiaret, etc. The same is also testified in foreign 
x Comes Natalis hist. lib. 20.  Histories. When the rebels in the north were suppressed, he encouraged the Duke of Norfolk to rebel, promising him aid of soldiers and money. Pontifex, saith 
y In historiae Manolessae.  Aemilius Manolessa, post quam Ducis Norfol●iensis animum ad rebellionem incitatum intellexisset, promisit se decem millia nulitum in Angliam missurum, atque interim duodecim millia aureorum ad eum transmissurum. He confesseth also, that the rebellion in the north was stirred by Pius, or rather the impious pope. Robertum Ridolphum saith he, misit (Pius Quintus) ut animos nobilium tentaret, subditosque adversus reginam Elizabetham armaret. He 
z Girol. Caten. in vita Pij Quinti.  dealt also both with the old Queen mother of France, and with king Philip of Spain most earnestly, to aid and comfort the rebels, as appeareth by his letters, and the negotiation of the Cardinal of Alexandria in Spain. He sent also Vincent Lauro into Scotland to work trouble that way. Gregory the 13. stirred up the rebellion in Ireland, as appeared by the authority given to Sanders, and other priests: and to make the business the hotter, sent them some little relief of men and money. Further, as if this had not been sufficient, 
a In declarat. Sixti 5. contra Elizabeth.  Sixtus Quintus did again declare her majesty excommunicate, and as himself confesseth, persuaded and enjoined the king of Spain to execute his sentence, and by force to expel her out of her kingdom. To this end also he sent both soldiers and money, and by all means possible concurred with the Spanish forces: and this deseignement also the pope's succeeding have to their uttermost power prosecuted.  
If then any English borne do concur with them, and adhere unto them; I think Parsons cannot well deny, that they are traitors. But that is notorious, and by infinite proofs may be demonstrated.  speaking of the erection of the English seminary at Douai, 
b De schiss. lib. 3.  saith they were sustained, protected and maintained by king Philip. Exilium, vitam, studia eorum, protegente & fovente Philippo Hispaniarum rege, nonnulli Duaci 
c Ibidem.  coierunt. He had said better, if he had said, coniurarunt.  
Likewise he saith, that another College was erected at Rome by pope Gregory the thirteenth, and that the English scholars were there maintained at his charges. In Spain also of late king Philip the second erected two or three Seminaries of English scholars, but to say right, I should say English traitors. For so they are, taking an oath to the king, as they do also to the pope and their superiors, as appeareth by the testimony of 
d Consil. lib. 3. de regular, consil. 1.  Navarrus and 
e De schism. part. 3. c. 21.  Ribadineira two popish writers, and divers witnesses. Neither would the Spanish king ever have been at the charge of finding so many fugitive rascals, but that he hopeth to receive profit by them. Parsons persuaded the king, that these should set on foot his daughters the Infantaes title: and to do the same, they take an express oath, as a certain priest doth directly charge them, writing against Parsons his tyrannical and Machiavelian practices, as he calleth them.  
Further, the jesuits are all linked in affection to the Spaniard, and for that, among other causes, were expulsed out of France. Especially our English jesuits and priests do favour him. And all of them do think it a matter necessary to salvation to be subject to the pope. From him also they receive their faculties and directions, and doubt not to execute whatsoever he commandeth.  
Neither do they only obey him, as having, I know not what, power over their souls, but also run into rebellion, and other treacherous practices against their prince and country, as having temporal superiority over princes. divers priests were actors in the rebellion of England and Ireland: Cardinal Allen and not so little as an hundred priests came with the Spanish army. And to give way to this invasion, both Campian and all his consorts came into England, as appeareth plainly by Campians and Parsons his faculty. Petatur, say they, à 
a Note, I pray you, how they call the pope their sovereign Lord, and deny our Queen to be Queen.  summo Domino nostro explicatio Bullae declaratoriae contra Elizabetham, & ei adhaerentes, quam catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo, ut obliget semper illam & haereticos, catholicos verò nullo modo obliget rebus sic stantibus, sed tum demùm quando publica eiusdem bullae executio fieri poterit. So it appeareth they accounted the pope for their Lord, and the Queen as no Queen, and intended the execution of the Bull, as soon as it might be effected. Finally, there is no popish priest in England, that will absolutely acknowledge the Queen, or renounce the pope or king of Spain. of them they receive directions, and to them they address themselves in all their affairs. Most notorious it is therefore, that all these popish priests and their adherents, adhere also to foreign enemies, and renounce their allegiance to the Queen.  
Fiftly, there is no question, but they have imagined, and to their uttermost power compassed her majesties death, and destruction, and that both by public force, and secret practice. For first, divers of them have taken arms against her, as cardinal Allen, that wicked enemy of his country, and those English, that joined themselves to the Spanish forces Anno 1588. or to rebels either in England or Ireland. Secondly, it cannot be showed, that any popish priest hath either condemned the pope's Bull, which cannot be executed without her destruction, or the taking of arms to depose her. Thirdly, all attempts against her majesties safety and person have been made by these companions, & their consorts. by divers confessions it is apparent, that Holt, Gifford, Worthington, Walpoole, and other friars and priests have persuaded divers to kill the Queen. Of Parsons his treasons in this kind we have heretofore spoken This also I have learned further, that in a letter of his written 1598. he confesseth he was acquainted with Parries' treason, and that he kept back one that was determined to reveal it to the Queen. Neither do I find any among them all, that dislike these courses, when the pope listeth to command them. Finally, if the pope command any to kill the Queen, or promise reward to any that shall do that wicked fact, as Gregory the thirteenth did to William Parrie, as appeareth by cardinal Como his letters to Parry beginning thus: Monsignor, la santità di N. S. ha vedute le lettere di vostra signoria: I would know what one of this antichristian rabble dare either contradict him, or discommend his purpose. Nay is it not apparent, that they all refuse her, and follow him?  
6. Neither can it be well denied, that most of those, that have been executed for the pope's cause, have contrary to her majesties express commandment fled to her enemies, and refused to return, when they were called back; and finally have exchanged the love of their country, into love of their country's enemies. Nay being interrogated of their country, they are taught to deny their own country, and by a pretty equivocation to account that to be their contrary, where they have long lived: 
a resolute. casuum nation. Anglic c. 1. casus 1. & cap. 3. casus 5.  or else to say they are de patria coelesti▪ that is, of the heavenly country. The rest are consorted with these fugitives and traitors. How then can this country suffer such to be protected, which deny their country, or at the least prefer enemies before their liege sovereign?  
7. It is also manifest, that the priests that come from Rome and Spain entertain intelligence with foreign enemies; and if they should deny it, the same will be proved by letters both sent to them, and from them to foreign enemies. The 20. of December last Blackwell the archpresbyter of cacolikes in England answered an appeal made to Rome by divers priests opposite to the jesuits faction. Neither doth any week almost pass, but they either receive or send letters to Rome & Spain. Whereby it cometh to pass, that all our deseins and purposes are descried to our enemies, and nothing passeth in court, or country, but they give present notice thereof unto them.  
8. Further, they have by all means sought to stir her majesties subjects to rebel, and take arms against her, and her friends. Which albeit they do deny in words, yet is evidently to be proved by their actions, and secret designments, and other circumstances. First, the pope he dischargeth the subjects from their oath of obedience, and forbiddeth his adherents any longer to obey her. And I think no papists dare refuse to obey him, if he urge them▪ and command them under pain of his curse. Secondly, Campians and Parsons faculties do show, that whensoever the pope's Bull can be put in execution, than all papists are bound to concur in the execution of it. Thirdly, Morton was sent to stir a rebellion in England, and effected his purpose. The like was done in Ireland, first by Nicholas Saunders, and lately by Archer and other Priests. Which showeth that they will do the like in England, whensoever occasion and means shall be offered. Nay they apparently profess in a treatise called advertisement des catholics Anglois, that they committed a great fault in submitting themselves to her Majesty: pour s'estre soubs●●is à une princess heretic: and in that they did not take arms against her. Fourthly, Cardinal Allen, as the Spaniards came by force, so went about with his wicked letters and persuasions to work a rebellion, in which act Parsons, Holt & other priests also concurred. Fiftly, Parson by setting forth first the Scottish title, then entitling the Earl of Derby last deceased, and lastly in his Treatise set out in Dol●●ans name for the Infantaes right endeavoureth nothing else, but to work sedition and rebellion, as a 
a A discovery of a counterfeit conference.  priest of his own side doth charge him, calling his work, a bloody devise; and as his dealing with the young priests, that come over into England▪ doth plainly declare. And albeit they be not acquainted with the particulars, yet can they not be ignorant, that some general mischief is intended against the state, being commanded so often in their devotions to say, pater noster and ave Maria; for the furthering of some good intention (or rather treason) of the rector of the Romish college. Nay 
b The discovery of Campian & his fellows.  Monday doth directly charge Parsons for preaching openly in the college seditiously against the Queen, and saith that their common argument is, how mischief may be wrought against the state. Sixtly, the doctrine of jesuits is notoriously known, viz that it is lawful for the Pope to depose princes, and for subjects to rebel against them. Lastly, the rebellion of Leaguers in France, much sharpened and furthered by English papists, doth sufficiently teach us, 
c Advertisement des catholiques Anglois. A treatise tending to persuade the French to embrace the league.  what jesuits and priests will do here, if order be not taken. Cardinal ●olet, that well knew their purposes, and was sometime a jesuite, said, that jesuits would set all Christendom in combustion if they were not prevented. But his liberty of speech cost him his life, as some popish priests stick not to 
d In their discourses against the jesuits.  affirm.  
9 It is also most notorious, that they have stirred up foreign enemies against the prince and state. Sixtus quintus in his declaration published against her Majesty, doth openly profess, that at the earnest solicitation of certain principal cacolike Englishmen, he proceeded against her majesty, and had enjoined the Spanish king to execute his Bull, and to come with great forces against England. Allen also in his most traitorous letters to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland, doth confess so much. Neither did the Spanish king any thing, but at the motion of Englefeld, Allen, and Parsons, and upon the exclamations of their consorts. To draw him on the rather, 
a Testified by his own consorts.  Parsons put him in mind, that he was called Philip Norwey, and how that according to a prophecy Betwixt Bostons' bay, and the pile of Foudray, the black navy of Norwey should come, and do wonders. He confesseth also in a letter of his to a Nobleman in Scotland, that he had been with most princes in Europe to stir them against us. The Emperor likewise upon their informations, and solicitations hath showed himself enemy to her Majesty and our nation. Anno 1586. and the year following Cardinal Allen and his consorts were very busy with the Duke of Guise and other Frenchmen, to induce them to concur with the Pope and Spaniards, in the war against England. And so seditiously did Morgan behave himself, that the king commanded him to be committed to the Bastil of Paris. The English 
b Aduertissement des catholiques Anglois aux François catholics.  papists that then were in France, do plainly tell the French, that they were justly plagued, because they did not oppose themselves against the Queen.  
Le crime d'endurer jezabel ta voysine, say they,  
Plonger au sang Chrestien, te destruit peu à peu.  
And of themselves they give out, that they are scorned of all nations for that they 
c Ibidem. p. 89.  suffered an heretical Queen to reign, Nous sommes, 
c See here a plain testimony of the loyalty of papists.  say they, esclaves sous une Izabel, pire cent fois, que jezabel, & bref pour avoir souffert une royne heretic, nous sommes aviourdhuy le mespris, la fable, & le iovet des heretics. Ad hereunto D. Stories practise with the D. of Alva; the oration of Allen, not yet Cardinal to Gregory the 13. Saunders his persuasions to the same pope; Parsons his negotiation with certain princes near adjoining to us; William Critons plots for invasion; and their clamorous and lying discourses dispersed throughout the Christian world: and consider the sum of their practices with foreign nations, and then thou needest not doubt, but that their principal deseignment was to stir up foreign nations to make war upon us,  
10. Finally the whole scope of Seminary priests and their consorts is, First to make a number in England, to put the pope's Bull in execution; next to bring in the pope and Spaniards; which cannot be done without the utter desolation of the land. The first is proved by experience. For that their consorts began to attempt in England, and have in part effected in Ireland: and for this purpose have they erected Seminaries, and sent into England & Ireland whole troops of priests, and deal both with foreign princes and domestical malcontents. Neither may we doubt, but that all these seditious fellows come with one purpose and resolution, not daring to attempt any thing beyond their commission. Secondly the faculty granted to Parsons and Campian doth plainly show, that when the Bull can be executed, than all the Romanistes are bound to do it. Thirdly the pope's words are plain. He 
l Bulla Pij 5. & Sixti 5.  commandeth all his adherents To execute his sentence under pain of excommunication. Fourthly the doctrine of jesuits doth plainly allow the pope's power to depose princes; and all that faction holdeth that his sentences are to be obeyed under pain of excommunication.  
Fiftly neither would the pope nor Spaniard bestow such charge in maintaining these fugitives, but that they hope, again to be requited. Finally the same appeareth by their own confessions, actions, and proceedings. Campian and his consorts being demanded, Whether they took the Queen to be lawful Queen, notwithstanding the pope's sentence of excommunication, and per consequent, whether Sanders and Bristol and such as teach otherwise, taught sound; they refused to answer directly, and would neither acknowledge her to be their lawful Queen, the pope's sentence being in force, nor condemn that traitorous doctrine. Nor would they directly say, That they would take the Queen's part, if any by the pope's commandment and authority should come to fight against her. Nay contrariwise they seemed to like and allow the pope's proceeding, and condemn her majesties title. If then such as by law refuse contumaciously to answer, are to be condemned as confessing the article▪ and that both by the 
a Laetate. §. qui tacent. ff. de interrog. actio. & l. 2. §. quod observari. Cod. de juram. Calum. & ibidd.  civil law, and by the 
b C. si post praestitum. de confess. in. 6. & gloss. ibid.  canons; then are these fellows to be reputed as traitors and enemies to her Majesty. Beside that they have brought with them certain 
c resolute. casuum nationis Anglicanae.  cases of conscience, in which all priests are instructed, and which they generally hold. And therein first it is resolved, 
d Cap. 1. cas. 1.  That she is an heretic, and no lawful Queen, and that her judges and officers are not lawful judges to interrogate them. Further being 
e Cap. 3. cas. vlt.  demanded, Whether they take her to be their lawful Queen, and whether the pope hath authority to depose her, and whether she be a schismatic or heretic: they are taught to answer, That she is lawful Queen, for that the Bull of Pius the fift might percase not be pronounced with all formalities requisite, and to elude the other questions, but not to speak directly. Further in a certain search of a house, where David Engleby a priest was taken, these 
f They are recorded in the memorial of the council of York.  resolutions were found, first That the Queen before the pope's Bull was not lawful Queen. That cacolikes are not to defend her, or fight for her, if any come to execute the pope's bul. That It is lawful to take arms against her, yea to do what they please with her, if they be sure to obtain victory. And shall such vipers be suffered in a state, that thus treasonably talk of the prince? Assuredly if all do not speak so grossly, yet all these conclusions flow of the pope's doctrine in this case of deposing of princes. In the foresaid resolutions it is flatly resolved, that it is lawful to kill the Queen: but say the priests, Rebus ut nunc constitutis multo satius esset ne loqui quidem ea de re.  
The second is proved by their earnest solicitations from time to time to bring in the Spaniard: and themselves I think will not deny, but that they seek, that the pope may have sovereign government, in all ecclesiastical causes at the least. The erection of the English Seminaries in Spain, and other places was made for no other end. Neither hath Parsons and the jesuits busied themselves of long time about any other purpose more, then to prefer the Spanish title. His commendation also of Spaniards and his mediation for peace with them in his former treatise, doth flow from no other cause. This is the cause also why the Seminary men that come out of Spain into England do distribute certain grains and tokens of faction, as a certain 
g In his allegations against jesuits.  priest chargeth them.  
Now than if we will but consider the premises, which not only by histories, experience, and our own knowledge, but also by the adversaries confessions to be showed under their hands (for the most part) may be verified; we may well wonder, how it cometh to pass, that such traitors are suffered; but we cannot by any means doubt, but that they are traitors, and that in the highest degree.  
Neither can any excuse himself and say, That it is no treason to bring in grains, or medals, or to be a priest made by the pope's faction, or to reconcile men to the church, and to commit such like matters, as later laws have made treason. For albeit these things, howsoever they are to be censured, simply of themselves are not treason: yet if grains and beads, and such like toys be notes of a faction opposite to the state; then is it treason by all laws to have them, that condemn notes of faction. That they are notes of faction it is apparent by those, that are brought out of Spain to distribute to such as like the Infantaes title. It is also apparent by the words of a 
h Cap. 1. cas. 2. resolute. cas. nation. Anglic.  resolution in a case of conscience among them. Haec grana & metalla benedicta multum conferre possunt, ad afficiendo● populos erga apostolicam sedem: say the resoluers, that is Allen and Parsons.  
Again to be a priest or false prophet, simply in itself; is not treason: but by priesthood to unite himself to a public enemy, and to make himself thereby of a faction against the state, is and always was to be condemned as treason.  
Thirdly to be reconciled to the church, is no treason; but to be reconciled to the pope, & to take his side, that by arms and practices seeketh to overthrow the state, cannot be esteemed otherwise then as treason: as may also appear by the arrest given by the Court of Parliament of Paris against the jesuits. For albeit the same misliked not the order simply; yet because it was judged a faction opposite against the prince and state, the whole order of jesuits was expulsed out of France.  
Some also may pretend, that it is a point of religion to obey the pope: which notwithstanding is a matter utterly false. For in ancient time neither did Bishops attempt to depose Princes, nor did Christians believe they had any such power. Nay, as Sigebertus Gemblacensis testifieth, it was holden flat heresy, which now the jesuits hold and teach as a point of their religion. But were it religion to obey the pope; yet can it not be religion to rebel against Princes, to depose them, to murder them, to adhere to foreign enemies, that seek the trouble of the state, as doth the popish faction. For 
p Breviar. Liberatij.  Syluerius a pope of Rome was condemned himself for packing with the Goths against the Emperor: and Abiathar and his consorts, that 
q 3. Reg. c. 1.  would have made Adoniah king contrary to David's intention, were therefore 
r 3. Reg. 2.  punished, and he deposed from his priesthood. Finally, to say Pater noster, and to make crosses, is not simply evil: but to say Pater noster, to work a conjuration, or to make a cross to that purpose, is an act of superstition. So to obey a good Bishop in itself, is not evil; but to do it to work sedition or rebellion, is treason: much more to obey wicked pope's, to wicked purposes. All those therefore that adhere to this faction, let them beware their actions come not to examination, lest they engage themselves too far, and be found guilty of high treason, seeing the priests and others, that work in the pope's business, by many laws are declared to be plain traitors.  
Martyrs' certes they cannot be esteemed, unless treason be religion; and falsehood truth, and Antichrist be to be received for Christ jesus. For the Church of God holdeth them for Martyrs, that died for the profession and testimony of Christ jesus. But such of the popish faction, as have been executed in England, died for maintenance of the pope's faction, and his tyranny, taking on him to take away the crown from lawful Princes, and seeking by arms and treason to murder them, and all loyally affected to them. And this is most apparently approved by the inditements framed against them, by the depositions of witnesses, and the whole form of their trial, judgement and execution. As for points of faith, they were not once mentioned in all the process made against them; neither was ever any papist among us troubled for his lewd opinion concerning the mass, or any other point of Romish superstition.  
True Martyrs suffered for the truth wrongfully, and therefore deserved commendation. That is thanke-woorthy, saith saint 
s 1. Pet. 2.  Peter, if a man for conscience toward God, endure grief, suffering wrongfully. These suffer not for their conscience, unless they make the pope's will the rule of their conscience. Neither are they punished wrongfully. And therefore if any esteem them Martyrs, they do them great wrong. For as 
r Epist. 68  Augustine saith of the Donatists, vivebant ut latrones, honorabantur, ut Martyrs: so may we say of these popish Martyrs: they are called Martyrs, but are very rebels and traitors. They are also like Alexander the heretic, of whom Eusebius 
s Lib. 5. eccles. hist. c. 17.  saith, he lived by robbery, and was executed for villainy, and yet was honoured by those of his sect, as a Martyr.  
True Martyrs have charity For without it furious, and jebusitical zeal to promote the pope's cause availeth nothing. If I give my body to be burned saith the 
t 1 Cor. 13.  apostle, and have not love, it profiteth nothing. Now what charity had they, that were employed by public enemies to the hurt and destruction of their liege Lady, and most dear country? Charity saith the 
u Ibidem.  apostle, is patiented, gentle, humble. But these in their exile had no patience, but by force and destruction of their country sought to return: they like fierce lions sought by conquest to subdue men to their opinions: and dream of nothing more than honour, profit, and authority. Some of their own company tell, that in ●nno 1588. they much contended about the lands and livings of the nobility and clergy, and that the jebusites looked to rule all according to an old prophesy found out forsooth by Parsons, of rulers in long gowns & jesuitical bonnets. But since it hath been told them, that it is not good to fallen the bears skin, before he be killed, and that Parsons is nothing but a false prophet. It is said, that Cottam an English jesuite being condemned to die, and seeing a great multitude of people round about him desirous to see, what strange beast a jebusite might be, broke out into many bitter curses, and 
x A discovery of Campian and his consorts.  prayed God, that he would send down fire from heaven, and consume them all. And this is the gentleness and charity of the jesuits.  
When Sixtus Quintus told the jesuits, that he wondered that none of their order was canonised for saints, some 
y A discourse of a certain priest.  answered, that they sought honours in the Church triumphant, and not in the militant: meaning percase not to be beholding unto him.  
True Martyrs are men of a peaceable disposition, and no way desirous of tumults or troubles. Si supra memoratos, saith 
z Lib. 3. contr. Parmen.  Optatus, videri martyres vultis, probate illos amasse pacem, in qua prima sunt fundamenta martyrij: aut dilexisse Deo placitam unitatem; aut habuisse cum fratribus unitatem, sine qua nullum vel nomine potest, vel re esse martyrium. He speaketh of the Donatists, but it fitteth well our popish pretended Martyrs, and their consorts, that neither agree with us, nor among themselves, and are given to contention, and seem desirous of wars and hurlyburlyes, and are the firebrands to raise flames of contention in all the corners of Christendom: as appeareth by their actions in England, France, Ireland, Germany, the Low countries, Swethland, Poland, Scotland, and other places.  
The Martyrs of Christ jesus, die for the true faith, and abide firm in his truth: but the popish mastiffs die for the pope's pleasure, and for defence of his most unjust and tyrannical usurpations, and fight against Christ his Church. Who then doth not marvel, they should be accounted Martyrs? Cum Deo manner non possunt (saith 
a De simplic. pralat.  Cyprian) qui esse in ecclesia Dei vnanimes noluerunt: ardeant licèt flammis, & ignibus traditi, & obiecti bestijs animas suas ponant, non erit illa fidei corona, sed poena perfidiae. Occidi talis potest, coronari non potest. If then these good fellows have forsaken the Church, and linked themselves with enemies and traitors; die they may for their treasons, but as Martyrs they cannot be crowned: nay, they cannot be esteemed Martyrs.  
No true martyr ever seemed more desirous of the applause and praise of men, then of the good of Christ's people. Si ita martyrium fecerimus saith 
b In epist. ad Galat. lib. 3. c. 5.  Hierome, ut nostras velimus ab hominibus reliquias venerari; si opinionem vulgi sectantes intrepidi sanguinem fuderimus, & substantiam nostram usque ad mendicitatem propriam dederimus; huic operi non tam praemium, quàm poena debetur, & perfidiae magis tormenta sunt, quàm corona victoriae. But the popish Martyrs sought nothing more, than their own glory and praise, little caring for the good of God's Church. Nay while they sought to prefer the pope's authority; they sought to draw upon us foreign enemies, and to raise sedition within the country.  
It was not the fashion of Martyrs in ancient time, to renounce their kings and governors, and not to acknowledge their authority. Nay, well they knew that Saint 
c Rom. 13.  Paul taught them contrary. Omnis anima potestatibus sublimioribus subdita sit, saith he. Neither did they use to set out most slanderous libels against men in authority, or allow any such course. Finally, we do not read, that ever any godly Martyr did take arms against his prince, or go about to depose him, or murder him upon any bishops, or other man's commandment. But Campian & his consorts did disclaim her majesties authority, & all priests that come from Rome in their cases of conscience, which they cannot deny, 
d Resolutio casuum nationis Anglicanae.  hold her not for lawful Queen. They also themselves have set out scandalous libels against men in authority, and do well like the sclandrous writings of , Harpesfield, Ribadineira, Rishton, Parsons, Bristol, and others. When the army of the king of Spain was ready to come for England, then was Parsons very busy in printing pope Sixtus his scandalous declaration against the Queen, and Allens letters to the nobility and people of England and Ireland. A 
e In an answer to a libel set out by Parsons.  friend of his doth also charge him, that his finger was in the making and dispersing of it. And yet divers traitors, that have been executed allowed this libel, and other his scurrilous writings. Nay, I do not find, that any of them misliked any thing, that might disgrace her Majesty, or their country. Finally, the Earl of Northumberland, and the two Nortons', and divers priests, whom they 
f bristol motives.  celebrate for Martyrs, took up arms against their Prince and country: and I think none of them either heretofore did, or hereafter will mislike their doing therein. Wherefore albeit the pope put them in his calendar for Martyrs; yet he must not be offended albeit the hangman put them in his books for rebels and traitors.  
No Martyr of Christ jesus did ever think it lawful to break his oath of allegiance to his Prince, upon any bishops warrant. 
g In Chronic. & Auentin. annal. 7.  Sigisbertus Gemblacensis saith, It is a pernicious heresy, to believe, that the pope can discharge subjects from the bond of their oath, and from their allegiance. But these Martyrs, or rather churlish mastiffs, did not only take themselves ●o be discharged from their allegiance, and joined with foreign enemies, but also persuaded as many, as they could to join with them.  
No true Martyr of Christ jesus did ever deny his name, quality, country, kindred, and prince altogether; nor did martyrs dissemble their religion, & go appareled like Spadacins & ruffians▪ but these popish martyrs do all this together▪ nay they are resolved by their 
a Resolutiones quorundam casuum nationis Anglicanae.  superiors, that it is very lawful for them so to do. A.P. that is Allen and Parsons, as I take it, the case being put, utrum sacerdos possit habitum mutare, comam nutrire, nomen, & patriam, & parents negare, do 
b Cap. 1. casus 1.  answer thus: potest: nec videtur in ea re dubium. Potest enim quis veritatem tacere, 
c Ibidem in resolutione casus 1. c. 1.  vel dissimulare, etc. The same good fellows 
a Resolutiones quorundam casuum nationis Anglicanae.  determine, quòd simulatio est licita, and that it is pious, to use simulation, and prove it, for that it is lawful to lay ambuscadoes for enemies: whereby it appeareth, they take us for enemies, and would, if they could, entrap us by their ambuscadoes: and this, if we look not to it, they have fully purposed and resolved. Concerning the Queen they 
d Ibidem.  say, she is no lawful Queen. Regina haeretica, say they, non est legitimè regina; and again; non gerit se ut reginam, sed exercet tyrannidem. Finally, they are commanded to account their country for no country, and not to respect their parents, if they be not of the Romish religion.  
It was not the fashion of the martyrs of Christ his Church to use equivocations, and to forswear themselves both in judgement, and elsewhere: but the Schoolmasters of our popish priests, and pretended martyrs teach them to do both. Sciant, say 
e Ibidem. c. 3. cas. 3.  they, se uti posse aequivocationibus, & jurare sine peccato. Now by equivocations, they mean promises and oaths made, not according to the meaning of the judge, but according to a hidden meaning of the party, that taketh the oath. They 
f Ididem.  teach also that a priest is no more to regard an oath to the Queen's officers, then if he should swear to pirates or robbers for safeguard of his life.  
Finally, no heretics, nor miscreants can justly be reputed martyrs, as divers examples, and testimonies of fathers teach us. The Donatists suffered death courageously; and so likewise did the heretics called Euphemitae, which for the multitude of their supposed martyrs, 
g Epiphan. haeres. 80.  would needs be called Martyriani. Yet did not the church otherwise account of them, then lewd heretics, and not martyrs, as appeareth by the testimony of Eusebius, Augustine, and other fathers before alleged. We read also in histories, that Turks, Tartars, and Moors both fight, and die most resolutely for the blasphemous opinions of Mahomet: and how the Assassins that were a sect of desperate cutthroats, like the jebusites, that desperately would adventure to dispatch whomsoever their General would command them to murder, died oftentimes most constantly: and this they accounted a special point of religion. Yet in truth no man can esteem them martyrs. Why then should the rebels, traitors and Assassins, which have been employed in the Pope's business, and for his cause have been drawn into treason, be accounted martyrs? If because they are put in the pope's calendar: it may be answered, that it is Christ and not the pope; the cause of religion, and not of faction, that maketh martyrs.  
Neither is it material, that grace hath been offered to some that have been executed for treason, if they would have renounced the pope and his treacherous doctrine and faction. For we do not desire the death of all, that through simplicity have been drawn into treason. Nor may the adversaries think, that these fellows were therefore only punished for religion: but rather that they were obstinate traitors, that like the Assassins, made it a point of religion upon the pope's warrant, to take arms, and to practise against lawful Magistrates, and to murder them, which indeed is treason. To offer them life therefore, if they would renounce the pope's faction, was thought a means fit to try them, whether they were settled in their treacherous resolutions, or else would become honest men, as divers of them renouncing the pope, have done; and not to examine them, or punish them for religion, which was never called in question, in all the proceeding against them.   

The Conclusion of the former Treatise.  
IF then papists hold singular opinions, and not the true catholic faith; then are they deceivers, and cacolykes, and wolvish teachers, and no true Catholics or Christians: and thou art carefully to beware of them, & to embrace that faith, which is truly Catholic, which unless thou believe firmly, thou canst not be saved, as saith 
a In symbolo.  Athanasius. It is impossible for Christians, saith 
b In Numer. homil. 26.  Origen, to be saved without faith, whether they seem perfect or weak. now there is but one faith, as there is but one baptism, and one God, as the 
c Ephes. 4.  apostle teacheth us. And this is the faith, which the apostles and prophets have taught, and which we in the church of England do profess. Remember I say, that true faith is Christ's faith and apostolic faith. It is not the pope's faith, nor his determinations, nor uncertain traditions. It hath no other foundation, but the doctrine of Christ and his apostles and holy prophets. Beware therefore of the pretended cacolike Romish faith, that hath no ground, but in the pope's determinations: nor support, but lies, fraud and violence.  
If the doctrine and traditions of popish priests come not from Christ jesus, which is the foundation of our religion, but is drawn out of uncertain legends, and resteth on the pope's determination; remember what the apostle teacheth in this point. If any man saith 
a Galat. 1.  he, preach unto you otherwise, then that you have received, let him be accursed. Believe not every spirit. For many deceivers are gone out into the world. If any bring any doctrine not deduced out of holy Scripture, suspect him, and examine him; and thou shalt find him faulty. And above all things beware of new doctrines. For we have but one faith, which hath his original from Christ the fountain of truth & life. Profanas vocum novitates, saith the 
b 1. Tim. 6.  apostle, devita. And if we may not use new terms, or words in matters of faith; then may we not receive any new articles of religion. It is the part of true catholics to adhere to holy fathers, and to avoid novelties, as saith 
c Adverse. haeres. c. 36.  Vincentius Lirinensis. Now what fathers more holy, than the prophets and apostles, that are the fathers of fathers, and the foundation of the church?  
If the doctrine of popery be for the most part a pack of old and new heresies, as hath been showed thee; why shouldst thou be abused by false teachers? Why shouldst thou be desirous, as distempered stomachs are, to feed upon unwholesome doctrine? Graves sunt haereticorum morsus saith Saint 
d In Euangel. Luc. lib. 7. c. 10.  Ambrose, qui ipsis graviores & rapaciores bestijs nullum abaritiae finem impietatísque noverunt. They look fair upon thee, but bite deeply. They promise true religion, and catholic faith, but teach heresies and damnable opinions. They come unto thee with sheeps clothing, and pretend saving of souls; but inwardly they are ravening wolves, and seek to destroy both thy body & soul. They give thee honey, but it is delivered thee upon a sword point, that when thou thinkest to lick honey, thy heart may be pierced, with a sharp pointed sword.  
If the synagogue of Romanistes be not the true church, why takest thou delight to hear her teachers, or to embrace her erroneous doctrine? Why dost thou not come out of Babylon? Wilt thou remain in her confusion, and be partaker of her plagues? Why shouldest thou go up to Bethaven, or delight in the congregation of wicked idolaters? 
e Hoseae 4.  Go not up, I say, to Bethaven; 
f 1. Cor. 10.  fly Idolatry. 
g Apocal. 18.  Come out of Babylon. It is not I only, but Christ jesus, that calleth thee out of this confusion. If thou wilt not hear him, nor know him; be assured he will not know thee, nor hear thee. It is not the pope that can save thee, nor his decretals, that can warrant thee. Leave therefore the synagogue of satan, and resort to God's true church. Forsake antichrist, and adhere to Christ. Quisquis, saith Saint 
h Epist. 152.  Augustine, ab ecclesia catholica abfuerit, quantumuis laudabiliter se vivere existimet, hoc solo scelere, quòd à Christi unitate disiunctus est, non habebit vitam, sed ira Dei manet super eum. As without noah's ark in time past all flesh was drowned, so there is no safety out of Christ's church. And be not lightly deceived with the name of the church. For antichrist, as the 
i 2. Thes. 2.  apostle telleth us, shall sit in Christ's church. And with his followers, as Saint Augustine teacheth us, shall be accounted to be the true church: viz. by such as are abused. The synagogue of satan in time past did take on them the name of jews: and falsehood is often set out with a fair lustre and show of truth.  
All Christians have an interest in true religion. Why then should any suffer the damnable doctrine of popery, that is so full of heresies, and erroneous opinions? Why should any suffer the Scriptures to be taken from the people of God, so that they shall no more be suffered to read them, and in am thereof receive the pope's determinations, and the synagogues of Rome's traditions? Can any true Christian endure the abominable idol of the mass, where the bread and cup is adored for God, or the idolatrous worship of Romish Babylon? Those that honour God, those he will honour, and such as are lukewarm, and care not what religion they have; those God will cast out of his mouth, as a loathsome race of atheists, and wicked men. If religion move not every man; yet if he remember the slavery of popish government, and how prejudicial it is to princes, to the nobility, to the commons and all sorts of people; he will not much be enamoured of it.  
The magistrate may not suffer either his authority to be disputed of, or doubted of, or denied. And yet the jesuits and priests and their adherents are suffered to teach, and to do all this, as appeareth by their answers to the six Interrogatories, by their cases of conscience, and by their doctrine and actions. Nay most boldly, albeit secretly they practise against the life and state of her Majesty, as many particulars do show. Happy are they, that they have encountered with such a prince; and yet let them beware they abuse not her clemency too far. For no state can stand, where such contumacious and rebellious mates live in open contempt of authority, and laws.  
It behoveth also all them, that carry the sword to look, that not only Christ his sheep be defended from wolves, but also that the state be defended and maintained against professed traitors and rebels, that lurk in all corners. They have not a sword committed to them for nought. But to the end they may defend the quiet and peaceable subject, and root out the wicked & rebellious traitor. Treason and notorious contumacy against laws cannot long be endured in any commonwealth. Neither can magistrates in this case be too watchful. God hath detected many secret conspiracies and attempts against her Majesty and the state; yet let us not presume too far upon his goodness. The way to settle peace, to confirm the state, & to prevent all such treacherous attempts, is to stop the head of rebellion and treason, and to root out all seditious priests and jebusites; from whence all our troubles for this 43. years have wholly and almost solely proceeded. If we look not to them, assuredly they will not spare us.  
All true Englishmen are to defend their country, their wives, and children from foreign enemies; which these unnatural rinegate jebusites, and priests have sought to bring upon us, as the practices of Allen, Parsons, Englefield, and others do declare, and some priests more honester than the rest confess, and seem to mislike. But seeing they like the pope's authority and doctrine, they do but dissemble, when they seem to mislike that, which followeth necessarily of it, as a conclusion upon premises.  
All that possess lands or goods have reason to look, that they be not divided as spoils either by public enemies, or seditious and mutinous mal-contents. Let them therefore have an eye to those whose coming is to maintain an opposite faction, and whose end is to execute the pope's bull, and to overthrow the government: which bringeth with it division, spoil, and confusion.  
The reverend Bishops and clergy especially are to oppose themselves, not only against their doctrine, which through some men's security, and the diligence and watchfulness of the enemy beginneth to take more root, and in more places, then in times past; but also against their treacherous practices. The overthrow of religion, and their death above all others is resolved, as appeareth by the testimony of a certain 
k In a treatise of causes, why he did not submit himself to the jesuits.  priest speaking of the determinations of the rebels, and enemies anno 1588., if God had not crossed their deseignes. He showeth also, that a certain special note is made by one of their adherentes of all abbey lands and church livings, and in whose hands they are: which is the spoil, that our jesuits gape and thirst after.  
It is also a dangerous matter for lawyers, when matters come to be divided by force, and not ordered by law; and would quite overthrow all their practice. It behoveth therefore the honourable judges and learned lawyers diligently to look to these fellows proceedings, & to provide that matters be not brought from the bar in Westminster hall, to a trial in open field; from pleading of laws, to violence and blows.  
Neither have you papists, that favour your holy father, whom you know not, and blindly condemn true religion, which you understand not, cause to trust your jesuits & priests too far. For they for truth deliver you heresy, and superstition for religion, and if you take not better heed, will engage you so far in practice and treason, that you shall not be able to wind out of their labyrinths & plots. Their persuasions are like Pontic honey, of which 
l Natural. hist. lib. 21.  Pliny speaketh, which albeit it be fair in show, yet by reason it is gathered upon noisome & unwholesome herbs & flowers, proveth rank poison. So these false teachers with a smooth countenance do give you very sweet, and honey words, and make you believe, that the Spaniards are your sweet friends, and that it will be honey moon with you, if once you may get up your masses, your roods, your images, your beads, holy water, and other trash. But beware that your honey be not mixed with gall and poison, and that it prove not Pontic, or rather pontifical and papal honey: and remember that I have told you, that to seek by foreign force or domestical sedition, or practise against the prince or state, to bring in your intended devices, is a matter of high treason, and a matter most dangerous to yourselves, your houses, associates and followers.  
If then you will not give over your overthwart course, for the love that every natural Englishman beareth to his Prince and country, nor for the inward detestation, that every man ought to have of treason and disturbation of laws and government; yet may the danger that hangeth over your own heads, as well as ours, move you to consider better of matters, before you run headlong into those attempts, into which the pope's agents would draw you. If you be taken packing, the state standing as it doth, you know you stand in bad terms. And if you should prove so strong, that law cannot be executed against you, yet may you not suppose to run away with the spoil without contradiction. You must imagine that other men's swords will cut, as well as yours, and that the sway of authority, and countenance of the magistrate commanding for truth, and justice will always be able to daunt the pride of rebels, or malcontents. The effects of civil dissension are always lamentable to both sides, and never hath rebellion yet had good success. Of yourselves you may not think to prevail, being the weaker and worst side; and if you bring in strangers, first, you shall make yourselves odious to your own nation; next, you shall be made the first spoil both to friends and foes, and in the end must submit yourself to those that obtain the victory: and receive that at the hands of others, which now you possess quietly by the benefit of her majesties government. Content yourself therefore if you be wise, with the favour you enjoy, and intricate not yourselves with those, that seek to trouble the peace of this state, and to make you the instruments of their wicked and treacherous intentions.  
Finally this generation of rebellious malcontents, that seek by foreign force to establish their authority, and Romish religion, ought generally to be hated of all true christians, and true hearted patriots, and subjects. Of Christians, for their factious courses against religion contrary to the practice of all truly religious and catholic Christians. For neither did Christ establish his doctrine by force, nor did Christians ever use force, or seek to take crowns from Princes. Of all true patriots, for that they seek to destroy their country, and to give it as a spoil to the Spaniards, as the practices of Allen and Parson's, and all their consorts do declare. Of all true subjects, for that they seek to deprive us of so gracious a Princess, and to subject the crown to the pope, that is a most wicked and cruel tyrant, and the public enemy of our religion and this state.  
Parson's will percase deny this to be true, and great reason he hath so to do; but we have convicted him and all his consorts, and all the scholars of the traitorous seminaries combined with him, and with the pope and Spaniard, of so many treasons, as no words, nor protestations, nor oaths will clear them.  
I doubt not therefore, but the magistrate will muzzle the mouths of these wolves, and provide, that these traitors, that are continually working mischief to the state, be not any longer let lose to do hurt. It behoveth also all true Christians and loyal subjects to open their eyes, that they be not taken sleeping. In time past men did not imagine that Allen, Parsons, Campian, Holt, Englefield, and other jebusites and priests, and their consorts and adherents had any other intention, then to plant their popish and cacolike religion. This 
a Ad persecut. Anglos.  Allen told us in a long discourse to that purpose. This Campian and the priests, that came from Rome protested. And this is the ground of all their declarations, supplications and petitions made for moderation in executing the laws against priests and recusants. And so credulous & simple were some of us poor souls, that we believed their fair words and glosses, and determined to show them all possible favour. But now we see they seek the destruction of her Majesty, the bringing in of strangers, the trouble of the kingdom by rebellion, and the utter desolation of their native country: as we have proved by many particulars. Parsons in his Ward-word taketh upon him the defence of public enemies and traitors, seeking by all means to disgrace his own nation, and this state. Being acquainted with Parries' intention for the murdering of her Majesty, he revealed it not, nay he dissuaded one that went about to reveal it, as he confesseth in a letter of his, which will be proved, and I hope showed, if he will deny it. By him and his consorts Holt, Worthington, Gifford, Allen, Walpoole, and others, divers other assassinors have been persuaded, hired and suborned to kill or empoison the Queen, as will be proved, not only by the confessions of the parties, that were employed, but also by the depositions and writings of certain popish priests, that charge the jesuitical faction with this intended assassinat.  
It is plain that they have by all means sought to stir up rebellion at home, and to bring upon us foreign enemies from abroad. The rebellions in England and Ireland, the practices of D. Story, Throkmorton, Charles Paget, Babington, and Ballard, and divers do prove the first. The second is proved by the testimony of Pius Quintus, and Sixtus Quintus, by Cardinal Allens, and Parson's negotiation with the king of Spain, the pope, the Duke of Guise, the Prince of Parma, and divers others, testified in their own actions, & writings, and to be proved by infinite letters and writings of their own consorts: which as occasion shall serve, shall be produced against them, & in part hath been already touched in the former discourse.  
And I do not think, that any priest will either directly condemn the pope's hostile actions against us, or acknowledge the queens right to her kingdom, notwithstanding the pope's declaratory sentence, or any thing he can do against her.  
Most apparent it is therefore that they seek the destruction and desolation of this state, and are all combined with those that profess themselves our enemies. Anno 1571. there was a plot laid by them to bring in the Duke of Guise with the French to surprise London: and no doubt but they have laid many other plots, which are not come to our notice.  
Neither were they ever more busy or in better hope than at this instant, albeit we take ourselves for the most part to be in a state most assured. For first they make no question, but they shall bring with them all the force, that the pope & Spaniard can make, who are also interessed in this cause in regard of their several pretences. Secondly, the faction of the jesuits have attempted to cause all their adherents in England to make several associations in every shire, and moved them to choose a head in every division, as shall be proved by their letters. Now what is this, but the beginning of a rebellion? Thirdly, they have gone about to fortify themselves by divers pretended titles, which Parsons would have presently to be set on foot. Fourthly, every several priest hath his several flock and charge. Let it then be esteemed what numbers 3. or 400. pastoral charges may afford. Fiftly, of late they have made a Provincial of jesuits, called Walley, aliâs Garnet, which showeth that there are some numbers and colleges of jesuits in England. Neither do such gulls come upon the shore, but when gerat storms are toward. Sixtly, the pope hath lately made one Blackwell archpresbyter or governor of all the papists in England, to whom he hath adjoined 12. counsellors & assistants. It is no small faction therefore, that needeth such an authority, & so many assistants. Seventhly, these fellows do at the least monthly, and sometimes oftener receive from Rome letters and directions, and accordingly make collections of money, give rules and orders, distribute faculties, grains. and medalles, and such like notes of faction. Of one man I have showed that they received two thousand pounds, that scarce ever bestowed 20. pounds in the queens service. Here also they lay their plots, and set men on work not only to corrupt her majesties subjects with false religion, but also with disloyal affection. Eightly, they do monthly, if not oftener, advertise into Spain and Rome, what is done in England, and disclose all the secrets both of court and country, and from thence upon any occasion they hope to draw aid of men and money. Ninthly, as if there were in England no magistrates, nor laws, but such as the pope and Spaniard doth give them, they are wholly ruled by their officers, directions, and laws. Nay they contemn her majesties laws and authority, as if there were no Queen nor law in England. From sorrainers they do, I say, receive law, and to them they appeal, when they have wrong, as appeareth by appellations, letters, instructions, and orders of theirs, which we have to show. Tenthly, in their cases of conscience they forbidden their consorts to give any thing to our universities, or to pay their due to the ministers, further than law enforceth them; which argueth, that they work closely against the ministry and the universities. And yet you my masters of the clergy and the universities oppose not yourselves against this vermin, that seeketh to overthrow both the Church and university, and is daily intending and working your ruin. eleventhly, they stick not to declare, how nothing standeth in their way but the queens life. It is not therefore to be doubted but that they are still working against her, as the treasons of Parsons & other jesuits do manifestly declare, and some of their letters do testify. Finally they do perceive so little opposition made against them, and make all matters so sure on their own side, that now the dispute is betwixt the jesuits and priests, who shall have the glory of the conversion of England, and how they shall dispose of our livings and lands, and in what sort our throats must be cut, and what form of government shall be established in England. No doubt it will be a brave country and government, where the Spaniards shall enter by conquest, and the jesuits be lawgivers and chief governors.  
Wherefore let us, my dear countrymen, awake out of that dead sleep of security, into which the pleasant songs of peace, and flattering tales of false traitors have cast us. Let us open our eyes, and look into the depth of these dangerous devices, plotted by a faction plainly professed to be opposite to religion and the state. Let us seize these whelps of wolves, that if they be suffered to grow strong and multiply, will devour us. Let us strangle this brood of vipers, that seek to destroy their mother, that gave them life. I have, as you see, given every one of you warning. Now he that heareth the sound of the trumpet, and hath no care of himself, when the sword cometh and taketh him away, that man's blood shall be upon his own head, as the prophet 
a Ezech. c. 33.  Ezechiel saith. I have discharged my conscience: it is your part to look to the rest. And I hope you will give yourselves no rest, until such time as order be taken with those, that if they may have their wills, will trouble the rest and peace both of Church and state.   
Laus Deo.   

A BRIEF REFUTATION OF A CERTAIN CALUMNIOUS relation of the conference passed betwixt the Lord of PLESSIS MARLI, and I. PERON, calling himself bishop of Eureux, the fourth of May last, sent from Rome into England, and devised by some idle jesuite to the slander of that noble and virtuous Gentleman, and of true religion, which he professeth.  
Therein also the relators cogging glosses and commentaries are examined, and his petition is answered.  Proverb. 27. The wounds of a lover are better, than the fraudulent kisses of an enemy. Matth. 7. Hypocrita, eijce primùm trahem de oculo tuo, & tunc videbis eijcere festucam de oculo fratris tui. 
Imprinted at London, by Arn. Hatfield. 1600.   

The Preface to the Reader.  
SCarcely had I finished the former discourses in answer of N. D. his Ward-word, but there came to my hands a pamphlet of the same Author, and entitled, A relation of the trial made before the king of France, about some matters of religion, etc. made in disgrace not only of the Lord of Plessis, my honourable friend whom I love, but also of true religion, which jointly with him I do profess. In his former treatise N. D. playeth the fencer, here his mastership playeth the scribe, in Dolmans' dialogue he professeth himself a statist. His own friends charge him with Turkeied machiavelisme: whereby it appeareth, that among other parts he playeth now and then Machiavelli or Mahomet. In his discourses against the Lord of Leicester, and the L. Treasurer late deceased, and others, he playeth the libeler. And as one saith of Pasquin, he is put to play all parts. For as Pasquin taketh upon him divers persons, and speaketh now like an Angel, now like a devil; now like a king, and presently like a beggar; now like a pope, and eftsoons like a poor parasite; now like a merchant, and by and by like a man of war; yea and abhorreth not to play the part of a poet, a courtesan, or a jebusite: so our friend Robert Parsons transformeth himself into all shapes, and playeth all parts, save the part of an honest man. As 
a Plato in jove.  Plato saith in like case of one, he turneth himself like to Proteus into all forms, turning up & down without order. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He is also like to Empusa, whom 
b. In ranis.  Aristophanes doth thus describe: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  He saith that Empusa showeth herself sometime like a great beast, sometime like an ox, sometime like a mule, sometime like a dog. So likewise our adversary sometime barketh and fawneth like a dog, sometime pusheth like an ox, sometime he hath no more understanding, than a mule. But men of judgement suppose, that he is of nearest alliance to Pasquin, and not unlike him both in shape, manners, and language, as his great practice & skill in Pasquinadoes do declare. Wherefore as before I have encountered this furious fencer in his challenge made to Sir Fr. Hastings in the Wardword: so here I purpose to meet with his turning devices in this Relation sent from Rome to his consorts in England, with a purpose to disgrace us. neither do I mean to leave him, into what form soever he shall turn himself. 
a Horace.  Effugiet nunquam haec sceleratus vincula Proteus. Unless it would please God to give him grace to turn from his wicked ways, and treasons, & to return to himself, and to a due consideration of his duty.  
You may think him a strange and variable fellow, that taketh pains, to signify as far as from Rome into England, what had passed hard by our doors, & whereof we cannot choose, but have more certain and speedy intelligence, than himself, or others residing at Rome. But such is his noble pleasure. From a fencer, and a jesuite, & a great Rabbin of the Romish synagogue, he is now turned into a base scribe, and relator of Romish news: and believeth that his report willbe the rather received, especially coming thus turned & disguised from Rome; which is the fountain from whence the popish sect receive all their traditions. It may be also that he hopeth to draw a great hand upon us by his triumphing relation concerning the trial passed betwixt the L. of Plessis, & the pretended B. of Eureux, which in Rome was heard with great applause, and well liked by his holy father. But if he had better considered of the matter, & could have imagined, that his relation should have received opposition, & his collections, answer; I believe he would have spared his labour, or rather spent it in some other libeling discourse; wherein his skill is greater, then in disputing of religion. For first no man can have less reason to exclaim upon falsifications, & corruptions of ancient authors, than the popish sect. Neither can it prove, but a matter very dangerous to the pope, to have this point well examined: whose authority and doctrine doth for the most part depend upon false legends, forged acts of counsels, counterfeit writings set out under the name of fathers, and notorious falsifications. It will also be a means to detect the falsehood of the Romish synagogue, that long since by Petrarch was called Fucina d'inganni, or the mint of falsehood and juggling tricks, & of the whore of Babylon, that is most famous for her illusions, deceits, and false dealings: and finally the kingdom of antichrist, that is so powerful in prodigious 
a 2. Thess. ●.  lies, and all deceiveableness of iniquity.  
Secondly, it will appear by examination of particulars, that the L. of Plessis was most unjustly charged with falsifications in his book published against the mass: and that james Peron pretended bishop of Eureux, notwithstanding all his advantages, which the king's favour, and partiality of the auditory, and other circumstances could afford him, was not able to justify his challenge.  
Thirdly, we will plainly prove, that the popish sect have gained nothing by this conference but shame & confusion. For if a Gentleman that maketh not profession of divinity, were able in so unequal terms to stand against so proud an adversary, so mightily supported by the prince's favour; what might be done, if the chief teachers of our side were upon good conditions to dispute before indifferent judges & auditors? All this by God's grace we mean to justify in this brief discourse ensuing. Therein also for thy further satisfaction we purpose both to examine his relation, and to answer his observations and petitions: and to remove this reproach (as 
a 1. Reg. c. 17.  David offering to go against the Philistim said) from God's people. For what is this incircumcised Philistim, that he should dare to speak evil of the army of the living God, or of his Church? If Parson's mean to reply, let him pull off his visor, and come barefaced into the field, and he shall not want those that will encounter him.  
This small Treatise, together with the rest that go before, I commend to thy reading, to let thee understand the great poverty of the adversary, 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch. lib. de auscultando.  that upon so small causes maketh so great brags and triumphs, and with brave words ᵇ setteth out his musty mustard pots. The principal points have been sufficiently handled both in French & English before; yet shall it not be amiss to remove all their cavils, and to encounter such winding serpents in all their turning devices. If the matter answer not thy expectation, thou must impute it to the baseness of the subject, and the vanity of the relators narration. The discourse will not be long, and therefore much labour it cannot cost thee to read it. Read therefore and judge who they are, that are to be charged with false and fraudulent allegations, which is now the different betwixt Parsons and us.   

A brief refutation of a certain calumnious relation of the trial betwixt the Lord PLESSIS MARLI, and the pretended bishop of Eureux, the 4. of May last, with an answer to the relators observations and petitions.  

CHAP. I.  
That the popish faction hath no reason to charge others with falsification.  
IT is an old custom among our adversaries, when they cannot answer directly to our arguments, to cavil at our allegations, as if all were untrue or defective, because some errors are pretended in some authorities or quotations. This course did Harding and his consorts take against bishop jewel of reverend memory, & others against that painful and zealous servant of God master john Fox, and divers others, eluding with scorn, that which in earnest they are not able to answer. Now james Peron calling himself the bishop of Eureux in France, and this relator by his scornful letters, sent into England, attempt the same way against the painful labours of the Lord of Plessis in his most learned treatise against the idolatrous mass, most ridiculously supposing, if he have mistaken Scotus, or Durandus, or Bernard, or some homily of Chrysostome, or some other author, that all his other allegations and arguments, wherein no error can be found or justly pretended, are weak and of no moment.  
But while they charge others, they seem utterly to forget themselves, and their own notorious corruptions and falsifications. They put them all into that part of Aesop's wallet, that hangeth at their backs, and remove both faults and wallet out of their sight. 
a Catull. in Scazonte.  Non vident manticae, quod in tergo est. They, as the hypocrites, of whom our 
b Matth. 7.  Saviour speaketh, Espy a mote in their brother's eye, and see not the beam in their own eyes. Nay being blind themselves, they are much offended and exclaim at every blemish, which they espy in other men's eyes. For never did any sect either of heretics or philosophers use such fraud and falsification in maintaining their errors, as the papists have done to make good their most abominable doctrine and practice. To relate all were a matter of great time and labour. We will therefore only touch so much, as may serve to prove them to be most culpable in that, whereof they accuse others.  
First then we say, and against Parsons and the whole rout of jebusites and Canaanites, God willing, shall prove, that they have falsified and corrupted the most holy word of God and his holy Testament. For if those which have hidden, or kept away the Testament or last will of a mortal man, or have taken away the same by force, or abolished it, or torn it, or made a new, or written a false Testament, or used it, signed it, or procured it to be done; then much more the papists that have falsified Gods eternal word, are to be condemned as guilty of falsehood. But that is confirmed by the words of the law. Committitur falsum saith the 
c ff. de falsis. & Hostiens. de crim. fals. §. qualiter committatur. & add l. Cor. de fals.  law, si quis testamentum celaverit, amoverit, rapuerit, deleverit, interleverit, subiecerit, vel falsum testamentum scripserit, signaverit, recitaverit, dolóue malo ea fieri procuraverit. The consequent is proved by the practice of the papists. For first they have of a long time hidden God's word, as it were a candle under a bushel, and covered it over with the plaster of their traditions and popish interpretations. Secondly they have removed the scriptures from the eyes of the multitude, and kept the same from them in a tongue unknown, not suffering any to read them, but such as they are assured will not profit by them. Thirdly such as by any means have gotten them, they have taken and punished severely taking the testament of God violently out of their hands. Fourthly they have 
d Index librorum prohibit.  abolished not only all vulgar, but also all Latin translations, except such as they made themselves. Fiftly they have burnt, and torn and abused Gods holy Testament. Sixtly for God's word they have given unto us a most corrupt translation, and made that more authentical, than the original. Seventhly they have made a false testament contained in their unwritten traditions. Eightly they will have no other testament exhibited or used, or alleged in schools, but their old Latin vulgar translation. Lastly they have taken away that Sacrament from the people, wherein the new testament is established, and made frustrate Christ his institution and last will, omitting no means that could be devised for the corrupting, falsifying and abolishing of Gods eternal testament, and the seals thereof. Nay certain 
f Matth. Paris.  Carmelites about 300. years agone having made a testament of their own devise, were not afeard to teach, that Christ's Gospel should cease, and that their Gospel should for ever after be received. Bonaventure likewise falsifying the Psalms of David turned the praises of God to the praises of our Lady.  
Secondly they have falsified the canons of the Apostles. 
g In epistola ad Siculos.  Zepherinus alloweth 60. 
h Contra epist. Nicet. Abbatis.  Leo the ninth receiveth only fifty; others 85. 
i C. Sancta. etc. canon's. dist. 15.  others condemn them, as apocryphal writings forged by heretics. They have also put forth the constitutions of the apostles under the name of Clement, which savour nothing of the apostles divine spirit, and are likely to be the devices of heretics.  
Thirdly they have most shamefully corrupted the counsels, and have not only forged divers new acts, and pieces of acts, but also new counsels. In the sixth council of Carthage the pope's agents exhibited a counterfeit canon of the council of Nice, and were convicted 
k Acta synodi Carth. 6.  of that falsehood by authentical copies sent from other churches. Pius Quintu● when the emperor repined for that he had made Cosmus of Florence duke of Tuscan, alleged for himself a forged canon of the council of Nice. E sentenza saith he, 
l Girol. Caten. in literis Pij quinti.  di tutti theologi è canonisti, & determinatione di concilij, massimament del Niceno, che ' l successor di San Pietro sia signore & rettore di tutti i principi del nome Christiano, de tutte le provincy & tutte le genti, anathematizando, chiunque cio ardisse contradire. Parson's may do well to exhibit this canon, where the pope is made Lord of all princes and provinces, and all excommunicated that dare say contrary: unless he will have his holy father condemned of impious forgery. Ruffian and other authors say there were but twenty canons made in that council. But these good fellows by a counterfeit letter of Athanasius, would bring in a great number more. Carranza saith, many more canons were there established.  
Where the second council of Constantinople 
a C. 36.  decreed, that the sea of Constantinople should be equal to the sea of old Rome, as appeareth by the acts both in Greek and Latin; in their 
b C. Renovantes dist. 22. etc. antiqua extr. de privileg.  decrees, the pope's have turned this canon quite contrary, as if that council had decreed, that the sea of Constantinople should not be equal to old Rome.  
The council of 
c Carthag. 6. c. 105.  Carthage decreed against the church of Rome,  qui ad transmarma putaverit appellandum, à nullo ad communionem intra Africam reciperetur. But Gratian in the chap. Placuit. 2. q. 6. addeth these words, Nisi fortè Romanam sedem appellaverit. out of a certain council of Carthage that would have priests to abstain from their wives, in proprijs terminis, in the chap. Placuit. dist. 32. they have put out, proprijs terminis.  
In the 
d Can. 35.  council of Laodicea, where the worship of angels is forbidden, they have turned angelos, into angulos, and so marred the whole sense. To end this point, under the name of Sylvester, Syricius, Gelasius, and other pope's they have forged whole counsels, whereof in authentical writings there is neither proole, nor memorial to be found.  
Fourthly their manifold corruptions of the writings of the fathers, cannot in few words be described. First under the names of fathers they have published most childish toys, vain fables, and unlearned patcheries, as by their additions to the works of Cyprian, Origen, Athanasius, Basill, Ambrose, Hierome, Augustine, Chrysostome, Gregory, and divers others, is evidently testified. For Caesar Baronius, Bellarmine and others do in part confess so much; and if they should not, yet would the style, and doctrine divers from that of the fathers, to whom they are ascribed, convince these treatises to be misbegotten, and not to belong to the fathers, whose name they bear: yet are they offended with those, that censure these counterfeit sermons, orations, and treatises, and cease not to use them.  
Next they have taken divers words, lines, and sometimes whole chapters out of the father's writings, and under colour of correcting, have quite corrupted the fathers. As appeareth by their Rubarbatif, or as they call them expurgatory indices, that are daily increased; and may be proved further by comparing the old books with the new editions approved by the Canaanites and jebusites, that cannot endure either truth, or the professors thereof.  
Another practice also they have, to abuse and disgrace the fathers of the church, that they add words now and then, and alter the text of their true writings; as also comparison of books will ●asily show.  
Fiftly under the names of the ancient bishops of Rome they have published mere fooleries, and false constitutions refuted plainly by the stories of the times wherein they lived, by the estate of that church in time of persecution, and by the barbarousness of the Gothike language, wherein they are written, savouring of otherages and authors, than those whose names they bear. Of this stamp are the epistles that carry the names of Clement, Anacletus, Evaristus, Alexander, Telesphorus, Hyginius, Pius, and such like.  
Sixtly for the enlarging of their dominion and authority, the pope's have set out 
l C. Constantinus dist. 96.  first a false donation surmised to be made by Constantine, and therein they say he gave them Rome, Italy, France, Germany, and all the west empire, and also most ample privileges & authority. A matter so false and vain, as it may be wondered, with what sa●e the pope's can allege so manifest a forgery, being contradicted by the 
m Socrat. hist. lib. 3. c. vlt. & S●xt. Aurel. Victor. & Zosimus.  emperor Constantine's testament, and by ancient histories; by the state of the Roman bishops for many years after, and by the brutish and barbarous fashion and frame of the instrument, and therefore disallowed even by the 
n Antonin. 1. part. hist. tit. 8. c. 1. & Cusanus de concord. cathol. 3.  adversaries themselves, that have either modesty or learning. They have also set out another donation under the name of 
o Ego Ludovicus. dist.  Ludovicus, almost to the same purpose, but yet not so large as the other. That the same is forged it may appear both for that it contradicteth Constantine's donation, and for that the two divers copies, that are 
p Volater. Geograph. lib. 3.  extant do contradict one another. For writings that are divers, and derogatory one to another make no strong proof. Scripturae diversae, & fidem sibi invicem derogantes nihil habere firmitatis possunt, as saith the 
q L. scripturae Cod. de fid. instrument.  emperor. Neither can two contrary propositions be taken for true, as lawyers hold l. s●is qui. §. utrum. ff. de reb. dub. & l. ubi pugnantia. ff. de regulis juris.  
To give colour also to the counterfeit claim made by the pope's of Rome for their universal power ever the whole Church, they have 
r Cod. de sum. trinit. & fide cath. l. inter claras.  thrust a counterfeit epistle of justinian the Emperor, and an epistle of john bishop of Rome among the imperial laws of the Code: whereby they would prove, that the Emperor here did subject himself, and the church of Constantinople to the bishop of Rome, and made him head of the church. That these letters are forged it may appear First, for that they are not found in ancient Manuscript books, which is also testified by 
s Parerg. lib. 5. c. 23.  Alciat. Secondly, for that it is an old fashion for the pope's of Rome to foist in false canons, false acts, and false laws for establishing their authority. Thirdly, for that it containeth divers points repugnant to the 
t L. cognoscere. Cod. de sum. Trinit. & fid. cath.  epistle and law next precedent. For here the emperor is made to signify, that now he first published this confession, and sent it to be allowed or disallowed by john bishop of Rome, where it is notoriously apparent, that he had published the same confession & sent it to Epiphanius bishop of Constantinople a year before, and divers other churches, as may appear by the dates of both epistles, and by his 
u L. cum salvatorem. Cod. eod.  edicts sent to the Churches of Constantinople, Ephesus, Caesarea, Trapezuntium, Cyzicus, Amida, Apamea, and others. Fourthly, this epistle doth here constitute the bishop of Rome head of the church, whereas Ado of Vienna in his Chronicle, and Ivo in his Chronicle, and Platina in the life of Boniface the third do testify, that this title was first given to Boniface the third, almost seventy years after. Fiftly, the same is confuted by Gregory the first his epistles, that always disalloweth this universal power in a bishop, and condemneth him, that would be accounted universal bishop, and acknowledgeth the emperors power over him. Sixtly, this epistle is refuted by two imperial constitutions l. 24. Cod. de sacrosanctis ecclesijs. Et l. decernimus. eod. tit. that give superiority to the church of Constantinople, and make her 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and call her matrem pietatis, & Christianorum orthodoxae religionis omnium. Seventhly, it is also contradicted by divers other laws of the emperor. For here he promiseth, that he will do nothing in matters of religion, but first he will make the bishop of Rome acquainted withal, to have his judgement; and yet after that, of his absolute authority he made many ecclesiastical laws 
x Novel. 6.11. & 123.  concerning the creation and consecration of Bishops, the number of patriarchs and archbishops, their jurisdictions, and privileges, 
y Novel. 3.  concerning the removing of clerks from one church to another, and their ordination, 
z Novel. 16.  concerning supplying the number of the clergy, concerning the 
a Novel. 5.  marriage of clerks, and not marrying of monks, 
b Novel. 5. & 133.  concerning monks and nuns, 
c Novel. 58.  concerning the holy communion, 
d Novel. 137.  concerning the form of divine service, and divers such like matters. Nay he made laws, that bound the bishop of Rome, aswell as other bishops, as may evidently be gathered out of the Novel. constit. 123. jubemus, saith he, Archiepiscopes & patriarchas veteris Romae, & Constantinopolis, & Alexandr●ae, & Theopolis, etc. And out of the seventh Novel constitution, where it is by him ordained, ut nulla ecclesia quae sub Romana est ditione, sicentiam habeat alienand●res immobiles. Finally, there is a more flattering and undecent form of assentation used in this epistle, than ever justinian used: and here he termeth the bishop of Rome's See, Apostolicam sedem, which style is no less due to other churches, and useth a style different from other his epistles. Semper saith he, nobis in voto fuit, & est, ut decet, honorare ut patrem, vestram beatitudinem. And again, petimus vestrum paternum affectum, ut vestras ad nos destinetis literas. And, suscipit vestra sanctitas. And afterward, petimus vestram beatitudinem Dei nobis acquirere providentiam. Properamus omnes sacerdotes orientis vestrae subijcere sedi. Properamus per omnia honorem crescere vestrae sedis. Patriarcha Constantinopolitanus festinat in omnibus sequisedem apostolicam beatitudinis vestrae. And in the end, Deitas te conseruet per multos annos, sancte ac religiosistime pater. Which style as it is monkish and soppish; so it is far from justinian's vein. And to think that justinian wrote in Greek to the Roman bishop is absurd, albeit to colour the matter some hungry Greek hath translated this epistle out of Latin into Greek.  
To come nearer to matters of our times, there is no christian kingdom, but the pope's have forged writings to prove the s●me either f●udatarie, or tributary to the See of Rome. In the 
s Augustin. Steuch. de donat. Constant. & in registro Alexander. 3.  register of Alexander the third, challenge is made to the kingdom of England. Novit providentia tua, saith Alexander the third, Anglorum regnum, ex quo Christi nomen ibi glorificatum est, sub apostolorum principis manu & tutela extitisse. 
t Vbi supra.  Augustine Steuchus doth also tell us, that there are instruments in the pope's archives to be exhibited to prove the kingdoms of Arragon, Croatia, Dalmatia, Denmark, Spain, Hungary, Poland, Ruscia, yea and the empire of Rome itself to be subject to the See of Rome. Bonifacius the eight, 
u Nicolas Gillius Annal. Gal.  writing to the king of France saith, scire te volumus, quod in spiritualibus & temporalibus nobis subes. Pius the fift to prove his right to invest Cosmus with the title of great Duke of Tuscan, ex certa scientia saith 
x In vita Cosmi edit. an. 1569. apud Aldum Ma●ut.  he, maturáque deliberatione nostris, ac de supremae nostrae apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, tam dictorum praedecessorum, quàm etiam Alexandri tertij, & Innocentij pariter tertij, ac Pauli quarti similiter praedecessorum nostrorum, qui Portugalliae, ac Bulgarorum, ac Blachorum, necnon Hiberniae reges, & ut tunc Dux Bohemiae rex in suis literis nominari possit, respectiuè crearunt, constituerunt, & concesserunt, etc. whereby it appeareth, that of certain knowledge & full deliberation he allegeth false instruments, and is a most notorious falsary, and that for no less matters, then for whole kingdoms.  
7. they have with their martyrologies, and impudent lying legends, and false and forged traditions corrupted, not only the history of the church, but also a great part of their religion. And to make these forgeries more pleasing, they have suborned and hired Caesar Baronius with his lying Annals, to allege proofs for them.  
8. they have also set the babbling jesuits and their consorts on work to justify all the corruptions of the Romish synagogue, and to make good the pope's decretales. Whose writings who list to peruse, he shall find millions of falsifications, as the writings of Friar Bellarmine, Gregory de Valentia, and Suares, and their consorts; of Harding, Stapleton, Allen, and others do testify. And this the treatises of divers learned men daily set out against their falsifications and corruptions do plainly demonstrate. The same also, if friar Parsons will continue his challenge, shall be justified by infinite particulars.  
Finally, they have neither left scriptures, fathers, counsels, stories, old nor new writers sound: neither have they omitted any one trick of falsification, that any falsary could devise, which they have not practised.  
First, falsehood is committed in writings. Neither is it material, whether they be public, or private; whether testamentary, or belonging to any other contract. And as well is forgery committed by concealing a true writing, as by forging or using false writings. Falsum committitur, saith 
y De crimine falsi.  Hostiensis, aliquando cum scriptura, sive scribat quis falsum, sive deleat verum, ut res, id est, rei veritas non appareat. Nec discrepat, utrum fit testamentum, instrumentumue publicum vel privatum, etc.  
Secondly, it is committed by using and producing of false instruments and writings. Vtens falso instrumento dicitur falsum committere. l. maiorem. Cod. de falsis. Especially if they be used wittingly, Barbat. lib. 3. consil. 54. Numer. 16. & seq.  
Thirdly, that 
z Gloss. in l. ex cautione. ff. de pactis.  notary, that shall in a true instrument write any material point false; or in a testament set down a legacy to his own advantage, is taken & adjudged a falsary. l. 1. §. fin. ad l. Corn. de falsis. Et l. senatusconsulto. Cod. de his qui sibi ascrib.  
Fourthly, falsehood is committed, either by witnesses deposing falsely. l. 1. ff. de falsis. etc. 1. de crim. falsi. or else by suborning, or producing false witnesses, or using the depositions of false witnesses, as is the common opinion of lawyers, in l. 1. de falsis, etc. 1. de crim. falsi.  
Fiftly, it may be committed in delivering counterfeit money, or counterfeit measure, or in supposing or fathering children upon parents, to whom they belong not; or in professing himself to be a soldier, or a clerk that is not, and by divers other means, as the Doctors teach in gloss. in c. in memoriam. dist. 19 & in c. vera justitia. dist. 41. and in other places. All which falsehoods and forging devices our adversaries do most cunningly and frequently practise. They conceal the Scriptures from God's people, and hide from us the originals of Origen, Basil, Chrysostome, and other Greek fathers.  
They make their traditions equal to the written word of God, and take away the cup from the communicants, which is a seal of God's eternal testament, defacing and corrupting both the divine Scriptures with Apocryphal writings, wicked interpretations, perverse translations, and divers other devices of th●ir forging wits: and as much as in them lieth, falsifying the seals of God's promises.  
In the name of Basil, Amphilochius, Abdias, Clement, and divers fathers, they have forged divers false treatises; and albeit we continually call upon them to leave these conterfect writings; yet cease they not to use them.  
By forged donations published under the name of Emperors and Princes, and by divers decretal epistles falsely ascribed to the ancient bishops of Rome, they challenge to themselves large kingdoms, and an universal authority over the world.  
Not only themselves speak and write most shameful untruths, and that both in matters of faith and policy; but also they use the counterfeit writings of others set out under the names of their predecessors, as their whole disputes with us do witness.  
They do also deliver to us counterfeit doctrine of another stamp, and alley, then that of the apostles and ancient fathers; and a false rule of faith, adding their traditions and the pope's determinations to the true rule, and conjoining them to the canonical Scriptures: of which unruly rule antiquity never had notice.  
Neither are they ashamed to father their own bastards, and bastardly devices upon Origen, Cyprian, Athanasius, Ambrose, Hierome, Chrysostome, Augustine, Gregory, and other ancient holy men; who if they were alive, would wonder how these misbegotten devices came to be ascribed to them: and would utterly renounce them.  
In their relations, narrations, histories, and testifications published of late time they neither use religion, nor truth, nor common honesty. Caesar Baronius doth smoothly tell infinite lies and fables. Staphilus, Cochleus, Lindanus, Surius, Genebrard, Bolsecus, and such like lying mates care not what lies, or false tales they writ, so they may publish any thing, that may redound to the slander of the professors of the truth. The like shameless course hath Sanders, Rishton, Ribadineira, Parsons, Allen, and other traitors and enemies of this state, taken, to disgrace her majesty, and her noble progenitors, and all that stand well affected to religion and their country. Parson's hath set out false titles to pervert the right of succession to the crown, in his damnable discourse of titles. Such witnesses as these, the pope's of Rome and their adherents have both suborned and hired to speak all manner of sclandrous untruths against honest men. And these are the witnesses which our adversaries ordinarily produce, and whose false depositions they use, supplying the rest with false and lying fables set out by themselves. Are not they then notorious falsaries?  
Finally, our adversaries take on them to be bishops, and priests, and every begging and base friar is bold to usurp pastoral function. Nay, the pope's of Rome usurp, not only the authority of bishops, having nothing but the bare name of bishops; but also the authority and prerogatives of Christ jesus, falsely appropriating that to themselves, that is only due to Christ jesus.  
The pope's of Rome therefore and their agents, consorts, and adherents are notorious falsificators, and have surpassed all the world in fraud, forgery and falsehood▪ and that shall Parsons the relator, or rather delator and false accuser of his brethren well perceive, if he dare encounter these objections.  
As for his objections either against the Lord of Plessis, or against the reverend father's bishop jewel. Peter Martyr, master Fox, master Fulke, they are most vain and frivolous: and the falsifications imputed unto them most falsely charged upon them: as first shall be showed in the first, which is the principal subject of our adversaries relation, and consequently, as occasion serveth, in the rest.   

Chap. II.  
That the Lord of Plessis hath been most unjustly charged with false allegations in his book published against the Mass.  
I Am not ignorant, that the Lord of Plessis hath not only acquitted himself of the calumnious imputations of his adversaries, but also hath been sufficiently justified against all their objections by other learned men in discourses published both in French and English. Neither needeth he any further defence of mine. Yet seeing this relator would needs be scribbling into England such vain objections, as have been already answered: I thought it not amiss to advertise thee briefly, what hath passed in this cause, of which either our relator is ignorant, or else dissembleth, after his Machiavelian fashion.  
The first place, which Peron his adversary in the conference at Fontainbleau pretended to be falsified by the Lord of Ples●is in his treatise against the mass, was drawn out of Scotus, and therefore was he charged with falsehood, for that he saith, that Scotus durst call into question, whether Christ's body be really contained under the forms, and disputeth, that he is not. But Perons' foundation was too weak to bear so great a charge. For albeit Scotus had not so done, or spoken; yet could not the Lord of Plessis be charged with falsification, seeing he doth not quote his words, but set down his own collection. The most that could be said was, that he had mistaken the meaning of Scotus. And yet if he had charged him only with mistaking, himself had been mistaken, and greatly had he wronged his adversary. For it cannot be denied, but that Scotus doth indeed call into question, whether Christ's body be really by transubstantiation contained under the forms of bread and wine, and disputeth that it is not: which is all that the Lord of Plessis doth say of Scotus, for which he is challenged by his wrangling adversary. Neither is it material, that this is the use of schools, first to object against the truth, and afterward to resolve what is true, and to answer the objections. For that doth not disprove M. Plessis his assertion, seeing Scotus doth not only in his objections, but also in his resolution of that question say as much, as M. Plessis collected out of him. Nay he seemeth rather to dislike transubstantiation then otherwise. Magis, saith 
a In 4. sentent. dist. 10. q. 1.  he, repraesentat (panis cum suis accidentibus) corpus Christi in ratione nutrimenti spiritualis. And again he 
b In 4. sentent. dist. 11. q. 3.  saith: If another interpretation were admitted for Christ's presence in the sacrament, that fewer miracles should need Pauciora ponuntur miracula: Plainly disliking that interpretation, that without divers miracles cannot be maintained. He doth also argue strongly against transubstantiation out of scriptures, and answereth his own arguments very weakly and coldly, and in the end affirmeth, that the determination of the Church of Rome did principally move him to believe the doctrine of transubstantiation. Of which it followeth very necessarily, albeit he was content to subscribe to the Pope's determination, and durst not do otherwise, yet that he himself thought otherwise for the reasons by him alleged, and so not we only, but Dominicke a Soto taketh it: against whom josephus Angles a Scotist laboureth much to defend Scotus, as not dissenting from the church of Rome; and yet satisfieth no man sound.  
The second place was taken out of Durand who saith, that it is rashness to affirm, that the body of Christ may not by the power of God be in the sacrament by other manner, then by the conversion of bread into his body. Neither can it be denied but that Durand hath these words, as they were alleged by M. de Plessis. Why then is he charged with falsification? Forsooth because, they say, he took the opposition for the resolution. But he that looketh on Durands' book shall find these words not in the oppositions only, but also in his resolution; and that he doth much insist upon this point, and saith, that it is durum and temerarium, that is, a point of impudency and temerity to hold the contrary, seeing it bringeth with it so many inconveniences. It may also plainly be gathered of his words, that the determination only of the council of Lateran, and the Romish church moved him to hold transubstantiation▪ which not we only, but also 
c De sacram. eucharist. lib. 3. c. 11.  Bellarmine doth note in him, taring him for hard belief of transubstantiation, and saying, that the material part of the bread is not by consecration converted into the body of Christ.  
The third place objected against M. Plessis, was drawn out of Chrysostome homil. 1. in 1. Thess. 1. but neither can his adversary prove this place to be falsified by him, nor impertinently alleged. Not the first, for that he doth not allege Chrysostoms' words, but maketh a collection upon them. Not the second for that as M. Plessis affirmeth it may evidently be gathered out of his words, that we must not rely upon the prayers of the Saints, but work our salvation with fear and trembling. Neither is it material, that these words, If we be negligent, are omitted: for they are not to purpose, seeing Chrysostome would not have us rely upon the intercession of saints, albeit we be diligent, to do our endeavour ourselves. Again, seeing he concludeth of the words, and doth not rehearse them precisely, he had no reason to write all down that came in his way. It is also objected, that Chrysostome alloweth intercession of saints. But be it he did so, yet doth not this convince, that he is falsely alleged by M. Plessis, seeing that which he gathered may be true, albeit this were granted. How much then is it more unlikely, that he shall be convicted, seeing Chrysostome in that place hath nothing, which doth not appertain rather to the prayers of holy men living, then of holy men departed?  
The fourth place was taken out of a certain Homily of Chrysostome upon Matthew, where, as the L. of Plessis allegeth, he saith we have much more assurance through our own prayers, then through the prayers of others, and that God saveth us, not so soon at others requests, as at our own. And this the adversary himself could not deny to be truly alleged. How then came it to pass, that dealing thus justly and truly, he should notwithstanding be charged with falsification? Forsooth saith his adversary, because he left out the words following, viz. Et haec non dicimus, ut supplicandum sanctis negemus: and for that he applied Chrysostoms' words against prayers to saints departed. As if it were so heinous a matter, not to set down words altogether impertinent: or as if it did not follow, that we are not to rely upon saints prayers, and that therefore we are not so continually to pray to saints, and so to trust to their intercession, as the church of Rome doth, that maketh prayers to saints a great piece of their church-service. But were it that the argument were not good, yet the adversary will not grant, that Bellarmine and his consorts do commit falsifications, as oft as they bring weak, or evilshapen arguments. It was also further answered, that Chrysostome had nothing, that might force us to believe that he taught or believed prayers to Saints departed; which may serve fully to answer all the adversaries vain cavillations.  
The fift objection was, for that citing these words out of Hieroms commentaries upon Ezechiel lib. 4. in cap. 14. Bonum est confidere in Domino, etc. he left out these words, si negligentes fuerint. But 
d Falsum non committitur sine dolo.  no falsification can be committed without fraud. Now what fraud could be imagined in omitting words that make nothing for his adversary, or against himself? Beside that the ordinary gloss doth rehearse these words no otherwise, than the Lord of Plessis quoteth them, whom I think the Malheureux Bishop of Eureux will not charge with falsification. It was also here objected, that Hieroms words in Ezech. cap. 4. make nothing against prayers to saints. But it must be remembered, that the controversy here was not, whether M. Plessis had well concluded out of that ●lace, but whether he had rightly alleged it. Beside that, we answer, that it is no weak argument to conclude thus, we must not trust in the prayers of men, and therefore are not to rely upon the prayers of men departed this life. Finally, writing upon the epistle to the Galathians ᶜ Hierome doth flatly condemn prayers made to Saints departed, and for dead men. 
b Lib. 2. in epist. ad Galat.  Obscurè licèt docemur, saith he, per hanc sententiam nowm dogma quod latitat. 〈◊〉 praesenti seculo sumus, sive orationibus sive consilijs inui● posse nos coadiware. Cum autem ante tribunal Christi venerimus, non job, non Daniel, nec Noe rogare posse pro quoquam; sed unumquemque portare onus suum. He saith, when we are here, we may help one another, signifying that men departed this world, can neither help others, nor be helped by prayers of others.  
The sixth place, which the Lord of Plessis was charged, to have corrupted, was drawn out of Cyril contra julianum lib. 6. And why was he charged think you? Forsooth because he alleged him to prove, that adoration was not to be yielded to the sign of the cross. But herein there could not be any falsification used; and that first, for that he did not allege the author's words: and secondly, for that he doth well conclude according to Cyrils' meaning. For where julian objected to Christians, that they worshipped the cross: Cyril answereth, that these words proceeded of bad thoughts, and extreme ignorance. So likewise saith Minutius Felix in his apology; cruces nec adoramus nec optamus. That is, we neither worship, nor desire crosses.  
The seventh place was out of Petrus Crinitus; where the L. of Plessis is charged to leave out the word humi, alleging the law of Theodosius and Valens against the making of the sign of the cross. But his accusers should have remembered, that he did allege not the words, as now they are found in books falsified by idolaters, and crosse-worshippers, but out of Petrus Crinitus, which citeth the law out of authentical records. Our wise relator here, to make the matter seem more heinous, saith he falsified the law of Theodosius, Valens, & justinian; as if they had been joint authors of that law, when as justinian was not yet in the world, when that law was made. Neither is it much material, if Tribonian in the emperors name had put in the word humi. For we are rather to rely upon the originals, then upon Tribonians honesty, that put words in and out, and altered laws at pleasure. Neither was the law of Theodosius and Valens to be reputed new, albeit the word Humi had been left out, seeing both Epiphanius and the council of Eliberis in Spain, and divers other fathers had condemned paintings of images.  
The eight place was taken out of S. Bernard, Epist. 174. she needeth no false honours, saith Bernard, speaking of the virgin Mary, being as she is, at the fullness thereof. Again he saith that it was no honour, but a taking away of honour, and, that the feast of her conception was never well instituted. Here his accuser charged the Lord of Plessis to have omitted these words, Magnifica gratiae inventricem, mediatricem salutis, restauratricem seculorum. As if it were necessary, where divers places are alleged out of one author, to write out all that cometh betwixt one & other. This is a new trick of Eureux, who albeit he 
He hath set out a treatise to prove this position.  hold the scriptures to be insufficient, and therein hath tried his poor talon of writing; yet would have more than is sufficient alleged out of fathers and other authors. Beside that the Lord of Plessis alleging the authority of Bernard doth not dissemble in what esteem he held the holy virgin Mary. Finally, he alleged Bernard, not as an authentical witness, but as a man favouring his adverse party, whose confession is strong against the papists, but not for them, being nourished in monastical errors, and superstitions. Nay the papists themselves do not allow all Bernard's opinions. for they celebrate our Lady's conception, which he disallowed, and do not hold our Lady to be mediatricem salutis, as he termeth her, but rather mediatricem intercessionis: and yet give her such extravagant honour, as both he, and Epiphanius writing against the heretics called Collyridians, much misliked.  
The last place was taken out of Theodoret. God doth what he pleaseth, saith 
a In Psal. 113.  he, But images are made as pleaseth men; they have the places of senses, but they have no sense. Here M. Plessis was charged first for translating Simulachra or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, images: and next for leaving out these words, à gentibus culta. As if every one, that did translate amiss, were to be charged with falsification, or as if all bad translations in the old Latin interpreter of the bible were so many falsifications. Beside that, he offered to prove, and most true it is, that every image having idolatrous or heathenish worship done to it, is idolum. Isai. 40. where the old Latin interpreter hath Simulachrum, the Greek word is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and Deuter. 4. that word which the Latin interpreter translateth Simulachrum, the Greek interpreter translateth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither do either Greek or Latin authors of any antiquity put such a difference betwixt the words Simulachrum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and imago, as our papists do. To the second it was answered, that the words à gentibus culta being set down in the allegation, do rather hurt, then help the papists, that worship images with kissing, crouching, censing, praying, as the Gentiles did their idols. Those reasons therefore, that are forcible against the idols of the Gentiles, are also most forcible against the popish worship of images: which is more gross idolatry in some points, then that of the heathens. For they never did give that worship, that is due to the original, to the image. But the idolatrous papists with one worship honour the holy Trinity, and the image of the Trinity made by a painter: our Saviour Christ, and a wooden crucifix. And yet this wooden relator is bound to defend this wooden cause.  
If then the adversary could not get any ground of M. Plessis in these places, which were chosen as principal, and placed first, as places of most advantage; we may well suppose, if the trial had proceeded, that he would have received far more disgrace in the rest.   

CHAP. III.  
That our adversaries have no such great cause, as they imagine, to boast of their victory in the conference passed betwixt the Lord of Plessis, and Eureux.  
BY this which hath been spoken it may sufficiently appear, that the papists had no great reason to make Parsons the jebusite their trumpet to blow out their victory throughout England, as they have already done it at Rome, and in other places. For what victory can be pretended, when as yet not one corruption or falsification could be justified against Monsieur Plessis, and when we are able to charge not only Bellarmine, Caesar Baronius, Gregory de Valentia, Sanders, Harding, Stapleton and their consorts, whose forgeries and falsifications are innumerable, but also their holy fathers, whose determinations they hold to be infallible, with infinite wilful falsifications? And lest any think we fable, of many we have begun to note some few.  
The vanity of their triumph may also appear by divers other arguments. First our cause dependeth not upon the testimony of Scotus, nor Durand, nor Petrus Crinitus. No, nor upon two or three testimonies of this or that father. But upon the evidence of Canonical Scriptures, & testimony of the catholic church of all times, which we doubt not to prove both by the scriptures themselves, and also by the interpretation & consent of the most ancient and sound fathers. As for the writings of other fathers, we examine them by the rule of God's word, and receive them as far, as they agree with the rule and foundation of faith. The testimony of later writers and schoolmen we produce, as a confession of our adversaries against themselves, and not as a foundation or necessary defence of the truth, which they in so many points oppugn. They are therefore put in, to fill up the ranks of our squadrons, rather than to do us any great service: and rather because our adversaries esteem them; then because we think them worthy to be esteemed. If then these authorities had been overthrown, which is not granted, yet all our other squadrons standing firm, the adversaries cannot think they have won the field.  
Secondly admit one learned man of our society and communion had mistaken some few places; yet is not every mistaking a falsification, unless it be wilful and fraudulent; nor is every particular man's error to be ascribed to the whole church. Nay albeit Bellarmine and Baronius be now Cardinals and men of note among the papists; yet will not Parsons, I trow, take on him to defend, whatsoever they have written. And albeit such a shameless mate should not doubt to undertake any impossibility; yet the pope's of Rome will not abide by all they have written. Why then should they urge us to that, which themselves mislike in their own cause?  
Thirdly the place and form of trial and proceeding was all in favour of the adversary, and disfavour of the Lord of Plessis. For neither had he sufficient time to consider of matters objected, and to provide himself of books to justify his assertions, nor so indifferent judges as was to be desired, the king still interrupting him, and disputing against him, and leading the judges which way it pleased himself. Nor was the auditory indifferent, being for the most part of contrary opinion. Nor could he by any humble request obtain, that either his adversary might precisely be tied to his challenge, or that his book might be examined orderly, or any thing else, that is requisite in an indifferent trial.  
Fourthly if a gentleman and no professed divine upon such unequal terms was able to make head against his adversaries; much better, I hope, should we be able to resist, if professed Divines, might procure an indifferent trial allowed by both sides; and more hardly would the adversaries be able to make good their challenges against us. Certes if Eureux could not so well acquit himself before judges determined to judge for him, he would never be able to appear in a free general council, or before equal judges.  
Fiftly it is most ridiculous to think, that this Thrasonical challenger was able to make good that cause, which neither with lying, forging, facing, nor any wit or policy, the greatest clerks of that faction are able to maintain.  
Finally the very words of Eureux his challenge, do plainly convict him to have performed nothing. I do bind myself 
a In his answer and offer made to Monsieur Plessis.  saith he, to show, that neither in this book of his against the mass, nor in his treatise of the church, nor in his common wealth of traditions, is there to be found so much, as one place among them all, which is not either falsely cited, or impertinent to the matter, or unprofitably alleged. Again He protesteth and bindeth himself to show five hundred enormous and open falsifications, without any amplification or exaggeration, and all these contained in M. Plessis his only late book against the mass. And this he said he would prove by Greek and Latin copies. But he spoke these words, as it should seem, more of bravery, than out of judgement. for in the first part he hath utterly failed, and I think meaneth never to perform it. If he would be pleased, we would be glad to see his Latin and Greek allegations, and all that performed, which he promised in writing. But many doubt of his ability, and himself too no less than others. For being desired, To examine M. Plessis his book leaf by leaf, and in order, he utterly refused that course. The second part he began to handle, but hath no way accomplished his promise. For promising to show 500 enormous falsifications, he only quoted 60. places, whereof only nine were examined, and yet no falsification proved, but only in Eureux his challenge. If then the defendant is to be acquitted, where the plaintiff proveth nothing, or not so much as he affirmeth; then is Eureux to be condemned, that in his challenge braggeth much, allegeth little, and proveth nothing.  
In the mean while our relator may do well to cease his vain facing and vaunting. For unless he triumph to cover his own shame and loss; there will be no cause of triumph for him found in this trial. It is not the vain boasting, nor the false report of this relator, that can turn truth into falsehood, and falsehood into truth. When Eureux or any other of his consorts shall go about to perform his challenge in writing, which well cannot be denied nor altered; he shall find that the Lord of Plessis will be both able and most ready to defend himself against all the calumniations of his adversaries; and for the truth of his cause he shall never want assistance, as long as God shall enable us to speak or write. The kings pleasure in censuring M. Plessis we will not examine. Neither do I think the adversaries will allow him to be judge in their cause. The papists therefore must devise some better matter to grace their Romish cause, than this. For neither the trial of matters at Fontainebleau, nor this relation can help them any thing.   

CHAP. FOUR  
That Peter Martyr, bishop Ridley, bishop jewel, master john Fox, master D. Fulke, and other famous men of our communion are unjustly charged with falsifications, and wilful corruptions, by the relator.  
WE will not examine how unfitly and absurdly the accusation of these reverend fathers above mentioned doth fall within the compass of this relators argument, that only took on him to report matters lately passed in France, and betwixt other parties. For without further examination every man may perceive, that this accusation was very impertinently thrust into this idle pamphlet. But seeing our adversary thinketh by traducing the memory of most learned men, to disgrace the cause which they defended, while they lived, I could not suffer so infamous a calumniation to pass unanswered, when they are dead, and cannot answer for themselves. Neither may that false jebusite, that here taketh on him the person of a relator and an accuser, think to escape our fingers; who of all other is a most unfit man to accuse others of falsification, being not only a false writer, but also a false traitor, and one that hath neither truth nor honesty in his dealings, as appeareth in part by that, which before hath been said against him in the tormer treatise, & shall God willing be made more apparent hereafter. But to forbear to charge him now, let us see how we can discharge his accusation against ourselves.  
First, he chargeth 
a Fol. 22. A  Peter Martyr for alleging ten several fathers in his disputation at Oxford anno 1549. and yet not any one of them truly. But he is but a ridiculous disputer, that layeth ten falsifications to a man's charge, and proveth not one. Nay, he doth not so much as cite one place, and note the point, wherein this outrage is committed. Only he telleth us, that he hath examined their diligently. As if that pertained any thing to the purpose. He saith also, that if any list to examine the places, and confer them with the author's books, he shall find his saying most true. But all the falsehood, we can find, is in our adversaries relation. He may therefore do well, to take himself leisure, and to come better armed, or else to forbear to charge honest men with his own faults. He saith further, that this falsification may chance to appear upon some other occasion hereafter. Unto which we answer, that we will attend his maships' leisure, and when we can hear what he will object, than he shall hear our defence. In the mean while we tell him, that Parsons cannot face out that with words, which with force of argument he cannot obtain: and that he must be a simple divine, that feareth to encounter so vain a bragger.  
Secondly, he affirmeth, that bishop 
b Fol. 22. B  Ridley in a disputation about the real presence, wherein he was precedent (Martin Bucer refusing to deal in that matter) said he had five sure grounds for the opinion of Zuinglius, viz. Scripture, fathers, etc. Whereas the truth is, that both Scriptures and fathers make evidently against him. Which manner of objecting if it were sufficient to convince him of falsehood; then might all Bellarmine's works in three lines be refuted and convicted of falsehood. For albeit he make great show of Scriptures and fathers; yet neither the one nor the other make for him. Nay, we doubt not, but if we may have indifferent judges, to turn them both against him. Wherefore if this brabbling relator will effect his purpose; he must note the places falsified, and prove it to his readers. In the mean while in this narration he showeth himself to be, not only a forger of lies, but also a simple fellow to undertake this challenge against us concerning falsifications. The first is proved first, for that the disputation was not against the real presence, but against transubstantiation And I doubt not but Parsons doth well understand, that divers do hold the real presence, and that but too really and materially, & yet impugn transubstantiation: or else in these matters he is but a very novice. Secondly, for that B. Ridley did not once mention Zuinglius nor his opinion, but only determined against transubstantiation. Thirdly, for that Bucer refused not to deal in that matter. For it appeareth, that others were appointed to dispute in that question, and that he was neither appointed, nor requested to dispute. The second may be proved, for that this ignorant fellow doth not well understand, what falsification meaneth, albeit he be cunning in the practice▪ for he imagineth them to be falsaries, that allege places, that make either not for them, or against them. But such are rather weak disputers, than falsaries, if they do not corrupt, or curtal the words, and sentences of authors. Again, objecting against so reverend a man falsification of Scriptures & fathers, he bringeth not so much as one word of proof, but only his bare word, which weigheth not the weight of one feather with any man of credit.  
Thirdly, he inveigheth against bishop jewel, as if he had so falsified all authors by him cited in his books, that all that red them with indifferency, albeit protestants before, turned papists. And for proof he allegeth the examples of Copley, Steuens, & Reynoldes. But he is too too much abused, if he suppose these fellows, either ever to have been grounded in true religion, or that they did read B. jewels books with indifferency, or that no man read them with indifferency, but these three, or such others, as turned papists. Nay I cannot learn, but that Copley (whom here, to grace his witness, he dubbeth a Baron with his quill; yet a Baron without a Baronrie) and that Reinoldes and Stephens were in heart papistes, albeit, percase, for worldly respects they might dissemble it. But were they, or were they not, it is not greatly material. Howbeit this is most apparent, that Bishop jewels books have too long passed for currant, to be convinced of falsehood by such a simple disputer as Parsons, and by such simple grounds, as he allegeth. The books are lately translated into Latin. If he think he can say any thing more against them; let us know his pleasure in his next Pamphlet. And let him not doubt, but he shall find divers, that will defend that learned bishop, and painful labourer in God's church against the barking of all the hellhounds of the Romish synagogue, and prove him an honester man in his allegations, then either Bellarmine, or Greg. de Valentia, or Caesar Baronius, or any of their consorts. And finally that all the objections of the adversaries against him, are either lies or mere fooleries.  
Fourthly, he barketh loudly against master Fox now dead, against whom while he lived, greater dogs than he durst not once grin with their teeth. Against him he allegeth, that there is no whole story in his book, but it is falsified or perverted. But what a shameless fellow is this, that affirmeth all the book to he full of falsifications, when he doth neither allege one story, nor convince him of one falsehood? Only he saith, that a certain learned scholar brought to him of late 30. places taken out of two only leaves of master Fox his book, to wit from the 12. to the 14. leaf all falsified; and that himself found so many more, as might double the foresaid number, and doth offer to prove them one by one to any friend of master Foxes: and so falling to multiplication, he saith, that if 60. be multiplied by a thousand and more according to the number of leaves of the book there will fall out the number of 30000. falsehoods, and that master Fox's book will exceed john Sleidans', in number of lies. But all this amounteth to nothing, but vain words. When he cometh to his trial, he shall find, that neither the scholar, nor the Rector is able to convince master Fox of falsehood. Which also may appear by view of those leaves, which he quoteth. For therein master Fox scarce quoteth any allegations, but only briefly noteth certain absurd opinions held by papists: in which when Parsons shall come forth and speak de tracta persona, he shall find, that master Fox hath said truly, and that those absurdities, which he noteth, follow indeed of popish doctrine. If then those leaves, where our adversary supposeth most falsehood, will be justified against the calumniations of the rector of the English seminary of traitors, and all his disciples, I believe his reckonings and accounts of falsehoods will fall short at the time of the audit, and that there will be twice so many found in Caesar Baronius, and infinite more in the lying legends, the stink whereof is odious to all men of sound judgement.  
He taketh also exception against master Fox's calendar, as if he meant to canonize all there mentioned; and chargeth him with other tricks and shifts. But the calendar was only placed there to note the day of every man's trial and suffering: and so far was he from shifting & tricking, that no man could deal more plainly, as shall be justified against this Bragadoccio and his consorts, come he forth when he dare. Nay the trickings and delusions of the whore of Babylon together with her bloody cruelties, which master Fox hath laid open to the world, shall yet be made more manifest, if once they begin to quarrel. Likewise we will bring forth so many lies out of papistical writers, as shall make our adversaries weary of this argument. Of Sleidan I need not say much, seeing he hath answered sufficiently for himself, and overturned the cart loaded with lies by his accusers against him.  
Against master D. Fulke our accuser objecteth nothing, so that by rules of law this accuser is to be condemned of calumniation, and D. Fulke to be discharged from further molestation. And thus much may serve to show the vanity of our adversaries cracks and brags of the great mischief he meaneth to us, in convincing us, as he hopeth, of falsification. For what should many words need to answer so vain a babbler, that albeit he accuse many, and layeth to their charge a most heinous crime, yet neither noteth, nor proveth any one point against them? Beside that, noting certain places in master Fox, most ridiculously he would have us to answer, before he object any thing, or show the points of falsehood. Which is a more abjured course, then that of Eureux against M. Plessis, who of many places noted some, and laid down his reasons. But this relator hath not his arguments yet framed. So busy he is about plotting some mischievous devise or treason.   

CHAP. V.  
A brief examination of the relators calumnious, and vain narration.  
THe foundation of our answer being thus laid, and the main point of the adversaries accusation concerning falsifications being cleared & made firm against him; I thought it not amiss, to join with him, yet more closely, and to examine the particulars of his narration. For albeit the justice of our cause, and the vain brags, false dealing, & ridiculous cavillations of papists may sufficiently be discovered by that, which already hath been answered; yet shall the same more exactly be proved and discerned, if we do but lightly touch every point of his pamphlet in order as it lieth, and as our lying adversary hath couched it in his letters from Rome.  
In the beginning of his advertisements he yieldeth two reasons, that moved him to send the report of the conference passed in France so far as from Rome into England. The first was, for that every man understood not the French tongue; and few durst translate and divulge such matters in English. The second is, that men might understand the manner of the combat, and true issue thereof, and such things as passed therein, from authentical parties. But these pretended reasons seem to be full of ridiculous vanity, and void of reason. For albeit every man understood not French, yet might he either learn of others, or himself read the treatises published in English concerning that matter some time before the coming of this relation. Again, it is a very ridiculous point to think, that French matters are better understood at Rome, then in France, or that we are like to have better intelligence from Rome, that, as Petrarch called her, is Fucina d'inganni, e schola d'errori, that is, a forge of lies and treacherous frauds, and a school of errors, and heresies, and falsehood, than out of the place where these matters were executed, which are here reported. Finally, nothing can be devised more absurd, then to account james Peron his letters in his own cause, or the Pope's Nuntios letters in a matter, that so near touched the Pope, to be authentical, or of any credit. It is a common rule, that no man is a sufficient witness in his own cause. And just exceptions may be taken to all partial witnesses. Wherefore to write from Rome into England of French matters, was a trick of foolery▪ to send the parties letters for authentical testimonies, was a ridiculous absurdity. No it was no part of the relators intention, either to have truth known, or authentical narrations divulged, but rather with vain reports & lies sent from Rome, that is now become a mistress of lies, to cross and blemish truth, and those that profess the same. For which cause I have also thought convenient to entertain the relator with this answer, which I doubt not but Blackwel the archpresbyter or arch-traitor, and Walley the provincial of jebusites in this country will send him.  

a Fol. 2. &. 3.  Afterward he goeth about to declare the qualities of the actors in this conference. But it needed not greatly. For we know the men far better than he: and that as the Lord of Plessis is a man of great worth and learning, so Eureux is an apostate from religion, and a vainglorious man. He wrote once a book of the insufficiency of the scriptures, by which his learning was sufficiently tried, and his ambitious humours discovered. If he would write a little three half penny pamphlet of the sufficiency of the pope's decretals, he should highly deserve the pope's favour.  
As for the relator, he seemeth not well to know either of the parties, where he saith, that M. Plessis did write more cunningly and covertly then others; and is one of the head pillars of our religion, & setteth out Eureux as a singular rare fellow, a Hercules new come from hell, a patriarch of the pope's side, 
discourse of ●●rence ●e●  and one, that hath endeavoured to convert others. For Eureux is no other, than I have before declared. Neither hath he converted any to religion, but rather perverted them, seeking like Cacus to draw beasts backward into his den of popery, and there to hide them in darkness. Contrariwise the Lord of Plessis hath used all plain and honest dealing in his writings, and is therefore (we confess) much prized among us. And yet not so, as we make him a pillar of our religion; which is not built upon human means and writings, but upon the word of God. Neither do we make such reckoning of his book written against the Mass, as if our cause did stand upon that book, or any other man's work. Howbeit such are the grounds of his book, that as yet neither Italian nor French jebusite, nor other could overthrow it. Many curs have long barked against it, & divers priests & friars i● their chairs, and in wine-tavernes have spoken their pleasure against it. But yet it standeth firm against the malice of many adversaries, and with sound argument cannot be overthrown, nor shaken.  
Having talked his pleasure of the parties, our relator descendeth to discourse of the occasions of the conference: but he should much dissent from himself, if he should tell truth. For where he saith, that after that divers examining the book of the Lord of Plessis had found many most egregious falsifications, and had cried out against them in pulpit, the king & divers noble men that were protestants, as namely the duke of Bullion, Rosni, Desguieres, and others began to call upon the trial of M. Plessis his book, for that it seemed to touch all their honours, and of their religion especially: There is scarce any shadow of truth, or honest dealing. For first the charge of egregious falsifications, and of thousands of falsehoods, shall never be proved against M. Plessis his writings. But if we list to examine the lying decretals of pope's, the fabulous legends of the synagogue of Rome, the cogging commentaries of Caesar Baronius, & the jangling disputes of Bellarmine & his consorts, we shall easily find here that number of falsifications, which the adversaries seek other where. Secondly, it is a most shameless untruth to say, that either the king or any other, save the Lord of Plessis himself, and the Duke of Bullion, that exhibited his supplication to the king, did desire any such trial. For if the king had called upon this trial, what should M. Plessis have needed to employ all his friends, to procure, that he might have an hearing? And what reason had either Rosni or Desguieres to deal in a matter that pertained not to them? Thirdly it is a ridiculous conceit to think, that all these noblemen's honours stood upon the credit of a book, that was written by another, or that our religion could not stand without the support of this treatise, though otherwise never so excellent. But this is but a trick of Parson's cunning, to advance the fame of his supposed victory. It is also a most manifest untruth, that the king did show great indifferency in judgement betwixt both parties. For the world knoweth this conference was nothing but a pack with the pope's Nuntio for the advancing of the pope's credit, and the disgrace of the Lord of Plessis; & that the king made himself party in the disputation against him, and showed all grace ●o Eureux, denying all means of indifferent trial to the Lord of Plessis.  
Neither doth he observe more religion in relating the manner and issue of the trial, where he saith, that the day being appointed for the conference, M. Plessis seemed to shrink and use delays, and that at the length he appeared with four or five ministers on his side. The same may be answered to Eureux his vainglorious letters, who writeth that the victory of the combat betwixt the Lord of Plessis and him, remained to the cacolyke church after many tergiversations of M. Plessis, and that sentence was prononced against him upon every place, and that those that came to assist him, with one voice condemned him. Most falsely also doth the Pope's Nuntio and another odd fellow write, that M. Plessis was confounded in this combat, and that those of the religion were more dismayed by the evil success of this conference, then if they had lost a battle of forty thousand men. Matters certes untrue, and very improbable. For if M. Plessis had either shrunk, or used any tergiversation, he would not so earnestly have solicited this trial. Nay albeit he perceived the king to be made against him very plainly, & that the conditions of the conference were so unequal for him, that scarce any would have yielded to them; yet did he resolve to proceed, & shut his eyes against all difficulties, bearing himself bold upon his own innocency, and refusing to hear those, that willed him either to desist, or to obtain more equal conditions of trial. 
b A discourse of the conference at Fontainebleau.  But whatsoever M. Plessis did, true it is that the Sorbonistes hearing of this quarrel, advised the pope's Nuntio to take a course, that it might proceed no further. The pope's Nuntio also dealt with the king for the hindering of the conference; neither would he be satisfied, until he was resolved, that it should so proceed, that the disgrace should fall on M. Plessis his side. Finally, Eureux being challenged privately made a public matter of it, as being unable to deal hand to hand with his adversary: and could never be drawn to perform his challenge, either in refuting the whole book, or showing 500 falsifications to be contained in the book. All that were present also can witness, that M. Plessis had neither four nor five, nor any one to speak in his cause being still urged, not only by his adversary, whose arguments he weighed not, but also by the king, against whom his purpose was not to make himself party. Finally, to whom the victory belonged, may appear by that which hath been said▪ that he was condemned both by his own friends, and by the judges, and that our side was so dismayed, as is reported, is utterly untrue: as both the events and effects show, and those that were present are ready to testify.  
After this our relator taketh pains to set down first the challenges on each side, and M. Plessis his reply. Next the king's letters, james Perons own report, and the Nuntios and an others letter sent to Rome. Out of which I marvel what he is able to gather for his own advantage; or not rather to his disadvantage. For by Perons offer made to M. Plessis in his answer to his challenge, it appeareth that he hath failed in performing it. By M. Plessis his reply we gather, that he could not obtain any indifferent trial. The king's judgement in matters of religion is not allowed by the adversaries themselves. The glorious challenger in his letters to Rome compareth his king to Hunnericus an Arian heretic and a persecutor of the church: And saith, that as Eugenius bishop of Carthage would not dispute with the Arians without making the bishop of Rome acquainted; albeit required by Hunnericus king of Vandals: so he would do nothing without the consent of the bishop of Rome, before the French king. In other points, neither his letters, nor the pope's Nuntios letters, nor that other good fellows letters deserve any credit. To conclude, all this great stir which Parsons maketh about nothing, doth show the great poverty of the adversaries cause, that as men wracked at sea, are glad to lay hold upon every broken plank to save their lives.   

CHAP. VI  
The notorious vanity of the relators observations upon the former narration is detected.  
AFter our relator had trussed up his farthel of fooleries, to make the same more vendible, he garnisheth his packet with certain painted glosses, which he termeth observations. And to make his eloquence seem more admirable, he doth excorticate certain Latin words according to his Romish fashion, reflecting, as he saith, what occurred to his contemplation. Which reflections, occurrents, observations and contemplations, to do him pleasure, we are content particularly to consider, and see whether he were not in a sound sleep, when he thought himself to be in a profound contemplation. And first very wisely he observeth God's providence in conservation & continuation of the old catholic faith delivered first at the ascension of our Saviour, unto his visible Church, as he saith. But if he speak of Christ's faith, than this observation concerneth him nothing. For that faith hath always continued, and shall continue, notwithstanding the opposition of the jebusites and Canaanites, and all their adherents, and needeth neither their letters, disputes, nor practices, to preserve it. If he speak of the Romish faith, as it is no question but he doth; then we must tell him, that we deny that that faith is either the catholic faith, or was delivered at the time of Christ his ascension, or in many ages after, to any Church, or proceeded ever from the apostles. We do therefore here observe, that he is but a bad observer, that marketh no better, what was delivered by Christ and his apostles. Again we observe, that it is a strange fashion of speech to say, that the faith began to be delivered first at Christ his ascension. For than it followeth, that not only the apostles before that time, but also the patriarchs and prophets should either be devoid of faith, and saved without faith, which is impious to say, or that they had faith before it first began. It is also a strange doctrine to say, that the apostles at the ascension of Christ delivered the faith to the visible church. For that church is not now visible, neither was that church, that is now, visible then. Nay to say that the whole catholic church is visible, is an assertion repugnant as well to reason, as to Christian faith.  
He observeth also, That though new fantasies and devices of particular men have sprung up with fresh and glistering titles, that in the end God bringeth the same to confusion. All which we hope will prove true in the glorious ruffle of the jebusites and Romish synagogue. For albeit these wicked Canaanites will be termed jesuits, and do pretend perfection in themselves, and reformation in others; yet their glory beginneth to fade, and their treacherous and Machiavelian practices begin to be discovered not only by us, but by their own consorts. The synagogue of Rome also, and the kingdom of antichrist, albeit it hath long triumphed, & trodden the truth under foot, yet beginneth to decay, and is now oppugned of many, and in the end shall be overthrown. It resteth only, that they look for aeternum opprobrium, of which himself speaketh. Finally the golden idol of the mass is now in most places abolished and where it remaineth, is not valued at thrée-halfepences▪ This observation therefore maketh much against the observer, and against us nothing: and is very far wide from the matter of this conference, out of which these observations should be drawn.  
The third point that he observeth is, That the shame and confusion of heretics and heresies consisteth principally in 4. points, as holy fathers do note, viz. First in division among themselves; secondly in contradiction of sectaries; thirdly in atheism and coldness of religion; four in open lying and falsifications of authors to serve their purpose. But he leaveth out the very principal cause of the confusion of heretics. And that is partly for that they seek their own glory, and not the truth, & partly for that forsaking the direction of holy Scriptures, they follow lying legends and fables, false traditions, vain opinions and determinations of pope's, and human fancies. Neither is he so well versed in fathers, that he can tell what they say. These 4. points certes which he allegeth, the fathers do not say always to be proper to heretics. For neither are all heretics divided into parts, nor do all seem cold in religion, (some pretending superfluous and superstitious zeal) neither have all heretics used open falsification and lying. When he cometh to exhibit the fathers which he pretendeth, I believe he will be driven to falsify them, or else they will not serve his purpose. But were it granted, that these qualities are incident to heretics, yet doth the same make little for the adversaries advantage, who are divided into divers sects and religions, and infinite divers opinions, and are not only atheists, but also the grossest liars and falsificators of authors, that ever were heard of in any record or history. With their atheism also they join superstition and idolatry, and defend their matters not only with falsehood and fraud, but also with fine force and cruelty.  
As for those of our communion, they cannot justly be charged either with contradiction, or division, or impiety or falsification, either by Parsons or by his two friends Rescius and William Reynoldes: as hath been showed in a treatise called Turcopapismus, wherein the spite of those two dogs that have long barked against religion, and belched out all the slanders they could devise, is encountered, and their books entitled Caluinoturcismus, and de Atheismis and Phalarismis, refuted and beaten back upon the papists, that in Turkish and tyrannical cruelty and contempt of all religion surpass all others. If the machiavelian jebusite Parsons dare oppose himself, and will say, no: let him answer that bóoke. If he will not answer, let him cease to brag of books beaten to dust and refuted, to the shame of him and his consorts. In this place this may be sufficient for avoiding this relators slanderous imputation: that those two railing companions object other men's faults to us, and charge us with private men's acts and opinions, which neither the church, nor we particularly allow: and therefore plead unsufficiently. But we charge them with lewd opinions held by all the papists, and most wicked and abominable actions allowed by public authority. Further the papists allege the testimonies of Lindanus, Staphylus, Cochleus, Rescius, Reynoldes and their own consorts, fellows to be received as witnesses before no indifferent judge, for their baseness, lewdness and partiality. But we are able to convince them by their own records, and by witnesses authentical, to be such, as they would have us to be, and far worse too. And if Parsons maintain the contrary, he shall soon receive his answer, and perceive his own inability, and the weakness of his own cause.  
Further he observeth in Luther, That at the first he contemned the fathers, and that afterward, when we began to show how the fathers did witness for our cause, that we alleged them falsely. But neither did ever Luther contemn all the fathers, but where they spoke contrary to the prophets and apostles, nor shall this counterfeit relator show, that we have alleged the fathers untruly: as I will be always ready to justify against him.  
He noteth also, That we make plain demonstrations of distrust, in maintaining our cause. And that he proveth first, For that divers books written in English by papists, were forbidden by proclamation. Secondly For that by a statute it was made death to reconcile men, or persuade them to the Romish faith. Thirdly for that straight orders were set down to restrain the resort of people to the papists, that are prisoners in Wisbich. But if these be arguments of distrust, then are the papists most distrustful, and fearful to have their matters come in scanning. For they forbidden all our books to be sold among them. And if any dissuade from popery or talk against it, it is present death. Neither may any talk with prisoners in the inquisition. As for ourselves, we are but too confident in these causes. For there is no bald lousy friars book cometh forth, but it is commonly sold in Paul's church yard, and any learned man may buy any of their books publicly. Yea divers simple souls not being able to judge, are often times deceived by them. So that it were fitting, more care were had in this point. But the true reason why our superiors have forbidden English books, popish persuasions, and common repair to popish prisoners, is, for that divers simple souls not being so well able to judge, have by such means been drawn not only into lewd opinions, but also dangerous practices, of which we should not offend, if we did take more care, than we do.  
Finally he noteth, that we cannot abide confession, satisfaction, restitution, or the like: which is true, if by confession he mean auricular confession made in a priest's ear, and by satisfaction scourging a man's self, or walking in pilgrimage, with hope thereby to satisfy God for his sins, and such like satisfactions: and by restitution, such sums of money as papists are enjoined in am of true restitution to parties offended, to bestow upon priests, jebusites and notorious traitors. It is not long since these companions drew from a dry fellow a little before his death two thousand pounds, with the which the jebusites & their consorts now make merry. But if order be not taken for such devices to draw money out of the subjects purses, and to take away these means from traitorous practisers, the same in the end will make this state very sorrowful. And therefore I doubt not but the magistrates and judges will look to that very diligently. In the mean while I hope I have taken order with this Relators lying observations.   

CHAP. VII.  
An answer to our adversaries two petitions annexed to his former relation.  
WHat success our adversary is to hope for in his petition annexed to the Ward-word, I hope may in part appear by our answer. And yet not expecting an answer, he hath presumed to come to her majesty with a new petition, and to us with another. So copious and fluent he is in his libels and petitions.  

a Homer. Iliad. ●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
He is like a fly, or rather, because he speaketh so much for Spaniards, a Spanish mosqueta, that albeit she be beaten off from a man's body, yet is bold to come again and bite. And 
b Non missura cutem, nisi plena cruoris hirudo. Horat.  leave, as it seemeth, he will not, until like the horseleech, he hath filled himself with some man's blood.  
First, he desireth, that her Majesty would be pleased to admit such a trial here, as passed in France of late: assuring us, that the same would be pleasant to her Majesty, and all other assistants, and very brief and easy. As if Parson's the jebusite and rector of the English seminary of traitors, were now very careful to yield satisfaction and contentment to her Majesty and subjects, that not long 
c Anno. 1588.  since joined himself to the Spanish army, that came against us, and in the interim that the Spanish fleet was expected, and while our commissioners were treating of peace, holp to make, print, and divulge, the most infamous 
d A●lens letters to the nobility and people of England and Ireland.  libel against her Majesty and her faithful subjects, that could be devised, or ever was set out in this kind. Furthermore, ever since he hath been busy either in stirring up foreign enemies against us, or broaching some treasonable practice against the state, or writing seditious libels against one or other, as appeareth by former proofs. Nay when a certain gentleman and one of the Spanish agents seeming more moderate than the rest, disliked all practices for the murder of the Prince, by the direction of Parsons & others of his faction, he had a cuchillada, and dangerous blow with a falchion over the face, as he was going to the church to hear mass. An unhappy mass might he call it, if the blow had hit right.  
He doth also much abuse his reader, where he saith, that the trial will be brief and easy; and maketh a vain brag, offering himself to be the champion, that must perform the challenge. The first is evident, for that they pretend so many falsificatious against us, and we have so many false allegations and forgeries to charge our adversaries withal, and that most justly, that the examination cannot choose but prove long and difficult, especially if they yield to us, that which they demand themselves. The second I think we shall find true by experience. For it is not Parsons, I think, that can perform all that is offered. Nay, little doth he understand the galls of his own cause, that once dare object forgery or falsification to others. Beside that, he is fit to make a clerk to make libels and exhibit petitions, then to make a good disputer to justify the pope's broken cause. In that he hath some pretty faculty: in this we doubt of his ability.  
His other petition is, that some one or other would come forth against him, and defend bishop jewel, Peter Martyr, and M. Fox, whom he purposeth, as he pretendeth, to load with many and grievous falsifications: the points whereof we have already 
e Chap. 4  noted. and this I think, is but a copy of his grim countenance also, and a Thrasonical brag. For I do not think that he will, or dare put his cause upon this trial. Neither do I think, that his consorts will come to an equal examination of all falsifications and coruptions passed on both sides, for the causes, that I have 
f Chap. 1.  alleged.  
Unto both his petitions, until further order be taken, let him receive this answer from me. First, that we very well like of such a trial here, as passed lately in France. For as the papists found themselves wronged, or at least pretended to be wronged in M. Plessis his books; so we do say, and offer to prove, that we are wronged, nay that the whole world is wronged and abused by millions of forgeries and falsifications committed by Bellarmine, Caesar Baronius, Greg. de Valentia, Suarez, and their consorts, yea by the pope's of Rome, whose sentences they hold to be infallible▪ If then this prattling or rather scribbling relator, or any of his consorts do find himself aggrieved with this assertion and offer, as M. Plessis did in France, being charged publicly with falsifying and corrupting authors by him alleged: I shall God willing either in public schools, or else (which is far better) in public writing justify as much as I have said: and I take this to be the case of papists in England, if they will obtain that, which M. Plessis desired in France.  
Secondly, I do offer myself party, & do accept of Parsons his challenge, & do offer myself to prove, that those men, whom he challengeth, have dealt more justly than Bellarmine and Caesar Baronius, and the rest of that side. Nay, I dare simply defend them against any crimination which this frapling friar hath to lay to their charge. Let him begin when he dare. In the mean while he may do well to answer the points deduced in the first chapter of this treatise, wherein I have charged not only private men, but the whole synagogue of Rome with plain forging and falsification, and laid down the particulars, and not as the relator doth, who having made a great brag of falsifications, shutteth up his relation, and justifieth nothing.  
Somewhat I had more to say to Parsons, and to his associates, & the whole combination of them. But I reserve it to some other time. By this which already is said, I hope it will appear, that neither james Peron hath gained any thing against the Lord of Plessis, nor Parsons hath reason to hope, that he shall have better success against the Church of England. God which is light & truth grant all christians the light of his grace, that they may not only see the truth, but also truly judge what is truth and falsehood. And then I doubt not, but it will appear to them all, that we are clear of that crime, which the adversary imputeth unto us, and that our adversaries through the operation of errors, believe lies, and have by all fraud, and false dealing sought to oppress the truth.   
Laus Deo.