A True Relation Of ENGLAND'S Happiness; Under the Reign of Queen ELIZABETH.  
And the miserable Estate of Papists, under the Pope's Tyranny.  
By M. S.  
Printed. 1629.   

TO THE MOST RELIGIOUS AND VIRTUOUS PRINCE KING JAMES, by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France and Jreland, Defender of the true, 〈◊〉, and Catholic faith.  
AS Kings receive their kingdoms and authority from God; so, most gracious and dread Sovereign, they prosper and flourish most, when they empoloy their royal authority for the advancement of the true service and honour of God. Of Hezekiah the holy 
2. King. 18.  Scriptures give testimony, That he did uprightly in the sight of the Lord, according to all that David his father had done, and that he took away the high places, and broke the graven images, and cut down the groves, and broke in pieces the brazen serpent that Moses had made. And again, 〈◊〉 he clave to the Lord, and departed not from him, but kept his commandments. Therefore it followeth; So the Lord was with him, and he prospered in all things that he took in hand. The same we likewise find verified in your 〈◊〉 predecessor Queen Elizabeth of glorious memory. At her first coming to the Crown, she broke down graven and molten Images, she took down high altars, and removed away all monuments of superstition out of the Church: she feared not the malignity of men, but clave to the Lord, resolving to keep his holy commandments, and to see God worshipped according to the prescript rule of his sacred word. She was all her life long a harbour to the distressed children of God, a refuge to the oppressed, a protector of the persecuted for the testimony of Christ jesus, & a nursing mother of God's Church. Therefore God marvellously 〈◊〉 her, both against the force of foneine enemies, and also against the 〈◊〉 of domestical traitors, and caused her to prosper in all her affairs. She lived & reigned long and happily, and dying left behind her a sweet memory of many blessings by her means bestowed upon her people.  
chose, such as either know not, or did not remember from whence they received their kingly honour, but either neglected the worship of God, or else for Gods worship established superstition and idolatry in the Church, have seldom long reigned, or prospered in their kingdoms. jeroboam forgetting what great favour God had done him; advancing him from low estate to the kingdom, and renting it from the house of David, to give it unto him, received a threatening message from the Lord by the hand of the Prophet Ahijah, 1. King. 14. The same also was shortly after accomplished. For God brought evil upon the house of jeroboam, and cut off his posterity, because he did evil in the sight of the Lord, and erected idolatry at Bethel. Likewise Queen Mary, who brought this land not only under the command of Spaniards and Italians, but also under the heavy yoke of Antichrist, burdensome both to men's civil estates, and also to their consciences, & erected superstition and idolatry, which before had been banished, and persecuted the Saints of God that would not bow their knees to Baal, had a short, troublesome and unhappy reign, and left behind her nothing but hatred for her cruelty, and infamy for her unnatural dealing with her subjects, and misgovernment.  
In both we find that accomplished which the Lord speaketh by the Prophet, 1. Sam. 2. Them (saith he) that honour me, I will honour; and they that despise me, shall be despised. For neither will the Lord fail his inheritance, nor 
Psal. 94.  hath the throne of iniquity fellowship with God. Dagon could not stand before the Ark of God, nor shall the 
1. Sam. 15.  worshippers of Dagon prevail against the servants of God. The which although both particularly in the diverse government of Queen Elizabeth and Queen Mary, and also generally by the examples of all, that either favoured or disfavoured true religion, it appeareth most evidently: yet because Robert Parsons an Apostate sometime from religion, and now an utter enemy to the state, and a renegade Englishman for hatred to the truth, and love to Popery, in a large discourse doth endeavour to disgrace the proceedings of Queen Elizabeth in reformation of religion especially, and to commend the State of the realm under Queen Mary, and of all Papists under the Romish government, I have thought good particularly to demonstrat. I have also wiped away both his malicious imputations, & encountered him in his railing invectives, defending the honour of our dread sovereign, whose memory shall never die in the minds of her loving subjects, and answering for true religion calumniated by the slanderous tongues of the supposts and slaves of Antichrist.  
This discourse, although not of that perfection that it may seem worthy to be presented to so great a King, yet for that it containeth a defence of your Majesty's predecessor, which you honour, and of that religion which you profess; I am bold to consecrate to your Majesty, as the first fruits of my loyal affection towards you. Therein also your Majesty may see, not only a precedent to follow, but also a reward proposed to those, that studiously and courageously seek to advance piety and true religion.  
The adversary by all means seeketh to suppress truth, and to advance idolatry and popish errors, misconstruing things well done, imputing crimes to innocents, excusing offenders, denying things manifest, forging and devising matters never done, nor imagined. But while he hath sought to bring disgrace, not only upon true religion, but also upon the restorers and defenders thereof, he hath given us just occasion to show that the doctrine, religion and practice of Papists, is not only repugnant to truth, but also enemy to Princes and States, grievous to Christians, and profitable to none, but to the slaves and adherents of Antichrist. Further, I have made it apparent, that the state of popish Religion is no way to be maintained, but by treachery and massacres, by lying, railing and forgery, being hateful both to God and man, and the cause of many miseries and calamities.  
Vouchsafe therefore, most worthy and noble King, to read this discourse ensuing. It shall declare unto your Majesty plainly, by what means you may establish your estate. Queen Elizabeth in her latter days was made believe, that remiss dealing in matters of religion would assure her life, often sought for by Papists; and her State, that they by all means have sought to overthrow. But this her remissness gave her enemy's opportunity to practise against her life, and to make a strong party against Religion and the State, as your 〈◊〉 very well knoweth. For the same is lately broken out, to the hazard of your royal person, and the endangering of the State: and God knoweth whether those that have intended mischief against your royal Majesty, that never offended them, did not work mischief against her, whom they took to be the obstacle of all their plots and desseines.  
Your Majesty, I doubt not, will wisely consider of these plotters, and their abettors, and all their practices. A King (saith Solomon) that sitteth in the throne 
Proverb. 20.  of judgement, chaseth away all evil with his eyes. But his eyes must be in his head, and he must sit in the throne of judgement, and execute his laws. He must not suffer them to escape unpunished, that maliciously seek the bringing in of strangers, and the subversion of Religion and the State. A wise King 
Ibidem.  (saith a wise King) scattereth the wicked, and maketh the wheel to turn over them. Who these plotters are, I have declared in the treatise following. And that they excuse not themselves by Religion, I have discovered the deformities of their Religion, as well as their wicked treasons. All which I present to your Majesty's grave consideration, beseeching him that is King of Kings to endue you with wisdom and all royal and heroical virtues fit for the managing of so great kingdoms, that you may both triumph over all your enemies, and also long sit in the royal seat of these kingdoms, to the honour of his divine Majesty, and the comfort of all your loving subjects.  
Your Majesty's most loyal and loving subject Matthew Sutcliffe.   

The Preface to all true Christians, and loyal subjects.  
HOw often the Spaniard and Pope, and their agents have attempted by secret practices to ruinate the Realm of England, I doubt not (my dear countrymen and friends) but you have heard. The rebellion in the Northpart of England, an. 1569. the pretence of the Duke of Guise, an. 1584. the diverse rebellions and troubles of Ireland: the practices of Parrie, Patrick Collein, Williams and York to kill the Queen: of Lopes & Squire to impoyson her: of Babington and Ballard, and diverse other Masspriests, and Masse-loving Papists to subvert the State, are yet fresh in memory. And to forbear to speak of such secret practices, they have 〈◊〉 by open wars also to prevail against the State. In the year 1588. they provided against England, not only great land-forces, but also a great fleet, in their own conceit invincible, yet by God's grace easily vanquished and dispersed. Likewise anno 1597 and 1598. they made two attempts, or rather offers, of some enterprise against the State. In the first one D. Stillington and other Masspriests English and Spanish miscarried, the Spanish fleet being wracked on the rocks of their own country, so that they could not come to sing Mass in England. The other was disappointed by storms and contrary winds, so that no effect came of it.  
The noise of these preparations and menaces coming into England, and being bruited abroad, partly by letters, and partly by a proud proclamation set forth in print by the Adelantado of Spain, wherein he plainly discovereth, that he meant no less than to cut all our throats if he could: it is no marvel if the State, and diverse men well affected to their country, did prepare themselves to make resistance. Among the rest Sir Francis Hastings, a man of ancient nobility, and one that hath adorned the honour of his parentage with excellent virtues, and namely with true piety, love of his country, fortitude and magnanimity, scorning to hear, that so base a rabble of Marranes and Bisognos as were assembled first at Lisbon, and then at the Groin, should either talk or think of the conquest of England, which the Adelantado in his bragging Rodomonts' stile did threaten, he armeth himself, and prepareth his friends and countrymen to make resistance. Perceiving also the security of some, and slackness of others, especially such as were tainted with the pestilent infection of Italian atheism, or Spanish Marranisme, but commonly titled Cacolike or popish religion; he publisheth a little treatise, called A watchword, giving warning to the secure, and stirring 〈◊〉 such as seemed evil affected, to resist manfully, and to withstand the Spanish incrochments and pretences.  
This book crossing the desseines of Robert Parsons and his consorts, who by all means sought to set England in combustion, that they might triumph in the ashes, and sing Mass in the funerals of their native country; we may perceive by the sequel, that it touched his cause and faction very nearly, and therefore was taken by him very tenderly. For presently he taketh pen in hand, and writeth a most scornful and bitter treatise against her Majesty's proceedings, against Religion and all that profess it, railing against Sir Francis and the professors of the truth, and commending in the best sort he could, both the professed enemies, and the secret underminers of the State. Wherein, if we would but note the man's singular impudency, or rather his audacious foolery, it were argument sufficient to confound all his writings. For at what time the Spaniard lay with forces at the Groin, and by a Proclamation set forth in print, threatened sire and sword against the Realm; Robert Parsons like a viperous traitor, in his Ward-word talketh of nothing but peace, and would make us believe, that both the Pope and Spaniards are our good friends. Where Jesuits, and Masspriests, and malcontent Papists were brewing of sedition, and preparing themselves to join with foreign forces: this good fellow would make us believe, that traitors are good friends, and that there was no hurt by them meant to the Queen or State. Finally, this babbling Warder doth address all his discourse to the Lords of the Council, and chief dealers in matters of State; albeit the same tended wholly to the destruction of the State.  
And yet when I consider the practices of the enemies of the State, I must confess that he had great reason to enter into this shameless course. For albeit there was no colour of truth in his discourse, yet he supposed, if the same were showed to her Majesty, that it would make her stay her preparatives. He thought also, it would prove a fair pretence to those that were loath to spend their money, to forbear to make resistance against the enemy. Further, he saw that the same would blear men's eyes, while both foreign enemies and secret traitors sought to cut our throats. And finally, the same being full of railing, scorning and 〈◊〉, he doubted not but the same would deter others, or at least make them slow to take upon them the defence of the common cause. For what man considering the small encouragement that forward men did find at the hands of friends, and the rude entertainment they receive at the hands of enemies, would not leave the 〈◊〉 of the State to those, that have most interest in public government?  
All this notwithstanding, sir Francis considering the obligation, that Christians have to maintain sincere religion, & that bindeth true hearted subjects to defend their country, hath published an Apology, both in defence of the common cause, and of his own reputation, against the scurrilous and railing libel, which Parsons calleth A wardeword: expecting, no doubt, reward at the hands of God, rather than man: and respecting rather his own duty, than the praise of others. But before either the book came forth, or that I knew the Knight's resolution, the impudency of the man so boldly extolling traitors and foreign enemies, together with his singular arrogancy despising his own nation, and his foolish speaks for the Pope's cause stolen out of others, and put forth as his wont is, in his own name, had extorted from me a reply to his Wardword. Which certes might have been well spared, considering the sufficiency of the Knight's apology, if I had seen it before I had ended my reply. For what is there in the Wardword worthy of answer, seeing the same consisteth wholly of lies, and patches, and old ends stolen from others, & often refuted before? And what answer can be devised so slender, that countervaileth not such a hochpotch of words?  
To these replies published by us, after long silence we see that Robert Parsons hath purposed to set forth a rejoinder. For we have already received two parts of nine, but so fraught with calumniations and lies, malicious and scornful terms, odious and filthy reproaches, that it seemeth he hath spent all his store of poison, and despaireth to perfect the rest.  
This book, albeit most contemptible, containing nothing but disgraceful matter against her Majesty's proceedings, that is lately deceased, and childish disputes for some few points of popery, yet have I thought good to handle; not for any worth, that can be in any such pack of pedlary stuff, set to sale by this petit merchant, but for that just occasion is thereby given unto me, to insist upon the commendation of our late Queen for her heroical virtues and happy government, by this wicked traitor and unworthy swad wickedly disgraced, and especially for her singular piety and zeal in restoring religion, and abolishing Popery. O that she had been so happy to keep out the Ministers of Antichrist once expulsed, as at the first to expulse them, and put them out of her kingdom! but what by yielding to entreaty of some about her by this generation foully abused, and what by tolerating of such as were sent in by foreign enemies to practise against her life and kingdom, and what drawn back by those that entertained intelligence with public enemies; she was 〈◊〉 to slack execution of laws, if not to suspend them, to her own great trouble, and to the 〈◊〉 of Religion and the State, but that God by his providence supplied the defects of 〈◊〉. By the 〈◊〉 Warne-word, I have also been warned to discourse of the miserable and dangerous estate both of 〈◊〉 and their subjects, that live under the thraldom of the Pope: and that both in regard of matters of State, and of Religion. Finally, albeit Robert Parsons hitherto hath used scurrilous railing for his warrant & protection against those, that have dealt with him: and like as a fox pursued with hounds with the filthy stench of his stile endeavoureth to make them give over the chase; yet I shall so touch him for his impiety, making a jest at Scriptures and Religion, for his scurrility railing without wit or modesty, for his doltish ignorance committing most gross and childish errors, for his lies and forgery using neither respect of truth nor common honesty, that I hope I shall turn his laughing into another note. If I speak roundly to him and his consorts, yet I do not, as he doth, speak falsely. Sharpnes he ought not to mislike, having begun this course. Neither can others justly reprove me, considering my adversary's audacious impudency. Si falsa dicimus (saith Hilary) infamis sit sermo maledicus. Si verò universa 
Contra Constant.  haec manifesta esse ostendimus, non sumus extra Apostolicam libertatem & modestiam. If we tell matters false, then let our sharp speech be infamous. If all we report be manifestly proved, then are we not out of the limits of Apostolical liberty and modesty. Howbeit what measure is to be required in him, that is to encounter a man of such unmeasurable and outrageous behaviour? In the first book the honour of her Majesty late deceased, and her proceedings in the alteration of religion is defended. In the second, the grievances of Christians under the Pope's government, both in matters of conscience and their temporal estate are plainly discovered. In the last we are to encounter with the ridiculous manner of Parson's behaviour and writing, 〈◊〉 he might percase think himself wise therein. God turn all to his glory, to the manifestation of truth, the detection of errors, and the shame of the shameless patrons thereof.   

The first Book, containing a defence of Queen Elizabeth's most pious and happy government, impugned in a scurrilous libel, entitled, A warne-word.  

The Preface to the first Book.  
I Need not, I trust, make any large discourse, in calling to remembrance the noble and heroical acts of our late Queen, and most gracious Sovereign Lady Elizabeth of famous and godly memory. For as jesus the son of Syrach 
* Eccles. 44.  said of famous men of ancient time, so we may say of her, that her name will live from generation to generation. Her kind love to her subjects, and gracious favours done both to English and other nations, will never be forgotten. His 
* Ibidem.  words likewise concerning his famous ancestors, may be well applied unto her. She was renowned for her power, and was wise in counsel. She ruled her people by counsel, & by the knowledge of learning fit for them. She was rich and mighty in power, and lived peaceably at home. Her remembrance therefore is as the composition of sweet perfume, that is made by the art of the Apothecary, and is sweet as honey in all mouths, as it is said of josias. 
Ibid. cap. 49.  In his steps she insisted, and behaved herself uprightly in the reformation of the people, & took away all abominations of iniquity. She reform the abuses and corruptions of popish religion, which through the working of the mystery of iniquity, had now won credit in the world, and overthrew the idol of the Mass, and banished all idolatry out of the Church. She directed her heart to the Lord, and in the time of the ungodly she established Religion. She put her trust in the Lord; and after that wicked and ungodly men had brought us back into Egyptian servitude, she delivered us from the bondage of the wicked Egyptians, and restored Religion according to the rules of Apostolical doctrine.  
But because as in the time of josias the Priests of Baal, so in our times their offspring the Masspriests cannot brook her reformation, but look back to the abominations of Egypt and Babylon, I have thought it convenient not only to declare at large what benefits the people of England now five and forty years almost enjoyed by her gracious and happy government, but also to justify the same against the slanderous calumniations and 〈◊〉 of Robert Parsons her born subject, but now a renegade jebusite, and professed enemy, who in diverse wicked libels and paltry pamphlets hath endeavoured to obscure her great glory, and to deface her worthy actions.  
Wherein, that I may proceed with more perspicuity, I think it fit to reason first of matters Ecclesiastical, and afterward of civil and worldly affairs. In Ecclesiastical affairs, which by her means grew to a better settlement, we are to consider first what grace it is to have a certainty in religion; and next, what favour God showed to us, reducing us to the unity of the true Catholic Church. Thirdly, we will reason of true faith: fourthly, of the sincere administration of the Sacraments: five, of the true worship of God: sixthly, of the Scriptures and public prayers in our mother tongue: seventhly, of freedom we enjoyed by her from persecution, from the Pope's exactions, from his wicked laws and unjust censures, from all heretical and false doctrine: eightly, of deliverance from schism, superstition and idolatry: and finally of good works, and the happiness of those, that not only are able to 〈◊〉 which are good works, but also do walk in them according to their Christian profession, avoiding pretended Popish good-workes, that are either impious, or else superstitious and unprofitable. All which graces this land hath long enjoyed by her 〈◊〉 reformation of religion.  
In matters political, we purpose to consider, first, the happy deliverance of this land out of the hands of the Spaniard, & from all fear of foreign enemies. Next, her famous victories, both against 〈◊〉 and traitors at home, and open enemies abroad, and her glory and reputation with foreign nations. Thirdly, the restitution of all royal authority and pre-eminence to the Crown, of which the Pope before that had usurped a great part. Fourthly, the peaceable estate of this kingdom in the tumults of other nations round about us: and lastly, the wealth and multitude of her subjects.   

CHAP. I. Of certainty in Faith and Religion, and of the 〈◊〉 we have with the true, ancient, Catholic and apostolic Church.  
FAith, as saith the Apostle, Heb. 11. is the ground of things which are hoped for, and the evidence of things which are not seen. If then we have true faith, we are assured of things hoped for, although not seen. When two of the disciples 
Luke 24.  of Christ doubted of his resurrection, he said unto them: O fools and slow of heart, to believe all that the Prophets have spoken! Ideo fideles vocati 〈◊〉 (saith Chrysostom, Hom. 1. in 1. Tim 4.) ut his quae dicuntur sine 〈◊〉 haesitatione credamus. Therefore we are called faithful, that we may believe without doubting those things which are spoken. So then all Christians that 〈◊〉, do certainly believe and are persuaded; and he that doubteth, believeth not. Further, the object of faith is most certain. Heaven and earth shall pass, but my words shall not pass, saith our Saviour, Matth. 24. Saint Augustine doth attributs that only to the writers of canonical Scriptures, that they could not err. Neither 〈◊〉 I to stand long upon this point, seeing our 〈◊〉 also confess, that nothing that is false can be the object of faith. But our adversaries take away from Christians, all certainty of faith and religion. For first they teach, that no Christian is to believe that he shall be saved: and secondly, they make man's faith uncertain concerning the object. That is taught by the conventicle of Trent, sess. 6. cap. 16. where it saith, Neque seipsum aliquis etiamsi nihil sibi conscius sit iudicare debet: that is, neither aught any to judge himself, although he be not conscious to himself of any thing. And in the same session chap. 9 it determineth, that no man by the certaincie of faith ought to assure himself that he shall be saved. The second point doth follow of the diverse doctrines of 
Enchirid. c. de Ecclesia.  the Papists. Eckius holdeth, that the Scriptures are not authentical without the authority of the Church. And although Bellarmine dare not allow this form of 〈◊〉; yet where he defendeth the determination of the conventicle of Trent concerning the old Latin translation, in effect he granteth it. For if the Church only can make Scriptures authentical, then without the Church's authority they are not authentical. In his book De not is Eccles. c. 2. he saith, the Scriptures depend upon the Church. 〈◊〉 (saith he) pendent ab Ecclesia. Stapleton, lib. 9 de princip. doctrinal. cap. 4. saith, that it is necessary that the Church's authority should consign and declare, which books are to be received for canonical Scripture. Necessarium est (saith he) ut Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 as Scripturarum canonem consignet. And his meaning is, that no man is to receive any 〈◊〉 for canonical, but such as the Church from time to time shall determine to be canonical: and those upon the Church's determination he will have necessarily received.  
Secondly, the 〈◊〉 of Trent maketh Scriptures, 
Sess 4.  and unwritten traditions of equal value. Bellarmine in his fourth book De verbo Dei speaketh no otherwise of traditions, then as of the infallible written word of God. Stapleton saith, The rule of faith doth signify all that doctrine which is 
Lib. 7 princ, doct c 1.  delivered and received in the Church: and that very absurdly, as I think no reasonable man can well deny. For that being granted, the rule and 〈◊〉 ruled should be all one. But of that we shall speak otherwhere.  
Thirdly they teach, that the determinations of the Church are no less firmly to be believed, and reverently to be holden, then if they were expressed in Scriptures. Id quod sancta matter Ecclesia definite, vel acceptat, saith Eckius, Enchir. cap. de Eccles. non est minore firmitate credendum, ac veneratione tenendum, quam si in divinis literis sit expressum. And all our adversaries do believe, that the Pope's determinations concerning matters of faith are infallible, and so to be accounted of.  
Finally, in the canon law, c. in canonicis. dist. 19 they place the decretals of Popes in equal rank with canonical Scriptures.  
Of these positions it followeth, that as long as men believe the Komish Church, they neither believe truth, nor have any certain faith or religion. And that is proved by these arguments.  
First, he that believeth not God's promises concerning his own salvation, is an infidel, and hath no true faith. But this 〈◊〉 the case of all Papists. For not one of them believeth that 〈◊〉 all be saved, nor imagineth that God hath said or promised any thing concerning his own salvation.  
Secondly, if the Scriptures depend upon the Church, and the Church is a society of men: then the Papists believe Scriptures with humane faith, and depend upon men. But that they do plainly teach.  
Thirdly, if the Church ought to consign canonical Scriptures, and the Pope ought to rule the Church; 〈◊〉 if the Pope either determine against canonical Scriptures, or make fabulous scriptures equal with canonical Scriptures, the Papists are to believe either doctrine contrary, or diverse from Scriptures: at the least they are uncertain what they shall believe. But the Pope may both err in denying Scriptures, and adding to Scriptures. To answer this the Papists are driven to affirm, that the Pope cannot err in these determinations. But this showeth the 〈◊〉 of their faith, that dependeth upon one little rotten gouty Pope, whose learning is not worth two chips, and whose piety is less than his learning.  
Fourthly, if the Pope's consignation be necessary to make Papists believe Scriptures, then is their faith most uncertain, and rather humane then divine. Especially considering that of this Pope's consignation of Scriptures, there is not one word in Scriptures. But that is their doctrine.  
Fiftly, the doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome, being the rule of faith, the Romish faith must needs prove uncertain and variable. The consequence of this proposition is proved, for that both schoolmen differ from schoolmen, and late writers from the ancient, and also Popes from Popes, as I have showed in my books De pontiff. Rom. That the rule of faith is as I have said, it may be averred by Stapletons' words.  
Sixthly, if faith be grounded upon traditions, as well as upon Scriptures, then have the Papists no certain faith. The consequence is plain, for that diverse ancient traditions are new ceased: and neither Caesar Baronius, nor any man is able to set down, which are authentical 〈◊〉, which not.  
Finally, if the faith of Papists rest upon the Pope's determinations, or else upon the supposed Catholic Churches decrees; then is their faith a gouty, frail, and rotten faith, or rather a most doubtful opinion. For neither are they certain who is lawful Pope, nor that his determinations are unfallible, nor is it an easy matter to know which are the Catholic Churches determinations, the Papists themselves contending and varying continually about them.  
These arguments do show, that the Papists have either a vain faith, or else no faith at all. And this Robert Parsons notwithstanding his obstinacy and perverseness must needs confess. For simple Papists have only these means whereby to direct themselves: viz. Scriptures, Fathers, or their own Priests. Scriptures they neither hear read in a tongue known, nor do they much regard them. The Fathers they understand not. The priests do often tell lies: and too 〈◊〉 they dwell from the Pope to know of him this truth. To omit to talk of ruder persons, and to talk of spruce Robert Parsons, gladly would I know of him, how he is assured that the religion he teacheth is true. Scriptures he denieth to be the rule of faith, and will not 〈◊〉 them to be authentical, without the Pope's determination. The Pope is but one man. If then he rely wholly on the Pope's determination, his faith is nothing but a foolish fancy grounded upon one man. If upon the Church, yet he knoweth not the Church, but by his own reason and sense (as I think) he will confess. Rule of faith he acknowledgeth 
Ward-word pag. 6.  none, but the universal Church: which is not only absurd, but maketh much against him. Absurd it is, for that the Church is ruled, and is not the rule, no more than the Carpenter is his rule. It maketh against him, for that it is more difficult to know the Catholic Church of all times and places, than Scriptures, or any proof of faith else. For to know that, it is necessary to be well seen in the history of all times, Churches and countries. And if he refer himself to others, and believe humane histories, his faith is still grounded on men.  
This being the case of Papists, and of their agent Robert Parsons; we may esteem ourselves happy, that are delivered from this great uncertainty, and taught to build our faith upon Christ jesus, and the doctrine of the Apostles and Prophets. Other foundation can no man lay beside that 
1. Cor. 3.  which is laid, that is Christ jesus, saith the Apostle. And Eph. 2. Ye are built (saith he) upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, jesus Christ himself being the chief corner stone. We know, that faith cometh by hearing, and hearing 
Rom. 10.  by the word of God. We believe that the Scriptures are a perfect rule, and therefore rightly called canonical. The Apostle speaking of the rule of faith, 2. Cor. 10. Gal. 6. and Phil. 3. meaneth no other rule but that, which was to be found in holy Scriptures.  
The Fathers also proceeded by the rule of Scriptures, both where they sought direction for themselves, and also where they brought arguments against Heretics. Ireney lib. 〈◊〉. advers. Haeres. cap. 1. calleth the Gospel delivered in Scriptures the foundation and pillar of our faith. Tertul. writing against Hermogenes, saith, He abode not in the rule of faith. And why? Inter Scripture as enim Dei colores suos invenire non potuerat. He could not find his colours or fancies in Scriptures. Athan. saith Orat. 2. contr. Arian. that Heretics are to be stoned with arguments out of Scriptures. Out of Scriptures that Arians in the Council of Nice, & other Heretics in other Synods were confuted. And generally antiquity doth call Scriptures the canon or rule of faith. agreeably therefore to Scriptures and Fathers the Church of England in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign acknowledged the canon of Scriptures, and thence took the articles of our Christian faith. And therefore I call Scriptures, and that which is necessarily deduced 〈◊〉 of Scriptures the rule of faith, not separating the rule from scriptures, as Parsons 1. Encontr. cap. 15. of his Warn-word doth cavil, but in the rule comprehending whatsoever is either expressed in terms, or by necessary consequence deduced out of scriptures. And this I did to avoid the cavils of the adversary, which infer, because this word Trinity, or consubstantial, or baptism of children is not found in Scriptures, that scriptures are not a solid and entire rule of faith.  
Against this Parsons in his Warn-word 1. Encontr. c. 15. allegeth first certain names of Fathers, then certain words out of Ignatius his Epistle ad Phil. Irenaeus lib. 3. & 4. adversus Haeres. Tertullian. de Prescript. adversus Heretic. and Uincentius Lirinensis. But he spendeth his labour in vain, and abuseth his Reader. For none of these Fathers speak 
Lib. 3. advers. Haeres. cap. 4.  of other matters, than such as are to be proved out of Scriptures, as the places themselves show. Ireney by Tradition proveth God to be the Creator, and the mystery of Christ his incarnation. But Parsons will not deny this to be contained in Scriptures. Tertullian. de Prescript. advers. Haeret. disputeth against the heresies of the Valentinians and Marcionites drawing arguments from the Apostles preaching and tradition. But that was because they denied and corrupted Scriptures. For no man can deny, but that their heresies are clearly convinced by Scriptures. Quod sumus hoc sunt. That we are that they are, saith Tertullian speaking of Scriptures. That is likewise the meaning of Vincentius Lirinensis de Haeres. cap. 27. for that depost, of which he talketh, is nothing but the Christian faith contained in scriptures. But if Parsons will prove his rule of faith, he must show a faith grounded upon tradition, that is not deduced out of Scriptures. Nay, if he will not be contrary to himself, he must show, that not the Apostles tradition, as he saith in his Warn-word 1. Encoun. cap. 15. but the Catholic church is the rule of faith, as he holdeth Ward-word, Encontr. pag. 6.  
He doth also object against us diverse alterations of religion 
Warn-word Encontr. c. 16.  in England in king Henry the eight his reign, and in king Edward's days: and then asketh by what authority our rule of faith was established. But first he might as well have spoken of that alteration made in 〈◊〉. Mary's days, when the impieties of Popish religion were established by act of Parliament. Secondly, the alterations in religion made in England of late time, make no variation in the rule of faith, that is always one, but in the application and use of it. Thirdly, albeit by act of Parliament the articles of religion were confirmed, wherein the canon of scriptures, and the substance of our confession is set down; yet was that rathenr a declaration of our acceptance, than a confirmation of the rule of faith, that in itself is always immoveable. Our rule of faith therefore is certain, albeit not always in one sort approved, or received by men. But the rule of Popish faith neither in itself, nor in the approbation of Parliaments or Churches is certain, or immoveable.  
Finally, he asketh a question of Sir Francis in his Wardword, p. 5. how he knoweth his religion to be true. And saith, he hath only two means to guide himself in this case, and that is either Scriptures, or the preaching of our Ministers. But this question, as I have showed, toucheth himself, that buildeth his faith upon the Pope, nearer than Sir Francis, who groundeth himself & his faith only upon that holy Scriptures, and is assured of his faith, not 〈◊〉 these two means only, but by diverse others. For beside Scriptures he hath the help of the Sacraments of the Church, of God's spirit working within him, of miracles recorded in scriptures, of ancient Fathers, of the practice of the Church, of the consent of nations, of the confession of the adversaries, of the suffering of Martyrs, and testimonies of learned men, and such like arguments. In this question therefore Robert Parsons showed himself to be a silly Friar, and to have had more malice than might.  
In time past also we were, as sheep going astray, and out of the union of the Catholic and apostolic Church. diverse of our ancestors worshipped the cross and the images of the Trinity with divine worship. Some like bruit beasts fell down before Idols, crept to the cross, and kissed wood and stone. Others worshipped Angels, the blessed Virgin and Saints, praying unto them in all their necessities, trusting in them, saying Masses in their honour, and offering incense and prayers to their pictures and images. For so they were taught, or rather mistaught by popish Priests.  
The Romish 〈◊〉 in the very foundations of religion was departed from the apostolic and Catholic Church. The schoolmen brought their proofs out of the Pope's Decretals, and Aristotle's Metaphysics. Est Petri sedes (saith Bellarmine in Praefat. ante lib. de Pont. Rom.) lapis probatus, angularis, pretiosus, in 〈◊〉 fundatus. The See of Peter, is an approved corner stone, precious, and laid in the foundation. The same man lib. 2. de Pont. Rom. cap. 31. calleth the Pope the foundation of the Church. Sanders calleth him the Rock. 〈◊〉 nunc à Christo (saith Stapleton relect. princip. doctr. in Praef.) eorúmue doctrina praedicatio, determinatio fundamenti apud me locum 〈◊〉. That is: Others now beside Christ, and their doctrine, preaching, and determination shall be esteemed of me, as a foundation. This he saith, where he talketh of the foundation 〈◊〉 religion and the Church. But the catholic Church had no foundation beside Christ jesus, and his holy word and Gospel, taught by the Prophets and Apostles. The Apostle (Gal. 1.) denounced him accursed, that taught any other Gospel, then that, which he had preached. The holy Fathers proved the faith by holy Scriptures, and not by popish Decretals, and philosophical Principles.  
Concerning Christ's body the Romanists taught, that the same is both in heaven, and in the Sacrament, albeit we neither could see it there, nor feel it. But the scriptures teach us, that his body is both palpable and visible, and is 
Luk. 24. Mar. ult.  now taken up into heaven. So likewise teach the Fathers: Vigilius in his fourth book against Eutyches speaking of Christ's body: When it was on earth (saith he) surely it was not in heaven; and now because it is in heaven, certainly it is not on earth.  
They have also brought in new doctrine concerning Purgatory and indulgences, and which is no more like to the ancient catholic faith, than heresy and novelty to Christian religion. They teach, that whosoever doth not satisfy in this life for the temporal punishment of mortal sins committed after baptism, and remitted concerning the guiltiness, must satisfy for the same in Purgatory, unless it please the Pope by his indulgences to release him. Of the 〈◊〉 of souls in Purgatory, and of the nature, quality and effect of indulgences they talk idly, and unlike to the scholars of Catholics.  
The Catholic doctrine concerning the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords supper they have quite changed: in Baptism adding salt, spittle, hallowed water, 〈◊〉, blowings, anointings, light, and other strange ceremonies. In the Lord's supper taking away the cup from the communicants, and not delivering, but hanging up or carrying about the Sacrament, and worshipping it as God: and finally, believing & holding transubstantiation. They have also devised other sacraments, and taught that they contain grace and 〈◊〉.  
They were wont to kiss the Pope's toe, and to receive his dunghill decretals, worshipping Antichrist, and intitling him Christ's vicar.  
All which novelties, superstitions and heresies, by her Majesty's godly reformation are abolished, who hath restored the ancient Catholic and apostolic faith, which the Popes of Rome for the most part had altered & suppressed.  
She hath also by her authority brought us to the unity of the Catholic faith, and by good laws confirmed true Christian religion. Before our times there was no settlement in matters of Religion. Durand denieth Divinity to be Scientia: Thomas and Richard Middleton hold that it is. Writing upon the master of Sentences, the schoolmen strive 
Dist. 1. lib. 1.  about the words uti and frui, dissenting not only from their master, but also from one another.  
They differ also much about the distinction of divine attributes, Vtrum sit realis, formalis, an rationis tantùm. This (saith Dionysius a Charterhouse Monk) is one of the chief difficulties 
In dist. 2. lib. 1 sent.  of Divines, and about it between famous Doctors is great dissension and contention. Aegidius doth lance Thomas, and others run upon both.  
Aegidius in lib. 1. sent. dist. 2. would have the persons of the Trinity to be distinguished, by a certain thing in one, that is not in another: but others condemn him for that opinion.  
Writing upon the 3. dist. lib. 1. sent. they deny their master's examples, and one condemneth another.  
Bonaventure saith, that men may attain to the knowledge of the holy Trinity by natural reason: others say contrary.  
The Scotists lib. 1. sent. dist. 5. inveigh against Henricus de Gandavo, for his opinion about the eternal generation of the Son of God.  
Aegidius holdeth, that the son of God hath power to beget another son: which displeaseth Thomas and Bonaventure, and is very strange doctrine.  
Thomas Aquinas part. 1. q. 32. art. 4. saith, that Doctors may hold contrary opinions, Circa notiones in divinis. He teacheth also, that the holy Ghost doth more principally proceed from the Father then from the Son: which others mislike.  
If then they agree not about the doctrine of the holy Trinity, it is not like that in matters wherein they have liberty to descent, they will better agree. Scotus holdeth, that the 
In 2. 〈◊〉. dist. 1.  soul and an Angel do not differ, as two diverse kinds. Others teach contrary.  
Some Doctors hold, that Angels consist of form only, others 
In 2. sent. dist. 3.  hold contrary. They descent also about the sin of our first parents.  
Pighius in the doctrine of original sin dissenteth from his fellows. Innocentius in c. maiores de bapt. & eius effect. misliketh the opinion of the master of the Sentences, that held it to be pronitas ad peccandum, that is, a proneness to sin.  
The Thomists to this day could never be reconciled to the Scotists about the conception of our Lady, these denying she was conceived in sin, the others affirming it.  
Gropper in his exposition of the creed confesseth, that among the Papists there are two diverse opinions about Christ's descending into hell.  
Bellarmine in his books of controversies, doth not more violently run upon us, then upon his own consorts. In every article almost he bringeth contrary expositions of Scriptures, and contrary opinions.  
In the sacrament of the Lords supper, which is a pledge of love, there are infinite contradictions among them, as I have showed in my books de Missa, against Bellarmine. The like contentions I have showed in my Treatises de Indulgentijs, & de Purgatorio; and shall have occasion more at large to speak of them hereafter.  
We are therefore to thank God, that the doctrine of faith in the Church of England is settled, and that refusing all novelties we agree therein with the ancient catholic Church. We acknowledge one Lord, one faith, one baptism, one head of the Church, one canon of Scriptures with the ancient fathers. The rules of all ancient and lawful general Counsels concerning the faith we admit. We have one uniform order for public prayers, administration of Sacraments, and God's service. Neither do we only agree among ourselves, but also with the reformed Churches of France and Germany, and other nations, especially in matters of faith and salvation. And as for ceremonies and rites, it cannot be denied, but that all Churches therein have their liberty, as the diversities of ancient Churches and testimonies of Fathers do teach us.  
Most vain therefore and contumelious is that discourse of N. D. in his Warne-word, 1. encontr. ca 4, 5, & 6. where he talketh of the difference of soft and rigid Lutherans among themselves; of them from Anabaptists, and from Zwinglians; of all from the followers of Seruetus and Valentine Gentilis. For neither do we acknowledge the names of Lutherans, Caluinians, or zwinglians, but only call ourselves Christians: nor have we to do with the Arians, or Anabaptists, or Seruetus, or Gentilis, or any heretics. Nay by our Doctors these fellows have been diligently confuted, and by our governors the principal of them have been punished. But these, may Parson's reply, have been among us. Admit it 〈◊〉 so: yet do not our adversaries take themselves to be guilty of Arianisme and Anabaptisme, because there are diverse guilty of Arianisme and Anabaptisme among them. We say further, that the Churches of Germany, France and England agree, albeit private men hold private opinions. Finally, where we talk of the Church of England, what a ridiculous sot was this, to bring an instance of the Churches of Germany or Suizzerland? nay not of the Churches, but of private persons, and that in matters, not very substantial, if we admit their own interpretations?  
Having therefore talked his pleasure of Lutherans and zwinglians, he descendeth to speak of rigid and soft Caluinists (as he calleth them) in England. He calleth them also Protestant's and Puritans. But neither do we admit these names of faction, nor is he able to show that publicly any Christian is tolerated to 〈◊〉, either in matters of faith, or rites from the Church of England. But if any there be that mislike our rites; yet is not that contention about matters of faith, nor can the disorder of private persons hinder the public union of the Church. Finally, I do not know any man now, but he is reasonably well satisfied concerning matters of discipline, albeit the same be with the great grief of Papists, who go about to stir up the coals of contention, as much as they can, that heretofore have been covered.   

CHAP. II. Of the restoring of Christian Religion, and the reduction of the Church of England to the true faith.  
TRue faith in time of Popery was a great stranger in England, most men being ignorant of all points of christian Religion, the rest holding diverse erroneous points and heresies. Their ignorance we shall prove by diverse testimonies hereafter. Their errors and heresies are very apparent, and at large proved in my late challenge. That which the Apostle calleth the doctrine of devils, 1. Tim. 4. that they embrace for doctrine of faith. For they forbid their Priests, Monks, Friars, and Nuns to marry, and command the Benedictines and their Charterhouse Monks at all times to abstain from flesh. They also forbid men to eat flesh upon all fasting days, fridays and saturdays, and in Lent: dissolving the commandments of God by their own traditions. The Manicheyes abstained from eggs as Saint Augustine showeth, lib. de haeres. cap. 46. Nec 〈◊〉 saltem sumunt, quasi & ipsacùm franguntur expirent, nec oporteat ullis corporibus mortuis vesci. So likewise did Papists 
Cap. plurimi. dist. 82.  at certain times, they call such as allow the marriage of priests, sectatores libidinum, & praeceptores vitiorum, that is, followers of lusts, and teachers of vices: albeit the Apostle affirmeth marriage 〈◊〉 be honourable in all sorts of men. They dissolve such marriages, albeit Christ teach, that man is not to separate them whom God hath joined together. Their Fasts they place in eating of fish, and not in abstinence from all sustenance, as the ancient Fathers by their doctrine and practise taught. Some count it as mortal sin to eat flesh on fridays, as to kill a man, and that a Priest doth sin less in committing fornication, then in matching himself in honest marriage: and yet they confess, that fornication is against the law of God, and not the marriages of priests.  
They tolerated common whores, as did Simon Magus and other heretics: and now in Rome the Pope notwithstanding his pretended holiness, receiveth a tribute from them. They do also sell Masses, imposition of hands, benefices, and make money of their god of the altar, and their religion: which savoureth of the heresy of Simon Magus.  

— Venalia nobis (saith Mantuan) Templa, sacerdotes, altaria, sacra, coronae,  
Ignis, thura, preces, coelum est venale, 〈◊〉.   
That is, churches, priests, altars, sacraments, crowns, fire, incense, prayers, yea heaven and God himself are set to sale among us. Brigit in her revelations cap. 232. saith, Priests are worse than judas, for that he sold Christ for money: but they barter him for all commodities.  
As the Basilidians worshipped images, used enchantments, 
Irenaeus lib. 1. advers. haeres. cap. 23.  and superstitious adjurations: so do they, worshipping not only material images, but also their fantastical imaginations. They also exorcise water and salt, saying, Exorcizo te creatura aquae, & again, exorcizo te creatura salis.  
With the Heretics called Staurolatrae, they worship the cross, with the Angelikes they serve and worship Angels, with the Armenians they make the images of God the Father, and the holy Ghost.  
As the Nazarites mingled jewish ceremonies with christian Religion, so do Papists, borrowing from them their paschal lamb, their jubileys, their priestly apparel, their altars, their levitical rites, and diverse other jewish ceremonies.  
Irenaeus lib. 1. advers. 〈◊〉. cap. 30. saith, that Martion and Saturninus first taught abstinence from living creatures: from whom the Papists seem to have borrowed their abstinence from certain meats, as less holy than others. Our Saviour Christ and his Apostles, (as S. Augustine saith Epist. 86. ad Casulanum) never appointed what days we ought to fast, and what not. The Papists therefore have their fasts from others then from Christ or his Apostles.  
From the Manicheys they borrow their communions under one kind, as may be proved by the Chapt. relatum, and comperimus. dist. 2. the consecrat. and by Leo his fourth Sermon the quadrages.  
The Helcesaites make Christ in heaven to differ from Christ on earth, as saith Theodoret haeret. fabul. lib. 2. cap. de Helcesaeis, his words are these. Christum non unum dicunt, sed hunc quidem infernè, illum verò supernè. So likewise the Papists teach, that Christ's body in heaven is visible and palpable, but not as it is in the Sacrament.  
With the Pelagians they concur in many points, as I have at large declared in my late challenge. Hoc Pelagiani audent dicere (saith S. Augustine lib. 2. de bono perseverantiae c. 5.) hominem iustum in hac vita nullum habere peccatum. Now how can they clear themselves from this, that hold, that a man is able to perform the law of God perfectly?  
The Apostle Paul denyeth, that we are justified before God by the works of the law. The Papists have taught quite contrary. He teacheth us not to glory in our works. They say quite contrary, that men may glory in their works. He showeth that as many as receive the sacrament of the Lords body, are also to receive the sacrament of his blood. They deny the cup to all the communicants beside the priest. Our Saviour instituting the Sacrament of his last supper, said, Accipite, manducate: that is, take and eat. These imagine that he offered his body and blood really and corporally at his last supper, and that he appointed his body and blood actually to be offered in the Mass, and not always to be sacramentally and spiritually received of the communicants.  
The Papists teach, that wicked men, reprobates, and devils may have true faith. But the Apostle teacheth that true faith justifieth, & that they which have it, live by faith.  
Commonly they hold, that charity is the form of faith. Which if it were true, then could not faith subsist without charity. But the Apostle teacheth us, that faith, as faith, doth make the just to live, and ancient Christians were always ignorant of these philosophical fancies.  
They hold that diverse sins are committed, which are not forbidden by God's law. But this showeth, that the law of God as they suppose, is not perfect, and that the laws of man having nothing in them of God's law, bind the conscience as well as the law of God.  
Finally, the very foundations of popish religion are erroneous, the same being founded partly upon the decretals of Popes, partly upon the traditions of men, contained partly in their Missals, breviaries, 〈◊〉 other ritual books, partly in their fabulous legends, and partly in the chest of the Pope's breast: and partly upon the old Latin translation of the Bible, which the Romanists hold to be authentical: and partly upon the interpretations of the Romish Church.  
But since it pleased God to put into her Majesty's royal heart a resolution to reform the church, that was so much deformed by the pharisaical and superstitious additions of the Papists, & to restore religion according to the doctrine of the Apostles & Prophets, not only all former heresies & errors were abolished, but also the true doctrine of faith was restored. The which is apparent not only by the articles of Religion, which we profess, but also by our public confessions and apologies, which we have published at diverse times. And in part it may be proved by the secret confession of our adversaries. For albeit they would gladly cavil against our confessions; yet they take their grounds commonly out of Luther, Zuinglius, Calvin, Melancthon and others, not often meddling with our confessions. diverse of them also are wont to call us negative Divines. Which argueth, that so much as we hold positively, is for the most part confessed by the adversaries themselves, and that we bring in no new faith, but that which always hath been holden and maintained in the Church of Christ, desiring only that the positive errors, heresies and superstitions of Papists may be abolished. Wherefore as Christians in time passed extolled Constantine the great, that gave liberty 
Euseb. hist. li. 10. cap. 5.  to all his subjects to profess the Christian religion, that assembled synods of Bishops, and confirmed their decrees: so ought 
Euseb de vita Constant. lib. 3. c, 23.  we to celebrate the memory of our gracious 〈◊〉, that gave liberty to all Christians to profess the truth, that caused diverse assemblies of learned men, and ratified the Christian faith by her authority.   

CHAP. III. Of the true and sincere administration of the Sacraments of the Church restored in England.  
OF the holy rites and sacraments of Christian religion we cannot speak without grief of heart, when we consider how shamefully they were abused, mangled and corrupted by the synagogue of Antichrist. Where Christ ordained only two Sacraments, to wit Baptism, where he said, Teach all nations, baptising them in the name of the 
Matth. 28.  Father, and the Son, and the holy Ghost: and the sacrament of his body and blood, where he said, Take, eat, this is my body, and drink ye all of this: for this is the blood of the new testament; and do this in remembrance of me: that synagogue hath added five other sacraments, giving the same virtue to their extreme unction, and to marriage and orders concerning justification, that they give to Baptism & the Lords supper. The master of the Sentences rehearsing the seven sacraments, 
Lib. sent. 4. dist. 2.  for the Lords supper putteth Panis benedictionem, that is, the blessing of the bread, excluding the cup either from the Lords supper, or from the number of sacraments. He doth also differ from the rest in describing the virtue of the 〈◊〉. Alia 〈◊〉 contra peccatum praebent (saith 
Ibidem.  he) & gratiam adiutricem conferunt, ut baptismus: alia in remedium tantùm sunt, ut coniugium: 〈◊〉 gratia & virtute 〈◊〉 fulciunt, ut 〈◊〉 & ordo: That is, some of the sacraments yield us a remedy against sin, and withal bestow on us helpful grace: others are only for remedy, as marriage: others do strengthen us with grace and virtue, as the eucharist and holy orders. But Bellarmine lib. 2. the sacrament. c. 〈◊〉. doth show, that the common currant opinion now is otherwise, and that all these sacraments do justify ex opere operato: that is, by virtue of the work wrought. As if all married men, and priests of Baal were justified, or as if justification and grace came by greasing, scraping, crossing and such other ceremonies. But neither are they able to justify this doctrine, nor to show either institution, or promise of confirmation, or extreme 〈◊〉, or certain sign of marriage, or repentance, or order, or the other two new devised sacraments. Furthermore, marriage, repentance, and priesthood, were as well used in the time of the law, as in the Gospel. Now then can these 〈◊〉 sacraments of the Gospel?  
They have also altered, corrupted, and mangled Christ his institution, concerning the Sacraments of Baptism and the Lords supper. In baptism they salt and conjure the water in which the party baptised is to be dipped. They put salt into his mouth, and touch his ears and nostrils with spittle, which is oft times very noisome. They anoint him also on the head, and give him a candle in his hand, and embroil Christ his institution with diverse other ceremonies. Finally, to make water more effectual, they pour oil into the 〈◊〉.  
In the sacrament of the Lords supper instituted in bread and wine, they leave neither the substance of bread nor wine, but say, that the same is transsubstantiated into Christ's body and blood, and that either his body and blood, or the accidents of bread and wine subsisting without their substance make the sacrament. Secondly they hold, that Christ's body and blood are conjoined without any distance to the accidents of bread and wine, albeit they are not there either felt or seen. Thirdly, they have turned the sacrament of our communion with 〈◊〉, and of our mutual conjunction one with another, into a private action of one Priest, that eateth and drinketh all alone uncharitably, and very directly contrary to Christ his institution, who jointly said, Accipite & manducate, hoc est corpus meum: and bibite ex hoc omnes: Take, eat, this is my body: and drink ye all of this: contrary to the practice of the ancient Church, that never solemnised this action without distribution of the sacrament: and contrary to the use and reason of the sacrament. For why should not the faithful be made partakers of that sacrament, which is a sign of their union both with Christ and among themselves? Fourthly, Christ and his Apostles administered the cup to as many as received the holy eucharist. But they by a solemn decree of priests at Constance, take away the cup from all save the priests that say Mass. Fiftly, Christ ordained that the sacrament of his body and blood should be distributed and received in that action: these fellows keep the sacrament in a box, and carry it about in solemn processions. Sixthly, they worship the sacrament, and call it their Lord and God, contrary to all rules of Christianity. Seventhly, Christ appointed a holy sacrament, and gave not his body and blood to be offered continually in the Mass, as a sacrifice available for quick and dead, as these good fellows do believe. Finally, the Apostle showeth, that as oft as we celebrate this holy action, we show forth the Lords death until his coming again. But the Papists forbid this action to be celebrated in a vulgar tongue, which is commonly understood of the people, as much as in them lieth hindering them from showing forth the Lords death: they hold also that he is already come, and present in the sacrament.  
But the Church of England doth religiously observe Christ his institution, and that doctrine which the Apostles have delivered unto us. The same admitteth no sacraments but two, that is, Baptism and the Lords supper. In Baptism we refuse the idle and 〈◊〉 ceremonies brought in lately by Papists. That which the Apostle had received of Christ jesus, and delivered to the Corinthians, 1. Cor. 〈◊〉. that we diligently observe, renouncing their novelties, heresies and blasphemies concerning the gross, carnal and corporal presence, and eating and drinking of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament, the late devised transubstantiation, the blasphemous idol of the Mass, the divine worship of consecrated hosts, the mangled communion under the form of bread, their celebration in a tongue not understood of the communicants, and all the rest of their abuses, which without either authority of scriptures, or allowance of the most ancient and 〈◊〉 fathers, they have brought into the Church.  
The sacraments therefore of the new jestament being pledges of God's love, and seals of God's graces, whereby he worketh in us, we are not lightly to prise the true and 〈◊〉 administration of them according to Christ's holy institution, nor to esteem this a small benefit, that the doctrine concerning the holy sacraments being reform according to the canon of God's word, both the superstitious ceremonies in Baptism, and the idolatrous Mass, with all abuses depending thereon, were abrogated and removed out of the Church, and the celebration of Christ's holy sacraments conformed according to the prime institution. Many godly Emperors and Kings have deserved praise in going about to reform abuses crept into the administration of sacraments before their time: but none more than our late most gracious Queen, that from extreme abuses brought all to a most excellent order.   

CHAP. four Of the true worship of God established in the Church of England.  
HOw the worship of God was corrupted among the Papists before the late reformation wrought by her Majesty's authority in the Church of Englánd it will hardly be of posterity believed, but that there are monuments of like corruptions yet remaining in diverse other countries, and good records and memorial yet remaining of their notorious abuses in this country. The faithful 〈◊〉 nisters that were yet remaining upon the coming in of Queen Marie, wept to see the desolation of the Church, as 
Psal. 137.  the people of God carried into captivity, when they sat by the waters of Babylon, and remembered Zion. They that now live wonder at the grossness of popish errors. For first they erred in the rule of God's worship. In vain (saith our Saviour Mat. 15.) do they worship me teaching for doctrines the precepts of men. The Apostle (Colos. 2.) doth condemn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, voluntary, or new devised religion, or as the old Latin interpreter hath translated that word, superstition. For so indeed humane 〈◊〉 for the service of God without warrant of God's word are for the most part to be called and esteemed. God in express terms refuseth such devised services, saying, Who hath required these things at your hands?. But the founders of popish 〈◊〉, as if God had appointed us 〈◊〉 certain rule for these matters, have placed the perfection of their religion in voluntary vows of 〈◊〉 from marriage, of preténded beggary, and of other Monkish and Friarlike observances, and such like humane traditions. Bellarmine de Monachis cap. 2. saith, that Monkish religion is a state of men tending to Christian perfection by the vows of poverty, continency, and obedience. But if a man should ask him, who taught men to aspire to perfection in this race, he will be to seek for an answer. That God requireth or approveth such service, it will never be proved. They do also esteem it a high piece of God's service, to keep holidays in honour of Saints created by the Pope, in 〈◊〉 upon Saints vigils, in eating stockfish, coleworts, toadestooles, and such like toys, in praying upon beads, in often repeating Aue Maria, in worshipping of stones, bones, and rotten rags, they know not of whom, in humbling themselves before Angels and Saints, and the Sacrament of the altar, in saying our Lady's Psalter, in ringing bells, in going barefoot, and woolward, and whipping themselves. By saying over the rosary of our Lady only, they report, that diverse 〈◊〉 have been wrought. diverse thousands of years of indulgences also are granted to the company of the rosary or beads of our Lady, as is recorded in a book entitled Miracoli della santissima vergine Maria, printed at Venice by Bernard Giunti anno 1587. Matters which no man would admit, 〈◊〉 fellows made of wood, coleworts, and stockfish.  
Secondly, they are deceived in the manner of God's worship: and that in three sorts. For first their worship is almost wholly external 〈◊〉 in outward ceremonies, as namely, in often rehearsal of Credo, or Pater noster, or Aue Maria, or being present at the Mass, albeit they understand nothing, or sprinkling themselves with holy water, or often crossing themselves, or going to Rome, or Jerusalem, or lighting of candles, or ringing, knocking, or greasing, or such like, But our Saviour reprehendeth them, that come near to God with their lips, and have their hearts far from him: and showeth, that true worshippers shall worship him in spirit and truth. Next, they offend grievously in giving too great honour to Angels, Saints, stocks, stones, and rotten bones. Hierome in his Epistle to Riparius teacheth us otherwise. Nos non 〈◊〉 Martyrum reliquias etc. We (saith he) worship not, or adore, either relics of Martyrs, or Sun, or Moon, or Angels, or Archangels, or Cherubin, or Scraphim, or any name, that is named either in this world, or in the world to come, lest we should serve the creature, rather thenthe Creator, which is blessed for ever. Saint Augustine likewise lib. de ver a relig. cap. 55. speaking of Angels, Honour amus 〈◊〉, (saith he) charitate non seruitute, nec eis templa construimus. We honour them with love, and not with service, and build no temples unto them. Epiphanius haeres. 79. speaking of Angels, saith directly, that he would not have Angels worshipped. But Papists 〈◊〉 dumb images, pray before them, burn incense 〈◊〉 them. They teach also, that service is due to Saints, and that we are to give latriam, or divine honour to the cross, to the crucifix, to the sacrament of the altar, and the images of the persons of the holy Trinity, which they endeavour to fashion in wood, metal, and colours. They offend thirdly in the form of their prayers, which are found in their 〈◊〉, Breviaries, and ritual books, and which cannot be denied to be both false and 〈◊〉. Gaude Maria virgo (say they) cunctas haereses sola interemisti in universo mundo: that is, rejoice virgin Marie: thou alone hast killed all heresies in all the world. What then, I pray you, did Christ in the mean while? and what did all other Saints? And again: O Maria, admit preces nostras intra 〈◊〉 tuae exauditionis, & reporta nobis antidotum reconciliationis, etc. O Marry, admit our prayers within the holy place of your hearing, and bring unto us the treacle of reconciliation. And yet they say, Saints departed do not see, nor know things below, but by seeing them represented in the face of God, as it were in a glass. On S. 
In Missali Rom.  Andre 〈◊〉 day they pray in this 〈◊〉: Sanctify (o Lord) these 〈◊〉 dedicated unto thee, and the blessed 〈◊〉 Saturninus interceding for us, by the self same being pleased intent us, by our Lord, etc. As if the Lord's body, which is the thing meant by those gifts, needed sanctification, or else as if it were convenient, that God being reconciled to us by Christ, should no otherwise intend our prayers, then by the intercession of Saturninus. On S. Nicholas his day they say thus: Deus qui B. Nicolaum innumeris decorasti miraculis, tribue quaesumus, ut eius meritis & precibus à Gehennae incendijs liberemur. That is: O God which hast adorned S. Nicholas with innumerable miracles, grant, we beseech thee, that by his merits and prayers, we may be delivered from hell fire. Which implieth, that not only the miracles reported in S. Nicholas his legend are true, but also that by his mediation we are delivered and saved from hell. In the Portesse they pray thus: Tu per Thomae sanguinem, etc. That is, Thou o Christ, by the blood of Thomas, which for thee he did spend, make us to climb, whither Thomas did ascend. And again: Opem nobis o Thoma porridge, etc. That is, yield us your help o Thomas, govern them that stand, raise them up that lie: our manners, actions, and life correct, and direct us into the way of peace. Which argueth, that Thomas Becket had power not only to intercede for us, but to govern and rule our actions. Sixtus the fourth, granted great indulgences to those that said this prayer: Hail Marry full of grace, the Lord is with thee, 〈◊〉 art thou amongst women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb jesus Christ, and blessed is Anna thy mother, of whom thy virgin's flesh is proceeded without blot of original sin. And yet it containeth a plain corruption of the words of scripture, and a contradiction to some of his own decrees. But the greatest fault is this, that it is repugnant to plain words of 〈◊〉.  
To excuse this great deformity Robert Parsons 〈◊〉 
2. Entont. c. 6. num. 8.  to bring the best defence he can. First saith he, let this whipster tell us, where we were taught to say, O stock, or O stone help us. As if it were not absurd to pray before stocks and stones, and to give dumb images the same honour that is due to the originals. Dr else, as if they committed no fault because they say not, O stock, or O stone. This exception therefore declareth, that the mole of this old hackster's cap was blockish, and senseless, like as if it were made of stone.  
Secondly he saith, that S. Bafil homil. 20. in 40. martyrs, prayeth to the same martyrs, that Nazianzen in laudem Cypriani martyris, maketh his prayer to the said Cyprian: and in his oration in praise of Athanasius, to Athanasius, in his oration in praise of Basil, to S. Basil; that Chrysostome prayed to S. Peter in a certain sermon of Peter's chain, and that S. Ambrose called on the same Apostle comment in cap. 22. Luc. and S. Jerome on S. Paula in epitaph. Paulae. And that S. 〈◊〉 prayed to S. Cyprian and other Saints, lib. 7. de baptis. contr. Donatist. cap. 1. But first there is an infinite difference between the words of the Fathers, and the blasphemous forms of popish prayers. They by a figure called Prosopopoeia did speak to saints, as 〈◊〉 do to heaven, or earth, or cities, or other things, that hear nothing. These pray to them as if they heard them, saw them, and could help them. Secondly, neither Ambrose prayeth to Peter, nor Augustine to Cyprian, and other saints in the places mentioned. Thirdly, neither can he prove that the sermon made upon the adoration of S. Peter's chain is authentical, nor that the orations of Basil, Nazianzen and other fathers, are clear of all corruptions, which differ so much in diverse editions. Finally, we live by laws, and not by the examples of three or four fathers, disagreeing from the rest, if so be it were granted that they called upon saints.  
Thirdly he allegeth, that in the first prayer to Thomas 
2. Encont. 〈◊〉. 12. num. 9  Becket, there is no more blasphemy contained then when the holy prophets did mention the name, faith and merits of Abraham, Isac and jacob, and other their holy fathers. But what if the holy Prophets do not mention the merits of Abraham, Isac and jacob, but rather desire God to remember his promise made unto them? Doth it not appear that in speaking of holy Prophets, he lieth most shamefully, and like a false prophet and teacher? Again, he showeth himself both shameless and senseless, that perceiveth no difference between the Papists, that pray they may attain heaven by the blood of Thomas Becket; and the Prophets, that never prayed in that fashion, nor hoped to attain heaven by the blood of any, but of the immaculate Lamb Christ jesus.  
Finally he answereth, That where Thomas Becket is 
Ibid. num. 10  prayed unto, to lend his hand for our help, it is meant he shall do it, by his prayer and intercession. But this answer is as foolish, as the prayer is blasphemous. For there is great difference between the word help, and this prayer, Be a means, that we may be holpen. Again, albeit the meaning of the word were so, yet it is a ridiculous thing to pray to any to govern, direct and help us, that cannot govern, direct nor help us; and far from the meaning of Papists, who in their Legends tell us, that Saints have appeared, holpen, and healed such, as have called upon them. This excuse therefore will by no means relieve the adversaries, whose prayers in their Missals, and other ritual books are repugnant to Christian religion, and the forms and practice of the ancient Church.  
Finally, they erred in the object of their worship, adoring creatures in stead of the Creator, or at the least advancing creatures unto honour not due unto them. The law expressly forbiddeth us to worship strange Gods, or to have them. But the Papists do worship the Sacrament newly made by the priest, and call it their Lord and God: which is a very strange God, and never known to Christians for a god. Neither can they pretend, that they give honour to the Sacrament, as to the body of our 〈◊〉, while he lived upon earth. For this honour was due by reason of the hypostatical union of the two natures in one Christ. But there is no personal union betwixt Christ and the sacrament. That they call the Sacrament their Lord and their Maker; it is apparent by the common speech used by the Papists. Further in the canon of the Mass, the priest looking upon the Sacrament, saith: Domine non sum dignus: Lord, I am not worthy. Innocentius lib. 4. de'Missa cap. 19 speaking of Transubstantiation by the priests words, saith, that so daily a creature is made the Creator. Ita ergo quotidiè creatura fit Creator. The author of the book called Stella Clericorum, saith, that the priest is the creator of his Creator. Sacerdos (saith he) est creator sui Creatoris. Qui creavit vos dedit creare se. Qui creavit vos absque vobis creatur à vobis mediantibus vobis. The like words are found in the worthy book called Sermons discipuli, ser. 111.  
Secondly, the law forbiddeth us to make any similitude, or image of things in heaven, earth, or under the earth, to bow down to it, or to worship it. But they make the images of God the Father, and the holy Ghost, and the crucifix, bow down to them, and worship them: and that according to the doctrine of Thomas Aquinas, with the same worship that is due unto God. They do also make the images of Angels and Saints, burn incense unto them, pray before them, and kiss them.  
Thirdly, they confess their sins to Angels and Saints, saying: Confiteor Deo Omnipotenti, beatae Mariae semper virgini etc. that is, I confess to God Almighty, to the blessed and always a virgin Mary, to S. Michael the Archangel, to S. john Baptist, and as it followeth in the common confession. But if they did not believe that Angels and Saints can forgive sins, they would not so pray unto them.  
Fourthly, they make their vows to saints, as appeareth by the common forms of vows of such as enter into Religion. Bellarmine also lib. 3. the cult. sanctor. c. 9 confesseth, that vows may be well made to saints. But the scriptures teach us, that this is an honour due unto God. Pay thy vows to the most high, saith the prophet Psalm. 50. and Deuter. 23. when thou shalt vow a vow to the Lord thy God.  
Finally, they pray to the cross, saying: 〈◊〉 pijs iustitiam, 〈◊〉 dona veniam: that is, increase justice in the godly, and grant pardon to sinners: as if a stock could increase justice, or pardon sinners.  
We are therefore herein to acknowledge God's favour, and continually to praise him for his goodness, who gave us such a Queen, as with all her heart sought to pull down the altars and groves of Baal, to root out idolatry and superstition, and to restore Gods true worship. In the beginning of her reign the holy scriptures were restored to the people in their mother tongue, and Gods true worship established in the Church according to that rule. God was served in spirit and truth, and the service of the Church brought back to the ancient form of Christ's primitive Church.   

CHAP. V. Of the translations of Scriptures into vulgar tongues, and reading them publicly in tongues understood.  
HE that doth evil, hateth the light. No marvel then, if the 
joh. 3.  Pope & his crew of Masspriests shun the scriptures, their works and doctrine being evil, and the scriptures being compared to light, Psalm. 119. and to a candle shining in a dark place, 2. Pet. 1. they would if they durst, plainly prohibit scriptures, as appéereth by the practice of the begging Friars in the time of William de sanct. amore, who having brought all their fancies and traditions into one volume, and calling the same the eternal Gospel; preached, that 
Doctores Paris. de peric. novis. temp.  the Gospel of Christ should cease, and that their eternal Gospel should be preached and received to the end of the world. The Pope also could hardly be enduced to condemn this blasphemous book of the Friars. In the end, I confess, he was forced for shame to abolish it; yet he conceived infinite displeasure against the Doctors of Paris, and favoured the Friars as much as he could. And now, albeit he hath not simply prohibited the translation of scriptures, and reading them in vulgar tongues; yet he hath so limited the same, as in effect they are as good as prohibited. For first he will not permit, that scriptures translated into vulgar tongues shall be read publicly in the Church: as both the Trent conventicle, and the practice of the Romish Church declareth. Secondly, Pope Pius the fourth doth simply forbid all translations 
Regulae Ind. b. prohib.  of scriptures into vulgar tongues, such only except, as are made by his adherents and followers; which are not only false and absurd in diverse points, but also corrupted, with diverse false and wicked annotations, as the Rhemish annotations upon the new testament being examined do manifestly declare. Thirdly, we do not find that the Papists are hasty in setting forth translations of scriptures in vulgar tongues; nor can I learn that the Bible is 〈◊〉 translated into the Spanish, Italian and Dutch tongue by them. Fourthly, they will have no Booksellers sell Bibles though translated into vulgar tongues by themselves without leave. Fiftly, they will not permit any man to read Bibles so translated by 〈◊〉 without leave. Sixtly, they grant leave to none to read scriptures in vulgar tongues, albeit allowed by themselves, but to such only, as they suppose to be resolved, or rather drowned in the dregges of Popish errors; and to lay men seldom, or never do they grant the same. I do not believe that Robert Parsons, albeit well acquainted in Spain and Italy, can name a dozen lay men of either nation, that have licence to read Scriptures in vulgar tongues; or that had licence in England in Queen Mary's time to read Scriptures translated into their mother tongue. If he know any such, he may do well to name them. If he name them not, his silence will breed suspicion, if it be not taken for a plain confession. Finally, if any among the Papists be taken with other translations, than such as themselves allow, or not having himself obtained licence according to the foresaid rule; he is presently taken for suspect of heresy, and severely punished if he acquit not himself the better So we see, that among them it is lawful to read all profane books, if they fall not within the compass of their prohibition, and to tumble over the lying legends of Saints, and the fabulous book of Conformities of Saint Francis with Christ, and that without leave. But Scriptures translated into vulgar tongues no man may read without leave.  
Now how contrary this course is to the word of God, to the practice of God's Church, and to all reason, we may easily perceive by these particulars. God would have the words of the law not only a continual subject of our talk 
Deut. 6.  and meditations, but also to be written at the entrances and doors of our houses. Our Saviour Christ preaching to the Jews willed them to search the Scriptures. But how can this be done, if Scriptures be not translated into tongs which we understand, and if no man may read them without leave?  
In the primitive Church they were publicly read in the Syrian, Egyptian, Punic & other vulgar tongues. By the testimony of Bede hist. Angl. lib. 1. it appeareth they were translated into the British tongue, and into other vulgar tongues, the mysteries of religion being made common to diverse nations by the meditation of Scriptures. Irenaeus 
Lib. 2. advers. haeres. cap. 46  speaking of all the Scriptures, saith, They may be heard alike of all. Hierome in an 〈◊〉 to Laeta, and in another to Celantia exhorteth them to read Scriptures. But how can they be heard alike, if they may not be translated, nor read publicly in vulgar 〈◊〉? And why should it be more lawful for Laeta and Celantia to read Scriptures, then for other men and women? In his Commentaries likewise upon the 86. Psalm, he saith, that Scriptures are read to all, that all may understand. Scriptura populis 〈◊〉 legitur, ut omnes intelligant. But how can the common people understand a strange tongue? Chrysostome homil. 9 in Epist. ad Coloss. teacheth, that the Apostle commandeth lay men to read scriptures, and that with great diligence.  
The Apostle teacheth us, that the word of God is the sword of the spirit. And before I have showed, that it is light. Our Saviour saith, that the word of God is food to our soul. Basil. homil. 29. saith, That the old and new Testament are the treasure of the Church. Vetus & nowm Testamentum (saith he) the saurus Ecclesiae. In his Commentaries upon the first Psalm he showeth, that the holy Scriptures are a storehouse for all 〈◊〉 for man's soul. Chrysostome Homil. in Psalm. 147. saith, the Scriptures are our arms, and munitions in the spiritual warfare, which we have against the devil. Arma & comeatus eius belli, quod est inter nos & diabolum, 〈◊〉 Scripturarum auditio. Doth it not then appear, that the Papists are enemies to Christians, and seek to murder their souls, that by all means seek to expose them naked unto their enemy's weapons, and would willingly deprive them of medicines, munitions, arms and food, and leave them in darkness without the comfort of Scriptures? For how can they use Scriptures, that understand them not? And how can they understand them, when they are read in tongues unknown? And how can they come to read them, when there are so many difficulties in obtaining licence to have them?  
Seeing then at her Majesty's first entrance into her government, we were freed from the thraldom and flavery of Antichrist, and had the Scriptures in a tongue understood restored unto us, and read publicly, and privatel y without limitation or danger; we are to account the same, as a singular benefit bestowed upon the people of England. For what can be deemed more beneficial, then for the hungry to obtain food, for naked soldiers to obtain arms and provisions, for poor people in want, to be enriched with such a treasure?  
But saith N. D. Wardw. pag. 14. If the translator do not put down the words of Scriptures sincerely, in his vulgar translation, than the simple reader, that cannot discern, will take man's word for God's word. Secondly, he saith, that if a false sense should be gathered out of Scripture, than the reader should suck poison in stead of wholesome meat. But these reasons make no more against reading Scriptures in vulgar tongues, and translating them into those tongues, then against reading Scriptures in the Latin, and translating them into Latin. For as well may the Latin Interpreter err, as he that translateth scriptures into vulgar tongues: and aswell may a man draw a perverse sense out of the Latin, as out of the English. If then these reasons conclude not against that Latin translation, they are too weak to conclude against vulgar translations. Again, if it be hurtful to follow a corrupt translation, and to gather a contrary sense out of scriptures; we are not therefore to cast away scriptures, but rather to seek for the most sincere translations, and the most true sense and meaning of the holy Ghost revealed in holy Scriptures.  
Thirdly, he allegeth these words out of the Apostle, 2. Cor. 3. The letter killeth, but the spirit quickeneth: against reading of scriptures in vulgar tongues. But these words do no less touch them that follow the letter in the Hebrew & Greek, them in the vulgar tongs. And yet Robert Parsons will not deny, but that it is lawful to read scriptures in Hebrew and Greek: albeit he, if it were unlawful, would never be guilty of this fault, being most ignorant of these tongs.  
Fourthly, he asketh, how unlearned readers will discern things without a guide. As if lay-men, because they have teachers might not also read the books from whence the principles of Christian doctrine are derived. This therefore seemeth to be all one, as if Geomatrician, and other teachers of arts should debar their scholars from reading Euclid and other authors that have written of arts. Furthermore albeit somethings without teachers cannot of rude learners be understood; yet all things that pertain to faith and manners, are plainly set down in scriptures. In iis quae apertè in scriptures posita sunt, inveniuntur illa omnia, saith S. Augustine lib. 2. the doctr. Chr. c. 9 Quae continent fidem, moresque vivendi.  
Fiftly, he allegeth, that the understanding of Scriptures is a particular gift of God. But that notwithstanding, no man is forbidden to read scriptures in Hebrew, Greek, or Latin: And yet if Robert Parsons understand them at all, he vnderstandeth them better in the vulgar English, then in these tongues. Furthermore, albeit to understand Scriptures be a peculiar gift of God, yet no man is therefore to refrain from reading of scriptures, but rather to read than diligently, and to confer with the learned, and to beseech God to give him grace to understand them. The which is proved by the example of the Eunuch, Act. 8. who read the scriptures, and threw them not away, albeit he could not understand all without the help of a teacher.  
Sixthly, he useth the examples of joan Burcher a pudding 
Wardw. p. 6.  wife, as some suppose, and qualified like his mother the Blacke-smiths wife, and of Hacket, William Geffrey, and other heretics. In his Warne-word, Encontr. 1. cap. 8. he addeth, George Paris, john More, certain Anabaptists, and other heretics, and insinuateth that all these fell into heresies by reading of scriptures in vulgar languages. But his collection is false and shameless, and derogatory to scriptures, and contrary both to them and to fathers. Our Saviour speaking of the saducee, Mat. 22. saith, they erred, for that they knew not the scriptures. Erratis nescientes scripturas. The Apostle talking of reading of scriptures, saith, they are profitable to instruct men unto salvation, and not hurtful, or the cause of any man's destruction. The ignorance of scriptures (saith Chrysostome ho. de Lazaro) hath brought forth heresies. Scripturarum ignoratio haereses 〈◊〉. And again: Barathrum est scripturarum ignoratio: that is, the ignorance of scriptures is a bottomless gulf. Finally, to obscure the glory of this benefit of reading scriptures in vulgar tongues, in his out-wortie Warne-word Encont. 1. c. 8. he saith, that such as understand Latin, or have licence of the Ordinary to read scriptures in vulgar tongues, have no benefit by this general permission of reading scriptures: as if every one that understandeth Latin durst read vulgar translations without licence, or as if the Church received no benefit, unless every particular member were partaker of that benefit. This therefore is a most ridiculous conceit, and likely to proceed from such an idle head. Further, the same might be alleged against Latin translations. And yet Robert Parsons will not deny but the Church receiveth benefit by Latin translations, albeit the Greeks, and such as understand Hebrew, and not Latin, receive no benefit by the Latin translation.  
If then Robert Parsons mean hereafter to bark against the reading of scriptures, that are commended unto us as light, medicine, food, arms, and things most necessary; he must allege us better reasons then these, lest he be taken for an heretical, or rather lunatical fellow, that spendeth his wit in the defence of fond, senseless, and impious positions.   

CHAP. VI Of public Prayers, and administration of Sacraments, and other parts of the Church liturgy and service in vulgar tongues.  
LIke wise the Papists to take from Christians the effect and fruit of their prayers, set cut most of their prayer books in Latin, and closely forbid the common service and liturgy of the Church to be said in vulgar languages. In the 22. session of the Conventicle of 〈◊〉, where they anathematise them, that hold that the Mass should be celebrated in vulgar tongues: their meaning is to establish the rites of the Romish Church, and the Latin service, and to prohibit the use of vulgar tongues in public liturgies. And this is also proved by the practice of the synagogue of Rome, that alloweth the prayers of such as pray in Latin, albeit like Parrots they understand not what they prattle: and by the testimony of 〈◊〉, Bellarmine, and others writing upon that argument.  
But this practice is most barbarous, fruitless, and contrary to the custom of Christ his Church in ancient time. Sinesciero virtutem vocis, saith the Apostle, 1. Cor. 14. ero ei cui loquor, barbarus, & quiloquitur mihi barbarus: that is, If I understand not the meaning of the words I utter, I shall be to him to whom I speak, barbarous, and he that speaketh shall be barbarous unto me. And again: If I pray in a strange tongue, my spirit prayeth, but mine understanding is without fruit. And a little after: I will pray with the spirit, but I will pray with the understanding also. I will sing with the spirit, but I will sing with the understanding also. Else when thou blessest with the spirit, how shall he that occupieth the room of the unlearned say, Amen, to thy blessing, when he knoweth not what thou sayest? These words are most direct against the Latin service of the Papists, showing first that the priest speaking in Latin, when the people understandeth nothing, taketh a barbarous course. Secondly, that songs and prayers without understanding profit nothing. And lastly, that it is ridiculous for the people to say Amen to the priest, when they understand not his prayer or blessing.  
Ut quid loquatur, saith S. Ambrose in 1. Cor. 14. quem nemo intelligit? Why should he speak, whom no man can understand? And again: What profit can he reap, that understandeth not what he speaketh? And afterward: An unlearned man (saith he) hearing but not understanding, knoweth not the end of the prayer, nor answereth Amen, that is true, that the blessing may be confirmed. And finally: Si ad edificandam Ecclesiam convenistis ea dici debent, quae intelligant audientes: that is, if ye be come together to edify the church, then must such things be spoken as the hearers understand.  
〈◊〉 sermo qui non intelligitur, saith S. Hierome in 1. Cor. 14. barbarus est: that is, Every language that is not understood is barbarous. And again: If any speak with tongues not understood of others, his understanding is made without fruit, if not to himself, yet to others. And lastly, Sic est loquendum ut intelligant alij. We must so speak that others understand. Saint Augustine expounding these words of the Psalmist, Beatus populus sciens iubilationem: nullo modo beatus es, saith he, nisi intelligas inbilationem: that is, thou art no way blessed, unless thou understand thy song of rejoicing, or iubilation. And again in Psal. 99 he mistiketh that our voice should only sing a song of rejoicing or iubilation, and not our heart. Ut vox nostra sola iubilet, & cor non iubilet: which is 〈◊〉 the case of Papists, thanting with a loud voice, and not understanding what they chant or pray. This place our adversary encont. 1. c. 9 nu. 8. would take from us, by saying that S. Augustine doth not speak of any corporal singing psalms, but rather of inward iubilation. But S. Augustine mentioning our voice, and speaking of those that sing, and exhorting men in this and such like psalms to praise God, doth refute the fellow's foolery. Beside that, if iubilation be with understanding of the hart, then by S. Augustine's judgement, those cannot rejoice or use iubilation, that understand not what they say: as the Papists do in their iubilations and jubilees, chanting like pies and parrots, they know not what, and not conceiving any inward joy of any thing is spoken by the priest, that is as well understood, as a Monkey chattering with his teeth, and squealing out an indistinct voice.  
Theophylact also and Occumenius writing upon the first to the Corinthians c. 14. 〈◊〉 our cause, and overthrow the adversaries. Dicit quod expediat (saith Oecumenius) eum qui alia lingna loquitur, sive in psalmodia, sive in oratione, siue in doctrina, aut ipsum interpretari, & intelligere quid dicat ad utilitatem auditorum, aut alium hoc facere convenit. He saith that it behoveth him that useth a strange tongue either in singing, prayer or teaching, either to interpret himself, and to understand what he saith, for the profit of the hearers, or that it is fitting another should do it. Theophylact saith, that the Apostle in the whole course of his speech doth show, that he that speaketh with a tongue not understood profiteth himself nothing.  
justine in his apology, and Dionysius in his Ecclesiastical hierarchy, describing the practice of the Primitive Church, do plainly show, that the people understood the Bishop, answered him, and concurred with him. Hierome in 〈◊〉. 2. in Epist. ad Galat. and Gregory Nazianzen in orat. in 〈◊〉 Basilij do testify, that the people did answer Amen to the priests prayer. But how could they say Amen to his prayer not understanding what he said? Ephrem made diverse prayers and 〈◊〉 in the Syriake tongue, which were frequently used in the Churches of Syria. justinian the Emperor made a law, that the prayers used at the celebration of the sacrament, should be pronounced with an audible voice. But to what purpose, if it were sufficient, that the people should be present only, and not understand what is said or prayed?  
This practice is clearly testified by Nicholas Lyra writing upon the fourteenth Chapter of the first to the Corinthians: In the primitive Church blessings and other common things (viz. in the Liturgy) were in the vulgar tongues, saith he.  
The adversaries also enforced by the evidence of truth, confess, it were more profitable to have prayers and the public Liturgy of the Church, in tongues understood of the people, rather than otherwise: as may be gathered out of the words of Strabus, Lyra, Cajetan, and others writing upon the first to the 〈◊〉, chap. 14.  
Finally, reasonmaketh against the use of a tongue not understood in public prayers. For if such are condemned, as come near to God with their lips, having their hearts far from him, then are not they to be allowed that in their prayers join not their heart with their words.  
Secondly, the Apostle showeth, that it is a curse laid upon 
1. Cor. 14.  infidels, when God speaketh to them in other 〈◊〉.  
I 〈◊〉, the tongue serving to utter our conceits, it is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thing for men to utter things neither conceived nor meant.  
Lastly, if the romans and greeks in ancient time might use vulgar tongues in their public Liturgies, why is not the same both lawful and commendable now?  
Friar Robert Encont. 1. cap. 8. endenoureth to show reason to the contrary. But his reason is weak and 〈◊〉. Comparing prayers with Scriptures, he saith, there is much 〈◊〉 necessity of public service in vulgar tongues. But if he had meant to defend the Pope's cause and his own, and to propound the state of the controversy betwixt us aright, he should have said, that there is no profit, or use at all of vulgar tongues in the public service in the Church, and that it is rather inconvenient and hurtful, then otherwise. For if it be profitable, and no way inconvenient, why should not the public Liturgy of the Church be in vulgar tongues?  
Notwithstanding let us see, how he proveth that, which 
Warn-word.  himself propoundeth, albeit not the point in question. 
Encontr. 1. cap. 8.  First he saith, that public service is appointed to be said or sung to the praise of God, and in the name of all the people by public Priests, and other ecclesiastical officers appointed thereunto. But if public service be appointed to be said, or song to the praise of God; then unless he exclude the people from the praises of God, the people also is to concur with the Priests in praising of God, which they cannot do, unless they understand the language of the service. But, I trow, he will not deny, but that the people ought to join in singing Psalms, and giving thanks to God in the open congregation. And therefore the Psalm 95. Come let us sing unto the Lord, is commonly used in the beginning of God's service, and the people in ancient Liturgies were wont oftentimes to answer the Priest. Again, it is false, that public service was appointed to be said, and sung only by ecclesiassicall officers, and that the people did not as well pray for things necessaris, as praise God for benefits received. But how could they do this, not knowing what they said or prayed? If a man should present himself before the Pope and speak ghibrish, or a language not understood by the party, would he not think himself mocked?  
He addeth further, that it is not needful for the people to be always present at public service, but only in spirit and consent of heart. But the fellow doth plainly contradict himself. For how can a man be present in spirit and consent of heart, when he is absent with his understanding, and knoweth not what is done or said? Beside that, he overthroweth that, which he would prove. For if consent of spirit and heart be requisite in public service, then is it requisite the people should understand what is said, without which understanding, he cannot consent. Lastly, if it be profitable, that the people be present in the congregation, where God is served; that is sufficient for us to prove our assertion. For why should not the people meet to celebrate the praises of God, being commanded to keep his sabboth's? And why should they rather be enjoined to hear Mass, which is a profanation of God's service, then to come to the Church, to praise God, and to pray unto him, and to hear his holy word? And if the people ought to do this, then is it not sufficient, that in time of service they should gape on the Priest, or patter their Pater nosters, or Aue Maria's, or rattle their beads, as the ignorant Papists use to do.  
Thirdly, he supposeth he can prove service in an unknown tongue out of the ceremonial law of Moses. For because it is said Luk. 1. That all the multitude of the people was praying without at the hour of incense while Zacharie offered incense within: he would infer very willingly, that it is not necessary, the people should pray with the Priest in a tongue understood. But if this might be applied to the Mass, then would it also follow, that the Priest might offer the 〈◊〉 of the Mass without a Clerk, and the people attend without in the church yard. It would also follow, that the people might not hear, nor see Mass. For that the people might not enter within, nor see what was done in the sanctuary. Against us this example fitteth not. For neither can any strong argument be drawn from the ceremonies of the law, that are now abrogated, nor can Friar Robert show, that the Priests of the law prayed in a tongue not understood, or that they used any public prayer, which the people heard not.  
Fourthly, he allegeth, that the three learned languages of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin, were sanctified by Christ in the title of his cross. But neither is he able to show, why these three languages should be called learned, rather than others; nor doth it follow, that in public service we should use only these three languages, because they were used in the title of the cross, unless our adversary will grant, that it also followeth, because Christ road upon an ass, that he and his consorts are only to ride upon asses.  
〈◊〉, he telleth us, that ancient Fathers testify, that it is not convenient, that all things that are handled in Church service, praesertim in sacris mysterijs, should be understood by all unlearned people in their own vulgar languages. And to prove this he citeth Dionysius, Origen, S. Basil, Chrysostome, and Gregory. But herein he showeth himself a shameless fellow, albeit all men knew it before. For none of these speaketh one word against vulgar languages. Nay all of them show, that the people understood the language of public Liturgies. Again, they deny not that it is convenient, that the people should understand the mysteries of Christian religion, but rather show the difficulty of it. But what is that to vulgar languages, when the Priests themselves understand not the mysteries of Christian religion 〈◊〉  
A sixth argument he draweth from the practice of the jews, supposing that in jury and jerusalem the public service was in Hebrew, and that Hebrew was not understood of the common people. But neither was public service in all Syria in Hebrew, as appeareth by the songs and prayers of Ephrem in the Syrian tongue, nor is it likely, that the jews did not understand Hebrew in Christ's time, seeing now all the jews, as it is said, teach their children Hebrew. In Esdras lib. 2. cap. 8. it appeareth they understood Hebrew. Intellexerunt verba quae docuerat eos. They understood the words which he taught them. That therefore which is spoken of interpretation, is meant of the meaning and not of the words, as very simply our adversaries suppose.  
His seventh argument is taken from the example of the Apostles, that (as he saith) appointed the order of service. But this overthroweth our adversary's cause. For if the Apostles never appointed the Mass, or the canon, or that service should be said in a tongue not understood, but rather ordained another form of celebration of Sacraments, as I have showed in my books de Missa against Bellarmine, and if it be a matter clear, that all should be done decently in the Church and to edification; then is it not likely, that they would allow, or did appoint the service of 〈◊〉 to be said in a tongue not understood of the people, and very hardly understood of most Priests. Here also he denyeth, That it can be showed out of any author of antiquity whatsoever, that any christian Catholic country since the Apostles time had public service in any language, but in one of these three, (viz. Hebrew, Greek or Latin) except by some special dispensation from the Pope, and upon some special consideration for some limited time. But first it maketh nothing for him, or against us, if any nation had their service in Greek, Latin, or Hebrew, if the same understood the language of the public Liturgy. For we only say, that service ought not to be said in a language not understood. Secondly, where he denyeth the use of all other tongues beside these three, he showeth himself either very ignorant, or very impudent. If he have not read ancient Fathers and histories, concerning the languages of public Liturgies, he is but an ignorant novice in this cause. If he know the practice of the Church, and deny it, he wanteth shame.  
That other tongues have been used in public Liturgies beside the three mentioned, it may be proved by diverse testimonies. Hierome in the funeral Sermon of Paula, saith that Psalms were sung not only in Hebrew, Greek and Latin, but also in the Syrian language. In his Epistle to Heliodorus he saith, that the languages and writings of all nations do sound forth Christ his passion and resurrection. Nunc passionem Christi, & resurrectionem eius cunctarum gentium & voces, & literae sonant. And again in his Epistle to Marcelia: Vox quidem dissona, sed una religio: tot penè psallentium chori, quot gentium diversitates. The tongue is diverse, but one religion: there be so many quires of singers, as there be diversities of nations.  
S. Ambrose writing upon the first Epistle to the Corinthians, chap. 14. speaking of jews converted to Christ: Hi ex Hebraeis erant, (saith he) qui aliquando Syria lingua, plerunque Hebraea in tractatibus & oblationibus utebantur. These were Jews, which in their Sermons and oblations used sometime the Syrian tongue, and oftentimes the Hebrew. Theodoret lib. 4. cap. 29. saith Ephrem made Hymns and Psalms in the Syrian tongue. And Sozomen saith, they were sung in Churches.  
Chrysostome in 2. 〈◊〉 Corinth. homil. 18. saith, that in celebration of the eucharist all aught to be common, because the whole people, and not the priest alone giveth thanks. Et cum spiritu tuo, nihil aliud est, saith he, quam ea quae sunt eucharistiae communia sunt omnia: neque enim ille solus gratias agit, sed populus omnis.  
Saint Augustine expos. 2. in psal. 18., saith we ought to understand what we say or sing, that like men and not like parrots or ousels we may sing.  
It appeareth by justinian's 123. novel constitution, and by Isidore Ecclesiast. office lib. 1. ca 10. and by the ninth chapter of S. Augustine de catechisand. rudib. that the people in time past did understand Church service.  
In Britain the Roman music was not in use before the time of james the Deacon of York, about the year of the Lord 640. Bede lib. 1. hist. Anglic. cap. 1. signifieth, that the knowledge of divine mysteries was made common to diverse nations inhabiting Brittany by meditation of scriptures.  
Auentinus 〈◊〉. Boior. li. 4. saith, The priests of Liburnia are iguorant of the Latin tongue, and in their mother tongue offer the sacrifice of the Eucharist. Adhuc (saith he) ignari sunt Romanae linguae, sacrificia patrio more, nempe Slavorum procurant.  
The Aethiopian canon of the Mass, which they call universal, is in the Aethiopian language, as the translation witnesseth, that is published in Biblioth. patr. tom. 6. a Bignio edit.  
Sigismundus Baro in his commentaries of the Muscoviticall affairs, telleth us how that nation doth celebrate Mass in their mother tongue. Totum sacrum seu missa (saith he) gentili ac vernacula lingua apud illos peragi solet.  
The adversaries themselves also testify for us. Thomas Aquinas in 1. Cor. 14. speaking of the use of strange languages in the Church, saith, it was accounted madness in the primitive Church, because Christians were not then instructed in Ecclesiastical rites. Ideò erat insania in Primitiva Ecclesia, quia erant rudes in ritu Ecclesiastico.  
In Primitiva Ecclesia (saith Lyra in 1. Cor. 14.) benedictiones & cetera communia fiebant in vulgari: that is, in the primitive church blessings and other common orisons were made in vulgar tongues.  
john Billet in his sum de diuin. office in prolog. confesseth, that in the Primitive Church Christians were forbidden to speak with tongues, unless there were some by to interpret. He saith also, that it profiteth us nothing to hear unless we understand: lamenting that in his time there were so few, that understood either what they heard, or what they read.  
And thus much to refel Robert Parsons his notorious impudency, that would needs affirm, that it cannot be showed out of any author of antiquity, that any Catholic country had public service in vulgar tongues.  
His eight argument is deduced from the use of the Hebrew, Greek, and Latin tongues in Asia, Africa, and the Western countries. But unless he can show that these tongues were not understood of those people that had their public service in them; all this maketh for us, and not for him. For we do not deny the use of these tongues to those that understand them, but only think it madness to use them, where they are not understood. In Asia the Greek tongue was common to most nations. Therefore the service was in Greek and not in Latin, albeit Parsons suppose Latin to be a sanctified tongue. In Africa and divers Western countries, Latin was a common language in time past: and therefore they had their liturgies in Latin and not in Greek. It appeareth by S. Augustine retract. lib. 1. c. 20 that diverse understood Latin better then the Punic tongue: and Cicero pro Archia saith, that the Greek tongue was a common language in his time. Although therefore the public service of the Church was in Greek and Latin, when those tongues were best understood, yet it followeth not that the same should be still used, when no man of the vulgar sort understandeth them: or that the Catholic Church did generally, or ever practise this: or that S. Augustine lib 4. cont. Donatist. cap. 24. doth intent to speak for the use of unknown languages, as Friar Robert unlearnedly and blockishly pretendeth.  
Finally he allegeth, that every man lightly understandeth somewhat of the Latin. But lightly he telleth us a loud lie, as experience may teach every man that is not obstinate. Beside that, if it be profitable for some men to understand some few words, than reason will infer, that it were far more profitable, if the public service were in a tongue that might of all the hearers be understood.  
It is therefore a great blessing that we may hear God speaking unto us in scriptures in our own mother tongue, and praise and honour him with heart and voice in the public congregation. If then Robert Parsons mean to confirm his own opinion, and to overthrow our cause, he must bring better arguments, & answer these testimonies, and not fight with his own shadow, or cavil with some words, or allegations that are not material.   

CHAP. VII. Of the great deliverance of Christians out of the bloody hands of wolvish Papists wrought by Queen Elizabeth.  
No man can well esteem what favour God hath done the Church of England, by delivering the same from the cruel persecution of the bloody and merciless Papists, but such as either themselves suffered, or else knew the sufferings and vexations of their brethren in Queen Mary's time. Neither do any so well apprehend God's mercy in delivering them from the dangers of the sea, as those that have either passed great storms, or escaped after shipwreck, seeing their fellows swallowed in the sea. But those that lived in the days of Queen Mary, and escaped the cruelty of those times, or else by report know the desperate resolution of the wolvish persecutors, both well know the favour of God to the Church and English nation, and can not choose but show themselves thankful for the same.  
The bloody inquisitors neither spared old nor young, noble nor base, learned nor simple, man nor woman, if he were supposed to be contrary to their proceedings. The records of Marian Bishops offices, are so many testimonials of their extreme cruelty. Neither was any free from danger, if any quarrel could be picked to him for religion. Those that were suspected, were imprisoned and hardly handled, such as recanted were put to penance, those that confessed the faith constantly, lost life and all they had. As S. Augustine lib. 22. the civet. Dei cap. 6. saith of the Primitive Church, so may we say of the Christian Martyrs of our time: Ligabantur, includebantur, caedebantur, torquebantur, urebantur: they were bound, put in prison, beaten, racked and burnt. The brother delivered up his brother, and a man's domesticals were his enemics. Eusebius lib. 〈◊〉. de vita Constan. cap. 51. saith, That without respect of age all manner of torments were inflicted upon the bodies of Christians. Quae incendij flamma fuit, (saith he) quis cruciatus, quod tormentorum genus, quod non fuerit 〈◊〉 sanctorum corporibus nulla aetatis ratione habita irrogatum? The like may we say of the holy Martyrs of Queen Mary's days. For neither hard dealing, torment, nor fire was spared to draw men from the confession of the true faith. Neither did the cruel adversary respect the 〈◊〉 Prelates, nor the tenderness of young age, nor the modesty of matrons.  
But Queen Elizabeth coming to the crown the fires were quenched, the swords were wrested out of the cruel executioners hands, and true Christians were not only delivered out of prison and banishment, but also freed from fear of persecution. Therefore we say with the Prophet, Psal. 123. Blessed be God, that hath not given us as a prey into their teeth. Our soul is escaped as a sparrow out of the snare of the fowler. The grin is broken, and we are delivered. And as Eusebius said sometimes of the benefits, which 
Eccles. hist. 10. cap. 1.  the Church enjoyed by Constantine the Great, so we may also most justly say: Nos haec beneficia maiora, quam vitae nostrae conditio fert, confitentes, sicut 〈◊〉 Dei eorumdem authoris magnificentiam 〈◊〉: sic illum optimo iure totius animae viribus colentes summè celebramus, etc. We confessing these benefits to be greater, than the condition of our life may bear, as we wonder at the singular bounty of God the author of them, so we do highly praise him deservedly with all the might of our soul, and do testify the holy predictions of Prophets in Scriptures to be true, in which it is said, Come and see the works of the Lord, and what wonders he hath done upon the earth, ceasing wars unto the end of the world. He shall break the bow, and tear arms, and burn the shields with fire. Impijs hominibus è medio sublatis, & potestate 〈◊〉 deleta, mundus de reliquo velut solis claritate collustratus fuit. This saith Eusebius of Constantine: but the same was also verified of our late 〈◊〉 reign. For wicked men being put out of place, and tyrannical power ceasing, the world afterward seemed to rejoice as lightened with the brightness of the Sun.  
Against this discourse Robert Parsons opposeth himself in his first Enconter chap. 10. num. 11. and belcheth out a great deal of malice out of his distempered stomach, being sorry, as it seemeth, that any escaped his consorts hands. But all his spite is spent in two idle questions. First he asketh whether this freedom for persecution be common to all, or to some only: as if because seditious Mass priests and their traitorous consorts, and other malefactors are punished, this were no public benefit, that all Christians may freely profess religion. Secondly, he asketh whether we be free from persecution passive or active: meaning, because murderers and traitors suborned to trouble the state pass the trial of justice, that we are persecutors. But his exceptions do rather show malice, then wit. For first albeit all men be not freed from punishment, yet is it a great blessing, that true Christians may profess religion without fear or danger. For in Constantine the Great his time, murderers, and rebels, & other notorious offenders were punished; and yet doth Eusebius account the deliverance of Christians from persecution a great benefit. If there had been also then any Assassins, or traitorous Masspriests 〈◊〉 to kill Princes, or to raise sedition, they should have been executed: and yet could no man have called Constantine a persecutor. Let Parsons therefore, if he have any shame, cease to talk of persecution, considering the bloody massacres and executions committed by his consorts upon Christians for mere matter of religion, and forbear to tell us, either of Penrie, or an hundred Priests put to death. For they were not called in question for religion, but for adhering to the Pope and Spaniard, that went about to take the Crown from her Majesty's head, and for going about by colour of their idolatrous Priesthood to make a party for the aid of foreign enemies, as by diverse arguments I have declared in my challenge, and Robert Parsons as a fugitive disputer, and not only a fugitive traitor, answereth nothing.   

CHAP. VIII. Of the deliverance of the realm of England from the Pope's exactions.  
THe Pope of Rome and his greasy crew of polshorne Priests, although they challenge power of binding and losing; yet as experience hath taught us, do rather bind heavy burdens on men's shoulders, then bind their consciences, and rather seek to lose and empty their purses, then to lose them from their sins. A man will hardly believe, what sums of money they have extorted from all sorts of men. But if we consider the hooks, engines, and diverse practices, which they have used to abuse the world, we need not make question, but their dealings are very intolerable. The Popes have made money of licences to marry, to eat flesh, or whit-meate, of dispensations concerning benefices, of indulgences, of releasing of Church censures, of delegating of causes, of collation of benefices, of devolutions, of reservations, of provisions, of procurations, of the intricate rules of the Pope's Chancery, of granting privileges, of licences to keep concubines, of common whores, of annates, of contributions, of tenths, of erection of Churches, of canonisation of Saints, of cases reserved. Neither had they any law, or passed any act, but it was a means to make money. Likewise Masspriests and Friars learning of their holy Father, sold Masses, Absolutions, and such licences and faculties, as lay in their hand to grant. Neither would they do any thing without money. Monks and Friars beside buying and selling, had a most gainful trade of begging. And such was their shameless dealing, that of the house of God they made a shop of merchandise, or rather a den of théeues.  
In England the Popes had a contribution called Peter pence: and yet not content therewith, or with the ordinary gain of their faculties, annates, & contributions, they imposed extraordinary subsidies as oft as themselves listed. The English did make a grievous complaint against the Pope's court in a certain Synod at Lion in the days of Henry the third, as Matth. of Paris testifieth. The 〈◊〉 man affirmeth, that the Romish Court did swallow up like a gulf every man's revenues, and took almost all, that Bishops or Abbots possessed. Quae curia (saith he) instar barathri potestatem habet & consuetudinem omnium reditus absorbendi, imò ferè omnia quaecunque Episcopi possident & Abbates. Bonner in his Preface before Stephen Gardiner's book de vera obedientia: speaking of the spoil made in England by the Pope, saith it did almost amount to as much as the king's revenues. Proventus regios ferè aequabat, saith he.  
In France king Lewis the ninth complaineth, that his 
In 〈◊〉. sanct.  kingdom was miserably brought to poverty by the Pope's exactions, and therefore he expressly forbiddeth them. Exactiones (saith he) & onera gravissima pecuniarum per Curiam Rom. Ecclesiae regni nostri impositas vel imposita, quibus regnum nostrum miserabiliter depauperatum existit, sive etiam imponendas, vel imponenda levari, aut colligi nullatenus volumus.  
In Spain every one of any quality is enforced to pay for two ordinary pardons, whereof the one is for the dead, the other for the living. Beside this the Pope upon diverse occasions sendeth cruciataes and general pardons; by which he procureth great commodity. josephus' Angles in 4. sent. cap. de 〈◊〉. signifieth, that the king sometime payeth an hundred thousand ducats for one pardon, and afterward remburseth himself, playing the Pope's broker. Add then unto this reckoning whatsoever the Pope getteth out of Spain by dispensations, licences, privileges, contributions and other tricks: and the sum of his collections will appear a very great matter.  
The Germans in their complaints exhibited to the 
In Conclu. gravam.  Pope's Legate, affirm, that the burdens laid on them by the 〈◊〉 Church, were most urgent intolerable, and not to be borne. Vrgentissima, at que intolerabilia, penitusque non ferenda onera.  
Generally all Christians complains of them. Matth. Paris in Hen. 3. speaking of the times of Gregory the 9 and of the covetousness of the Romish Church, saith, That like an impudent and common whore, she was exposed and set to sale to all men, accounting usury for a little fault, & simony for none. Permittente vel procurante Papa 〈◊〉 adeo invaluit Ecclesiae Romanae insatiabilis 〈◊〉 as confundens fas nefasque, quod deposito rubore velut meretrix vulgaris & effrons omnibus venalis & exposita usuram pro paruo, symoniam pro 〈◊〉 inconuenienti reputavit.  
Theodoric. à Niem. nemor union. tract. 6. ca 37. speaking of the Pope's Exchequer, saith, It is like a sea, into the which all floods run, and yet it floweth not over. He saith further, that his officers do scourge poor Christians like Turks or Tartarians.  
Ipse Romanus pontifex (saith joannes Sarisburiensis lib. 6. Polycrat. cap. 24.) omnibus ferè est intolerabilis. Laetatur spolijs Ecclesiarum, quaestum omnem reputat pietatem, provinciarum diripit spolia, ac si the sauros Croesi studeat reparare. The Pope to all men is almost become intolerable; he delighteth in the spoils of the Church; he esteemeth gain to be godliness: he spoileth countries, as if he meant to repair Croesus his treasures. joannes Andre as in 6. the elect. & elect. potest. c. fundamenta. in Glossa, saith, that Rome was built by robbers, and yet retaineth a tack of her first original.  
Baptista of Mantua showeth, that in Rome, Churches, priests, altars, and all 〈◊〉 of Religion are sold. And yet he forgot to tell of the great revenue the Pope getteth by common whores. It is shame to consider how many benefices the Pope bestoweth on one man. Quae utique abominaetio (saith Gerson tractat. de statu Ecclesiae) quod unus ducenta alius trecenta beneficia occupat! What an abomination is this, that one should possess 200. another 300. benefices! We may imagine what spoils are committed in other things, when the Pope selleth so many 〈◊〉 to one, and one man spoileth so many Churches. Therefore saith the Bishop of Chems', oner. eccles. cap. 19 that as in the Roman Empire, so in the Church of Rome there is a gulf of riches, and that covetousness is increased, and the law perished from the priest, and seeing from the Prophet. Heu (saith he) sicut olim in Rom. Imperio, sic hodie in Romana curia est vorago divitiarum turpissima. Crevit avaritia, perijt lex à sacerdote, & visio à Propheta.  
Petrarch calleth Rome covetous Babylon. L'auara Babylonia ha colmo il sacco de l'ira de Dio. And this is the common cry of all men, that are subject to the synagogue of Rome's tyranny.  
Is it not then a great favour of God, that by the government of Queen Elizabeth we were so happily delivered from the Pope's manifold exactions, against which so many have complained and exclaimed, and yet never could find convenient remedy? Is it not an ease to be delivered from intolerable burdens, and a great contentment to be freed from such unjust pillages?  
Robert Parsons Encont. 1. cap. 11. would gladly have the world to say, no: as having some share in the spoil, and like a begging Friar living on the labours of others. But his exceptions are such, as may greatly confirm our yea. First he saith, There hath not been so many exactions in time past, as since the year 1530. and for proof, he referreth us unto the exchequer books. But both his exceptions and his proofs 〈◊〉 ridiculous. For albeit much hath been paid to the king; yet it doth not therefore follow, that we are to pay much to the Pope. Again, it is ridiculous to seek proofs of the Pope's exactions in the Exchequer books, being so many that they can hardly be registered in any books. Beside this it is false, that the people of England hath paid more to the King then to the Pope, as may appear by the conference of particulars. But suppose we should pay more to the king then to the pope: yet these two contributions are evil compared together. For to the king we owe duty and tribute, to the Pope we owe nothing, but many bitter execrations for all our charges and troubles. For his malice is the root of all our troubles, and the cause of all our payments. He saith further, that notwithstanding the exactions of the Pope, the Clergy in time past did far excel our Clergy in ease and wealth. But that is no great commendation, if ours excel them in virtue and piety. Beside that, Matthew of Paris in Henry the third, doth in diverse places express the miserable estate of the prelacy in those times by reason of the Pope's greediness. As for the common sort of priests that lived upon sale of Masses, and the begging Friars that lived upon alms, Robert Parsons hath 〈◊〉 reason to extol them for wealth, & less certes for other qualities. But were our Clergy burdened more than in times past; yet hath this lousy companion no reason at all to mention the same, seeing the blame ariseth from the Sodomitical priesthood of the popish synagogue, that in king Henry the eight his days sold and entangled their livings, and have since been occasion of many troubles, which without charge could not be overpassed. He saith our Clergy may sing, Beati pauperes spiritu: and so might 〈◊〉 Romish Clergy too, if they were Christians. Robert Parsons certes, himself abusing this place to sport, as the Pope abuseth scriptures to profit, showeth himself to be an Atheist: and talking of his Clergy, he proveth himself a sot. For in the world there is not a more beggarly, I might also say bougerly Clergy, then in Italy, especially those which live upon the sound of bells, & by their rusty voices, as Grasshoppers live upon dew, and sing sweetly oft times when they have little to eat save salads, and pottage of coleworts, and such like sups, and Italian Minestraes'.  
Afterward turning his speech from others, he runneth very rudely upon me, and giveth out that I have complained secretly of heavy payments to prince and patron. But either he lieth wilfully and wittingly against all truth and reason, or else some secret lying companion hath gulled him. Certes if he knew my estate, and how willing I have been and am, to 〈◊〉 more than ordinary for resistance both of common enemies, and such Cannibal traitors as himself, he would not impute this unto me. Let him therefore bring forth the man that told him this 〈◊〉, or else he must be charged with 〈◊〉 the lie himself.  
Finally he endeavoureth to excuse Innocentius the fourth, and to lay the fault of the extreme exactions of his time rather upon his collectors and officers, then upon the Pope himself. He pretendeth also, that Innocentius required a collection in a general Council. But who is so simple to think, that the whole state would complain of the court and Pope of Rome, if the fault were only in a few usurers and caterpilling collectors? Again, why should Matth. Paris so often complain of this, and other Popes for their covetousness, if the fault were only in the collectors? and why why did not the Pope sometime punish his collectors abusing their commission? Thirdly it appeareth, that this cogging pope abused the world, pretending the recovery of the holy land, & gathering great sums of money under that pretence, where it appeareth by the history of Matthew Paris and others, that he spent the money in 〈◊〉 to enrich his 〈◊〉 and bastards, and employed the adventurers that crossed themselves for the holy land, against the Emperor, and other Christian states. Finally it is a mere abuse to call a rabble of idle 〈◊〉 and busy Friars, and swinish Massepriestes combined with Antichrist a general Council, or to say that the Pope ever meant to recover the holy land, or to enlarge Christian Religion, seeing by his aspires and contentions the Turks have enlarged, and Christians have lost their Empire, being abandoned oft times and betrayed by the Pope.   

CHAP. IX. Of the deliverance of the Realm and Church of England from the yoke of the Pope's laws and unjust censures.  
ALbeit the Cardinals of Rome, and the priests of Baal, and their adherents do not willingly complain of the Pope, being diverse of them his creatures, and the rest his sworn 〈◊〉 and marked slaves; yet such is the grievance and wrong that many have sustained by his 〈◊〉 and censures, that diverse of them have been forced to open their mouths, and to talk against their holy Father.  
〈◊〉 de Alliaco in his Treatise de reformat. 〈◊〉, saith, that the multitude of statutes, canons, and decretals, especially those that bind to 〈◊〉 sin are grievous and burdensome.  
Budaeus in his annotations upon the Pandects saith, that the Pope's laws serve not so well for correcting of manners, as making of money. His words are these: Sanctiones pontificiae non moribus regendis usui sunt, sed propemodum dixerim, argentariae faciendae authoritatem videntur accommodare.  
In France as Duarenus saith, it was wont to be a common 
In Praefat. in lib. de Eccles. minist.  proverb, that all things went evil since the decrees had ales adjoined to them, that is, since the decretals were published. Malè cum rebus humanis actum dicebant, ex 〈◊〉 decretis alae accesserunt.  
The Princes of Germany complain, that the rules of 
Gravam. 20.  the Pope's Chancery, were nothing but snares laid to bring benefices to the Pope's collation, and devised for matter of gain. They say also, that the Pope's constitutions were 
Ibid. 8.  nothing but clogs for men's consciences.  
Neither may we think, but that they had great reason thus to speak, considering both the iniquity of most of these constitutions, and the strictness of the obligation by which men are bound to observe them. For what reason have they either to prohibit marriage to any order, or state of men, not prohibited by the law of God to marry, or else to restrain the liberty 〈◊〉 by the law of God, or to forbid flesh, eggs, or milk upon certain days? Again, why have they brought in, not only their carnal presence of Christ's body in the Sacrament, transubstantiation, the idolatreus sacrifice of the Mass, but their purgatory, their indulgences, and infinite such trash? Why have they abrogated Christ's institution in the celebration of the Lords supper, not only taking away the 〈◊〉 from the communicants, but making a private action of that, which should be a communion? Is not this as much as the Pharistes did, that transgressed God's commandment for 
Mat 15.  their own tradition? And do not the Papists 〈◊〉, that unwritten traditions should be received with equal affection, to the holy Scriptures?  
Again, what reason have they to curse and anathematise, nay to put to cruel death, such as obey not their ordinances, 
jam. 4.  and unjust decrees? S. james saith: We have but one Lawgiver, that is able to save and destroy. And no where do we read, that the Church of Christ did persecute Christians, and put them death for matters of their conscience and religion, much less for matter of ceremonies, or such observances. Neither can the adversary show, that bishops excommunicated Christians, that would not rebel, and take arms against their Liege Sovereigns. Which of us (saith Optatus, lib. 2. contra Parmenian.) did persecute any man? The Apostle he commandeth every soul to be subject to higher powers, and not to rebel. Now untolerable than are the Romish decretals and rescripts, that not only bind men's consciences in things free otherwise, but also in things, that may not be done without impiety?  
Likewise have diverse complained of the abuse of popish excommunications. That which our Saviour Christ saith: If he hear not the Church, let him be to thee, as a heathen man or Publican, that the popish faction translateth to the ridiculous censure of the Pope. And therefore excommunicateth all that place not the Churches unwritten traditions in equal rank with divine Scriptures; or that believe not, that Christians can perform the law perfectly, and are justified before God by the works of the law: or that hold not the doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Church concerning their seven Sacraments: or that do not worship Images, or that receive not their doctrine of indulgences, and purgatory, and all the herestes and abominations of the Pope: or that submit not themselves to his tyranny: or that refuse to pay his annates or taxes, or whatsoever he and his supposts require. Nay, they excommunicate the subjects, that rebel not against their lawful Kings. After that Pius the fifth, that wicked and cruel hypocrite had commanded, that neither the Lords nor people of England should obey 〈◊〉 Elizabeth's commandments, or laws: it followeth, Qui 
In Bulla contra Elizabetham.  secus egerint eos anathematis sententia innodamus. That is: Those which shall do otherwise, we pronounce accursed, or anathema. Neither did the Pope only in time past thunder out 〈◊〉 curses, but also gave 〈◊〉 to every base companion, and for every small trifling cause 〈◊〉 inflict most grievous censures. Petrus de Alliaco speaking of the Pope and his excommunications, complaineth, that he gave leave to his Collectors to thunder out excommunications, to the offence of many, and that other Prelates for debts and light causes, did cruelly excommunicate poor men. Saepè (saith he) 
De reform.  
Eccles.  per suos Collectores in multorum scandalum fulminavit, & aly Praelatileviter, & pro levibus causis, ut pro debitis & huiusmodi, pauperes excommunicatione crudeliter percutiunt.  
The Germans complain, that many Christians were 
Gravam. 34.  excommunicated at Rome for profane causes and for gain, to the trouble of diverse men's consciences. Romae (say they) caeterisque in locis per Archiepiscopos, ac Episcopos, aut saltem eorum ecclesiasticos iudices multi Christianorum ob causas prophanas, ob pecuniae denique ac turpis quaestus amorem excommunicantur, multorumque, sedeorum in fide infirmorum conscientiae per hoc aggravantur, & in desperationem pertrahuntur.  
Scotus in 4. sent. dist. 19 complaineth, that the Church did 
De reform.  too often strike with this sword: and Petrus de Alliaeco saith, 
Eccles.  that by this abuse the sword of the Church was in his time grown into great contempt.  
Of late time the Popes of Rome have excommunicated Emperors and kings, if they would not depart with their towns, countries and crowns, and yield to their legates what they demanded.  
How intolerable this abuse was, we may perceive, if we consider the heaviness of this censure, being rightly inflicted by the true Church. Our Savicur showeth, that the party excommunicate is to be holden for a heathen man, and a Publican. Tertullian. Apolo. 39 doth call it, the highest foreiudgement of the future judgement. Summum futuri 〈◊〉 
Lib. 1. Epist. 11. 2d Pomp.  praeiudicium. Cyprian doth esteem them as killed with the spiritual sword, Superbi & contumaces (saith he) spirituali gladio necantur, dum de Ecclesia eijciuntur. Commonly excommunication is called Anathema: and Chrysostome homil. 70. ad populum Antioch. calleth it the bond of the Church.  
We are therefore no less to be thankful for our deliverance from the Pope's unjust laws, than the ancient Christians for their exemption from the yoke of the pharisees, and from humane traditions, from which by the preaching of the Gospel they were freed. Neither may we think it a simple favour, that we are made to understand, that the cracks of the Pope's thundering 〈◊〉, are no more to be feared, than the rattling of Salmoneus that impious fellow, that with certain engines went about to counterfeit the noise of thunder. We knew always that a man unjustly excommunicated, and by a Judge unlawful, was no way prejudiced. Origen in levit. 〈◊〉. 48. speaking of a person excommunicate, saith, that he is not hurt at all, being by wrongful judgement expelled out of the congregation. Nihil laeditur in eo, quod non recto iudicio ab hominibus videtur expulsus. And the adversaries confess, that excommunication pronounced unjustly, and by him that is not our judge, bindeth not. C. nullus 9 q. 2. and C. nullus primus. 9 q. 3. and C. sententia, 11. q. 3. But few understood the injustice, and nullity of the Pope's laws, and that he neither was nor is a competent judge, until such time, as by true preaching of the Gospel, which by Queen Elizabeth was restored unto us, the man of sin began to be revealed.   

CHAP. X. Of our deliverance from heresy, schism, superstition and Idolatry.  
These things therefore considered, it cannot be denied but that her Majesty's godly 〈◊〉 brought great profit to the Church of England. Yet if we please to look back to the heresies of the Papists, and to remember how they lived in heresy, schisine, superstition and idolatry, we shall the rather praise God for that great deliverance of his Church, which he wrought by the means of our late Queen. For heresy and false doctrine is the 〈◊〉 and canker of the Church. The Apostle Paul, If an Angel from heaven should teach us any other Gospel or doctrine beside that which himself had taught the Galathians, doth pronounce 
Gal. 1.  him accursed. S. john in his second Epistle forbiddeth us to receive into our houses, or to salute such as bring not his doctrine. 
Gal. 5.  Heresy, schism, and idolatry are reckoned among the works of the flesh, the workers whereof shall not inherit the kingdom of God.  
Fly, saith Ignatius, those that cause heresy and schism, as 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the principal cause of mischief. Quod maius potest esse delictum (saith Cyprian lib. 2. Epist. 11.) aut quae macula deformior, quam adversus Christum stetisse, quam Ecclesiam eius, quam ille sanguine suo paravit, dissipasse? What offence can be greater, or what blot more ugly, then to have stood against Christ? then to have scattered his church, which he hath purchased with his blood? Those which do persevere in discord of schism (saith S. Augustine lib. 1. de bapt. contra Donatist. c. 15.) do pertain to the lot of Ishmael.  
Superstition is the corruption of true Religion, and although coloured with a show of wisdom, yet is condemned 
Lib 1. Instit. diuin. c. 21.  by the Apostle, Col. 2. Lactantius speaking of the superstition of the Gentiles, doth call it An incurable madness: Dementiam incurabilem, and afterward vanitic. justine in servant 
Ibid. c. 22,  exhort. ad Gentes, saith, that idolatry is not only injurious unto God, but also void of reason. Principale crimen generis humani, saith Tertullian, summus seculireatus, tota causa iudicij idololatria. 
Lib. de idolol.  That is: Idolatry is the principal crime of mankind, the chief guiltiness of the world, and the whole cause of judgement. No marvel then if john the Apostle exhort all men 
1. joh. 5.  To keep themselves from idols, this sin being direct against the honour of God, and nothing else but spiritual fornication.  
Let us therefore see whether the Papists may not be touched with the aforesaid crimes of teaching heretical and false doctrine, and of long continuance in schism, superstition and idolatry. That the Papists teach false doctrine and heresy, the acts of the conventicle of Trent, of Florence and Constance compared with the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles, and faith of the ancient fathers will plainly declare. For as Tertullian said of old heretics, so may we say of them: That their doctrine compared with the Apostolic doctrine, doth by the diversity and contrariety thereof declare, that it proceedeth from no Apostle or Apostolic man. Ipsa doctrina eorum cum Apostolica comparata ex diversitate & contrarietate sua pronunciabit, neque Apostoli alicuius autoris esse, neque Apostolici, saith he. The Apostle teachech us, That the 
De praescrip. advers. haeret. 2. Tim. 3.  Scriptures are able to make the man of God perfect. They say that the Scriptures are but a piece of the rule of faith, and very imperfect without traditions.  
S. Peter (2. Pet. 1.) compareth the scriptures of the Prophets to a candle shining in a dark place: they teach, that scriptures are dark and obscure.  
God commandeth us to hear his beloved Son, Mat. 3. they command us not to hear Christ speaking in scriptures to us, but to hear the Pope, and his cacolike crew, which they endue with the name of the Church.  
The Apostle saith, That no other foundation could be laid 
1. Cor. 3.  beside that which is already laid, which is Christ jesus. These fellows say, the Church is built upon the Pope, and that he is the foundation of the Church: although we find plainly that there was no such Pope for many ages in the Church.  
Christ said, Read the Scriptures: these say directly to the vulgar sort, read not Scriptures in vulgar tongs without licence.  
S. john teacheth us, that sin is, whatsoever is contrary to the law: these teach, that many 〈◊〉 there are not repugnant to God's law: viz. such things as are contrary to the Pope's law.  
The Apostle Paul saith, that concupiscence is sin: these affirm the contrary. He saith, original sin passed over all; they deny it. He saith no man is justified by the works of the law, they teach flat contrary.  
The law directly prohibiteth the making of graven images, to the end to bow down to them and to worship them. These notwithstanding make the images of the holy Trinity, bow down to them and worship them.  
The Apostle (Coloss. 2.) speaketh against the worship of Angels. They regard him not, but in humbleness of mind invocate and worship Angels notwiihstanding.  
Our Saviour instituting the holy Sacrament of his body and blood, said: Accipite, manducate: take, and eat; and drink ye all of this. They say, sacrifice and worship, and drink not all of this.  
To rehearse all their contradictions to the word of God, and to the Apostles doctrine, were too long for this short discourse, let these therefore serve for an introduction. Of their heresies I have before spoken. Pius the fourth, hath set forth a new form of faith, of which that may be said, which Hilary speaketh to Constantius: Quicquid apud te praeter fidem unam 
Contra Constantium.  est, perfidia, non fides est. Whatsoever this wicked Pope hath set forth beside the faith of Christ, the same is perfidiousness, and not faith: Of this quality is his doctrine of 〈◊〉 traditions, of superstitious ceremonies, of the blasphemous Mass, of purgatory, of indulgences, of the five new devised sacraments, and such like doctrines.  
That the Papists are by schism rend from the Catholic and universal Church of Christ, it may be proved by diverse particulars. First, Christ's Church hath but one head, that is Christ Jesus. But the 〈◊〉 Church hath as many heads as Popes, and heads that teach doctrine both diverse and contrary to Christ our sole head.  
Secondly, Christ his Church hath no other spouse but Christ jesus. But the adulterous Komish synagogue acknowledgeth the Pope to be her spouse, and therefore must needs have as many spouses as Popes, and be not Virgo, but Polygama; that is, one that hath many husbands or spouses.  
Thirdly, the Catholic Church is built upon the foundations of the Apostles and Prophets, jesus Christ being the corner stone; and hath beside this no other foundation. But the Komish Church acknowledgeth the Pope to be her foundation. Whereupon it followeth, that she is sometime without foundation, at least during the vacancy of the popedom, and hath as many diverse foundations as Popes.  
Fourthly, the synagogue of Rome doth acknowledge the Pope to be her lawgiver, and judge, & that he hath power not only to bind 〈◊〉 consciences, but also to save and destroy: which doth fhew that she deuideth herself from Christ's Catholic Church, which for many ages after Christ's time had no such conceit.  
Fifthly, the same doth rely no less upon traditions not written, and upon the Pope's determinations in matters of faith, then upon the written word of God: which the Catholic Church doth not.  
Sixthly, this synagogue consisteth of a Pope, and his Cardinals, together with a rabble of Monks, Friars, and sacrificing priests. But in the prime Catholic Church, there was no such state, nor orders of men to be found.  
Finally, the members of the Komish synagogue, are not only divided from the Catholic Church in doctrine, sacraments, external government and fellowship, but also one from another, the Thomists differing from the Scotists, the Monks from begging Friars, the regular orders from secular Priests, one Doctor from another, and one Pope ofttimes from another. If then schismatics be no true members of the Church as their Doctors teach; then are not the Romanists of the Church. Again, if they differ from the Catholic Church, and among themselves, then have they long continued in 〈◊〉.  
The nature and property of superstition doth show the Papists to be also most superstitious. For if it be the nature and property of superstition, either to give religious honour and worship to such things, as are not capable of it, or else to worship God after humane devices, and otherwise then he hath commanded; then do they grossly offend in superstition. But it is most notorious, the they grossly offend in both those points. For first they invocate Angels. On the feast of Michael the Archangel they say: Holy S. Michael defend us in battle, that we perish not in the fearful judgement. 
In Missal.  They pray also to the Angel that keepeth them, whom 
Rom.  they know not: and this adoration of Angels in the 〈◊〉 Catechism is allowed, if not commanded.  
Secondly, they worship the 〈◊〉 More, and call her 
In Mariali.  the mother of grace, and port of salvation, Bernardin doth call her the mediatrix betwixt God and us, and the helper of our justification and salvation. They pray unto her for help, per amorem unigeniti filij tui, as if Christ were a Mediator betwixt us and our Lady. Bonaventure transforming the 
In Psalterio Bonaucnt.  Psalms which are made to be sung in praise of God, to our Lady, saith, Cantate Dominae, canticum nowm: and laudate dominam in sanctis 〈◊〉: that is, Sing to our Lady a new song, and praise our Lady in her Saints.  
Thirdly, they worship and call upon other Saints beside the holy Virgin, and attribute diverse Saints to diverse cities and countries, as three kings to Colleine, S. Ambrose to Milan, George to Germany and England, Andrew to Scotland, james to Spain. They do suppose also, that Nicholas doth help Mariners, Luke painters, Crispin shoemakers, that S. Anthony cureth pigs, S. Gal geese, and S. Sebastian the plague. In the Roman Missal blasphemousty they translate the honour of our Saviour to Leo bishop of Rome, saying to Leo, Thou art a priest for 〈◊〉 according to the order of Melchisedech.  
Fourthly, they pray to things that cannot hear, nor help, saying, O holy cross help me: and to the holy 〈◊〉, Sancte Sudariora pro nobis: O holy napkin pray for us. And again, Sudarium Christi liberet nos à peste, & morte tristi. So the Papists of Cahors in France pray, and saluting the picture of Christ's face called Veronica, they say: Hail holy face printed in a cloth: as if a good part of their religion were printed in linen cloth.  
Fiftly, they worship diverse men departed, of whose salvation, or percase being, they have no certainty: as for example, S. Catherine, S. Christopher, S. George that fought with the dragon, S. Dominicke, S. Francis, and a multitude of other Monks and Friars liker to be in hell then in heaven. Whereof the common proverb ariseth, That many are called upon as Saints in heaven, whose souls are far more likely to be tormented in hell.  
Finally, they give 〈◊〉 worship to the cross, and to the images of the holy Trinity, worshipping creatures for their Creator. They do also worship rotten bones, not knowing whether they be the relics of Saints, or wicked men. They kiss them, 〈◊〉, and burn incense unto them. They worship swords, whips, nails, the asses 〈◊〉 whereon Christ road, as they say, the breeches of joseph, and diverse rags, which God knoweth, from whence they came.  
They practise also diverse false forms of worship, of which we may say, who hath required these things at their hands? The Lady's psalter is a form, that God never commanded. Many of their prayers are most blasphemous. In hortulo animae printed anno 1565. at Paris by one Merlin, they pray thus: O veneranda Trinit as, jesus, joseph, & Maria, quam coniunxit divinit as charit at is concordia: that is, O venerable Trinity, jesus, joseph, and Marie, which God hath conjoined with the concord of charity. Never certes did the Prophets and 〈◊〉 teach us so to pray, as is contained in the Breviaries.  
Secondly, they say Masses in honour of Saints and of our Lady, and make vows unto them. But our Saviour Christ never taught us to celebrate the Eucharist in honour of Saints, or to offer his body in honour of S. Francis, Saint Cuthbert, S. Andrew, and other he and she Saints.  
Thirdly, the holy Prophets and Apostles never taught us, that men are saved by eating saltfish and cockles, and forswearing marriage, and such like observances, in which the Romanists put great holiness.  
Fourthly, God never commanded any to whip themselves, and to wear rings of iron, or woollen next our skin, nor signified, that these things pleased him. Nay, the Apostle (Colos. 2.) condemneth such observations, albeit having a show of wisdom, in superstition, humility and not sparing the body.  
Finally, our Saviour never taught his disciples to 〈◊〉 salt and water to drive away devils, nor to consecrate 
Missal. Rome, in fine.  paschal Lambs, and candles, and such like, as the Papists do, prescribing certain forms thereof in their Missals, and saying over salt, Exorcizo te creature 〈◊〉 salis, per Deum viwm, per Deum verum. That is: I exorcise thee, thou creature of salt, by the living God, by the true God: and afterward Vt efficiaris sal exorcizatum in salutem credentium: that thou mayst be made conjured salt, for the salvation of the faithful. Over the water they say: Exorcizo te creatura aquae, etc. ut fias aqua exorcizata ad effugandam omnem potestatem inimici. That is: I exorcise thee thou creature of water, etc. that thou mayst be made exorcised water, to drive away all the power of the enemy. In blessing of the pasch all lamb they pray, that God would bless and sanctify the creature of 〈◊〉, which they desire to receive to the praise of God. Al which be tricks of notorious superstition. I forbear to speak of the superstitious toys of the Mass in crossing, turning, knocking, washing, forms of habits and such like ceremonies, for that they require a whole discourse by themselves.  
It 〈◊〉 only now, that I declare the Papists to offend in idolatry, because notwithstanding their manifold abuses in God's worship, they obstinately deny themselves to be guilty therein. But whatsoever pretences they bring, they shall never be able to excuse themselves. For first it is notorious, and the adversaries will not deny, but that all those are superstitious Idolaters, that give the honour, which is properly due unto God, unto creatures. Superstitiosum est (saith S. Augustine lib. 2. de doctr. Christ. cap. 20.) quicquid institutum est ab hominibus ad facienda & colenda idola, pertinens vel ad colendum, sicut Deum, creaturam, partémue ullam creaturae, vel ad consultationes & pacta quaedam significationum cum daemonibus 〈◊〉 & foederata. He saith, it is superstitious, whatsoever is ordained of men for making and worshipping idols, pertaining either to the worship of creatures, or any part of a creature, as God, or else to magical consultations, or covenants agreed upon with devils, for revealing of matters. Thomas Aquinas 2. 2. q. 94. art. 1. 〈◊〉, that idolatry is nothing else, but the worshipping of creatures either in visible forms, or otherwise with 〈◊〉 honour. And this is partly proved out of the law of God against Idolatry, which not only prohibiteth the having of strange Gods, but also the making of graven images, with an intent to 〈◊〉 unto them, and to worship them. But the superstitious Papists do worship the Sacrament as God, and call it their Lord and God. They do also give God's honour to the images of the Trinity, of the Crucifix, and cross, and teach, that what worship is due to the original, is due to the image or picture, as Alexander Hales, p. 3. q. 3. art. ult. Aquinas part. 3. q. 25. art. 3. and Caietan in his Commentaries upon him do 〈◊〉. They do also make vows to our Lady and to Saints, and trust very much in them. They do further call upon Angels and Saints in all places, and offer sacrifices in their honour. Finally, they 〈◊〉 unto the images of Angels and Saints, pray before them, kiss them, and burn incense unto them. All which be 〈◊〉 of that adoration, that is due to God.  
Secondly, they commit those faults, which the holy scriptures do note and condemn in idolaters of old time. They worship creatures for the Creator, as the Apostle Rom. 1. saith the Gentiles did. They make similitudes of things both in heaven and earth, bow down to them, and worship them: although the same be prohibited in the second commandment, Exod. 20. They erect monuments, and titles, and stones for signs to be worshipped, contrary to the law, levit. 26. They make every day new gods, affirming that the priest maketh his maker. Now this making of new gods is noted as a property of idolaters, Psal. 81. They rejoice in the works of their own hands, and worship the images which themselves have made, as did the idolaters whereof S. Stephen maketh mention, Act. 7. They serve the host of heaven, as the old idolatrous jews spoken of Amos 5. & Act. 7. serving diverse saints, and as they call them, Militiam & curiam coelestem: that is, the soldiory and court of heaven. As the statues of the Gentiles were silver and gold, the work of men's hands, and had mouths and spoke not, eyes and saw not, as saith the Prophet, Psal. 1 14. so is it with the images of Papists, that albeit of costly matter and curious workmanship, yet neither speak with their mouths, nor see with their eyes. As idolaters burnt incense to their statues, as we read 2. Paral. 30. so do Papists burn incense to their images.  
Thirdly, they fall into those abuses, which the Fathers of that Church thought worthy to be reprehended of old time, as savouring of idolatry. The Gentiles thought they could represent God in a material image. And so do the Papists making the image of God the Father, and God the holy Ghost. The Fathers therefore reprehend them both alike. Quis tam amens erit (saith Eusebius praeparat. Euangel. c. 3.) ut Dei formam & imaginem statua viro simili referri perhibeat? Who will be so mad to think, that the form and image of God may be expressed by an image like unto a man? Hierome likewise writing upon the fortieth of Isay, What image (saith he) will you make for him which is a spirit, and is in all places? Ambrose in his oration of the death of Theodosius, saith, It is an error of the Gentiles to worship the cross. Inuenit Helena (saith he) crucem Domini: regem adoravit, non lignum utique, quia hic Gentilis est error, sed adoravit illum qui pependit in cruse. The council of Laodicea condemneth the worship of Angels, as idolatrous. So like wise saith Tertullian, de praescrip. advers. haeret. that the heresy of the Simonians in serving of Angels, was reputed among idolatries. Simonianae magiae disciplina Angelis seruiens utique & ipsa inter idololatrias deputabatur. Hierome in an Epistle of his to Riparius, saith, that Christians neither adore nor worship Martyrs, nor Sun, nor Moon, nor Angels, lest they should therein rather serve creatures, than the Creator. Tertullian doth also say, that every lie of 
De praeescript. advers. Haeeret.  God, is after a sort a variation of the kind of idolatry. Omne mendacium de Deo variatio quodammodo sexus est idololatriae. Both he and diverse others say, that heresy is a kind of idolatry. How then can they clear themselves from the blemish of idolatry, that worship the cross, serve and worship Angels, and are authors of so many sorts of heresies?  
Fourthly, they must needs deny the cross, and the images of the Trinity, and the crucifix to be creatures and works of their own hands, or else in worshipping of them, they must needs confess and yield themselves to be idolaters. But that they cannot do.  
Finally, the testimony of their own conscience doth prove them to be idolaters, in that they leave out the second commandment, or as they make it, a piece of the first commandment, that is direct against the adoration and worship of graven images, and the making of them to that end, in most of their Catechisms, Manuals, Psalters, and ritual books, where they rehearse the ten commandments, as their Lady's psalters, short Catechisms, and diverse of their books do testify.  
But since it pleased God to restore religion in the church of England, the leaven of popish doctrine and heresy is purged out, the breach of schism and division from the Catholic Church is repaired, and all superstitious and idolatrous worships are quite abolished and removed out of the Church.   

CHAP. XI. Of good works, and good life.  
THe Ministers of God, as they are guides to their people, and teachers of the law; so ought they to go before their flocks, showing them examples to provoke them to do good works, and to conforme their lives according to the laws of God. Show thyself an example of good works, 
'tis 2.  saith Paul to Titus. All true Christians also should show 
Ibid.  themselves zealous of good works. For we are God's workmanship, 
Ephes. 2.  created in Christ to good works, which God hath ordained that we should walk in them. This is our doctrine, and the practice of all that profess our religion. If any hypocrites be found among us, that walk not according to their profession, we renounce them, we weed them out, we punish them. If worldings and fleshly Papists, that live in the Realm do give occasion of offence, this ought not to be imputed to our Religion, nor the true professors thereof, that desire nothing more than that such may be weeded out, and expulsed both out of the Church and Commonwealth.  
But if we look back to former times, we shall find that the Papists have not only erred in the practice, but also in the doctrine of good works. For first they deny, that the law of God is a perfect rule of life. And therefore have invented other rules, whereby they hope to attain to a further perfection. Secondly they hold, that by the law of God we have not knowledge of all sins, teaching that it is as well mortal sin to transgress the Pope's laws, as to transgress God's laws, as Navarrus teacheth us in his Manual by many particulars. Thirdly, they give absolution to every heinous sinner, confessing his sins, before he hath repent. Fourthly, they suppose that every man is able to satisfy for the temporal penalty of 〈◊〉, and that the Pope hath power by his indulgences to remit 〈◊〉 concerning the penalty without satisfaction. 〈◊〉, they teach that no man needeth to repent for venial sins, and that such sins exclude us not out of the kingdom of heaven. Sixthly they teach, that man is able perfectly to 〈◊〉 the law, and by a good consequent to abstain from all sin, which S. Hierome declareth to be Pelagianisme. Seventhly, they hold contrary to the Apostle, that man is to be justified by the works of the law, and that eternal life is to be purchased by our own works and merits.  
Many other 〈◊〉 points of doctrine they have beside these. But their practice is far worse than their doctrine. For omitting the weightier points of the law, like their ancestors the Pharisees they stand much on fithing Mint, and Commin, and washings, & such like ceremonies. Their principal works are forswearing of marriage, begging like vagabond fellows, eating muscles, cockles, and salt fish, and such like on fasting days, and saints vigiles, taking ashes on Ash-wednesday, confessing in a priest's ear at shrovetide, shaving of crowns, going to Mass, sprinkling of holy-water, lighting of candles at noon day, crouching to images, creeping to the cross, kissing of the Pope's toe, praying for souls in purgatory, gaining of pardons, going on pilgrimage, ringing and singing for the dead, aneling and greasing of men and women desperately 〈◊〉, and such like.  
The Popes, Cardinals, Masspriests, Monks & Friars, care neither much for these ceremonies, nor for other good works. If any of them, or their adherents have a show of godliness; yet they have denied the power thereof. If they do build schools or hospitals, or give largely, it is for the maintenance of their state, and to win glory and praise of men. The lives and actions of most of them, are most 〈◊〉. The old Roman formulary prescribeth this common form of confession to Romish penitents: Confiteor quia peccavi nimis in superbia, inani gloria, in extollentia tam oculorum, quam vestium & omnium actuum 〈◊〉, in invidia, in 〈◊〉, in 〈◊〉 tam honoris, quam pecuniae, in ira, in tristitia, in acedia, in ventris inglwie, in luxuria Sodomitica, etc. I confess (saith the Romish penitent) that I have offended too much in pride, vain glory, lifting up my eyes, setting out myself in apparel and other gestures, envy, hatred, desire of money and honours, anger, dulness, sloth, gluttony, Sodomitical luxury, in sacrilege, perjury, adultery, thefts, rapines, and all manner of fornication, in most beastly turpitude, in drunkenness and banqueting. And afterward there followeth such a Catalogue of all manner of impieties and villainies, that a blind man may discorne the Romanistes to be a rabble of 〈◊〉 and indiabolated rakehell's, deserving Tiburnes suspension, rather than the Priest's absolution.  
Publicly they allow stews both in Spain and Italy. The Pope maketh a great revenue of the hire of whores. The harlots of Rome (saith Cornelius Agrippa lib. de vanit. scient. cap. de Lenocinio) pay every week a piece of money called à julio, (it is about six pence of English money) to the Pope, and this rent yearly passeth twenty thousand ducats. He telleth also, how Priests let out whores to hire. The gloss upon a certain provincial constitution of Otho de concubine. Cleric. removend. saith, that it seemeth reason, that the Church should wink at the sin oflecherie. Name & Mareschallus Papae de facto exigit tributum à meretricibus. For de facto the Marshal of the Pope doth exact a tribute from whores. This is also confirmed by the testimony of Io. Andrea's in c. inter opera. extr. de spons. & matrim. and is well known to Robert Parsons, a great practiser among boys & whores, and to all that are acquainted with Rome, Italy, and Spain. The Cardinals, that about the time of the council pretended in Pope Paul the third his time, were to consider what things stood in greatest need of reformation, speaking of Rome: In hac etiam urbe meretrices, (say they) ut matronae incedunt per urbem. That is: In this city also whores go like matrons through the streets. Pius the fifth, that pretended more zeal, than his predecessors, went about to reform this abuse, but could not. Such was the desire the Priests and people of Rome had, to keep this ornament of the city with them still, which as the 〈◊〉 faction in Wisbich affirmed, were in Rome with approbation, and with as good right as any citizen of Rome, or as the Pope himself. All that Pius the 〈◊〉 could do, was to draw them into certain 
In vita Pij 5.  streets, and there to confine them, as well, as such manner of people could be. The sins of Sodom are so rise in Rome, and all Italy, that no colours can cover them, no laws remedy them. Boccace in his second novel testifieth, That the Pope, Cardinals, Prelates, and others, did live dishonestly and offend, not only in natural, but also Sodomitical luxury. Egli trovo dal maggiore insino al minore tutts dishonestissimament peccare in lussuria, & non solo nella naturale, ma anchora nella Sodomitica, senza freno alcuno di 〈◊〉, o di vergogna in tanto che la potenza delle meretrici & de garzoni ad impetrare qualunque gran cosa non era di picciol potere. Oltre à questo universalment golosi, bevitori, ebbriachis, & piu all ventre seruenti a guisa d'animali bruti appresso alla lussuria, che ad altro, gli conobbe apertament. Huldericus of Augusta showeth, 
In Epist. ad Nicolaum.  that while by false show of continency, the Church of Rome refused marriage in their Clergy, diverse committed inceft and abominable Sodomitical villainies with men and beasts. Sub falsa continentiae specie placere volentes, graviora vides committere, (saith he) patrum scilicet uxores subagitare, masculorum ac pecudum amplexus non reformidare. Petrarch doth call Rome, the slave of gluttony, & lechery, and saith, that luxuriousness 
Sonnetto 106  is come to extremity in her. Diego vin serua, di letti è di vivande, in 〈◊〉 lussuria fa l'vltima prova. In his nintéenth Epistle he doth not only charge the court of Rome with incontinency and unbridled lusts, but with all impieties and villainies. Quicquid uspiam (saith he) perfidiae & doli, quicquid inclementiae, superbiaeque, quicquid impudicitiae effrenataeque libidinis audisti, aut legisti, quicquid denique impietatis & morum pessimorum sparsim habet, aut habuit orbis terrae: totum istic cumulatim vide as, aceruatimque reperias. Vguetinus in his visions doth exclaim against the 〈◊〉 of Sodomy. Iterum atque iterum (saith the reporter) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sodomitico verbum intulit. Speaking of Romish priests he saith, they give themselves to follow harlots and luxuriousness, and suppose gain to be godliness. And if any man suppose, that these were the sins of old time, and that now such abuses are 〈◊〉, he showeth himself ignorant of the manners of Italy, and other popish countries. Io. Casa wrote verses in commendation of Sodomitry, and a Florentine under the name of Grappa, hath written a Treatise called Cicalamento del Grappa, of the same argument. In the visitation of Abbeys in England, the Monks and Friars were in diverse places detected for that abomination. In the contention between the Jesuits and scholars of the Romish Seminary, one Harward a jesuit gave out he could detect seven for that sin. In Rome and other places of Italy this abomination is common. At Gant anno 1578. four Franciscans and one Augustinian Friar were burnt for Sodomy: and 〈◊〉 scourged for like filthiness. Robert Parsons, if he list, may search the acts. He doth also remember why not long since he sent for Fisher from Douai, and why Edward Weston was put out of the College, and from his Lecture in Divinity. Assuredly it was not for his chastity. Of the Pope that now is, and of his late predecessors, and the Romish Cardinals I shall have occasion to 〈◊〉 hereafter, if Parsons will need stand in contention 〈◊〉 honesty of life betwixt his consorts and us. In the mean while he may remember what fruits come of forced single life. Anselm (as Huntingdon lib. 5. and Roger of Chester reporteth) in one Synod forbade lawful marriage to Priests: but in the next he was constrained to make laws against Sodomites, and therein condemned eight Abbots beside other inferior Priests and Friars.  
In the Church of Rome adultery and fornication have always been accounted smaller offences, as is set down evidently in the chapter, At siclerici. de iudicijs. I need not therefore stand much upon that, and the rather for because it is notorious, that the Pope tolerateth common bordels. Yet lest Baal's priests should stand too much, either 〈◊〉 their virginity or chastity; I would have them to remember, not only the lives of late Popes, Cardinals, priests, Monks and Friars, but also what old histories and other records say against them, when they lived better than now. Let them read Boccace novel. 2. and diverse discourses of Monks and Friars honesties. Petrarch. epist. 19 and others. His 106. 107. 108. sonnets, Theodoricke a Niem. tract. 6. nemoris unionis cap. 34. where Gregory the Pope testifieth, that in two and twenty Monasteries the Monks and Nuns lived most filthily and dishonestly. Pene omnis religio, & 〈◊〉 dicti or dinis, ac Dei timor abscessit, likido ac corruptio carnis inter ipsos mares & moniales, nec non alia multa mala excessus & vitia, quae pudor est effari, per singula succreverunt. The Pope himself was ashamed to speak all. Let them also peruse the treatise called Onus Ecclesiae cap. 22. who saith, that Monks and Friars are worse than devils. Aretin lib. de hypocritis, Baptist. Mantuan lib. 3. calamit. Palingenius in Leone, and that which I have cited out of diverse authors, lib. de Monach. cap. 8. If they desire to hear some men's reports of them, let them listen to that which followeth. 〈◊〉 palatium (saith Luithprandus, lib. 6. cap. 6.) sanctorum hospitium, nunc est prostibulum meretricum. The palace of Lateran (saith he) that was wont to be a harbour of holy men, is now become a bordello for whores. Petrarch in his 16. epistle, speaking of the Pope's court, saith thus: Nulla ibi pietas, nulla charitas, nulla fides, nulla 〈◊〉 reverentia, nullus timor: There is no godliness, no charity, no faith, no reverence or fear of God. In his 〈◊〉 Epistle, he calleth it a den of thieves. Mantuan li. 2. faster. willeth chastity to be packing into villages, if that they did not also suffer the same diseases, for that Rome was become a public stews. I pudor in villas, sinon patiuntur easdem, & villae vomic as: urbs est iam tota lupavar. Cardinals (saith Brigit) give themselves 
4. Brig. 49.  without restraint to all pride, covetousness, and delights of the flesh. And afterward, jam nunc in maiori veneratione habetur lupavar; quam 〈◊〉 Dei Ecclesia. Now the stews are in more esteem, than the true Church of God. Bishops and priests should build the Church, but as Brigit saith, they build 
3. Brig. 10.  the devil two cities, to wit, the labour of the body, and trouble of the mind. Catherina of Sienna c. 125. saith, Religious men should resemble Angels, but are worse than devils. Platina writing of john the thirteenth, saith, He was a man from his youth contaminated with all filthiness and dishonesty. Writing 
In vita Greg. 6  of three Popes, he calleth them three foul monsters. By the articles and proofs exhibited against john the three and twentieth, in the Council of Constance, as it is called, it appeareth he was wholly given to vices and carnal desires, and was convicted to be an incestuous person, & a Sodomite. Vrspergensis testifieth against Clement the fifth, that he was a notorious fornicator. Matthew Villani hist. lib. 3. ca 39 speaking of Clement the sixth, and his continency, saith, that being Archbishop he could not keep himself from women, and being Pope neither could contain nor hide his fault. Innocent the eight, and Alexander the sixth, had diverse bastards, as Guicciardine and diverse others report. Paul the second, julius the second, Leo the tenth, Clement the seventh Paul the third, julius the third, are all noted for their looseness of life, and diverse of them convinced thereof by their bastards.  
Simony and usury among the Romanists is so common, that as Matth. Paris saith, they account the first no sin, the second a small sin. Felin in c. ex parte de office & pot. iudicis delegat. saith, that without the rent of simony the Pope's sea would grow contemptible. Priests in time past were wont to exclaim much of this abuse. Heu Symon regnat, per munera quaeque reguntur, saith one in hist. citiz. Pauli Langij. Theodoric. à Niem. lib. 2. de schism. c. 7. Usura (saith he) tantum invaluit, ut foenus non putaretur peccatum: that is, Usury did so prevail, that it was accounted no fault. Paul the fourth, and Pius the fourth, set up shops of usury, as their acts testify, and Onuphrius recordeth.  
Neither the Popes nor their adherents observe oath or promise, as their acts do at large show, and many poor Christians brought into snare by their perfidiousness have felt. Theodoric. à Niem. lib. 3. de schism. speaking of Pope Gregory the twelfth saith, that with his vows and oaths he deceived the world. Votis & iuramentis suis decepit mundum. Gregory the seventh contrary to his oath took upon him the papacy, as is recorded in the life of Henry the fourth. He did also absolve all the Emperor's subjects from their oaths of allegiance to their sovereign Prince. The like practice did Pius the 〈◊〉 use, in discharging the subjects from their oaths to the late Queen. The articles of the pacification of Gant anno 1578. were confirmed by solemn oath of the old King of Spain, and yet presently and wilfully broken. Neither had the Pope's faction in France any better colour to entrap poor Christians, than oaths. For whiles the Admiral and diverse of the religion in France trusted solemn oaths, they were brought within danger, and most cruelly and perfidiously massacred. Neither need we to marvel if this sect observeth no oaths, seeing in the conventicle of Constance the same determined, that faith was not to be kept with heretics, in which number they reckon all that yield not to the Popes will. The Doctors of this sect hold, that the Pope can dispense with oaths, and absolve men that are perjured. Finally, those that have traveled France, Italy and Spain, do know that the common sort of Papists can 〈◊〉 utter three words without swearing and blaspheming.  
The Popes and their faction have caused all the wars and troubles in Christendom, as histories do recount. If a man do but look in the life of Sixtus the fourth, & julius the 2. he may easily see what seditious and turbulent spirits they carry. But what need we look so high, seeing the flames of civil descension in Germany, France, Flanders, England and Ireland, burning so bright by the solicitation of Paul the third, Pius the fifth, Gregory thirtéenth and fourteenth, and this Clement that now possesseth the throne of Antichrist, do so plainly declare them to be firebrands of war and trouble? Well therefore said Petrarke, that in Rome all those mischiefs were hatched, that are now spread through the world: and never shall Christian Princes have loyal subjects, as long as seditious Masspriests are suffered to lurk within their kingdoms.  
In country's subject to that Pope, they count it a little fault to murder men, & now from thence are come certain assassins, which for hire and by persuasions are induced to kill men. There also impoysonments are most common. The Popes themselves use to drink of poisoned cups, and that by the just judgement of God, seeing by the cup of their poisoned doctrine, according to the prophecy Apoc. 17. they have empoisoned many Christian nations.  
To conclude this large discourse, there is no state of men under the Pope's jurisdiction, but it is grown to great dissolution and corruption of manners, and may be convinced of diverse sins and abominations by infinite witnesses and confessions if we would stand upon it: but I will content myself with two or three. Breidenbach in the history of his peregrination, speaketh generally and saith, Recessit lex à sacerdotibus etc. that is, the law is departed from priests, justice from princes, counsel from elders, good dealing from the people, love from parents, reverence from subjects, charity from prelate's, religion from Monks, honesty from young men, discipline from clerks, learning from masters, study from scholars, equity from judges, concord from citizens, fear from servants, good fellowship from husbandmen, truth from merchants, valour from Noblemen, chastity from virgins, humility from widows, love from married folks, patience from poor men. O time! o manners! And Walter Mapes that lived in the time of Henry the second, King of England, Virtutes cunctae (saith he) en iacent defunctae: All virtues lie now dead. Charity is no where to be found. And again, In truth I find that the whole Clergy doth study wickedness and impiety, envy reigneth, truth is exiled. The prelate's are Lucifers heirs. They being now advanced tread down others, blind guides they are, and blinded with idolatry of earthly things. Robert Bishop of Aquila in his Sermons, of which Sixtus Senensis maketh mention in the third book of his Biblioth. sanct. speaketh thus to his country of Italy: O Italia plange, o Italia time, o Italia cave, ne propter obstinationem tuam in te desaeviat ira Dei, etc. Tu in dies 〈◊〉 efficeris in peccatis, & malitia perseverando. Fiunt iam 〈◊〉 usur ae publicae, omnia foedata sunt spurcissimis vitijs carnis & ignominiosae Sodomiae: superbia pomparum iam occupavit omnes civitates & terras, 〈◊〉 Dei, periuria, mendacia, iniustitiae, violentiae, oppressiones pauperum & similia superabundant. O Italy (saith he) lament, o Italy fear, o Italy beware, lest for thy obstinacy the wrath of God wax not cruel against thee, etc. Thou every day art more and more hardened, persevering in thy sins and maliciousness. Every where men set up banks of usury: all things are defiled with most foul vices of the flesh, and most shameful sodomy. Pride in pompous shows have now filled cities and countries: blasphemies against God, perjuries, lies, injustice, violence, orpression of the poor, and such like vices do superabound. I would further insist upon this argument, but that I refer diverse matters over to the second book, where I shall have occasion more particularly to examine the good works of Papists.  
But the Church of England neither alloweth public shows, nor banks of usury, nor dispenseth with oaths of subjects to Princes, or alloweth perjury, nor shall Robert Parsons find such filthiness and abominations among the professors of our religion, as are commonly practised by that Popes, Cardinals, Masspriests, Monks, Friars, and Nuns, and their followers. All corruptions in doctrine concerning good works are reform, and diverse abuses concerning manners among the Papists taken away. The which seeing it proceeded wholly of that reformation of religion, which Queen Elizabeth of pious memory wrought by her regal authority among us, we are most gratefully to accept that work, and by exercises of 〈◊〉 and charity to endeavour to show ourselves not unworthy either of our profession, or of so great a blessing.  
Against this discourse Robert Parsons talketh very scornfully, and saith first, that the experience of the whole world will deny, that good works are fruits of our religion. But if he had been well advised, he would have forborn to talk of experience. For whosoever hath lived among those, that are of our religion, and among Papists also, must needs say, that the lives of Romanists are abominable, offending in whosedome, Sodomy, perjury, usury and all impieties, and discharge us deterring and abhorring those vices, and punishing them severely. Beside that, if he meant to win credit, he would not talk of the whole world, being not able to name one honest man, that will justify that which he talketh.  
Secondly, he saith, our best friends renounce our works. And then allegeth an Epistle of Erasmus mentioned by Surius, & a Postil of Luther, and a testimony out of Aurifaber. But first Erasmus is none of our best friends, being in most points an 〈◊〉, and a professed Mass-priest. And if he were our friend, yet have we no reason to believe Surius a malicious enemy, and a base Monk, hired to speak lies. Secondly, it is a ridiculous foolery, where we dispute of the fruits of the Gospel in England in Queen Elizabeth's days, to bring testimonies of Luther and Aurifaber, that were dead before her time, and speak of some of their country people. Thirdly, they speak not of the whole 〈◊〉 Church in Germany, but rather of some that albeit they disliked Popery, yet did not sincerely embrace the truth. Finally, neither Luther nor Aurifaber doth charge his country people with such faults, as reign among Papists. He must therefore seek some witnesses that speak more to purpose, and leave his own treasons, filthiness, perjury, lying, gluttony, and drunkenness, before he talk of good works.  
Finally, he prattleth much concerning the merit of works. But if he had been used according to his merits, than had the crows long ere this eaten his carrion flesh. He 〈◊〉 also, that we should give a caveat, to avoid hypocritical ostentation, albeit any man should do good works. But this caveat concerneth him but a little, whose works are most wicked and odious, his writings being nothing but either lying and railing libels, or fond and trifling discourses of points of Popery, and his practices tending all to murdering, empoisoning, sedition, war, and 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. XII. Of temporal benefits enjoyed by Queen Elizabeth's most happy government.  
BEside great success in affairs of the Church, God hath also blessed the people of England in civil matters, in regard that his name is truly called upon by us: fulfilling that in England which he promised to the keepers of his law by Moses. Benedictus eris (saith Moses) ingredients & 
Deut. 28.  egrediens. Thou shalt be blessed in thy coming in, and going out. And again, Emittet Dominus benedictionem super cellaria tua, & super omnia opera manuum tuarum: benedicetque tibi in terra quam acceperis. That is: the Lord shall send his blessings upon thy store houses, and upon all the works of thy hands, and shall bless thee in the land, which thou shalt possess. First, by her happy entrance we were delivered from the yoke of the Spaniards, and from subjection to foreign nations. A blessing very great, and which is promised to the observers of Gods holy laws. The Lord (saith Moses') 
Deut. 28.  shall appoint thee for the head, and not for the tail, and thou shalt be above, and not under, if so be thou wilt hearken to the commandments of the Lord thy God, which I command thee this day. That is, God shall make thee command others, and not to be commanded by others. Liberty is a gift little esteemed, because free men know not the miseries of people subject to foreign Lords. But if men would consider the difference of men free, and subject to strangers and tyrants, they would prefer nothing before it. Pro libertate 
Philippic. 10.  (saith Tully) vitae periculo decertandum est. For liberty we are to contend, albeit we should hazard our lives And again, 
Ibid.  It a 〈◊〉 est recuperatio libertatis, ut ne mors quidem sit in libertate repetenda, fugienda. So excellent is the recoverle of liberty, that we are not to doubt to lose our lives for the regaining thereof. chose, it is an indignity not to be suffered by any Englishman honourably minded, the Spaniards should reign over us. The Spanish government is very rigorous in Spain: but in Flanders, Milan, Naples and the Indias the same is most tyrannical and insolerable. Seeing then that by the happy entrance of Queen Elizabeth, the Spaniards lost their footing in England, which they had already devoured in their imagination, and both perfidious Marans, and the Pope's bougerly Italians were turned out to seek new countries, wherein to practise their fraud and cruelty: why do we not continually renew our thanksgiving for so great deliverance?  
Her Majesty was always desirous of peace, and never made wars against any, but being provoked, and forced thereunto for the defence of her estate and people. Yet never did she take arms in hand, but she returned with victory. The French entering into Scotland, and by that means intending to trouble England, were forced to surrender Lieth, and with scorn to return from whence they came. Upon which great security ensued to both the countries.  
When the Nobility and people of France were oppressed by the Pope's faction, that meant after they had 〈◊〉 their purpose there, to 〈◊〉 us in England, (as in diverse Treatises they have declared) by her arms and mediation the Christians there obtained good conditions of peace, if the adversary's 〈◊〉 had not broken them. Both with forces in New-haven, and by other means she was always willing to succour that distressed people.  
By her support for the most part, the states of the low countries being in danger to be deprived of their liberty, privileges and laws, and to be tyrannised by the Spaniards, have long subsisted, and maintained themselves against most cruel enemies.  
Anno Dom. 1588. that fleet of Spaniards, which proudly they called the invincible Armada, by her ships through God's favour was chased, dispersed and vanquished, and all the brags of Spaniards and their assistants brought to nothing.  
Not long after, when she saw, that to resist the enemy's malice it was necessaire for her to follow the wars, she sent some forces to sea, which albeit not great nor competently provided, yet did they possess the harbour of Coronna take the base town, and defeat all the forces that were gathered against them at the bridge of Burgos. The same also entered Portugal, and had possessed it, if there had been good correspondence. Sir Francis Drake with no great forces took S. jago, S. Domingo, S. Augustine and Carthagena, and laid a plot to take a great part of the Indias from the Spaniard, but that he defended himself with bribes better than with ships or arms, corrupting some that always overthrew most traitorously all attempts against him.  
At Calais her Majesty's soldiers burned the kings fleet, took the town, and had entered farther into the country, had not the Spaniard some as good friends in our army, as the Queen.  
Not long since the English together with the States soldiers overthrew the Cardinal's army between Newport and Ostend, to the utter overthrow of the Cardinal, and the Spaniards in that country, if the victory had been pursued. And now albeit coldly pursued, yet hath it so broken his forces, that he hath lain idly ever since before Ostend, hoping rather by treaty, then by force to prevail.  
In Ireland the Lord Gray overthrew the Earl of Desmond, and cut the Italians and Spaniards, that kept the fort at Smerwike, in 〈◊〉. About the time also died Sanders the Pope's Legate, and other traitors stirred up to rebellion by the Pope and his agents.  
Neither could D. juan d'Aquila keep his footing in Kinsale, albeit he had with him many good soldiers and great advantages. diverse times hath the Pope troubled her both in England and Ireland, stirring up first the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland, and then certain rebels in Norfolk, and afterward procuring diverse seditious fellows in Ireland in hope of his blessing to rebel. But his blessings have been turned into cursings, and all his treacherous devices have come to nothing.  
Finally, we find God's promise to his people by Moses Deut. 28. verified in her. For where he saith, That God would make all his people's enemies to fall down before them, we see that all the Queen's enemies fell before her, and that the more they maligned her, the more God advanced her. Such reputation she won both with Christians and with Infidels, that all men had great respect unto her, except such as maliciously oppugned her. The King of Poland and the Transiluanian have received favour of the Turk for her sake, and her friends great comfort in all their distresses.  
Before the Queen's time the Pope claimed a great part in the government of England, challenging power to make Ecclesiastical laws, to send hither Legates, to ordain and appoint Bishops, & in diverse cases to dispose of Ecclesiastical livings, and those that possessed them. He did also levy tenths and first fruits, and by procurations, licences and Bispensations drew great sumines of money out of the realm. In some cases he took upon him to judge the king, and to dispose of the crown of England. Hereof it followeth first, that the Kings of this land for some ages before King Henry the eight, were but half Kings, neither meddling with the external government of the Church, nor being authorized to rule their Clergy, or to dispose of their livings. Secondly, that they held that poor half of their kingdom, which remained at the Pope's pleasure, and no further, as appeared by the insolent dealing of the Pope with King Henry the second, and King john, out of whose hands the Pope had almost wrested the sceptre of their royal authority. But her Majesty abolishing the 〈◊〉 power of the Pope, freed herself and her successors from his tyranny, and restored that power and jurisdiction to the Crown, that was by his craft and fraudulent dealing long usurped. She found that it belonged to godly kings to make laws for religion, to rule their subjects, to dispose of the affairs and goods of the Church according to right. So did Constantine the great, and other godly Emperors. So did Charles the great, and Lewes kings of France. So did Alfred and S. Edward Kings of England: as the laws of the Code and Novel constitutions, the constitutions of Charles and Lewes, and of the ancient Kings of England declare. Neither before Pope Heldebrand, or rather that firebrand of hell, did any Pope take upon him to give out laws or decretals for the government, either of the whole Church, or the Churches of other kingdoms. For this matter therefore Queen Elizabeth's name deserveth to be had in perpetual remembrance, for that she freed herself and her subjects from the Pope's wicked laws and usurpations, and restored the ancient privileges and dignities to the Crown. The which had been much in a man, but in a woman was much more glorious.  
With her also peace, which by the practices of the Spaniards had been exiled to our loss and shame, returned again into this land. For finding this land at variance with France, and forsaken of Spain, she 〈◊〉 means to compound with France, and begun to settle matters at home. According to the Prophet's admonition, she sought peace and 
Psal. 34.  followed it. And such success hath it pleased God to give her, that although the Pope by diverse practices hath sought to raise discord and rebellion within England, yet maugre his head, we have enjoyed peace this 〈◊〉 and forty years to the great contentment of her subjects, and the wonderment of the world. For who wondereth not that France and Flanders and other our neighbour countries being in a flame and the Pope desiring nothing more than to set our country on fire, that the moderation of a woman should maintain her State in peace, when great Kings could not keep their state from being consumed with wars? 〈◊〉 great this benefit is, both the commodities of peace and the miseries of wars may teach us. Et nomen pacis dulce est, saith Tully, & ipsa res salutaris. The name of peace is sweet, and the thing 
Philippic. 2.  itself safe and commodious. Neither doth a people more desire 
De leg. Agrar. contra Rull.  any thing than peace, as he saith in another place: and in peace not only those to whom nature hath given sense, but also houses and fields seem to rejoice. Quid est tam populare ac pax? qua non modo ij quibus natura sensum dedit, sed etiam tecta atque 〈◊〉 videntur? chose, wars work destruction of men, cities, countries, and as Tully saith, have 
Philippic. 2.  uncertain events: and nothing is more execrable than civil wars. Tully 〈◊〉 him unworthy to live among men, 
Philippic. 3.  that delighteth in civil discord and war.  
By means of long peace, this land is also grown to great wealth. The country is better cultivated, trade is much increased, all arts and occupations grown to greater 〈◊〉 then in time past. Noblemen and Gentlemen have doubled their revenues, Yeomen and Merchants aspire to the degree of Gentlemen, and diverse men of occupation do exceed men of their sort in former times. Whosoever compareth the common people of England with men of their quality in Spain, Portugal and Italy, must needs confess, that in wealth and means our country men do far exceed them.  
Finally, never was England so populous and strong in men, as in our late Queen's days. Spain and most places of Italy seem desolate in comparison. That these are great blessings, it cannot be denied. For God promiseth increase of substance, and men, to his people as a blessing, Deut. 28. Blessed shall be the fruit of thy body, (saith Moses to the people of God) and the fruit of thy land, the fruit of thy cattle, the flocks of kine and sheep. And the multiplication of Abraham's posterity, Gen. 17. and in diverse other places was accounted to him as a great blessing.  
Wherefore as oft as we look back to former times, we cannot choose but call to mind those graces which we have long enjoyed by Queen Elizabeth's means, and be thankful unto God for them. If any be either unmindful or unthankful, if he be English, I doubt not but he will prove a traitor to his Prince and country; if a stranger, than he will show himself an enemy. In the the first rank I place Robert Parsons, in the second, certain malicious Italian and Spanish Friars. But their discourses, wherein they would denigrate her glory, are so fond and 〈◊〉, that they do rather illustrate the same. To show that her Majesty had no power in foreign countries, Parsons allegeth, that since Calais was lost, we had not one foot of our own beyond the 
1. 〈◊〉. cap. 11. nu 7.  seas. As if none could have power or credit in foreign parts, but such as have cities and dominions of their own beyond the seas, or as if it were not a sign of great power that her forces by sea and land have always been able to 〈◊〉 the ambitious aspires of the Spaniard, and the cruel rage of Antichrist, and that her authority hath swayed much in foreign parts, both with friends and enemies. Again, that the English have lost their footing beyond the seas, and were shamefully driven out of Calais, which was reputed the key of the kingdom of France, and a door whereby the Kings of England were wont to enter into that kingdom, it was not our fault, but of that unfortunate woman Queen Mary, that lost all, and had no good success in any thing, and of her butcherly Clergy, that were murdering of Christ's lambs at home, while foreign enemies oppugned the state abroad, and would suffer no succour to be sent over in time.  
He talketh also very idly of large Provinces possessed by the English living under popish religion, and of the loss we have sustained by change of our old mighty and honourable allies, as he calleth them. For the relics of those large Provinces were lost not by Queen Elizabeth, but by that unhappy woman Queen Mary, and her bloody and butcherly priests. Moreover, if King Philip fell at variance with us, the same was not the Queen's fault, that kept good correspondence with him, albeit he betrayed her to the French at her first coming to the crown, and succoured the rebels of the North anno 1569. and conspired with that lousy Friar Pius the fifth to overthrow her. Neither have we lost any thing, but rather gotten by his falling from us, being united to the Low countries, and able to master him at the sea, if the king of England will be pleased to follow his advantage.  
He chargeth her further with supporting rebels, heretics, and Atheists, and objecteth unto her, familiarity with the Turk. But neither shall this railing companion, and principal proctor of popish traitors, rebels, and atheists prove them rebels, whom she hath succoured: nor can the Spaniard justly challenge her in this course, beginning himself first, and falling out with her for the Pope's pleasure. As for that contract which her Majesty had with the Turk, it was only for trade of merchandise, as the articles will show; and not for amity. And yet if by this means she had any credit with the Turk, she used it to the good of Christians, as the Polonians and Transylvanians can 〈◊〉. But king Philip ended his wars with the Turk to fight against Christians. And therefore no marvel, if upon his death bed he confessed, that he never reaped other fruit of his travel and expense, but sorrow and loss.  
To show that peace was no ornament of Queen Elizabeth's 
1. Encont. 〈◊〉. 11. nu. 5.  praise, he saith: we have had more stirs within this seventy years, then in a thousand years' 〈◊〉. But he should have spoken of tumults and stirs in her reign: for that is the time we speak of. Again, he should have declared, that these stirs have proceeded from us, and not from wicked Popes, that have been the firebrands to set all Christendom on a flame. For if by wicked Popes, and their agents, rebellions were stirred in Yorkshire and Lincolnshire in king Henry the eight his days, and in Cornwall and Devonshire, and other places in the reign of king Edward, and in the North, and Norfolk, and Ireland in Queen Elizabeth's days; then are they to be charged for these disorders, and not we. But suppose great stirs had been raised before Queen Elizabeth's time; yet that was her commendation, rather than disgrace, that she was able notwithstanding the malice of traitorous Masspriests, to govern her countries a long time peaceably, which her ancestors could not.  
He doth also talk very impudently of the patience of Papists: as if their mild and bearing natures, and not the Queen's moderation, had been cause of our long peace. But the storming of the butcherly Prelates at the Queen's first coming to the Crown, the rebellion in the North, anno. 1569. the Norfolcian stirs, the practices of Allan with the duke of Guise, of Allan, Englefield, and diverse other traitors, with the Pope and Spaniard for an invasion, anno 1588. of Parsons and others 1597. the conspiracies first of Parrie, then of Throckmorton, then of Someruile and Arden, then of Ballard and Babington, and afterward of Lopez and Squire; and finally the 〈◊〉 and bloody wars in France and Flaunders do show, that they neither are mild, nor patient, nor seek any thing else, but murder and 〈◊〉. If then any patience they have had at any time, it is, as the French men say, the patience of lombards, that rest when they cannot move stirs. Furthermore it is apparent to the world, that the Queen was wholly resolved to follow peace, never taking arms, but when she was constrained, and refusing to accept of the Low countries offered into her hands, because she would not intricate herself with wars, albeit she might with great honour, and safety have accepted them long before.  
Having nothing to allege against her Majesty's peaceable government at home, he telleth us, that she hath had almost perpetual war with all our neighbours round about us. But neither doth he speak truly, the attempts of Newhaven, and Lieth, being of short continuance, and her Majesty not entering into the Low country's quarrel before the year 1586. Nor to purpose, our discourse concerning principally the Queen's peaceable government at home. 〈◊〉 this, the forces her Majesty employed in the Low countries were so small, and the course so 〈◊〉, that the action doth scarce deserve the name of wars, being with so little trouble to our nation, and intended rather to resist a few cutthroats, that sought to murder men, than the army of a king, that sought with force to subdue a country by just wars. As for the Spaniards (whom Parsons ridiculously calleth our surest allies, although they have without cause dealt against us, as 〈◊〉 enemies) they can not say, but the Queen dealt justly defending herself against public enemies, that sought her destruction, and the overthrow of her people.  
To prove that the land hath not increased in wealth in 
1. Encountr. cap. 11.  the late Queen's time, he objecteth, that the Nobility and Gentry keep not so great houses, nor families, as in times past. But the witless fellow speaketh against himself. For the less is spent, the more remaineth. But that many are able to keep as great houses as in time past, it cannot be denied. Further if he knew the state of the country, he might know that many houses are built and kept, where in time passed there was neither housekeeping nor house. He telleth us further of tributes, and other duties. But his talking and dealing therein is but frivolous. For compare all that is paid in subsidies and other duties with former payments, yet is it not half of that, which was exacted by 〈◊〉 Pope, and spent in superstition and vain devices. But were our subsidies greater; yet being bestowed upon our own soldiers and people, the land is never a whit the poorer, but rather poor men employed by those, that can well spare all which they give, and more.  
Finally, he would insinuate, that increase of people is no blessing, seeing the Turks by multitude of wives have many children, and holy Cunuches are commended that have no children. He doth also under hand 〈◊〉 at the marriage of Ministers. But first, he denyeth that, which the spirit of God doth directly teach, viz. that children are the blessing of God, and that God did promise the multiplication of his seed to Abraham as a great blessing. Secondly, albeit particular men that keep themselves chaste for the kingdom of heaven, are commended: yet that concerneth the lecherous and bougerly Mass priests and Monks nothing, that rather for swear marriage, then keep themselves chaste. Neither is that a commendation to a whole State or kingdom, if some live chastely.  
Thirdly, albeit Turks have many wives; yet God doth not so bless them with children, but that they are compelled to use the children of Christians, and to exact a tribute of them. To conclude, this bastardly fellow showeth himself to be past shame, to talk against marriage, when himself was begotten by a filthy priest, and his consorts wallow in all beastly abominations.  
Wherefore let the adversary's storm and rage as much as they list, yet will we say, and may say it most truly, that both the Church of God and the State hath received great blessings by Queen Elizabeth's late happy government. And if nothing else, yet the vain opposition of enemies and traitors may persuade us, that it is so. For not only their 〈◊〉 do 〈◊〉, that both the Church and State was well ordered, (for otherwise they would have been better pleased) but also their vain janglings and contradictions, they being not able to object any thing, which soundeth not to her Majesty's honour and high commendations, confirm the same.   

CHAP. XIII. Parsons his cursed talk of cursings of England by change of Religion, and government under Queen Elizabeth, examined.  
THe Prophet David speaking of the foolish and wicked men of his time, saith, that their throat is an open sepulchre, 
Psal. 14.  and afterward; that their mouth is full of cursing and bitterness. The which we see verified in the Pope, and his impious sect. For their throats are wide as the 〈◊〉, and swallow the wealth of Europe. They also degorge out of them all the wickedness and villainy they can devose against the godly. Pius Quintus and 〈◊〉 Quintus accurse the Queen, Robert Parsons following their 〈◊〉 raileth upon her in diverse libels. In his Warn-word that is a compliment of his foolery, he saith, We received no blessings by her, but rather cursings. Here therefore we are to answer the barking of this cursed hellhound, and of his accursed companions.  
In the first encounter of his Wardword p. 4. he 〈◊〉, We are divided from the general body of catholics in Christendom. But this should have been proved if he would have any man to give him credit. For we allege, that the Papists, from whom we are divided, are no Catholics, believing the new doctrines of the late conventicles of Lateran, Constance, Florence & Trent, & other Friars & priests, which neither were received of all men, nor in all times, nor in all places, which is the true property of Catholic doctrine. Next we offer to prove, that we are true Catholics, seeing the doctrine of our faith is Apostolical, and universally approved of all true Christians, and for the most part confessed by the Papists, until of late time. If then this be a principal curse, to be divided from Catholics, then doth the same fall on Parsons his own head, and upon his treacherous consorts, and not upon us.  
Secondly he saith, that we of England are divided from Lutherans, zwinglians, and Caluinists abroad, and from Puritans & Brownists, and other like good fellows at home. But this common jergon of Papists is already answered. For neither do we acknowledge the names of Lutherans, zwinglians, and Caluinists, nor cau he show that the Church of England is divided from the Churches of France, Germany or Suizzerland, or that one Church oppugneth another. If any private man do maintain private opinions in 〈◊〉, as diverse Germans, French, and English do, or else if there be any difference among us concerning ceremonies and 〈◊〉, that doth no more make a schism in our church, 〈◊〉 the diverse rites of Spanish, French, and Italians, and diverse opinions in all points of religion between old and new Romish Doctors, maketh a schisine in the Romish Church. For generally we all agree in substance of faith, & in rites & ceremonies refer every Church to their liberty. In England publicly there is more uniformity in doctrine, prayers & ceremonies, then in the Romish Church; albeit some private men, whom Parsons useth to call Puritans, descent in some points. As among the Papists there are diverse that allow not all, which they hold commonly. But saith he in his Warne-word, Encont. 1. c. 15. the French, Germans and Scottish do not agree with the English in the rule of faith, as is proved in the four, five and six and sequent chapters. But if he had found any differences, he would not have spared to set them down. In the chapters mentioned, he showeth not that we differ in any article of faith, or substantial point of religion, but rather in rites, ceremonies, and some diverse interpretations of some words of Scripture.  
Thirdly, he would make his reader believe, that we have no certainty in religion, and that as he foole-wisely imagineth, because we have no certain rule whereby to direct our consciences. And this he handleth both in his Wardword 1. Encontr. and Warnw. 1. enc. c. 15. & 16. and other places, skipping like an ape up an down without rule, order or reason. But while he talketh of the rule of faith, he is direct contrary to himself. For in his Wardw. p. 6. he saith, that the universal Church was the direct rule and squire which we ought to follow, and in the Warnw. Enc. 1. c. 15. nu. 10. he teacheth, that it is the sum and corpses of Christian doctrine delivered at the beginning by the miracles and preachings of the Apostles. Where I omit to tell Robert Parsons, that it is absurd to make the same thing to be a rule and a squire, the rule being direct, and the squire being square. It is also ridiculous, though I do not tell him of it, to say that Christ's doctrine was delivered by miracles: for it was delivered by writing and preaching, and confirmed by miracles. But I cannot for bear to tell him, that there is great 〈◊〉 between the Catholic Church and the Catholic doctrine. How then can these two make one rule? Next he taketh exception to my words, where I say that the Church of England hath a certain rule to follow in matters of faith, as if she canon of scriptures, and those conclusions which are to be drawn out of them, were no certain rule: or else as if traditions, that are no where certainly described or set down, were a more certain and authentical rule then scriptures, and necessary deductions out of them.  
Fourthly he giveth out, that we despair of all certain 
Warnw. 1. encont. cap. 17.  rule or mean to try the truth: which is a most desperate and impudent kind of dealing. For directly I told him before, and now I tell him again, that our rule is most certain, being nothing else but the canonical Scriptures, and the conclusions necessary drawn out of them. Nay this rule may in part be confirmed by Parsons his own confession. For if the corpse of Christian doctrine preached by the Apostles be the rule of faith, as he saith Warnw. 1. encont. c. 15. where are we to find it but in holy Scriptures? He holdeth percase that it is to be found in the Pope's bosom. But if he say so in schools, he shall not want a greater plaudit than he had, when having ended his comical dealings in Bayliol college, he was rung and hissed out of the house. For who knoweth not, that scabs and villainy are rather to be found in the Pope's bosom, than any corpses of 〈◊〉 doctrine? for that is very rife with them. With the corpses of Apostolical doctrine the Italian atheistical Popes are little acquainted.  
We tell him further, the for trial of any point of doctrine we are not to run to the Pope's sea, which is as much able to resolve us, as his close stool; but to the word of God revealed in Scriptures, and if there be any difference about a place of Scriptures, we are then to compare the same with other places, to search the resolutions of Counsels, of ancient and later Fathers, of the Church of England and learned men. Provided always that nothing be received as a ground of faith, which is not to be deduced out of the word of God. Whether then S. Augustine, or Hierome, or Ambrose, or Luther, or Calvin, or any preacher among us bring us the word of God, it is to be received. But if they teach without that, we are not necessarily to credit them, nor to believe them in grounds of faith.  
Out of the Scriptures we learn, that Christ hath given some Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some pastors and teachers; albeit all particular matters are not precisely set down. So likewise we are taught that these words, this is my body, are most true, & that the sacramrnt is Christ's body in a mystery or sacramentally, albeit how the Sacrament is called Christ's body there may be some differences. Likewise out of Scripture we are taught, that the King is the most principal man in his Realm, and not to be subject to any other in external government, albeit every one percase understandeth not the several points of his supreme authority. These differences therefore notwithstanding, our rule of faith is most certain.  
Fiftly he would insinuate, that as virtue, houskéeping, & true dealing is much decayed, since her Majesty came to the crown, so pride in apparel, 〈◊〉, drunkenness, lechery, swearing and other vices are much increased. But the man should show that these virtues are decayed, and vices increased in men that are truly of our Religion. If he say so, then let him name the men that are guilty of these faults. If the men that are guilty be Papists, that for the most part are known to be carnal and cruel, and most vicious, he striketh himself and not us. If they be Atheists or hypocrites, than his allegation maketh not to purpose. This I will speak to his teeth, that if our Ministry be no more honest and virtuous, than the Popes, Cardinals, Friars, and Masspriests, and our true professors then zealous Papists, it were pity they should live on the face of the earth. Some proofs I have brought before, and more I shall allege hereafter. Let Parsons do the like against us, and leave his hypocritical ostentation, and general declamation, that maketh men rather to wonder at his impudence, then to believe that he dealeth truly or sincerely.  
Sixthly, he very impudently imputeth all the troubles, 
Ward w. p. 3.  wars and calamities that have happened in Scotland, Ireland, 
Warn w. 1. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 18.  Flanders & France, to alteration in Religion, and would lay the blame wholly upon us. But if he look into their immediate causes; he shall find, that the mint of this money was the Pope's consistory, and that he and his agents are the only firebrands of all mischief. In Ireland, Gregory the thirteenth stirred up rebellion by the traitor Saunders his legate: in England Pius Quintus by his agent Ridolphi and by Morton his messenger moved the two Earls to rise in the North, Anno 1569. The same Pope animated the Spanish King to make wars against the Queen of England, and against them of the Low countries. The same Pope sent not only his agents, to stir the French, but aided them both with men and money. Gregory the thirtéenth likewise sent aid to Irish rebels. The wars of Germany were inflamed by that butcherly Pope Paul the third. To make short, all massacres, trecheris, wars and troubles have wholly proceeded from their malice against the truth. If the Pope and his adherents therefore have been troubled, so was Herode and all jerusalem with him at the birth of Christ. If they blame us for their troubles, so did the Pagans impute all their troubles to Christians, and their religion. But the true cause was not religion, but the hatred of impious Papists against religion.  
Finally, he saith, that if her Majesty 〈◊〉 not altered religion, than her kingdom had been flourishing and secure, and that she would have had issue, and her succession certain, and continued in friendship with the Pope, and ancient confederates, and neither had wars abroad, nor treason at home: and insinuateth, that by reason of alteration of religion all is fallen out contrary. But if Will Summer had written this discourse, he could never have spoken more foolishly, nor impertinently. For first I have showed, that the state of the kingdom for diverse respects was never more flourishing. Secondly, if any danger hanged over our heads, the same might easily be avoided, if laws had been executed against traitors. Thirdly, it is now apparent to the world, that want of issue in her Majesty hath not hurt us, God sending us so gracious and magnanimous a king. Fourthly his royal Majesty succeeding in her throne hath declared, that she wanted no succession. The same act also showeth, that Parsons and all his consorts are a pack of false Prophets. Parsons his book of succession doth also declare him to be a false traitor. Fiftly, it is a ridiculous thing to tell us of union with the Pope, and his mediation of peace. For there ought to be no agreement between Christians and Antichrist. Here the Noddy will storm, that his holy Father should be called Antichrist. But let him answer my reasons in my fifth book De Pont. Rom. against Bellarmine; and then let him storm, while his heart break. Sixtly, we have so little loss by breaking with the Spanish king, that all men of knowledge pray, that either he may change his former courses, or that the wars may still continue. Finally, this land hath no reason, either to fear foreign wars, or domestical treasons, unless we will uncouple the Pope's hounds, that come hither to tear the king's Majesty and State in pieces: which I hope he and his Council of state will look unto.  
Whether then we look into the Church, or the State; we must needs say, that Queen Elizabeth's reign was most happy. And that so much the rather, for that all her adversary's wit and malice doth not afford any one sound argument, that doth any way sound to her disgrace. Robert Parsons hath long barked in vain against her proceedings. But he should remember, that the end of mad barking curs, is beating, if not hanging.    

The second Book, showing the miserable estate of Papists both in England under Q. Mary, and elsewhere under the Pope's irreligious tyranny, weakly defended by N. D. in a lewd Libel entitled the WARNE-WORD.  

The Preface to the second Book.  
THE nature of man being subject to change, it is no marvel (good Christian Reader) if naturally all men desire change. But that such as profess religion, and have experience in the world, should desire to change for the worse, and seek from liberty and peace, to return to miserable captivity and slavery, under the grievousyoke of popish government, it seemeth to me not only strange, but also repugnant to the rules of religion and reason. Stand fast (saith the Apostle) in the liberty, wherewith Christ 
Gal. 5.  hath made us free; and be not entangled again with the yoke of bondage. And Tully would have men contend for liberty unto 
Philip.  the death. The poor slave in Plautus could say, that all men had rather be free then bond. Omnes profectò (saith he) liberi libentiùs 
In Capt.  sumus, quam seruimus. Yet such is the overthwart humour of some men, that rather than they will continue long in one, and the self same settled state, will not doubt to hazard their life and liberty, upon hope of better hap in a new government. The children of Israel had not long continued in the wilderness, after their wonderful deliverance out of Egypt, but they began to murmur upon the first pinch of hunger. And all the congregation of the sons of Israel (saith the Scripture) murmured against Moses and Aaron in the wilderness, and the sons of Israel said unto them, would to God we had died by the hand of God in the land of Egypt. So much it grieved them, to remember their bellies, which were wont to be filled in Egypt, not remembering the slavery wherein they once lived, nor the land whereto they were going.  
So likewise some there are among us, that not knowing, or not remembering the grievances of the popish government, nor well considering their present freedom, and happy state, look back to Rome, and the Pope's golden promises, and rather will venture their souls and bodies, than still enjoy that liberty and freedom, which they have received from their ancestors. Of this sort are first a sort of rinegued English fugitives, that run to the Pope and Spaniard, and are by them persuaded to become sacrificing Priests and traitors, and secondly such, as are seduced by them, all of them drinking of the golden cup of the whore of Babylon, and as if they had drunk of Circe's cup, from men being transformed into beasts, and brutish Papists.  
Wherefore to reclaim these haggard English if it be possible, and to stay the stirring humours of others,, as I have in the former Treatise recounted diverse excellent graces bestowed upon our country and nation, by means of the pious and prosperous government of our late Queen, that broke down the altars of Baal, and established Christ's true religion among us; so now in the Discourse ensuing I purpose by God's grace to enter into a due consideration of the calamities and miseries, whereto our nation was subject during the reign of Queen Marie, and whereto all Papists living under the Pope's jurisdiction are ordinarily subject. Wherein that I may proceed more perspicuously, first I will speak of matters of the Church, and then of matters of civil policy: and that first as they concern the King, and next as they concern his people.  
Now because Robert Parsons according to his best skill endeavoureth to advance popish government, I have thought it not amiss now and then, as the course of my Discourse carrieth me, to enterlace his idle arguments, and to refute them. Not that I suppose any man of reason will give credit to such a lying companion, that shutting his eyes against light, commandeth his tongue to walk and talk against all truth, but that by his trifling objections you may perceive our plain dealing, and his parasitical and palpable glozing. I may well say of this wicked Atheists wranglings, as Origen said of Celsus in his discourse against Christian Religion: Non est periculum, 
Lib. 1. contra Celsum.  ut eis subvertatur ullus fidelium. Absit enim ut inveniatur aliquis in charitate Dei, quae est per Christum jesum tam frigidus, ut Celsi verbis, aut similium dimoveatur à proposito. There is no danger, lest any faithful man be overthrown by them. God forbid that any should be so cold in the love of God, which is through Christ jesus, that he should be disturned from his godly purpose by Parsons his wrangling Wardwords and Warnewords, or by such frivolous devices of any of his consorts. But as the Apostle saith, All have not faith. And many want both the love of God, and the love they ought to bear to their Prince and country. Against these I dispute, and for those I labour that persist in their first love. Mark therefore, I pray you, the ignorance of Papists in matters of Religion, the falsehood and absurdities of their doctrine, the burdensome and grievous tyranny of the Pope; and then judge without partiality, whether the same be not like the captivity of Babylon, and darkness of Egypt, out of which all true Christians ought to desire to be delivered. God grant all men grace to see it, and avoid it.   

CHAP. I. Of the ignorance both of the Clergy and laity of England in matters of Religion in Q. Mary's time, and generally of Masspriests and their followers at all times, and in all places.  
BEfore I enter to discourse of Religion, first I am to show the misery of Papists, that for the most part lived in time past, and yet live without the knowledge of Religion. Nay diverse of the Masspriests and common people were ignorant and devoid of all good learning and knowledge. The ignorance of priests and people in the days of john Peccham Archbishop of Canter bury, may appear in that he beginneth his provincial constitution with ignorantia 〈◊〉; and teacheth 
C. ignorantia. de sum. Trin.  them the articles of the creed, and how to handle the sacrament of the altar, showing them, that the wine given to the communicants in lesser churches, was not consecrate, and that they were not too much to break the sacrament with their teeth (percase for hurtiing of it) but to sup it up. Instruant eosdem, (saith he c. altissimus. constit. de sum. trinit.) sumptum ore sacramentum non nimis dentibus comminuere, sed tritum modicè sorbere perfectè. O miserable men, that were taught to sup the sacrament like an oyster! And why might they not aswell be taught to eat wine, as to sup bread?  
The same man in the chapter Ignorantia sacerdotum. de officio 
Note that this is a common text among the Papists.  Archipresbyteri, thinketh it sufficient for priests to teach by themselves, or by others, and that once every quarter, the articles of the Creed, the ten commandments, the two commandments of the Gospel, (for this fellow scarce believed that the jove of God or his neighbour, was commanded in the moral law) the seven works of mercy, the seven deadly sins, the seven principal virtues, and seven sacraments. And what was this quarter teaching? for sooth nothing else but the construing or expounding of these things in English, as the text saith, Absque cuiuslibet subtilitatis textura fantastica, without any fantastical patchery of scholastical subtleties. For that ordinarily these fellows were wont to talk of logical and philosophical questions, tending rather to the subversion, than the edification of the hearers. Now what learning I pray you was required to turn the creed and ten commandments into English?  
Bishop Walter also in his provincial constitutions, teacheth his priests what to believe of confirmation and extreme unction: which argueth great rudeness in his disciples.  
In Queen Mary's days it was thought sufficient for priests to read Latin: not one among twenty understood Latin. Bonner in the first convocation in Queen Mary's days, in his oration in praise of priesthood, told the priests that they were creators of their Maker: yet few of them could construe the canon, and few of them understood it. Their gross ignorance is yet fresh in memory.  
The Germans complain, that Bishops advanced unlearned 
Gravam. 47.  idiots, unfit, vile and ridiculous fellows to the function of priesthood. Episcopi (say they) saepenumero indoctos, idiotas, inhabiles, vilesque ac ludicr as personas ad sacerdotij functionem ordinant. Neither may we think they spoke this of malice. The 
Onus Eccles. cap. 23.  Bishop of Chems' saith, the people is seduced by blind guides which are ignorant idiots, presumptuous, covetous, hypocrites, symonicall and luxurious persons. Again he saith, that Bishops 
Ibidem.  admit men unworthy to charges, without all choice or due examination. Indignos beneficiatos admittunt, absque omni delectu, & debita examinatione instituunt.  
Uenalitate curiae Romanae (saith one) inaniter praeficiuntur lenones, 
Aureun speculum in Anulog.  coqui, stabularij aequorum, & pueri. Through the bribery of the court of Rome, bawds, cooks, horsekeepers, and children are preferred to government in the Church.  
Aluarus Pelagius lib. 2. the planct. eccles. art. 20. showeth, that the Bishops of Spain deal no better than others, ordaining men unlearned and unworthy, and indiscreetly committing charge of souls to men unsufficient. Episcopi alicui nepotulo suo, (saith he) committunt multa millia animarum, cui non committerent duo pira. Bishops commit many thousand souls to some little nephew (or bastard) of theirs, to whom (if they did right) they would not commit two pears. How learned the priests were, we may imagine, when few of them could well say their Mass, and few understand it. We may see in the cap. retulerunt. dist. 4. the consecrat. that some could not rehearse the words of baptism, but said In nomine patria, & filia, & spirita sancta. Platina wondereth at the ignorance of the priests in matters of Religion. Speaking of priests in Marcellino: Quanta ignoratio (saith he) cum suijpsius, tum doctrinae Christianae?  
Neither may we marvel at the ignorance of mean priests, when the Popes themselves are utterly unlearned. Laziardus writing of Gregory the sixth, Epit. cap. 183. hath these words: Vt dictum est, alium cum esset rudis literarum, secum consecrari fecit: He made another to be consecrated with him, being himself void of learning. Constat plures Papas (saith Alphonsus à castro lib. 1. advers. haeres.) adeo illiteratos esse ut grammaticam penitus ignorent. He confefseth that some Popes are so unlearned, that they are utterly ignorant of grammar. And that may be exemplified by julius the second, that for fiat said fiatur, and by other Popes. Paul the second, and julius the third and diverse others are by their own friends reported to have been but simple clerks. Felin in c. si quando. de rescriptis. saith, that the Pope cannot be deposed for want of learning. Papa propter defectum literaturae non potest deponi.  
But were they learned, yet unless they be learned in holy Scriptures, and teach their flocks committed unto them, their learning is to the people unprofitable. For like idol shepherds they do nothing, but possess the room and places of shepherds. The Popes, albeit they claim the title of universal Bishops, teach 〈◊〉, having contrary to the example of Peter and other Bishops of Rome given over the office of feeding and teaching, and now only famishing and destroying the Lambs of Christ. Rapis & depraedaris à me innumerabiles animas (saith Christ to the Pope in Brigits revelations) nam quasi omnes qui veniunt ad curiam tuam mittis in gehennans ignis, ex 〈◊〉 quod non diligenter atlendis ea quae pertinent ad curiam meam. Quia tu es Praelatus & 〈◊〉 ovium mearum, ideo culpa tua est, quod non discretè consideras ea, quae ad spiritualem salutem earuns sunt facienda & corrigenda. That is, Thou dost ravish and take from me innumerable souls: for thou sendest to hell almost all that come unto thy court, because thou attendest not those things that belong to my court. Because thou art a prelate and a shepherd of my sheep, therefore it is thy fault that thou dost not discreetly the things that for their soul's health are to be done and performed. And again: Papa qui clamare deberet (saith Brigit) venite & invenietis requiem 
6. Brig. 96.  animarum vestrarum, clamat, venite & videte me in pompa & ambitione plusquam Salomonem. Venite ad curiam meam, & exhaurite bursas vestras, & invenietis perditionem animarum vestrarum. The Pope which ought to cry, Come and you shall find rest to your souls, cryeth, come and see me advanced in pomp and ambition above Solomon. Come unto my court, and emptic your purses, and you shall find the destruction of your souls. Occam in the second book of the first part of his Dialogue, confesseth the ignorance and unskilfulness of Popes in Scriptures, and saith, that no Popes since Innocent the thirds time were excellent in the knowledge of them.  
Few Pope's study the law of God, many study the laws of men, some study neither, but give themselves to worldly delights. Quotidiè perstrepunt in palatio leges, (saith Bernard) 
Lib. 1. de consid.  sed justiniani, non Domini. Daily laws sound in thy palace, but the laws of Emperors, not of the Lord. But now it is far worse. For neither law nor reason is there to be heard, but all is governed by the Pope's will. Is it not then a riviculous thing, that the Pope should be called the chief pastor, that feedeth not all, and that he should be made the chief 〈◊〉, that in matters of faith hath neither learning nor judgement?  
Likewise the Cardinals, popish Bishops, and prelate's are both unlearned and 〈◊〉. For their learning I refer myself to experience, and to diverse histories that record their notorious ignorance. Their defect in preaching is notoriously known. There be few of them, but would take great scorn of it. So far are they departed from the steps of their ancestors. Lois Mersilius an Augustinian Friar, as saith Poggius, being asked what the two points of a Bishop's mitre signified, answered, the old and new testament. Being asked further, what the two strops mean that hang down from the mitre on the Bishop's back, said, that the Bishops knew neither old nor new testament. In ore Episcoporum (saith he that wrote the treatise titled Onus Ecclesiae, est lex vanitatis pro lege veritatis: The law of vanity is in the mouth of Bishops in stead of the law of truth. They should build the Church of God, but as Brigit saith, they build the 
2 〈◊〉. 10.  devil two cities. Catherine of Sienna cap. 129. saith, that unprofitable pastors do not drive the wolves from the sheep: for that they want the dog of conscience, and staff of justice. She saith also, that they feed not their sheep in the pastures of salvation, nor lead them the way of truth. Quid hodie ērant Episcopi, (saith the Cardinal of Arles in the meeting at Basil) 
Silvius de gestis council.  nisi umbrae quaedam? Quid plus eye 〈◊〉 quam baculus & mitra? 
Basil. lib. 1.  What are Bishops of our time, but shadows? What remaineth to them more than a staff and a mitre? If any be more studious than other, 〈◊〉 it is not in Scriptures, but in laws, and matters of state and story.  
The Mass priests in time 〈◊〉 used not to study Scriptures, nor to preach. It was sufficient for them, either by themselves or by others, to expound in English the creed & Law and some few things more, and that only at four times in the year, as appeareth by the chapter Ignorantia sacerdotum. de officio Archipresbyteri in our provincial constitutions. Now to do this, little learning was required, and less understanding. Clerks (saith Math. Paris in the life of William the Conqueror) were then so unlearned, that those that understood grammar were a wonderment to their fellows. Adeo literatura carebant, ut caeteris esset stupori qui grammaticam didicisset.  
The Friars were then the only preachers, 〈◊〉 whose teaching the edification of the popish Church wholly relied, unless percase some will suppose that faith may come by gazing on the priest at Mass, or on the crucifix and dumb images, which as the prophet saith, are teachers of vanity. But these Friars were for the most part unlearned, as the sermons of Menot, Maillard, Bromeyard & others will testify. Secondly, they preached 〈◊〉 in Aduent and Lent, & some few extraordinary times. And thirdly, the ground of their sermons were either fables or else philosophical positions, or idle questions little tending to edification, or matters for their own profit. And finally, they came without lawful 〈◊〉, to teach lies rather than the truth, to destroy rather than to build, to make a schism and division, rather than to reduce men to love, unity and concord.  
Dante showeth, that the Friars of his time wrested scriptures, 
Ca 29. parad.  and little regarded them. Quando e posposta la divina scrittura, & quando e torta. Again he saith, they desired their own glory, and preached their own inventions, hiding the Gospel in silence.  

Per apparer ciascun s'ingegna, & face  
Sue inventioni, & quelle son trascorse  
Dapredicanti e'luangelio sitace.   
He telleth us, that they tell fables, and feed ignorant and simple people with wind.  

No ha in Fiorenza tanti Lupi & Bindi,  
Quante si fat favole per anno  
In pergamo sigridan quinci & quindi  
Siche le pecorelle che non sanno,  
Tornan dal pasco pasciute divento.   
Agnellus general of the Minorities, hearing the Doctor's 
Chronic. Citizens. Long.  dispute whether this proposition, there is a God, be true, exclaimed against this manner of dealing, and detested such questioning.  
Cornelius Agrippa speaking of school doctors, saith, that 
De vanit. scient. c. de Theolog. scholast.  for the Gospel and the word of God, they preach mere toys and humane words, preaching a new gospel, and adulterating the word of God. Pro Euangelijs & proverbo Deimeras 〈◊〉, & humana verba crepant, 〈◊〉 evangelium, adulterantes verbum Dei.  
Likewise doth Orthuinus Gratius in 〈◊〉. ante lib. Petri de Alliac. de reform. 〈◊〉. speak against schelasticall Divinity, saying, that the same is ingenious to lay burdens on men's souls, and again cunning in devising excuses for sin. Est ingeniosa cum ad aggravandas conscientias, tum rursus adinueniendas excusationes in peccatis multo solertissima.  
Robertus Gallus vis. 34. saith, that the Friars preaching idle and curious questions, were designed by a vision, wherein a man appeared loaden with bread, but gnawing a long stone with a snakes head appearing at either end. Which resemblance is not altogether 〈◊〉, seeing those that leave the instructions of Scripture to scan such endless questions, leave bread to gnaw a stone, being in the end stung with their own curiosity.  
Seeing then that the preaching of popish Doctors is so mixed with idle tales, endless questions, and philosophical discourses; what profit can thereof redound to the 〈◊〉 of God? Quid Athenis & Hierosolymis? (saith Tertullian de prescript. advers. haeret.) quid Academiae & Ecclesia? What concord is there between Athens and Jerusalem? between Philosopher's schools, and the Church?  
Cardinal Prat Archbishop, as he calleth himself, of 
Decret. c. 36.  Sens in France in his visitation made a law against such preachers, as like vile buffoons rehearsed ridiculous old wife's tales to move their auditory to laughter: which showeth that this was wont to be a common fault. Their preaching was also very contentious, and full of quarrels, one calling another heretic, schismatic, sacrilegious, false Prophet, and ravening wolf; and endeavouring to prove the same by Scriptures and arguments: as appeareth by the testimony of the Waldenses in their confession to Ladislaus.  
Vbertinus affirmeth, that the locusts mentioned in the Apocalypse of S. john, do signify the begging 〈◊〉, because they are scurrilous, and light skipiackes, live 〈◊〉, and gnaw the Scriptures. Quia scurriles, leaves, volatiles, carnales, rodentes sacras literas.  
Commission for their preaching these Friars can show none. The Apostle, where he talketh of pastors and teachers, and other Ministers of the Gospel, leaveth no room 
Scholar Paris. apud Matth. Paris.  for such vermin. The Doctors of Paris say, that Friars come without canonical mission, that they preach against the truth of Scripture, that they brag of their knowledge, and preach for gain. How then is it like, that such fellows can build the Church of God? Can we look for truth at the hands of false Prophets, or edification by them that come without calling? In the prophecy of Hildegardis we read, that the principal study and endeavour of these false teachers shall be to resist true teachers, and to bring them to the slaughter by their intelligence with great men.  
Seeing then the Papists have no other teachers, than these false Apostles, or rather seducers, and hear nothing but tales and idle questions; it is not possible they should profit by such Sermons. Much less therefore is it likely they should grow in knowledge, seeing neither their leaders are desirous to teach them, nor they to learn of their teachers.  
Linwood speaking of the articles of the creed, saith, It 
C. ignorantia de sum. Trin. in Gloss.  is sufficient for lay and simple men to believe them with an implicit faith, that is, to believe as the Catholic Church doth believe them. aliis (saith he) qui sunt simplices, vel laici sufficit, quod credant eos (scil. Articulos 〈◊〉) implicitè, id est, sicut docet & credit sancta Ecclesia catholica. He saith also, that such knowledge is sufficient for Clerks, that have no means to maintain themselves at school, as some suppose. But suppose they could say the articles of faith, and believe them, and the rest which Peccham in the constitution, ignorantia. 〈◊〉 officio Archipres. doth require at their hands; yet should they be very ignorant. For a man may believe, as the Church believeth, and yet know nothing, nor be able to answer to any point of faith.  
Thomas Aquinas 2. 2. q. 2. art. 6. compareth Gods people to asses, and their teachers to oxen, holding, that it is sufficient for them in matters of faith to adhere to their superiors, because it is said, job 1. Quòd boves arabant, & asinae pascebantur 〈◊〉 eos. Whereby it appeareth, he requireth no great knowledge at lay men's hands, but would have them believe, as their teachers do, without further enquiring. He fetcheth his proof out of Gregory. But whence soever he draweth it, he useth God's people very rudely, that compareth them to asses and oxen. Yet thus much I am content to yield, that the Masspriests and their followers are like oxen and asses firmly linked together by the Pope's cowherds and muleteers, for the devil their master's service.  
The same man 2. 2. q. 2. art. 5. teacheth, that lay men are to believe all the articles of the Creed, and no more, explicitè. The which is no point of deep learning, & yet his scholar Silvester in sum. in verb. fides 6. will not allow so much, saying, that it is not necessary for a lay man to believe all the articles of the faith, but as much as is sufficient to direct us to the last end. Nec tamen necesse est cuilibet, (saith he) explicitè credere omnes articulos fidei, sed quantum sufficit ad dirigendum in ultimum finem.  
The author of Summa Rosella saith, that it is sufficient for 
Apud Siluest. in verb. fides.  simple people, and percase for lay men coming to years and discretion, to believe, that God is a rewarder of all good, and a punisher of all evil. And that other articles are to be believed implicitè, that is, believing all to be true, which the catholic Church teacheth. Simplicibus & fortè omnibus laicis discernentibus & adultis sufficit credere Deum esse praemiatorem bonorum omnium, & omnium malorum punitorem: alios autem articulos sufficit credere implicitè, credendo scil. verum, quicquid Ecclesia catholica docet. But beside that this is an argument to prove the adversary's allowance of the people's extreme ignorance, it is false and blasphemous to say, that any man may be saved without notice or believing in Christ, as the author of Summa Rosella his words imply.  
Loath the Pope is, that the people should know too much: and therefore he forbiddeth Scriptures to be either translated, or read in vulgar tongues without licence. In public Liturgies it is not the fashion of Papists, to suffer the 〈◊〉 to hear Scriptures read in vulgar tongues.  
The Papists also that understand not Latin pray with their lips, but not with their understanding and spirit. For the Pope's pleasure is, that the public Liturgy of the Church shall not be read in vulgar tongues: whereupon the people must needs grow dull and ignorant. john Billet in prolog. lib. de diuin. office complaineth of this abuse. Quid nostris temporibus est agendum, saith he, speaking of reading of Latin service, ubi nullus vel rarus reperitur legens vel audience, qui 〈◊〉, videns vel agens qui animaduertat? iam videtur impletum quod à Prophet a dicitur: Et erit saccrdos quasi de populo unus. He saith, that there are few or none, that read or hear, that do understand or mark what is read or heard: and that the saying of the Prophet is fulfilled: That the priest shall be like one of the people.  
Costerus saith, That God and the Saints understand all 
In Enchirid. c. de precib.  languages, and therefore, that it is sufficient, if the people pray in Latin. Which as it is blasphemous, making Saints 
〈◊〉 recitand.  present in all places, so it is an argument, that he requireth little understanding in the people.  
Hosius commendeth the Coliars' faith, that could not tell 
In confess. Petrik.  one article of his belief, but only answered, that he believed as the Church believeth; which is an argument, first of the commendation of ignorance among the Papists, next of Hosius his blasphemy, that would have a man saved, believing as doth the Catholic church, albeit he believed, or knew nothing of Christ jesus.  
Seeing then the Papists require so little knowledge in the people, and will not suffer them, either to pray, or-to have Scriptures read publicly in vulgar tongues, and preach so seldom and so lewdly; is it likely that they should prove great clerks?  
Furthermore, the Priests in England were commanded to teach the people the worship of the cross, of images, of relics, and how far the same reacheth, as appeareth by B. Arundels provincial constitution beginning 〈◊〉. de haereticis.  
They were also taught, what manner of men were S. Austin of Canterbury, S. Bernac. S. Dunstane,, and such good fellows. And were wont to hear many good tales of the miracles of S. Audrey, and S. Cuthburge, and other she Saints. But all this tended little to instruction in faith, or reformation in manners.  
Finally, in stead of true doctrine they were taught the traditions of men concerning worship of Saints, crosses, images, relics, fasting on Saints Uigils, pilgrimages, indulgences, purgatory and such like. Petrus de Alliac. lib. de reform. Ecclesiae, wisheth, That Apocryphal Scriptures, and new hymns, and prayers, and other voluntary novelties should not be read in churches: Quòd in huinsmodi festis Scripturae Apocryphae, aut hymninovi, vel orationes, seu aliae voluntariae novitates non legerentur: but he prevailed not. Nay further, they do not only teach false doctrines and Apocryphal novelties, but also most wickedly rehearsing the commandments, they have left out the second commandment that concerneth worship of images, albeit S. Augustine quaest. ex vet. test. 7. do set it down for a distinct commandment from the first.  
Being then taught very little truth, and much falsehood, it must needs follow, that the Papists were in time past very ignorant; and that john Billet in prolog. de diuin. off. plainly confesseth. Experience also teacheth the same, and manifestly showeth that they scarce understood any article of the creed. A certain Italian being asked not many years since by his confessor in Rome, whether he believed the holy Trinity: answered, yea. Being further demanded, what the Trinity was: What (said he) but our Lord God, and our Lady, and you our masters the priests and Friars? They are so brutish, that they verily believe that images walk and talk, and have life. Certain parishioners of a village 
Poggio.  not far from Florence coming to the city to bespeak a Crucifix, the carver seeing the simplicity of the men asked them, whether they would have one alive or dead. The parties after some deliberation answered, they would have a crucifix alive. For (said they) if the parish like him not, we will kill him, and so rid our hands of him.  
Most of them believe the lies and fables, that Priests tell them out of their legends. And those are the best part of their knowledge. A poor country man of ours believed, the S. Tinnoc of Portle mouth in Devon was a good guardian of sheep: and therefore offered every year a fleece. On a time passing over the water at Salcomb with his offering, and being in danger, vowed, if he escaped to offer his horse, which he did, and the Saint with good glee and a beck accepted him. But not being able well to return on foot, he prayed he might buy his horse of the Saint. The priest was the broker and made the bargain, but it was so hard, that the poor man said, he was a good keeper of sheep, but a cut throat Saint to deal with all in buying and selling.  
Commonly they neither understood what they prayed, nor what was said in the Church, neither do they now understand much more, albeit the Priests in their new and 〈◊〉 Catechisms endeavour to teach them somewhat.  
If men will not believe experience, yet let them read what Friars themselves in their Sermons, and what others say in their writings. Vincentius in his treatise De fine mundi, speaking of the people of his time, saith: Praedicationes non audiunt, articulos fidei nesciunt. They hear not sermons, they know not the articles of the faith.  
Robertus Gallus in his 32. vision saith, that all children (except a few) shall depart from their fathers, leaving the examples and admonitions of their elders, and that worldly minds shall remain under counterfeit religion. Apostatabunt filij omnes, exceptis paucis, à patribus suis, 〈◊〉 vitas & monita maiorum suorum, & sub palliata religione seculares animi permanebunt.  
Brigit in her revelations saith, That the works and words 
3. Brigit. 15.  of Christ were so neglected, that few thought of them, or remembered them. Opera & verba Christi sunt adeò neglecta, ut iam pauci ea recolant.  
Hosius disputing against Brentius telleth us of a Collier, 
De authorit. Eccles.  that could answer nothing of his faith, but that he believed as the Church believed.  
We may therefore assure ourselves, that the apostasy spoken of by the Apostle, 1. Tim. 4. is plainly seen in the Romish church, and that the smoke, that ascended out of the bottomless pit, like the smoke of a furnace, and darkened the Sun and the air, as we may read Apocalypse 9 was nothing else but the errors and ignorance of Papists, that covered Christian religion, and obscured the face of the Church. Of this defection and darkness Robertus Gallus doth speak in his visions ca 3. showing, that the church should be overwhelmed with this darkness, and that the same should arise out of the Church. Egressa est (saith he) caligo illa ab Ecclesia.  
Sol (saith another) qui est spiritualis potentatus factus est niger, 
O●us Eccles. cap. 19  quia non serenum coelum, sed tetrum infernum aperit. Proptereà peruersu● Pontifex nuncupatur Angelus abyssi. The Sun which is the spiritual power was made black, because he (the Pope) openeth not the clear heaven, but black hell. Therefore a perverse Pope is called the Angel of the bottomless pit. And again: the seat of the beast, that is, the malignant Church, is in the court of Rome, whose kingdom is dark.  
Francis Petrarch in his seventéenth Epistle describing the court of Rome: Nullaibi lux (saith he) nullus dux, nullus index anfractuum, sed caligo undique & ubique confusio, ne parum vera sit Babylon, ac perplexitas mira, utque Lucani verbis utar, nox ingens scelerum, tenebrosa inquam, & aeterna nox expers syderum & aurorae nescia, tum profunda & iugis actuum opacitas. There is no light there, no guide, no leader in turnings, but darkness round about, and confusion every where, lest it should not seem to be true Babylon, wonderful perplexity, and to use Lucan's words, a great night of abominable sins, I say, a dark and continual night, without starlight, or glimmering of morning twilight; and a deep and continual obscurity of men's actions.  
Most miserable therefore, and calamitous is the state of the Papists. For if eternal life consist in the knowledge of God, and Christ jesus, as himself teacheth us, joh. 17. what hope can they have, that are ignorant of God and godliness; of Christ, and Christ's true religion? If they live in darkness, and without light, that want the light of God's word; then is the darkness of popery great, where public prayers, and Scriptures read publicly are kept under the cover of strange tongues, as a candle under a bushel. If the people of God were led away captive, for that they wanted knowledge, as it is, Isa. 5. what possibility have the Papists to free themselves from the captivity of the devil and Antichrist, that are ignorant of religion, and led by the noses by impostors, and false teachers suborned by Antichrist? Finally, if the people perish, where there is no prophesying, as we read Proverb. 29. then are the Papists in a most fearful and damnable state, among whom the word of God is not sincerely preached, and to whom wicked Masspriests and Friars for the word of God preach humane devices and lies. The very heathen understood, that the knowledge of God was the beginning, the cause, and rule of humane happiness. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Pythagoras) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Apud Stobaeum.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If then they understand not their misery, that want the knowledge of God; they are more ignorant and less excusable than heathen people.  
Against this assertion, I doubt not but Robert Parsons will take exception, who in his Wardw. pag. 12. stormeth, when he heareth us but once to mention the ignorance of Quèene Mary's times. But the matter is too manifest for him to face out with big words. He telleth us of Tonstal, Watson, Christophorson, Fecknam, Gardiner and White. But neither was the learning of these men extraordinary, as some of their doings yet extant declare, nor was their learning great in the true knowledge of divinity. Nor was this a good consequence, these men were learned, therefore the people were also learned. For these men seldom preached, and but to few, and to very little edification. He addeth therefore in the Warn-word 〈◊〉. Encountr. cap. 6. that the learning and skill of Doctors and teachers maketh the people intelligent and skilful. But that is, 〈◊〉 they teach and instruct the people, which these did not. There also he 〈◊〉 us, 〈◊〉 in other countries the common people, yea children and babes are able to answer in Christian religion. But first this concerneth times past nothing. And next this fashion of 〈◊〉 is but in few places exercised, and by the jebusitoes in imitation of true teachers. For so the devil's ministers imitate Christ's Apostles. Thirdly, the Catechism of Papists is nothing, but the Creed, the Pater noster, the Law, and seven Sacraments, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his doctrine in his Italian Catechism: and of Aue Maria, and other devices, as other Catechisms show. Fourthly, there is much mixture of ceremonies and false doctrine. Finally, the Italians and Spaniards are little wiser for this catechising.  
He telleth us also in his Wardw. p. 12. of the profound learning of the school-doctors in Spain and Italy, and saith, We dare not once appear to dispute with them. But neither maketh the skill of the diverse sects of 〈◊〉 for the Priests or the people, that are not taught by them. Nor is their learning skill in Scriptures or Fathers, which few of them read, as appeareth by the confession of Ferdinand Vellosillo in his preface upon his advertences on the Doctors. Nor are there so many learned, as is pretended. True it is, that they are now more diligent, than they were in time past, but it is rather to suppress truth, then to teach truth. For they teach seldom, and talk of vain speculations, and desire nothing, but that the people should be ignorant in God's word: which popish ignorance is now almost as much in Italy and Spain, as in time past. God enlighten those nations, and make them once see the truth, and understand their ignorance.   

CHAP. II. Of the common works of Papists.  
BUt may our adversaries say, albeit in time past men were not so learned; yet they lived better than men of our times. And true it is that S. Augustine saith, That men 
Li. 3. conf. c. 〈◊〉  unlearned earnestly contend for heaven, while learned men without understanding wallow in flesh and blood: if we understand it of those that only had learned Christ jesus and him crucified, and were unskilful in other matters; and not of those rude and ignorant people, that albeit cunning in worldly affairs, were notwithstanding utterly ignorant of Christ jesus. Wherefore as we have before proved the Papists to be commonly most ignorant of divine matters, so now we will briefly touch their lives and actions, to see if their manners correspond with their skill. And the rather I follow this course, for that Schoppius telleth us 
De 〈◊〉.  of their brave works done in the times of jubileys, and Robert Parsons is ever talking of good works, as if that were the proper possession of his consorts. Wherein I would not have any to think that when I name Papists, I mean to speak against all our forefathers (who indeed positively held not all points of popery, but rather professed Christianity positively, albeit they did not resolutely deny popish errors) but only such as are the chief founders, teachers, and maintainers of popish Religion, and which with great zeal persecute all that resist it, or refuse it.  
These fellows therefore, I say, have no cause to 〈◊〉 or boast of their works. For whether we look into the diversity of times or states of men, or else consider every virtue and good work by itself, or look into the countries drowned in Popery; I doubt not but we shall find the zelators and chief pillars of popery very defective, and no way answerable to the commendation which their hired Proctors do commonly give them.  
For the times before the year of our Lord 1500, I have already alleged the testimonies of Brigit, Pettarch, Catherine of Sienna, Boccace, Breidenbach, Hugetin, Robertus Gallus, Math. Paris, and diverse 〈◊〉: unto which I will add the testimony of Platina, Vspergensis and Wernerus. I need not say (saith Platina) how excessive the covetousness 
In Marcellino  of Priests is, and of those especially that are in principal places, nor how great is their lust, ambition, pomp, pride, sloth, ignorance of themselves, and of Christian doctrine, how corrupt their religion is, and rather dissembled then true, and how corrupt are their manners, in profane men, whom they call secular, to be detested, seeing they offend so openly and publicly, as if they sought praise hereby. He saith, their vices were 
Ibidem.  so increased, that they seemed scarce to leave any place for God's mercy. And in Gregory the fourth, In omnem luxum & libidinem se effundit 〈◊〉 or do: The Clergy (saith he) doth run headlong into all luxuriousness and lust. If then the people follow such guides, we may well imagine in what terms the Church stood in his time. Then began mischiefs to be multiplied, saith Vrspergensis, there sprang up hatred, deceits, & treasons. Heu, heu, Domine Deus, (saith Wernerus) 
In fasc. temp.  quomodo obscuratum est aurum, mutatus est color optimus! qualia contigisse circa haec tempora, etiam in Ecclesia & sede Apostolica, quam usque huc tanto zelo, custodivisti, legimus scandala! quales contentiones & aemulationes, sectae, invidiae, ambitions, intrusiones, persecutiones! o tempus pessimum, in quo defecit sanctus, & diminutae sunt veritates à filijs hominum! Alas, alas, O Lord God, how is our gold obscured! how is the good colour (or state of things) changed! what scandals do we read to have happened about these times in the Church and Apostolic see, which hitherto thou hast with such zeal preserved! what contentions and emulations, sects, envies, ambitions, intrusions and persecutions! o most wicked time, in which holy men are failed, and truth diminished from the sons of men! He saith also, that about one thousand years after Christ, Christian faith began to fail, and that men gave themselves to soothsaying and witchcraft.  
The wickedness and profaneness of latter times, and of times present, the Papists themselves must needs acknowledge. And yet because Robert Parsons thinketh so well of his consorts, I would have him to turn back to that which is said already. Let him also read that which followeth out of later writers. Apud plerosque religionis nostrae 
In or at. ad  primores (saith john Picus of Mirandula) ad quorum exemplum 
Leon. 10.  componi atque for mari plebs ignara debuisset, 〈◊〉, aut certè exiguus Dei cultus, nulla benè vivendi ratio atque institutio, nullus pudor, nulla modestia. justitia vel in odium, vel in gratiam declinavit, piet as penè in superstitionem procubuit, palamque omnibus in hominum ordinibus peccatur, sic ut saepenumero virtus probis viris vitio vertatur, vitia loco virtutum honorari soleant, ab his qui suorum criminum quasi septa, & tanquam moenia, & 〈◊〉 petulantiam, & diuturnitatem impunitatem esse putaverunt. Amongst the most of the principal men of our religion, saith he, after whose example the ignorant sort of people ought to conform themselves, there is either none, or but little religion, no order or institution of good living, no shame, no modesty. justice inclineth to hatred or favour, godliness is almost overthrown by superstition, and all states of men do sin publicly, and in such sort, that oftentimes virtue is a reproach to honest men, and vices are honoured for virtues, of those who have thought unusual insolency, continuance and impunity, to be the walls and defences of their crimes. Afterward he taxeth the luxuriousness of all estates, the furiousness of lusts, the ambition and covetousness and superstition of the Clergy.  
Baptista of Mantua writing to Leo, hath these words: 
Lib. fast. 4.   

Sancte pater, succurre Leo, respublica Christi  
Labitur, aegrotatque fides iam proxima morti.   
That is, Help holy father Leo, the Christian common wealth is falling, and religion is sick, and at the point of death.  
Marcellus Palingenius in his book to Hercules Duke of 
Paling. Virgo  Ferrara, complaineth of a general corrupiton in the world.  

Imo libenter, saith he, Destituam hunc mundum innumerisque refertum  
Fraudibus atque dolis, incestibus atque rapinis,  
〈◊〉 ubi nulla 〈◊〉; piet as ubi 〈◊〉, nec ulla  
〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉; & 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 crimina 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
That is, Willingly I leave this world, full of innumerable frauds, deceits, incests, rapines; where there is no true dealing, no piety, justice, peace or rest, and where all sins reign. And again:  

Et rura & siluae infames, urbs quaeque 〈◊〉.   
Both countries & woods are infamous, every city is now a bordel. If we consider the Popes, although they be called most holy, yet nothing can be devised more wicked & flagitious. Sabinian that followed Gregory that first, went about to abrogate all his acts. His life was unblamable (as saith Werner) and his end fearful. Of Constantine the second, he saith, that he governed with great scandal, and was the fifth infamous Pope. Not long after succeeded john the eight, or as some count the ninth, that played the harlot being Pope, and died in travel of childbirth: a matter most infamous, and not to be excused with words, or any impudent denial of 〈◊〉. Platina in the life of Sergius the third, speaking of diverse Popes about those times: Hi verò largitione (saith he) & ambitione pontificatum quaerentes, & adepti posthabito divino cultu inimcitias non secus ac saevissimi quidam tyranni inter se 〈◊〉 suas voluptates postea securius exoleturi, cum nullibi extarent, qui eorum vitia coercerent. That is, These men seeking the popedom by bribery and ambition, and having gotten the same, neglecting the service of God, did prosecute their enemies no otherwise then most cruel tyrants, purposing afterward to satisfy their pleasures, when there was none to correct or control them.  
Wernerus of john the twelfth saith, that he was totus lubricus, that is, wholly given to lust. Platina acordeth with him in the man's faults, though he reckon him the thirtéenth. Both agree, that he was slain of the devil. In the life of Greg. the sixth, Platina calleth 3. Popes, three most foul monsters.  
Beno, Platina and others testify, that Silvester the second and Benedict the ninth were Magicians, and gave themselves over to serve the devil.  
Of Gregory the seventh, not only Beno the Cardinal, but also diverse others report that he was a Necromancer, a murderer, a bloody and cruel man. The Council of Brixia deposed him as a notorious necromancer, possessed with a diabolical spirit, and an apostate from the faith.  
After the times of Gregory the seventh, the Popes never ceased to trouble Christendom, until such time, as they had overthrown the Roman Empire, and made way for the Turk, and dissolved all good orders both concerning religion and justice.  
He that continueth the story of Vrspergensis saith, that Clement the fifth was a notorious fornicator. Hic, ut habet Chronicon Hermanni, (saith he) fuit publicus fornicator.  
Matteo Villani in his history lib. 3. cap. 39 witnesseth against Clement 〈◊〉, that he kept the Countess of Turenna, and made no conscience of the shame of the Church. Della vergogna della sancta Chiesa non sifece conscienza.  
john the 23. was an incestuous person, a Sodomite and a most abominable atheist, that believed not the immortality of the soul, as was proved in the conventicle of Constance. The articles and proofs are yet to be read in the acts of that assembly, and reported by Peter Crabbe. Sixtus the fourth passed Nero the tyrant in all cruelty and villainy.  

Gaude prisce Nero (saith one) vincit te crimine Sixtus,  
Hîc scelus omne clauditur, & vitium.   
Of Innocentius the eight the common report went, that he begot of diverse women sixteen bastards, eight males, and so many of the female kind.  

Octo nocens pueros genuit (saith Marullus) totidemque puellas.  
Hunc merito poterit dicere Roma patrem.   
He was otherwise given to gluttony, avarice, idleness, and all filthiness, as Marullus recordeth:  

Spurcities, gula, avaritia at que ignavia deses,  
Hoc Octáue iacent, quo tegeris, tumulo, saith he.   
Yet none of the rest may seem to compare with Alexander the sixth, whether we respect beastly life, or impious infidelity He wasted the world, (as one saith of him) overthrew law and religion.  

Orbem rapinis, ferro & igne funditus vastavit, hausit, eruit.  
Humana iura, nec minùs 〈◊〉, ipsosque sustulit Deos.   
He had secret intelligence with the Turk, set Italy on a 〈◊〉, by empoysonment and practice took away men's lives, and beside harlots, of whom he begot diverse children, he abused his own daughter Lucretia, as diverse Historians report.  
Such as these were, we find that Leo the tenth, Clement the seventh, Paul the third, julius the third, Pius the fourth, and the rest, have been accounted, that is, men without religion or honesty. What Clement the eight now is, Rome knoweth, and his decayed 〈◊〉 speak. Therefore doth Brigit bring in Christ speaking to the Pope and saying, Why dost thou hate me? why is thy boldness and presumption so great? For so indeed they live, not as if they were ignorant of Christ, but as if they did deadly hate him.  
The Cardinals, which are the Pope's assistants, would be loath to shame their holy Father, and creator the Pope. And therefore albeit he excel others, yet these sometimes excel him in all licentiousness and looseness of life. The Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, and S. George, and Dettis, the present Pope's minions I hope will say for me. To leave them to their friends, and to their own consciences, let us look back to the Cardinals made by Clement the sixth. Mattheo Villani in his third book, cap. 39 signifieth, they had neither learning, nor honesty. Sixtus quartus his nephew Petrus Riarius died young spent with pleasures. Obijt, voluptatibus confectus, saith Onuphrius. His excess in gluttony and venery by his own friends was much noted and spoken of. Farnesius prostituted his sister to Alexander the sixth for a Cardinal's hat. Neither was he more infamous for bawdry, then for lechery, cruelty, and unkind dealing with his kindred.  
The Cardinal of Valentia killed his own brother and threw him into the river of Tiber: and afterward being called Caesar Borgia proved the most infamous monster, whereof there is any record in histories. Innocentius de monte that was julius the thirds Ganymedes, was made Cardinal for a reward. What manner of men Hippolito de Medici, and the young Cardinals made by Leo the tenth were, let the stories report. Brigit saith, that sometime justice dwelled in 
3. Brigit. 21.  Rome, but now her princes were murderers. And 4. Brigit 49. Cardinals extenti, & effusi sunt ad omnem superbiam, cupiditatem, & delectamentum carnis. That is: Cardinals are excessive in all pride, covetousness, and delights of the flesh. Aluarus Pelagius, lib. 2. de planctu Eccles. art. 16. speaking of Cardinals, saith: That in riches they are increased, but much diminished in piety. Aucta est possessio, diminuta religio.  
The Prelates, Monks, Friars, and Nuns, follow the steps of their leaders. Aluarus Pelagius having reckoned up many faults of popish Bishops, known to the world, as admitting men unworthy, using negligence in their calling, wanting knowledge, and such like, he saith, they offend privily, yet so as it may be easily seen, in uncleanness of life, simony, fraud, pride, covetousness, and that they are not ashamed. Nay he saith, they have a whore's forchead, 
Lib. 2. de planct. Eccles.  and declare their sins like Sodom. In occulto peccant per suas immunditias, & Simoniacas pactiones, frauds, superbias, & invidias, 
art. 20.  & avaritias, quae tamen à plerisque sciuntur. Nullam habent verecundiam aliqui ex eyes, sednec de eyes in quibus publicè delinquunt. Imò in peccatis gloriari videntur, undè frons meretricis facta est eyes. Nec de peccatis erubescunt, & peccatum suum sicut Sodoma praedicaverunt.  
The military orders of Knights professing religion, as 
Ibid. art, 23.  he saith, tread their observances under foot with their fleshly 
Art. 25.  living, and serve the flesh rather than Christ jesus. Monks degenerate from their ancestors, conspire, wander, contend, live dissolutely. Priests live in continently, give themselves to 
Ibid. art. 27.  witchcraft, entangle themselves in worldly affairs. Contra sanctam castitatem, quam Domino promiserunt, (saith he) sic offendunt continuè, etiam publicè, praeter ea nefandissima, quae in occulto perpetrant, quod nec chartae reciperent, nec calamus possit exarare. No books (saith he) can contain, nor pen describe the unspeakable abominations which they commit.  
Speaking of lawyers, soldiers, merchants, husbandmen, 
Lib. 2. de planctu Eccles.  men and women he doth reckon up such impieties, blasphemies, witcheries, filthiness and abominations, frauds, oppressions and other faults, that it seemeth impossible among the Gentiles and Turks to find worse men.  
With him Brigit also concurreth, charging the Governors 
3. Brigit 10.  of the Church with three notorious vices, that is, whoredom, avarice, and prodigality. Tria facinora exercent Ecclesiae provisores, (saith Brigit) in carne vitam meretricalem habent. Secundò sunt insatiabiles similes voragini maris ad cupiditatem pecuniae. Tertiò, bona irrationabiliter, & prodigaliter, sicut torrens impetu suo aquam fundens, pro superbia largiuntur. She saith also, that as they ride great horses, so the devil rideth them, striking their breasts with his heels. Supra colla Praelatorum, qui pro vana gloria magnos equos ascendunt, sedent Diaboli, & suis calcibus pectora corum impellunt.  
Catherine of Sienna cap. 125. saith, that religious men, pretend Angels life, but for the most part are worse than devils. Religiosi collocati sunt in religione, velut Angeli, sed quamplurimi sunt daemonibus deteriores. And again: religious men are made the devil's instruments corrupting religion within themselves, and among their brethren, and without among lay men. 
1. Brigit. 41.   
Of lay men Brigit giveth no more commendation, then of the rest. Lay men (saith she) in Baptism and other Sacraments promise to serve God, but now they are departed from God, as if they were ignorant of him. The word of God they mock, and Gods works account as vanity: they say Gods commandments are too grievous, they break their word and their oaths, they have left God, and joined themselves to the devil, they seek their own things, and not those which are Gods. Laicus dedit fidem in baptismate, ac in susceptione aliorum Sacramentorum promisit se Deo seruiturum: nunc autem discessit à Deo, quasi ignorans Deum: verba sacra habet pro ludibrio, opera divina pro vanitate, mandata Dei ait sibi nimis gravia, factus est fidei & promissi iuramenti violator, derelinquit Deum, & associavit se diabolo, propriam laudem quaerit, & quae sua non quae Dei sunt.  
Mantuan speaking of Masspriests, saith, that shepherds 
Alphons. lib. 6  hate their flocks and care not to feed them, but to shear them and mock them being so spoilt. pastors odere pecus, nec pascere curant, sed tondere greges, pecorique illudere tonso. And in his third book of Calamities, he saith, they are filthy, incestuous, and hated of God.  

Inuisi superis, foedaque libidine olentes,  
Heu frustra incestis iterant sacra orgia dextris.   
Religious men also, as he saith, have wolvish hearts, 
Lib. 3. 〈◊〉.  and are defiled with great crimes.  

Ouium molli sub vellere frauds (saith he)  
Mente lycaonias servant, & crimine sordent.   
Palingenius telleth us, that if we mean to keep our houses 
Leo.  undefiled, we must avoid Monks, Friars and all manner of Mass priests: he saith that there is no greater plague, that they are the scum of the people, a fountain of foolery, a sink of sin, wolves clothed in lambs skins, serving God for hire, and not for religion, that they deceive simple men under a false colour of religion, and under the shadow of religion commit an infinite number of wicked acts and villainies. Finally, that they are robbers, adulterers, bougrers, and slaves of gluttony and luxuriousness.  

Sed 〈◊〉 (saith he) praecipuè non intret limina quisquam  
Frater vel monachus, vel quavis lege sacerdos.  
Hos fuge. Pestis enim nulla immanior. Hi sunt  
Faex hominum, fons stultitiae, sentina malorum,  
Agnorum sub pelle lupi, mercede colentes,  
Non pietate Deum, falsa sub imagine recti  
Decipiunt stolidos, ac relligionis in 〈◊〉  
Mille actus vetitos, & mille 〈◊〉 condunt,  
Raptores, moechi, puerorum corruptores;  
Luxuriae atque gulae famuli.   
And this may be verified by the filthy lives of the 〈◊〉 in England, which enter into no house, but leave a filthy savour of their villainy behind them, neither sparing the good wife, nor the good man's daughters, nor the servants of the house, as partly the diverse confessions of the priests themselves & of parties abused, and partly the depositions of witnesses and records do prove: of which I would set down some here, but that I would not blemish any that is repentant, nor touch 〈◊〉 reputation of any simple Papist, but where I am urged.  
The same man doth say further, that all is full of errors, fooleries and flagitious crimes.  

Hinc tanta errorum scabies (saith he) tot stultitiarum 
Virgo.   
Collwies, hinc & tot millia flagi iorum.   
But if Papists do so many good works, as Parsons pretendeth; let us see what they are, and in what places they are done. First, works of true and sincere religion they care not for. The Popes give over teaching, and busy themselves not much with praying. Nay they persecute such as profess religion, and will not suffer the vulgar sort to understand what they pray, commanding them to pray publicly in tongues not understood.  
Pontifices nunc bella iwant (saith Palingenius) sunt cetera nugae, Nec praecepta patrum, nec Christi dogmata curant.  
Prelate's now delight in war, other things they esteem as toys, they neither regard the precepts of their fathers, nor Christ's Religion.  
justice is slowly administered among them: for the Pope easily dispenseth with the breach of all Ecclesiastical laws, and giveth absolution for most heinous sins before, and sometime without all satisfaction. Vrspergensis speaking of the days of Innocent the third, Exaltatum est cornu (saith he) iniquitatis: The horn of iniquity is exalted. He showeth also, that then justice was sold for money. In time past (saith Brigit) 
3. Brig. 21.  justice dwelled in Rome, and 〈◊〉 princes were studious of peace, but now all is turned into dross, and her princes are murderers.  
Neither do they so many alms deeds, or deal so bountifully, that they nééd much to brag of their liberality. Petrarch doth call 〈◊〉 covetous Babylon: and saith, that 
Cant. 107.  covetousness reigneth there. Multo aequanimius ferunt millium 
Epist. 19 〈◊〉 nom.  animarum iacturam (saith Clemangis) quam decem solidorum: 
De corrupt.  They had rather lose ten thousand souls, than ten shillings. 
Eccles. stat.   
But percase by reason of their solemn vows they are chaste and continent. Alas there is nothing more sensual and luxurious. Quis non moechaturꝭ (saith Palingenius, speaking of the Romish unchaste 〈◊〉) that is, Who doth not offend in luxuriousness? Huldricus doth show, that this forswearing 
In Ep. ad Nic.  of marriage is cause of great uncleanness. Pelagius lib. 2. the planct. Eccles. art. 27. saith, that by reason of priests vows and licentiousness, almost half the people in Spain are bastards. Speaking of priests, Nimis incontinenter viaunt (saith he) atque utinam nunquam continentiam promisissent, maximè Hispani & regnicolae, in quibus provincijs in pauco maiori numero sunt filij laicorum, quam clericorum. This I cite at large for the honour of bastard Parsons, that is so well affected to some old bastard Spaniards.  
Truth is no friend to such lying companions. What 
Epist. 16. 〈◊〉 nom.  truth can be there (saith Petrarch) where all is so full of lies? He excepteth not the secret places of Churches, the seats of justice, nor the Pope's throne. Quis usquam (saith he) vero locus, ubi omnia mendacijs plena sunt? For their fraud and lies, 〈◊〉 calleth priests and Friars impostors and crafty 
In Leone.  foxes.  

Hos impostores igitur, vulpesque dolosas Pelle procul.   
Neither can we commend them much for their clemency, albeit their Popes sometimes affect the name and title of Clement. For they prosecute their enemies as cruelly, as ever did tyrants, as Platina saith in Sergio. 3. they torment poor simple Christians, that touch their abuses and massacre them. They are red with the blood of saints.  
Finally, neither virtue nor piety showeth itself in any of their actions. What are then the good works that our adversaries so much commend in themselves? Forsooth pilgrimages to Rome, oblations to saints, alms given to sturdy Friars & Monks, building of Seminaries for rebellious youths, eating of fish and to adstooles, and muscles on fasting days, vowing of virginity and 〈◊〉 life, whipping a man's self, doing penance by a Proctor, praying to Saints, hearing of Masses, and such like. Nay they account it meritorious, to massacre Christian Princes and others, when the Pope doth excommunicate them. But part of these works are flagitious, part 〈◊〉, none good. If then they allege us not their good works and prove them, their glory and boasting of their works will prove vain and odious.  
Finally, they must show us, where these works are done, for which the Papists look to merit eternal life, and by which they claim justification. If they say at Rome, as no doubt they will, calling the same the holy city, than we shall wonder at their impudency. For that city both in regard of Priests, and people, of all others is known to be 
Lib. Calam. 3.  most flagitious. Peter's palace (saith Mantuan) is polluted, and rotten with luxuriousness.  

— Petrique domus polluta fluenti Marcescit luxu.   
And again:  

Sanctus ager scurris, venerabilis ara Cynaedis  
Seruit, venerandae diwm Ganymedibus aedes.   
The same man (lib. 4. fastorum) telleth Leo the tenth, that he was to reform three things: first, the bloody broils of Italy: secondly, the poison of the court of Rome that infected all countries: and thirdly, the abuses of religion, that was much oppressed. The manners of Italy, Robert Bishop of Aquila rehearseth The sins of Rome are noted by Petrarch in his Sonnets beginning: Fiamma dal cielo, and L'auara Babylonia, and Fontana di dolore, where he 〈◊〉, that she deserveth to be consumed with fire from heaven, for her notorious wickedness. Palingenius bringeth in the devil 
Capricorn.  affirming, that both the men and women of Rome were his, for that all did apply themselves to luxuriousness, gluttony, theft, and fraud, contending who should excel others.  

Cuncti 〈◊〉, (saith he) atque 〈◊〉, furtisque dolisque  
Certatimincumbunt, noster que est sexus uterque.   
If then pure religion is to visit the fatherless and widows in their adversity, and to live an unspotted life in this world, as james the Apostle teacheth, then is not Popish religion true nor undefiled. If such as do the works of the 〈◊〉 described Galat. 5. shall not inherit the kingdom of God; then is the state of Papists most miserable, unless they repent. They may say to themselves, Peace, peace, and boast themselves, that they can do mischief. But there is no peace to the wicked, neither shall their mischienous malice and bloody massacres always escape unpunished.   

CHAP. III. Of the erroneous, and absurd doctrine of Papists, concerning the foundations of Christian Religion.  
WHetched is the state of those, that live in 〈◊〉 and ignorance, and without the knowledge of religion and virtue. Ignorantia magnum malum, and as Tully saith, nescire turpe: It is a shame not to know. But not to know God, nor his laws, is both shameful and 〈◊〉. Qui ignorat, ignor abitur, saith the Apostle: that is, God 
1. Cor. 14.  will not know him, that is ignorant of God. Yet far worse it is, to do maliciously and wickedly, then only to live in ignorance and blindness. But worst of all it is, to hold obstinately dangerous and false opinions, contrary to the faith of Christ. If then beside their ignorance and kindness, the Papists hold diverse erroneous and false opinions concerning religion, then cannot their estate be otherwise, then miserable. Let us therefore see, what they hold both concerning the foundations, and also concerning diverse necessary points of religion.  
The Papists give out, that the Pope is the foundation, and the rock, upon which the Church is built. Bellarmine lib. 2. de pontiff. Rom. cap. 31. talking of the Pope's titles saith, that he is called a foundation, and that he is fundamentum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the foundation of the building of the Church. In his Preface before his books the Pontif. Rom. speaking of these words of Isay, Ecce 〈◊〉 in fundamentis Sion lapidem, lapidem probatum, angularem; saith, that these words not unfitly may be applied to the Pope: as if he were that corner stone, that is placed in the foundations of Zion.  
Stapleton like wise in his Preface before the 〈◊〉 of his doctrinal principles, affirmeth desperately, that God speaketh in the Pope, and that the foundation of Christian religion, is necessarily placed in his authority teaching us. It was much to say, that he was any way the foundation of religion. But to make him a necessary foundation, was a greater presumption, than I find in his fellows. His words are these, In hac docentis hominis authoritate, in qua Deum loquentem audimus, religionis nostrae cognoscendae fundamentum necessariò poni cernimus.  
Neither can any of them well deny, but that the Pope is the rocks, upon which the Church is built, and against which the gates of hell cannot prevail, seeing generally they prove the Pope's authority out of Christ's words to Peter, Mat. 16. For if these words be not meant of the Pope, but of Christ, whom Peter confessed; then are they fond alleged for justification of the Pope's authority.  
In sum all their practice showeth, that the Pope to them is summa summarum, and the corner stone, and chief foundation of the popish Church. For allege Scriptures, they quarrel about the interpretation, and admit no sense but that which the Pope alloweth, although his glosses and interpretations be never so contrary to the text. Again, allege Counsels, they inquire, if the Pope have allowed them. Allege Fathers speaking against the Pope, they reject them. But allege the Pope's determination, there they stop like resty jades, and will not be 〈◊〉 further. So the Pope and his resolutions are the foundations, nay, they are all in all with Papists.  
But this is not only contrary to the words of Scripture, Isay 8. and 28. Mat. 16. and 1. Cor. 3. and Ephes. 2. where Christ is made the corner stone and sole foundation of the Church, but also contrary to all Fathers, and good interpreters of Scriptures.  
The same is also most absurd and contrary to reason. For first if the Pope were the foundation of the Church; then should there be as many foundations, as Popes. Secondly, the Church should be built upon foundations diverse from Christ. Thirdly, the foundations of the Church should differ one from another, one Pope contradicting, and crossing another. Fourthly, the Pope's being sometimes reprobates and damned, hell should prevail against the foundation of the Church, which is most absurd. Fiftly, the Church during the vacation should be without foundation, and a woman being Pope, the Church should be built upon a woman. Finally, the Church should be built upon men subject to infirmities, errors and mutations, and not upon Christ jesus, the unmoveable rock.  
The Conventicle of Trent talking of the books of the 
Sess. 4.  old and new Testament, and of traditions as well concerning faith, as manners, doth receive both with equal affection and reverence, as it were either delivered unto us, either by the mouth of Christ, or by the holy Ghost, and kept by continual succession in the Catholic church. Omnes libros tam veteris quam novitestamenti, 〈◊〉 unus Deus sit author, nec non traditiones 〈◊〉, tum ad 〈◊〉, tum ad mores pertìnentes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à Christo, 〈◊〉 à Spiritu Sancto dictàtas, & 〈◊〉 successione in Ecclesia 〈◊〉 conseruatus pari pietatis 〈◊〉 ac reverentia 〈◊〉 ac veneratur.  
Those likewise among the Papists, that proceed Doctors, or take any degree in schools do profess, that they most firmly admit and embrace the traditions of the Apostles, and the Church, and other ecclesiastical obscruances, and constitutions. Apostolicas & ecclesiasticas traditiones, reliquasque eiusdem Ecclesie obseruationes, & constitutiones firmissimè admitto, saith every one of them.  
Bellarmine lib. 4. de verbo Dei cap. 1. beginning to 〈◊〉 of traditions, hitherto (saith he) we have disputed of the written word of God; now we will begin to speak briefly of the word of God not written: accounting traditions to be the word of God as well as holy scriptures.  
Aliud hodie religionis Christiane fundament 〈◊〉 (saith Stapleton) 
Praefat ante relect princip. doctrine.  habemus, non quidem à Christo aliud, sed ab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euangelicis & Apostolicis aliud: That is, we have now another foundation of Christian religion, not diverse from Christ, but diverse from the evangelical and Apostolical scriptures. So either he excludeth scriptures from being the ground of Christian religion, or else maketh unwritten traditions equal unto them. Afterward in his Analysis prefixed before his Doctrinal principles, delivering to his disciples the grounds of Christian religion, he vouchsafeth the scriptures no place among them.  
But 〈◊〉, if 〈◊〉 the books of the old testament they understand all the books contained in the old latin vulgar translation of the Bible; then they admit the third and fourth books of Esdras, and all additions to the original text, to be canoniall scriptures: which 〈◊〉 their own decrees concerning the canon of Scriptures.  
Secondly it is absurd to make unwritten traditions equal with the holy Scriptures. For these are certainly known to proceed from God. But of unwritten traditions the adversaries can bring no proof, but from men. Now who is so presumptuous as to match the 〈◊〉 of men with the word of God? Augustine in his 48 〈◊〉 to Vincentius, speaking of the father's writings, saith, they are to be distinguished from the authority of the canon. And in his eight epistle which is to 〈◊〉, he saith, that unto the Scriptures alone this prerogative is to be given, that none of them containeth any errors. All other authors he would have censured and examined by them, being not 〈◊〉 from errors.  
The holy Scriptures are always consonant and agreeable to themselves. But traditions do not only contradict one another, but also are repugnant to holy Scriptures. Polycrates as Eusebius lib. 5. Eccles. hist. c. 23. reyorteth, maintained the observance of the feast of Easter according to the practice of the Churches of Asia to be according to the Apostles traditions: Victor and the Church of Rome thought contrary. Some maintained the fast upon the Sabbath, others denied it, and both held by tradition. Sive hodiè Christus natus est, etc. whether Christ was borne or baptised as this day, saith 〈◊〉 serm. de nat. to. 3. there is a diverse opinion in the world, and according to the diversity of traditions, there are diverse judgements. The Romanists do found their communion under one kind, and their Masses without communion, and the external & propitiatory sacrifice of the Mass, and the hanging up the Sacrament in the Pixe, and the divine adoration given to it upon tradition. But all these observations are impious, and contrary to Scriptures.  
Some traditions are now abolished, as the prohibition of Saturdays fast, the rite of standing when we pray between Easter and Whitsuntide, the forms of prayer in old time used in celebration of the sacrament of the Lords supper, and diverse others, whereof some are mentioned by Basil lib. de Spir. sand. c. 27. Bellarmine also lib. 4. de verbo Dei, c. 2. confesseth, that some traditions were temporary. But it is impious to say, that the holy Scriptures are temporary, or at any time to be abolished.  
diverse traditions are no where found, but in the Legends, Missals and Portesses, and such books of small account and credit, as for example, the ceremonies & rites of the Mass, the prayers of the canon, the formal adoration of Saints and Angels, the incredible narrations of S. Clement, S. Nicholas, S. Christopher, S. George, S. Catherine, S. Dominicke, S. Francis and infinite other Saints: which no man may receive with like affection as he receiveth holy Scriptures, but he shall infinitely disgrace the Scriptures, and show himself to be no Catholic.  
Furthermore, if the Papists build their 〈◊〉 upon traditions, then is their 〈◊〉 humane, as having no ground but the testimony of this man and that man, that speaketh of traditions. Their faith is also most weak and 〈◊〉, as being built upon the lies reported in Legends, and the fantastical ceremonies contained in the Missal and Breviary.  
The holy 〈◊〉 are called the old and new testament, and the Apostle Ephes. 6. calleth the word of God the sword of the Spirit. Writing to Timothy he saith, holy scriptures 
2. Tim 3.  are able to make the man of God perfect and absolute, and wise unto salvation. But howsoever the blind Papists favour their traditions, yet I hope they will be ashamed to call their fardel of traditions Gods eternal testament, or the sword of the spirit, or to say, that traditions are able to make the man of God perfect, or wise to salvation.  
Finally, no holy father did ever make Ecclesiastical traditions not written, nor contained in Scriptures, but only commended by the Church of Rome, or kept by custom, or taken up by fancy, and recorded only in humane writings of equal authority with canonical scriptures. Infidelitatis argumentum est etc. (saith Basil) It is an argument of infidelity, 
In serm. de fid confess.  and a most certain sign of pride, if a man will reject any thing that is written, or bring in any thing not written. The like saying he hath Moral. 72. c. 1. & 86. & 22. Neither is it like that he should speak of traditions repugnant to scriptures, as some do answer. For every Christian man knoweth, that nothing is to be received contrary to Scriptures: and to admonish men of that, had been superfluous.  
Si quid dicatur absque scriptura (saith Chrysostome hom. in Psal. 95.) auditorum 〈◊〉 claudicat, nunc annuens, nunc 〈◊〉. If any thing be spoken without proof of scripture, the mind of the hearers resteth in suspense, now yielding, now denying. Neither doth he speak only of a man's own invention, but also of all other men's reports or devices without ground of scripture. In his thirteenth homily upon the second Epistle of S. Paul to the Corinthians, he calleth Scriptures a most exact rule. What need then have we of the additions of traditions not written, if scriptures be a most exact rule?  
Diabolici spiritus est (saith Theophilus lib. 2. paschal.) aliquid 〈◊〉 scripturarum sacrarum authoritatem putare divinum. It is a sign of a devilish spirit to think that any thing is divine which is without the authority of holy scriptures. What reason then hath Bellarmine to call traditions the word of God not written? Hierome in his commentaries upon the 23. of Ma thew, speaking of a certain tradition: Quod de scriptures authoritatem non habet, eadem facilitate 〈◊〉, qua probatur: That which is not confirmed by authority of scriptures, is with the same facility contemned, that it is proved. And writing upon the first chap. of the prophet Aggey, he saith, That the sword of God doth strike all those things, which men of their own accord do find out, and feign as it were Apostolical traditions without the authority and testimony of scriptures.  
Ubi de re 〈◊〉 disputatur (saith Augustine lib. 2. de peccatorum merit. & remiss. c. 36.) non adiwantibus divinarum scripturarum certis, clarisque documentis, cohibere se debet humana praesumptio, nihil faciens in alteram partem declinando. Where we contend about some most obscure question, there man's presumption ought to stay itself, declining to neither side, if the certain and clear documents of scripture help us not.  
The next ground of the late Romish faith is laid upon the old latin vulgar translation. For whosoever receiveth 
Sess. 4.  not the scriptures, as they are contained in the old vulgar latin translation is pronounced accursed by the conventicle of Trent. Again, the same conventicle purposing to declare what Latin edition or translation of scriptures is authentical, determineth that the old latin vulgar translation shall be authentical, so that no man upon any 〈◊〉 dare or may reject it: Vt nemo illam reijcere quovis praetextu audeat vel 〈◊〉.  
Canus in his theological common places, as he calleth them, doubteth not to affirm that the jews have corrupted the Hebrew text of the old testament: and this diverse other papistical writers have also supposed. The gloss upon the chapter ut veterum. dist. 9 affirmeth plainly, that both jews and greeks have corrupted the copies of scriptures in those tongues. But the old vulgar Latin translation most Papists now hold to be sincere, incorrupt and pure, and allow as authentical.  
Bellarmine in his second book De verbo Dei, cap. 2. saith, that albeit the scriptures in Hebrew be not altogether corrupted, yet they are not sound and pure, but have certain errors. Likewise lib. 2. ca 7. speaking of the Greek text of the new Testament, he saith, that the same is not sound nor without errors, and that it is not safe always to correct the Latin by the Greek. But in the same book cha. 10. with all his force he endeavoureth to defend the old Latin translation as authentical. The which is not only a plain declaration 〈◊〉 the weakness of the Romish faith, that is built upon so corrupt grounds, but also of the absurd and unreasonable 〈◊〉 of our adversaries. The prophet cryeth 〈◊〉 against the 〈◊〉, that forsook God the fountain of living water, and digged to themselves pits or cisterns that could 
jer. 〈◊〉.  hold no water. Is it not then admirable that any should be so blind as to forsake the original texts of Scripture, and to fly to the corrupt cisterns of the Latin vulgar translation?  
Hilary upon the 118. psalm saith, That he hath often admonished his hearers, that the Latin translation could not yield satisfaction for their understanding. Frequenter admonuimus (saith he) non posse satisfactionem 〈◊〉 ex latinitatis 〈◊〉 praestari.  
Ambrose teacheth us, that where there is contention about 
〈◊〉. 2. de Spir. sanct. c 〈◊〉.  the variation of Latin translations, there the Greek books are to be looked upon. Si quis de Latinorum codicum varietate contendit (saith he) quorum aliquos perfidi falsaverunt, Graecoes inspiciat codices. And in his book De incarnate. 〈◊〉. 8. So have we found (saith he) in the Greek text whose authority is greater.  
Hierome in an 〈◊〉 to Sunia saith, that in the old testament we are to have recourse to the Hebrew text. In his 〈◊〉 in 4. Euang. he showeth, that there is great variety of Latin books, and that in correcting of errors and finding the truth we are to return to the 〈◊〉 originals. Si veritas est quaerenda (saith he) cur non ad Graecam originem revertentes, ea quae 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 reddita, vel addita, vel mutata corrigimus?  
Augustine also in his second book De doctr. Christ. cap. 10. saith, That to correct Latin copies, we are to have recourse to the Hebrew and Greek books of Scripture. Ad exemplaria Hebraea & Graeca, (saith he) à Latinis recurratur. And in the same book chap. 15. Latinis emendandis, Graeci adhibeantur codices. Latin books of Scripture are to be mended by the Greek originals.  
The adversaries also themselves are ashamed sometimes to say, that either the old Latin vulgar translation is to be preferred before the original Text of Scripture, or that the same is authentical. The 〈◊〉 glozing upon the 〈◊〉. ut veterum. dist. 9 affirm, that where the Copies vary, the original is to be exhibited, and that the Latin of the old Testament is to be corrected by the Hebrew; and the Latin of the new Testament, by the Greek books. Isidore Clarius, Cajetan, Pagninus, Forerius, Oleastrius, Erasmus, and diverse others have noted diverse faults in the old Latin vulgar translation. Sixtus Senensis lib. 8. Biblioth. sanct. confesseth, that diverse faults, barbarismes, solecisms, and transpositions are found in the Latin translation. And saith: that the Church was moved by diverse just causes to dissemble them.  
Finally, reason teacheth us, that the determination of the Romish Church, that preferreth the Latin vulgar 〈◊〉 before the Hebrew and 〈◊〉 text, is most absurd. For if the Latin books were to be preferred before the Hebrew and Greek text, or else to be 〈◊〉 authentical; then were we either to prefer, or to give like credit to Hierome, and other authors that translated the old vulgar Latin books, and to the holy Prophets and Apostles. Again, transumpts and copies might by like reason be preferred before the original instruments. Thirdly, the old Latin translation is proved false by diverse witnesses, by comparing of places, & for that one edition of the old vulgar translation doth differ from another. Non potest verum esse, quod dissonat: that cannot be true, that is repugnant and contrary to itself, as Hierome saith in Praefat. in josuam, & in Praefat. in 4. Euang. But the edition of the vulgar translation set out by Clement the eighth doth much differ from that, which Sixtus Quintus set out before. joshua 11. 19 Clement readeth, quae se traderet: Sixtus readeth quite contrary, quae se non traderet. 2. Reg. 16. 1. Clement hath & utre vini: Sixtus readeth, duobus utribus. joan. 6. 65. Clement readeth qui essent non credentes: Sixtus, qui essent credentes. And so it may appear by diligent collation, that there are notable differences throughout the whole Bible. Lastly, if the Latin text were more authentical, than the Hebrew or Greek: why do not our adversary's show, that the ancient Fathers, or some learned men of late time at the least, have corrected the Hebrew and Greek, according to the Latin, and not rather chose?  
The fourth foundation of Romish religion is the determination of the Pope in matters of faith. The Conventicle 
Sess. 4.  of Trent teacheth, that it belongeth to the holy mother the Church to judge of the true meaning of Scriptures. Now for as much as no man knoweth more certainly, what is the holy mother Churches meaning, than the Papists holy Father the Pope, therefore they do hereof conclude, that the Pope is to determine principally of the true sense and meaning of Scriptures.  
In the rubric of the decrees cap. in canonicis. dist. 19 we find, that the Pope's decretals are to be reckoned among canonical Scriptures.  
Bellarmine lib. 3. de verbo Dei cap. 3. saith: that the Spirit of God (he should say of the devil) is in the Pope, and that he together with a Council is chief judge in matters of controversy of religion. And in the same book cap. 4. he holdeth, that no man may recede from his judgement, or determination.  
Stapleton in his book of doctrinal Principles, or 〈◊〉 of his religion, goeth about to prove, that the Pope's sentence and determination is infallible. And so much do these good fellows rely upon their holy Mothers and holy Father's interpretation, that they receive the same without any long inquisition, though never so foolish and contrary to Scriptures. Our Saviour in the institution of the holy Eucharist, said, Take, eat: but they 〈◊〉 the Pope, that saith, 〈◊〉 and gaze, but take not, nor eat: but rather hang up the Sacrament. He said, Bibite ex hoc omnes, that is, 〈◊〉 all of this, but the Pope saith, Drink not all of this, and they 〈◊〉 the Pope. The Apostle saith, It is better to marry then to burn, and that marriage is honourable among all men. But the Pope doth interpret these words so, as if he had said: It is better to burn then to marry, and that marriage is reproachful and unlawful to Priests: and Papists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pope. So do they likewise in 〈◊〉 false interpretations.  
But that the Pope's interpretations and sentences should be the foundation of religion, is a matter contrary to religion and reason. The Apostle Ephes. 2. saith: that the Church is built upon the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets, jesus Christ being the corner stone. And therefore it is said to be built upon them, because both of them preach Christ. Apostolos habemus authores, etc. we have the Apostles for authors of our doctrine, saith Tertullian, lib. de prescript. advers. haeret. He saith also, It lieth not in man's power to determine any thing (in matters of faith) of his own head. Quamuis sanctus sit aliquis post Apostolos, etc. Howsoever holy, or eloquent a man be, saith Hierome in Psalm. 86. yet coming after the Apostles he deserveth no authentical credit. The Lord declareth in Scriptures.  
Augustine in his second Epistle to Hierome showeth, that no man's writings are comparable to holy Scriptures. And this the Canonists themselves confess in their glosses upon the Chapter, Nolimeis: and Ego solis. dist. 9  
Are not the 〈◊〉 then most miserable, that build their 〈◊〉 upon the Pope's Decretals, that are contrary to Scriptures, to Fathers, one to another, and oftentimes void of truth wit, learning, religion or honesty?  
The last foundation of Romish faith is the preaching of Masspriests and Friars. Quomodo Christus eiusque doctrina (saith Stapleton) Christianae 〈◊〉 fundamentum est, sic 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉 aute relect princip. doctrine.  nunc à Christo missi, eorúmue doctrina, praedicatio, determinatio, fundamentii apud me 〈◊〉 & locum habehunt. As Christ and his doctrine is the foundation of Christian religion: so others now sent of Christ, and their doctrine, preaching, and determination shall in my opinion have the force, and place of a foundation. saith he. And afterward he declareth, that those, whom the Pope sendeth, are sent by Christ, and the men which he meaneth. But if this be the foundation of their religion, then is the same built upon old wives fables, 〈◊〉 traditions, lying legends, philosophical subtleties, scholastical disputes, popish Decretals, humane inventions and such like principles. For of them consisteth the greatest part of these fellow's sermons, as both experience & diverse Friars idle Homilies, which every man may see, do plainly testify.  
Furthermore, if these be the foundations of popish Religion, then is the same built upon man, and not upon God; upon humane devices, and not upon the 〈◊〉 word of God; upon sand, and not upon a rock. Such also as these foundations are, such is the building, that is, weak, false, and erroneous: such is the Romish religion, which the Pope and his adherents by force of arms, treasons, murders, empoysonments, lies, 〈◊〉 flattery, and all means possible would thrust upon us: and such are the conclusions that are built on these foundations.  
Finally, seeing no man can be saved, that buildeth his 〈◊〉 upon men, upon unwritten traditions, upon uncertain grounds and lying reports, let the Papists consider with themselves in what miserable state they stand, and return to the true faith in time, lest like the foolish man in the Gospel, they build their house on sand, and be overwhelmed 
Mat. 7.  with the fall thereof.   

CHAP. four Of diverse other blasphemous, ridiculous, and absurd points of popish Religion.  
TRue Religion is most true, venerable, and respective of Gods true service. If then popish Religion contain any untrue or ridiculous, vain, and blasphemous doctrine, then is it not true, or Apostolical, or Christian: nor can it stand with Christian Religion, seeing no man can serve God and Baal, nor Dagon could stand before the ark of God. But notorious it is, that popish Religion containeth many blasphemous, ridiculous, and absurd points.  
First, concerning the flesh of our Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus they teach falsely and blasphemously, and say, that a mouse or dog, or hog may eat the body of Christ. Nay they are not ashamed to affirm, that his most holy body may be cast out upon a dunghill, or into any unclean place. Prima opinio (saith Alexander Hales part. 4. sum. q. 53. m. 2.) quae dicit quod corpus Christi defertur, quocunque species deferunt, ut in ventrem canis, vel suis, vel in alia lo ca immunda, videtur vera. And again, p. 4. sum. q. 45. m. 1. si canis aut porcus deglutiat hostiam consecratam, non video quare corpus Christi non simul traijceretur in ventrem canis vel porci. If a dog or hog should swallow a consecrate host (saith he) I see no reason why the body of Christ should not withal pass into the belly of a dog or hog. Thomas Aquinas likewise, although made a saint by the Pope, yet shameth not to hold this profane and unholy opinion, part. 〈◊〉. q. 80. art. 3. And in his comment. in 4. sent. dist. 9 q. 2. The same is also stiffly maintained by Brulifer in 4. sent. dist. 13. quest. 5. And this is the common opinion of schoolmen.  
That the priest is able to make his Creator, they make no question. Bonner counted this among the prerogatives of priesthood, in his absurd speech which he made in the Convocation house in the beginning of Queen Mary's reign. And Innocentius in the mysteries of the Mass, lib. 4. cap. 19 holdeth the same very confidently. Panis in Christum transubstantiatur (saith he) & it a in creatorem. Sic ergo 〈◊〉 quotidiè fit creator. Bread is transubstantiate into Christ, and so into the creator: and therefore a creature every day is a creator. The like sayings are to be found in the book called Stella clericorum, and diverse other authors. Neither do these men doubt, but that the communicants do eat their Maker. But this is most absurd, and 〈◊〉 to the Turks and heathen, that Christians should be said to eat up their God, and for this cause Auerroes said, that of all other Religions, that of the Papists was most ridiculous. It is absurd also to say, that man can make God, or the creature his Creator.  
They affirm also that Christ at his last supper did truly and really eat up his own body whole and entire. As if Christ had come into the world not only to be eaten carnally of others, but also to devour and eat up himself: a matter most absurd, and clearly repugnant to scriptures, fathers, and sense. For Scriptures and Fathers teach, that Christ took bread, and called it his body. And sense and reason teacheth us, that it is unnatural for one man to eat up another, and impossible for the same man to eat up himself. For then there should be no difference 〈◊〉 the terms of relation: and the same man should be the eater, and the thing eaten; the thing containing, and contained; and the same person should be a relative to himself: which is against all rules of Logic, sense, and common reason.  
While they say, that Christians do really and carnally eat Christ's flesh, and drink his blood, they make them Cannibals, and 〈◊〉 than the barbarous Scythians and Sarmatians, that drunk their horse's blood: For it is more inhuman to drink man's blood then horses blood, and Cannibals are nothing else but barbarous eaters of man's flesh. Neither can they defend themselves by the words of our Saviour, john 6. who saith, unless we eat his flesh and drink his blood, that we cannot have life in us. For he addeth, that the spirit quickeneth, and the flesh profiteth nothing: condemning the Capernaites, that imagined that his flesh was to be torn with teeth, and his blood swallowed down into the belly carnally as the Papists also imagine: and reproving all carnal and literal interpretations of his words. Haec inquam, omnia carnalia mysticè & spiritualiter intèlligenda sunt. All these carnal things (saith Chrysostome hom. 46. in joan.) are to be understood mystically and spiritually. Likewise Origen in levit. 7. saith, that the literal understanding of these words, Unless ye eat the flesh of the son of man, etc. killeth. Augustine also teacheth, that these words are to be understood sacramentally, and that being spiritually understood they quicken. But what should I speak of the Fathers of the Church, seeing Homer and Virgil talking of Polyphemus do condemn the eating of man's flesh, as a thing both barbarous and monstrous?  
Concerning Christ his 〈◊〉 they teach strangely, 
Catech. Rom. in Symbol.  saying, that he being borne of the virgin Mary did no otherwise pass out of the womb, then as the Sun beams do pass through the substance of the glass: their words are, Vt solis radij concretam vitri substantiam penetrant: which do plainly overthrow the mystery of his nativity. For how was he true man, if never man passed through his mother's womb, as the sun passeth through glass? or how was he like to us in all things, sin only except, if he were not borne like to us?  
They believe also and teach, that Christ his body did pass through the grave stone, when he rose from death, and through the door when he entered the house where his Disciples were assembled, after his resurrection. The Father's hold (saith Bellarmine lib. 3, the Eucharist. cap. 16.) that Christ's true body came out of the sepulchre being shut: Quod per clausum sepulchrum verum corpus exiverit. And his meaning is, that his true body passed through the stone at the graves' mouth, as may well be gathered by the drift of his discourse, where he refuteth the opinion of those that held that the grave stone yielded and gave place to Christ's body. Likewise in the same place speaking of Christ's coming to his Disciples the doors being shut, he affirmeth that Christ passed his solid body through another solid body: Quod Dominus corpus suum solidum per aliud solidum introduxerit.  
In the sacrament they say that Christ his true body is really: and by consequent confess, that the same is in as many diverse places at once, as is the sacrament. They hold also, that the same body is there neither felt nor seen, and that he is not extended according to the nature of an humane body, nor occupieth any place being in the sacrament.  
But these are matters direct contrary to the doctrine of the Apostles and fathers: they also repugn against reason, and imply notorious contradictions. They brought him to jerusalem (saith Luke c. 2.) to present him to the Lord, as it is written in the law; every male child that first openeth the womb, shall be called holy to the Lord. Matris vulua (saith Origen hom. 14. in Luc.) 〈◊〉 tempore reserata est, quo & partus editus. The mother's womb was then opened, when her child was brought forth. Tertullian lib. de resurr. carnis: speaking likewise of Christ's birth: Who (saith he) was truly holy, but the son of God? Who did properly open the womb, but he which opened it being shut? The same saith Ambrose, lib. 2. in Luc. c. 7. Neither is this any blemish to the blessed virgins perpetual virginity. For that is not lost nor perished by overture of the matrix, which may diversely happen; but by the carnal knowledge of man.  
Further we read Heb. 2. that Christ took man's nature, and not of Angels; and that it behoved him in all things to be like to his brethren. In Luke the sour and twentieth chapter, when our Saviour Christ would prove himself to be man, & not a spirit, he said, Palpate & videte, etc. that is, Feel and see: a spirit hath neither flesh nor bones, as you see me to have. We do also profess in the Athanafian Creed, that as he is perfect God, so he is perfect man. Ignatius Epist. ad Polycarp. Ambrose in Luc. 24. Theodoret dial. 2. and diverse other fathers acknowledge, that Christ his body is to be felt and seen, and that he hath flesh, blood and bones like unto us.  
But if our Saviour Christ did no otherwise pass out of his mother's womb, then as light through glass, than was he no perfect man, nor fleshly 〈◊〉. The same may 〈◊〉 be concluded, if his body did 〈◊〉 through stones or 〈◊〉 of doors. For never did any man pass through stones or boards in that sort, nor did ever any man come out of his mother, as light from glass. Further, this savoureth much of the heresy of the Marcionites, that supposed that Christ had no natural flesh, nor true body, and destroyeth the article of Christ's incarnation and nativity. If he have a body that can neither be felt nor seen, then hath he no true body. Which also followeth, if his body may be in infinite places at once, and yet fill no place. For never yet had any man such a body, that could be in many places at once, and yet fill no place.  
Furthermore, nothing could more repugn against reason, then that a man's body should pass through stones and boards, or be as subtle as the beams of the sun, or that a man should subsist without the natural properties of man's nature, as weight, height, depth, breadth, colour, grossness and such like. And as well may a body be in all places, as in every altar. For a body cannot be in two extreme terms, but the same must be in the 〈◊〉. Furthermore, if all the world may be turned into bread, and bread into Christ's body, then may Christ's body fill the whole world, as Bellarmine lib. de incarnate. c. 11. confesseth. He doth also confess, that the ubiquity of Christ's body is repugnant to the 
〈◊〉 Incar. c. 〈◊〉  articles of our Creed concerning Christ's conception, nativity, death, burial, descension to hell, ascension to heaven, and coming to judgement. If then he be not able to defend the ubiquity of Christ's body in every conserated host, without yielding simply to the ubiquitaries, than it followeth that the real presence of Christ's body, as it is taught by the Papists, doth overthrow diverse articles of our Christian 〈◊〉 by the very confession of the adversaries. The same also may otherwise be proved, if they should not confess so much. For how is Christ ascended, if his body be hanging over every altar? How is it credible that he shall come from heaven to judge quick and dead, if he be lurking in every consecreate 〈◊〉? How was he conceived, and borne of the virgin, and suffered death on the cross, if he had a body of such a simple nature, that it was like light in glass, and might be in many places at once without filling any?  
Finally it implieth a notorious contradiction for Christ's body to be in heaven visible, and here invisible; to be there palpable, and here impalpable; to be continued, and not continued; eaten here, and not eaten in heaven; here without filling of a place, there filling a place; here in the priests hands, and there not.  
Absurdly also do the Papists talk of Christ his most holy sacrifice. Christ (saith the Apostle Heb. c. 9) was once offered, that he might take away the sins of many. And Hebr. 10. Christ having offered one sacrifice for sins, doth perpetually sit at the right hand of God. And again: With one oblation he hath for ever sanctified those that are sanctified. But the Papists say, that our Saviour offered himself twice, once at his last supper, and the second time upon the cross. They teach also, that the priest in every Mass 
Synod. Trid. sess. 22. c. 1.  doth offer up the body and blood of Christ really for a sacrifice for quick and dead. The which is not only contrary to Scriptures, but derogateth much from the perfection and unity of Christ's sacrifice. For how is Christ's sacrifice perfect, if the same be so often reiterated? How is Christ his sacrifice one and the same, if every pelting priest do offer up this sacrifice? The same is contrary to the doctrine of the Fathers, which teach that the sacrifices of Christians are spiritual, and no where say, that they offer up Christ's body and blood really. justin in dial. cum Tryph. saith, that prayers and praises of God are the only acceptable sacrifices of Christians. With him concurreth Tertullian lib. 3. contra Marcionem. This visible sacrifice (saith Augustine lib. 10. the civet. Dei ca 5. speaking of the Eucharist) is a sacrament of the invisible sacrifice, that is, the same is a holy sign of it. Likewise Chrysostome hom. 17. in epist. ad Heb. saith, that our oblation is but a commemoration of Christ his death, and a figure of that oblation which Christ made. 〈◊〉, it is most blasphemous. For in the Mass the priest taketh on him to be a mediator for Christ, and prayeth that God would look on Christ with a propitious and serene countenance, & accept the sacrifice of his body as he vouchsafed to accept the offerings of Abel, Abraham and Melchisedech. The scriptures teach us, that Christ only is a priest after the order of Melchisedech, as we may read in the 110. psalm, in the fifth and seventh chapter to the Hebrews. The Lord hath sworn and it shall not repent him, saith God by his Prophet, thou art a priest for ever after the order of Melchisedech. The same also is proved, for that he only continueth for ever. He was without father concerning his humane nature, without mother concerning his divine nature, and hath neither beginning nor ending. But the Masspriests continue not for ever, nor are they without father or mother, nor are they without beginning or ending. Are they not then presumptuous fellows to enter upon Christ's office, and to arrogate to themselves priesthood after the order of Melchisedech?  
But were they priests after the order of Melchisedech, yet did Melchisedech never offer the body and blood of any man, nor do we read that either he or Christ did offer for the quick and dead at his last supper. Are they not then flagitious fellows, that imagine themselves able to offer the son of God? Are they not presumptuous priests, that without warrant have devised such a sacrifice? Our Saviour Christ saith, that such do worship God in vain, which teach doctrines, which are the commandments of men. But these fellows devose a worship of God contrary to his word crucifying Christ again, and laying violent hands upon him according to their own imaginations.  
Christ hath taught us to pray unto the Father in his name, saying, Our father which art in heaven. He hath also promised we shall obtain our prayers which we shall so make. If you shall ask my father any thing in my name (saith he) he will give it unto you. The Apostle doth also teach us, that as there is but one God, so there is but one Mediator betwixt God & man, the 〈◊〉 Christ jesus. In the Epistle to the Hebrews we read, that it behoved us to have an high 
Heb. 7.  Priest, holy, innocenr, undefiled, separated from sinners, and higher than the heavens. For such a one only was able to reconcile us, and to make intercession for us. As for Angels, Saints, or saints relics, the ancient fathers did never use as mediators, or intercessors, or spokesmen to God. Ambrose in his treatise of Isac saith, that Christ is our mouth, by which we speak to the Father; and our eye, by which we see the Father; and our right hand, by which we offer to our Father. S. Augustine writing upon the 108. Psalm, affirmeth, that the prayer which is not offered by Christ, is not only not able to put away sin, but also is sin itself.  
But the blind Papists teach us a far different form of prayer, and fly to the mediation of our Lady, of Saints, of Angels, of the cross; as if these were our intercessors and mediators, and as if the priesthood of Christ had been translated to saints. They say, Maria matter gratiae, matter misericordiae: Marry mother of grace, mother of mercy: turning our father which art in heaven, into our mother which art in heaven. They say, Hail Marry full of grace, our Lord is with thee, blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb jesus: holy Mary mother of God, pray for us sinners now & in the hour of death: taking upon them presumptuously to speak those words, which the Angel spoke by God's direction to the holy virgin, and corrupting the words of scripture by their additions, and by jumbling the words of the Angel and of Elizabeth together. In their Matins in honour of our Lady between every verse of the Psalm Venite exultemus, they put either Aue Maria or Dominus tecum, corrupting and falsifying the words of scripture. Bonaventure also most blasphemously hath corrupted and transformed the Psalms into the praises of our Lady, beginning thus: Beat us vir qui diligit nomen tuum virgo Maria, gratia tua animam illius confortabit. That is, Blessed is the man that loveth thy name holy virgin Marie, thy grace shall comfort his soul. And Psal. 7. O Lady in thee have I put my trust. And Psal. 11. Save me O mother of fair love. Wherein plainly he giveth the honour of God to the virgin Mary, which I think no man can deny to be idolatrous. In a book called Hortulus animae, printed at Paris anno 1565. by William Merlin, in the 107. leaf, she is called, 〈◊〉 sanctarum animarum, & vera saluatrix earum, & mediatrix Dei & hominum: The praise of holy souls, and true saviour of them, and the mediatrix betwixt God and man. And fol. 224. we read, O veneranda 〈◊〉, jesus, joseph & Maria: O holy trinity, jesus, joseph and Marie. Now what is blasphemy if this be not? In the Rosary she is called, the repairer and saluior of a desperate soul, the distiller and giver of spiritual grace. Goodric a certain holy hermit, that lived in Henry the second king of England his days, prayed thus: O holy Mary, Christ's marriage chamber, virgin all purity, flower of thy mother, put away my sins, reign in me, lead me unto happiness with God. In the feast of S. Catherine they pray thus: Deus qui dedisti legem Moysi in summitate montis Sinai, etc. O God which hast given thy law unto Moses on the top of the mountain Sinai, and in the same place haste by thy holy Angels placed the body of blessed Catherine a virgin and martyr, grant we beseech thee, that by her merits and intercession we may come to the mountain that is Christ. And on S. Nicholas day they pray thus: O God which hast adorned Nicholas thy Bishop with innumerable miracles, grant we beseech thee that through his merits and prayers we may be delivered from the flames of hell. But if prayers be fruitless, if not sinful, if they proceed not from true faith, and if faith be grounded upon undoubted and prime truth, how can these 〈◊〉 avail us, that are grounded upon S. Catherines and S. Nicholas his legends? Again, if Christ be the mediator of salvation only, as the Papists hold, how can they hope to be saved by the merits of S. Catherine and S. Nicholas? And how can they deny them to be mediators of salvation, by whose merits they suppose to be saved? I will not ask them what Catherine and Nicholas have to do with them, but yet they may do well to prove that there was ever any such virgin in the world, being the daughter of king Costus, as they give out.  
Upon S. Francis his day they use this prayer: O God which by the merits of blessed S. Francis dost amplify thy Church with the birth of new children, grant that by his imitation we may despise earthly things, and always rejoice being made partakers of heavenly gifts through Christ our Lord. But the Apostle exhorteth us to be followers of Christ Jesus, and of others so far as they be followers of Christ: and justly we may doubt, whether Francis followed Christ or no, being the author of a rule diverse from that of Christ, and of diverse strange fancies. We may also well make a question, whether his disciples be Christ's true disciples, seeing the doctors of Paris affirmed, they were in the state of damnation. Sure we are, that by Christ's merits, and not by his merits or imitation, we are made partakers of heavenly gifts.  
Upon S. Bathildis day, according to the order of Sarum Missai they prayed, that her merits might obtain, that their sacrifices & oblations might be accepted, seeing she offered up herself a living, holy, and well-pleasing sacrifice unto God: as if Christ's body and blood were not to be accepted, but by the merits of S. Bathildis, or as if by her sacrifice, our sins were done away.  
Upon Thomas of Canterbury his day they prayed, that by the blood of Thomas they might ascend to heaven. And on S. Lucy's day they pray, O Lucy, spouse of Christ, thou didst hate the things of the world, and shinest with Angels, by thine own blood thou hast overcome thine enemy. As if men were saved by the blood of Thomas, as well as Christ's blood: and as if Saints by their own blood, without Christ, could overcome their enemies.  
So wicked and blasphemous these prayers are, that the most ingenious Doctors of the popish school have much a do to excuse them, and do very badly agree either one with another, or with the truth. Hosius in confess. petrik. ca 58. hath these words: When a man cometh to saints, he doth not desire 〈◊〉 of them, but only their intercession. And again: We give no more unto them (saith he) when we call upon them, triumphing with Christ in heaven, then to any one of our brethren militant on earth. But therein he lieth notoriously. For commonly they call the virgin Mary mother of mercy, and desire her to protect them, and to do away their 〈◊〉. Likewise they pray to be saved by the blood of Thomas, & by the merits of other saints; which I trow is more than they will give to every one of their brethren in earth.  
Bellarmine saith, that it is not lawful to ask glory or grace, 
Lib. 〈◊〉. de 〈◊〉. beatit. 〈◊〉. 17.  or other means tending to blessedness, of saints, as authors of God's benefits. But this is contradicted as well by the doctrine, as by the practice of the Romish church. Sotus in confess. cath. saith, that saints in heaven are our coadjutors, and fellow-workers in the work of our salvation. Saltzger writing upon this argument, affirmeth that we pray to saints for two benefits, the first is to the end they may pray for us, the second is, that either visibly or invisibly they may bestow their help upon us. Clichtovey teacheth, that saints have several graces to bestow on them that call upon them. Alexander Hales saith, Sanctos oramus ut mediatores, per quos impetramus. We call upon saints as mediators, by whom we obtain. Thomas saith, we receive benefits from God by the means of saints: Beneficia Dei sumimus mediantibus sanctis. Antoninus' part. 3. sum. Tit. 3. saith, that God's benefits descend down to us by the mediation of Angels and holy souls. And again p. 4. Tit. 15. Maria it a advocate & interpellat, ut Deum patrem placet, & conversos in gloriam inducat. Mary is so our advocate and intercessor, that she doth pacify the Father, and bring repentant sinners into glory. Bernardine in his book of Mary, saith, that no grace cometh from heaven unto the earth but by Mary, and unless the same pass by the hands of Mary: for that all graces do enter into Mary, and from her are communicated to us: and for that she is the mediatrix of salvation, of conjunction, of intercession, of communication. Commonly they pray to the virgin Mary in this 〈◊〉: Give us peace, protect me. To S. George they address themselves saying, this saint let him save us from our sins, that we may rest in heaven with blessed souls: Hic nas saluet (say they) à peccatis, ut in 〈◊〉 cum beat is possimus quiescere. And if they did only intercede for us, & not bestow upon us the things we pray for; why do some beg of S. Anthony the health of their swine, and of S. Winnoc the good standing of their sheep? Why do they pray to S. Luis for their horses, and to S. Nicolas for good passage at the sea? Why do Painters call on S. Luke, and Physicians on Cosmas and Damianus, and Shoo makers on S. Crespin? Finally, why do they tell us in their legends of the apparitions of diverse saints in time of war, pestilence, and other 〈◊〉, and working diverse feats? For if they did only intercede for us, than one saint might serve for all purposes, and then should they only appear as suppliants to God, and not as bestowers of graces and workers of wonders. Finally, then should we not say, help me, heal me, defend me, but pray to God that I may be holpen, healed, and defended.  
Are not the Papists then in miserable state, that forgetting for the most part their only Mediator and Redeemer, run to saints and Angels? nay, run to such as are no saints, nor ever were in the world, as George that killed the Dragon, Catherine the daughter of 〈◊〉, Christopher that bore Christ, and such like?  
Are they not mad to pray unto such as they know not, whether they 〈◊〉 them or not? And do not some say, that they are every where present to hear our prayers? Others, that they hear such prayers as God revealeth unto them? Others, that they see all things in God's face? Others that they understand by relation of Angels? It cannot be denied. For Bellarmine confesseth it, lib. 1. de 〈◊〉 sanct. ca 20. and that which he affirmeth, that saints do see all in God from the first beginning of their blessed estate, is most absurd. For what is seeing to hearing? Again, how can things temporary be imprinted in the essence of God? or can Saints see some things, and not all, if they comprehend that, which is in the incomprehensible essence of the Deity?  
Most wretchedly also they do worship dumb images kneeling unto them, kissing them, and burning incense unto them, saying to the cross: O crux ave spes unica: auge pijs iustitianes, reisque dona veniam. All hail, o Cross, my only hope, increase justice in the godly, and grant pardon to sinners. And crying to the Crucifix, Thou hast redeemed us, thou hast reconciled 
Bellar. de imagine. c. 23.  us to thy Father: and calling a block mother of mercy, and saying before stocks and stones: Our Father, and Aue Maria, and knocking their breasts, and whipping themselves before Images, as the idolatrous Priests did before their idols. The Apostle when he laid before the Corinthians the miserable state they stood in, while they were yet Gentiles, he useth no other terms than these: Ye know that ye were Gentiles, and were carried away unto dumb Idols, as ye were led. Which is as much, as if he should say: You were miserable and blind, when ye were carried away unto dumb Idols. Why then may we not say the same to Papists? They may percase deny the case to be like. But in my challenge I have by many arguments proved them to be gross Idolaters, & have clearly showed, that they have no better excuse for their worship of Images, than the idolatrous Gentiles had for their worship of idols. Are they not then likewise blind and miserable? Thinking to thrust others out of their society, which they call the Church, they have flatly excluded themselves from the society and communion of the Catholic Church. For if their Church be a company of men professing the same faith, and participating the same Sacraments, under the rule of lawful pastors, and especially of the Pope: as Bellarmine saith, lib. 2. de Eccl. milit. cap. 2. then are they not the catholic Church. For that Church was long before either Pope or Bishop of Rome. Beside that, false it is, that either the 〈◊〉, or whole apostolic Church was subject to the Bishop of Rome, or that john the Evangelist, that 〈◊〉 long after Peter, was subject to Linus, Cletus, or Clement, in whose 〈◊〉 he lived. Finally, false it is, that God appointed the church to be governed by the Bishops of Rome: there is nothing thereof in Scriptures. The Father's show, that the chief authority in external matters was in general Counsels and Emperors. And Bellarmine's idle disputes concerning his Pope are long since overthrown.  
That they are not the true Church, it appeareth also, for that they hear not the voice of Christ, but follow a stranger: for that they have received diverse heresies, and devised new Sacraments, relinquishing Christ his institution in the celebration of the Lords supper: for that they have other foundations of their religion, than were laid by Christ, or his Apostles: for that they persecute true Christians, murder them, and massacre them, and by all means persecute them: and for diverse other reasons laid down in mine answer to Bellarmine's 〈◊〉 De Eccles. militante. If then it be not possible to be saved without the Church, in what case are they, that running after the Pope, which is that Antichrist, of which the Apostle speaketh 2. Thess. 2. are run out of the Church? And whither are they run? forsooth into the confusion of Babylon: where the Pope, Cardinals, Masspriests, & 〈◊〉 make merchandise of men's souls. 
De Eccles. milit. cap. 2.  Bellarmine saith, that neither faith, hope, nor charity, nor other internal virtue is required, that a man absolutely may be said to be a part of the Church, but only an external profession of the faith and communion of the Sacraments. Who then will not leave that society, which, for aught that we know, may be a pack of Turks and 〈◊〉, without all virtue, religion, and honesty, especially if they profess the Romish 〈◊〉 externally?  
Further, as they have excluded themselves from the Church, so they have put themselves under the subjection of Antichrist, that is the head of the malignant Church, and to his Cardinals, Masspriests, and Friars, which rabblement are 〈◊〉 resembled to the master Cook of hell, his scalders, the blacke-guard, and all the scullery of Satan. Whatsoever the Pope decreeth, that they receive. Agatho 
C. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dist. 19  the Pope hath told them in good earnest, that all sanctions of the apostolic see are to be received, as if they were confirmed by the divine voice of Peter. Be the Pope never so unlearned, or foolish, or perverse; yet if he say the word sitting on his close chair, it must stand. His voice they take to be infallible: his sentence is honoured like a divine Oracle. Likewise his Cardinals, Mass priests, and Friars, albeit they be the false Prophets, spoken of by S. Peter, 2. Pet. 2. and diversely detected by S. john in his Revelation to be limbs of Antichrist, yet are they followed. These lead, and their simple hearers follow them the way, that leadeth to destruction. Their teachers bring to themselves swift damnation, as the Apostle S. Peter saith, and they cannot escape believing their damnable 〈◊〉, and running after them in their wicked ways. Pius Quintus that hellhound, that first barked against Queen Elizabeth our late Sovereign, 
In Bulla contra Eliz.  saith, that Christ committed his Church to Peter alone: uni soli. But that is most false. The Apostle (Ephes. 4.) saith: He gave some Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some Pastors and teachers. Likewise Mat. 28. he said to all the Apostles, Go and teach. Beside that, what doth the authority of Peter belong to the Pope? S. Peter had neither such ruby Cardinals, nor such a particoloured guard of Swissers, nor such a hellish rabble of Masspriests and Friars, as the Pope hath. chose, he preached and suffered as the Pope doth not. Others say, that Masspriests and Friars are the Apostles successors. But we find them to be the locusts, that (as S. john forefold) came out of the bottomless pit, mentioned Apocalyps. 9 If they were the Apostles successors, than would they teach the Apostles doctrine, and not the Pope's decretals, scholastical inventions, philosophical subtleties, and such fooleries. Again, they would not lead their miserable disciples from Christ to Antichrist.  
They have also declined from the doctrine of Christ and his Apostles concerning the Sacraments. Our Saviour only instituted two, that properly deserve the name of Sacraments, to wit, Baptism and the Eucharist, as the writings of the Apostles bear witness. The Fathers also confirm unto us two only Sacraments of the new Testament. Cyprian, lib. 2. Epist. 1. Tunc demum 〈◊〉 sanctificari, & esse silij Dei possunt, si 〈◊〉 Sacramento nascantur. Then may they be sanctified and made the sons of God, (saith he) if they be regenerate by both the Sacraments. Augustine de symb. ad Catechum. saith, Hac sunt Ecclesioe gemina Sacramenta: these are the two Sacraments of the Church. Neither doth any Father name more Sacraments than two, where he speaketh properly, as may be proved by the testimony of justines' second Apology, of Tertullian, lib. 1. & 4. contr. Martion. Of Clement recognit. lib. 1. Of Ambrose lib. de Sacrament. Of Cyril of jerusalem, in his carechisticall Sermons, of Augustine lib. 3. the doctr. Christ. cap. 9 of Gregory cap. multi secularium 1. q. 1. (who although he name Baptism, Chrism, and the body and blood of our Lord; yet Chrism was nothing but an addition to Baptism:) Of 
De corp. & sang. Christi.  Paschasius and others. Sunt Sacramenta Christi (saith Paschasius) in Ecclesia catholica, Baptismus, corpus quoque Domini & sanguis. The Sacraments of Christ in the catholic Church are Baptism, and the body and blood of our Lord. And so manifest a matter it is, that Bessarion writing upon the Sacrament, confesseth, that there are two Sacraments only delivered in the Gospel. But the Papists have added other five Sacraments unto these two, giving like virtue unto confirmation, marriage, order, penance, and extreme unction, as unto Baptism and the Lords Supper: and teaching that Sacraments contain grace, and justify the receiver. So that if we will believe them, as well he is justified, that is confirmed, married, ordered or anointed, as he that is baptised, or made partaker of the Lords body and blood. Where Christ distributed the Sacrament of his body and blood, and gave both the kinds to all communicants, they seldom distribute the sacrament, and take the cup from all but the priest. In confirmation and extreme unction they use other signs and forms then ever Christ ordained. They teach that Christians are able to satisfy for their sins, and that the Pope by indulgences hath power to remit satisfaction, and to do away the temporal punishment of 〈◊〉. Are they not than most miserable, that have corrupted the sacraments and seals of Gods eternal testament, and as it were broken the covenants betwixt God and us, and despised the pledges of his love?  
Of Christian faith they think so basely, that they make it nothing but a bare assent to God's word, as well in fearing the threatenings of the law, as believing the promises of the Gospel; & teach that not only reprobate men, but also the Bivels also may have true faith. Bellarmine lib. de instif. 1. c. 15. speaking of the faith of wicked men and devils, saith, that both is true and right, and catholic faith, and comparable to S. Peter's faith concerning the object.  
Grace that maketh us acceptable to God (saith Bellarmine) cannot really be distinguished from the habit of charity. But 
Lib. 1. de gratia cap. 6.  if this be true, then may Christians be saved by their works without the help of God's grace working with them, which is mere Pelagianisme. For if charity, as it is in us habitually, make us beloved; than it is our love towards God, and not God's grace or love towards us, or his grace helping us, and remitting our sins through Christ that 〈◊〉 us properly.  
They deny that a man is certainly to persuade himself of his own salvation, or to believe the same, and all their confidence they put in their own works and merits, hoping to be saved by pilgrimages, indulgences, eating of 〈◊〉, creeping to the cross, kissing of the Pope's toe, praying to saints, to stocks, to stones, giving of money to lazy Monks and Friars, and such like humane devices.  
Are they not than most wretched, that neither understand what is grace, nor what is faith, nor what is charity, nor what belongeth to good works? He that believeth not (saith our Saviour, Mark 16) shall be damned. The Apostle also showeth, that none is justified, but by the grace of Christ. 
Tit. 3. Ibidem.  Nay he saith, that Christ saved us, not by the works of righteousness, which we had done, but according to his mercy, by the washing of the new birth, and the renewing of the holy Ghost. By eating holy bread, they hope to attain health of body and soul, as it is in the Romish Missal: they doubt not also, but that their eating of their paschal lamb, tendeth to the praise of God. By holy water they teach, that not only devils are driven away, but also venial sins remitted. Finally, there remain but few points of religion which the Papists with their leaven, partly of judaical and heathenish superstition, and partly of heretical doctrine have not corrupted. What then resteth, but that we deplore their blindness which admit such erroneous, absurd, and blasphemous points of doctrine, and wilfully resist those that offer unto them the truth out of God's word?   

CHAP. V. The miserable state of Papists in matters of Religion is proved further, for that they are deprived of those blessings which we have received by the abrogation of popish heresies and superstition.  
I Do not think but that our adversaries, albeit they differ from us in other points, yet in this will join with us, and confess that it is a miserable thing to wander 〈◊〉 any certainty in religion. Parsons in the first encounter of his Wardword doth in effect say so much: and albeit they should deny it, yet it is a matter very evident. For as the Apostle saith Rom. 2. Those that sin without the law, shall perish also without the law. If they know the law, and do it not, the law will accuse them and condemn them. If they regard not to know the law, yet shall God's justice lay hold upon them for offending the law, which they ought to have known. The Apostle Ephes. 2. when he would put them in mind of their miserable estate before their conversion, saith they lived without Christ and without God in the world. As if nothing can be devised more damnable, then to live with out certain knowledge of God and of Christ jesus. The Gentiles (as the Apostle saith Ephes. 4.) walk in the vanity of their mind, having their understanding darkened, and being strangers from the life of God through the ignorance that is in them, because of the hardness of their heart: which argueth the miserable state of Christians, that live like Gentiles without the true knowledge of Christ jesus. God hath also appointed a certain ministry in the Church, giving some Apostles, some Prophets, some Evangelists, some Pastors and teachers, and among the rest one end was, that henceforth we should be no more children, wavering and carried about with every wind of doctrine. But the Papists, for the most part, as is showed, live without the knowledge of God, and the rest are carried about with the blast of every blundering Pope, & wavering as the wind of his blustering bulls and decretals do carry them. Upon the Scriptures they ground not themselves, but must take both such scriptures and such doctrine, as he shall deliver them.  
Secondly, it is a miserable thing to be divided from the unity of Christ his Church. For as out of the ark of No all perished in the old world; so all that are without the Church of Christ, shall undoubtedly perish. Those 〈◊〉 that are without Christ his fold, are exposed to the mercy of the wolf, and without hope of salvation. How then can the Papists look for salvation, that in faith and sacraments are divided from the Catholic and Apostolic Church? Further, by many properties they show themselves to have no affinity with the true Church, as before I have declared.  
Thirdly, without true faith it is impossible to please God. The same is the door, by which we enter into the kingdom of heaven. But we have showed, that in many points the Papists have declined from the true faith. What hope then can they have either to enter into the kingdom of heaven, or to please God? How happeneth it they see not their wretched state? Absque notitia sui Creatoris, omnis homo pecus est: Without the knowledge of God, a man is no better than a beast, saith Hierome epist. 3.  
Fourthly, the Sacraments are the seals of the new Testament betwixt God and us. Our Saviour taking the cup at his last supper, called it The new Testament in his blood. If then the Papists have violated Christ his institution, in their doctrine and ministration of sacraments, as by diverse arguments we have declared; then have they declared themselves unworthy to be partakers of his covenant.  
Fiftly, Those which despise the Lord, shall themselves be despised, saith the Lord 1. Sam. 2. And as he promiseth blessings to those that worship him, and keep his commandments; so he threateneth cursings to those that refuse to hear the voice of the Lord, and to keep his commaundents and ceremonies prescribed for his worship. Quod siaudire nolueris vocem Domini Deitui, ut custodias & facias omnia mandata eius & caeremonias, quas ego praecipio tibi hodiè, venient super te omnes maledictiones & apprehendent te, saith Moses Deut. 28. Let the Papists then consider well with themselves what they have done, in transforming the worship of God into the worship of creatures, and serving him not, as he hath appointed, but according to their own devices and fancies: and let them beware that these plagues & curses overtake them not, seeing they have wholly neglected the true worship of God.  
Sixthly, Strange tongues are for a sign (as the Apostle saith, 1. Cor. 14.) not to them that believe, but to them that believe not. The Prophet also threateneth as a plague, that God will speak to his people by men of other tongues, and in strange languages. In loquela labij, & lingua altera loquetur 
Isay 28.  ad populum istum. It is therefore strange that the Papists feel not the hand of God upon them, when they hear scriptures read, and prayers said publicly in a language, which they understand not: and a thing to be wondered at, that they choose rather to live in this blindness, then to have the word of God read in a tongue which they are able to understand, and whereby they may learn to fear God.  
Seventhly, the very heathen have oft times chosen to die, rather than to see themselves oppressed by tyrants. Yet such is the stupidity of Papists, that they suffer the Pope and his Priests to tyrannize over them, loading their consciences with intolerable laws and false doctrine, and spoiling their goods by diverse kinds of exactions, and endangering their lives by their Inquisitors, and massacrers, and such like executioners of their bloody decrees.  
8. Most dangerous is every division among those of one society, but most miserable it is, when they which profess themselves to be of God's Church, are divided one from another. For the Church is a house of unity, and not of dissension. But among Papists one holdeth of Benet, another of Francis, another of Dominicke, another of Clare: and in no point of doctrine do all their Doctors agree together. Superstitiously also they observe days, times, and distinction of meats, and consecrate salt, water, bread, candles, and paschal Lambs. Finally, they leave the Creator, and serve our Lady, Angels, and Saints, and other creatures. Nay, for relics of Saints they worship oft times the ashes, relics and bones of wicked men and reprobates; nay, of bruit beasts.  
9 It is an unseemly thing for those, that profess holiness, to show themselves examples of all beastliness, as the Popes and holiest men of the papists are wont to do. Therefore seeing that dogs, sorcerers, whore-mongers, murderers, idolaters, and liars shall be shut out of the kingdom of heaven, they are not to look to be admitted, without speedy reformation.  
10. No Prince living under the Pope can assure himself of his state: nor can any subject, that liveth under such a prince assure himself either of his life, or goods. For if the Pope have power to take away kingdoms, and to bestow them upon others: how can any King or prince assure himself he will not attempt the same, when occasion serveth, considering his violent proceeding against Emperors and kings in time past, and against our late noble Queen, against Henry the third and fourth of France, and diverse others? And if every one by him and his Inquisitors declared Heretic, is to lose life and goods; who can assure himself of either, if he acknowledge not his authority, and refuse his religion?  
11. No man certes shall prosper, that shall follow antichrist's sect or renligion: If any man worship the beast, and his image, (saith the Angel Apocalyps. 14.) and receive his mark in his forehéad, and in his hand, the same shall drink of the wine of the wrath of God, of the pure wine that is poured into the cup of his wrath. But that new Rome and the Pope's government is the image of the old Roman Empire, and that the Pope is Antichrist, it plainly appeareth by diverse arguments, which I have declared in my fifth book De pontiff. Rom.  
12 Those Kings that live under the Pope, are but half kings. For first, their Clergy in diverse cases is exempt from them, and next they have not to do with the rest of their subjects in ecclesiastical causes. O miserable kings, that have fallen down to worship the beast, and have suffered such base bougerly Italians to take away more than half of their royal authority!  
13 We find that no kingdom can long live in peace, which is subject to the Pope's controlment. For if the Pope do find himself aggréeved, then doth he trouble the peace of the State; if the same offend him not, but pay what he requireth: yet if he fall out with others, then must that kingdom make wars at the Pope's pleasure. By the Pope's solicitation both England, France, Flaunders, Spain, and all Christian countries have endured great troubles. The Turks live far more quietly under their Sultan's, than Papists under the Pope.  
Finally, considering the intolerable exactions of the Pope, and his furious inclination to war and bloodshed, and the tyranny both of the Pope and his adherents: it is no marvel, if the 〈◊〉 people be poor, and much wasted. Whether then we respect things of this life, or of the life to come, there is no creature more miserable than a Papist. Do you not then wonder, that any should like the popish government? It were certainly much to be wondered, but that experience doth teach us, that the Cimmerians that dwell in darkness care not for the light, and that brutish beasts delight in brutishness, and base people in servitude, and superstitious people in vanities and superstitions.   

CHAP. VI Of the contradictions of popish Doctors in principal points of Religion.  
OF the dissensions of popish Doctors in matters of religion, I have said somewhat before. Yet because Papists make unity in matters of faith to be a mark of the Church, and confidently deny, that their Doctors descent in any point of any moment; I have thought good to insist yet more upon this point, that the world may see, not only their misery, that as men not resolved in most points of religion, waver betwixt contrary opinions, but also their notorious impudency that deny it. Therein also doth appear some Papists wonderful simplicity, that seeing the contention of their Doctors, do not understand their differences; and séeeing their differences and uncertainty of popish Religion, do notwithstanding stick fast in the filthy dregs, and abominable corruptions thereof.  
Pighius lib. 1. Eccles. hierarch. cap. 2. saith, That Scriptures are not above our faith, but subject unto it. Stapleton Princip. doctrine. lib. 12. cap. 15. holdeth, that the Church and Scriptures are of equal authority. Eckius in enchirid. loc. come. cap. de Eccles. saith: That the Scriptures are not authentical without the authority of the church. Bellarmine thought best not to dispute this question.  
Nicholas Lyra, Hugo, Dionysius Carthusianus, Hugo Cardinalis, Thomas de Ʋio, and Sixtus Senensis lib. 1. Biblioth. sanctae, reject the last seven Chapters of the book of Hester, as not canonical Scripture. The Conventicle of Trent, Bellarmine and most popish Doctors of late time hold them to be canonical: and think hardly of those, which teach contrary.  
john Driedo, lib. 1. de Scriptures & dogmat. Eccles. denyeth the book of Baruch to be canonical Scripture. Bellarmine lib. 1. de verb. Dei, and most of his fellows be of a contrary opinion.  
Caietan and Erasmus in their Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Hebrews, of james, jude, the second of Peter, the second and third of john, do dissent from the rest of their fellows, partly concerning the authors, and partly concerning the authority of those Epistles.  
james bishop of Christopolis in Praefat. in Psalm. And Canus lib. 2. cap. 13. de locis theologicis, affirm, That the jews have depraved and corrupted the Scriptures. An opinion false and blasphemous, and therefore contradicted by Bellarmine lib. 2. de verb. Dei. and diverse others.  
Saints Pagninus in Praefat. interpretationis suae Biblior. And Paulus bishop of Foro-sempronij lib. 2. cap. 1. de die passionis Domini, deny, that the vulgar Latin translation was made by Hierome. Augustine of Eugubium, and john Picus of Mirandula hold contrary. Bellarmine and Driedo say, that it is part his, and part others.  
Alexander Hales and Durand hold, that the divine attributes are not distinguished, but in respect unto creatures. Henricus and Albertus Magnus in 1. Sent. dist. 2. hold contrary.  
Richardus in dist. 3. lib. 1. sent. holdeth, that the most holy Trinity may be demonstrated by natural reasons, Scotus, and Francis Maronis, and Thomas affirm contrary.  
About the faculties of the soul, called potentiae, the schoolmen are divided into three sects. Some hold that they are 
Vid. lib 1. sen. dist. 3. & dd.  all one with the substance of the soul: others, that they are accidents: the third, that they are between substances and accidents.  
Abbas joachim and Richardus de sancto victore, taught divinam essentiam generare & gigni. The contrary is taught by 
Ibidem.  Peter Lombard and his followers.  
Peter Lombard lib. sent. 1. dist. 17. taught, that charity, wherewith we love God and our neighbour, is the holy Ghost, and that it is not any thing created. But now most of his followers have in this point forsaken him, and hold contrary.  
In the 24. distinct. of his first book, the same Peter Lombard saith, that words of number spoken of God, are spoken only relatively, and that the word Trinity implieth nothing 〈◊〉, but only privatively. Which because it contrarieth the mystery of the holy Trinity, is denied almost by all his followers.  
In the 44. distinction of the same book he saith, that God can always do whatsoever he could ever do, and willeth whatsoever he would at any time, and knoweth whatsoever he he knew at any time. But his disciples hold direct contrary.  
Thomas p. 1. q. 46. art. 2. holdeth, that the world, or at the least some creature might have been from everlasting. So likewise holdeth Bonaventure, and some others. Richardus doth maintain the opposite opinion.  
The Master of Sentences in 4. dist. 1. and Gabriel, and Vega lib. 7. in council. Trident. c. 13. hold, that not only substances, but accidents are also created. Alexander Hales q. 9 m. 6. & q. 10. m. 1. and Thomas p. 1. q. 45. art. 4. affirm that only substances are created.  
About this question, An omnium aeviternorum, sit unum aewm vel 〈◊〉: there are five Different opinions, the first of Scotus, the second of Thomas, the third of Durand, the fourth of Henricus, the fifth of Bonaventure.  
Likewise about this question, Quae sit ratio formalis cur Angelus sit in loco, there are five 〈◊〉 opinions, all repugnant one to another.  
Thomas and Richardus do affirm, that 〈◊〉 Angels cannot be in one place together: Scotus, Occam, and Gabriel hold the contrary.  
Thomas teacheth, that Angels have not intellectum agentem & possibilem. Scotus doth directly contradict him.  
Scotus and Gabriel teach, that devils and good Angels do understand naturally both our thoughts, and the thoughts one of another: but to Thomas p. 1. q. 57 art. 4. this seemeth absurd.  
Antisiodorensis lib. 2. sum. teacheth, that Christ had Angelum custodem: other schoolmen deny it.  
Scotus saith, that the will is the only subject of sin: Thomas denieth it.  
Concerning the place of paradise, there are three different opinions. Some hold that it 〈◊〉 to the circle of the Moon. Thom. in 2. dist. 17. and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 place it upon a high mountain. The rest place it in the East.  
Concerning the nature of free will, 〈◊〉 are diversities of opinions among schoolmen and others, as josephus' Angles showeth in lib. 2. sent. dist. 24. & 25.  
Richardus holdeth that free will cannot be changed by God. Others for the most part hold the contrary.  
Thomas, Bonaventure and Sotus hold, that grace is not a quality infused, but a quality inherent in the soul. Alexander Hales and Scotus hold that it is a quality infused.  
josephus' Angles in lib. 2. sent. dist. 26. rehearseth three several opinions of school doctors about the division of grace in gratiam operantem & cooperantem: whereby it may appear, that in talking of grace they do endeavour to shut out grace.  
Certain scholars of Thomas believe and teach, that no man being of years of discretion can be justified by the absolute power of God, without the act and concurrence of free will: Scotus, Vega and Cajetan say quite contrary. Both their opinions are touched by josephus' Angles in 2. sent. dist. 27.  
Richardus in 2. dist. 27. art. 2. q. 1. Scotus in 1. dist. 17. q. 1. art. 1. and Durand in 1. dist. 17. q. 2. & others hold, that a man may merit the first grace de congruo. Gregorius Ariminensis in. 2. di. 26. Lyranus in joan. 1. Waldensis and others do deny it. Sotus li. 2. the nat. & great. c. 4. saith, that the former opinion is near to 〈◊〉.  
Gregorius Ariminensis in 2. dist. q. 1. and Capreolus in 2. di. 27. q. 1. hold that no man without the illustration of God's special grace, can attain to the knowledge of any moral truth. But Thomas and Scotus in 2. dist. 27. do hold contrary.  
Durand placeth original sin in the carnal appetite: Thomas placeth it in the whole substance of the soul: Scotus differeth from both, and placeth it in the will of man.  
josephus' Angles rehearseth three diverse opinions in 2. dist. 37. about this question, whether a sin of omission may be committed without a positive act.  
The same man reckoneth five different opinions about the difference of mortal and venial sins. And three opinions concerning this question, What is sin of malice.  
Bellarmine lib. 1. de pontiff. Rom. c. 12. saith, that the keys of the Church are nothing but order and jurisdiction. Caietan in tractat. de iustit. & authorit. Romani pontificis, holdeth that the keys of the Church include somewhat more.  
Pighius lib. 4. hierarch. eccles. cap. 8. holdeth, that the Pope cannot fall into heresy, nor be deposed. Turrecremata lib. 4. sum. part. 2. c. 20. saith, that the Pope falling into heresy ipso facto, is deposed before God, and cast out of the Church. There also he saith, that some held that the Pope neither for manifest nor secret heresy is deposed, or could be deposed. Caietane in tract. de author. Papae & council. c. 20. & 21. holdeth, that the Pope proving a notorious heretic, is not deposed ipso facto, but that he may and aught to be deposed by the Church. Bellarmine himself lib. 2. the pontiff. Rom. c. 30. holdeth, that if the Pope be a notorious heretic, he then of himself ceaseth to be Pope.  
jansenius denieth, that the coming again of Helias can be proved out of the 48. of Ecclesiasticus. Bellarmine lib. 3 de 〈◊〉. Rom. c. 6. wondereth that he should be of that opinion.  
Franciscus Victoria relect. 2. de potestate Ecclesiae g. 2. and Alphonsus à Castro lib. 2. de haeret. just. punit. saith, that as well Bishops as Apostles did immediately receive jurisdiction from God. Turrecremata lib. 2. sum. de Eccles. c. 54. and jacobatius de concilijs, hold, that the Apostles received their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and other Bishops from Peter's successor. Caietane in tract. de author. Papae, Dominicus à Soto in. 4. dist. 20. and Heruaeus de potestate Papae, teach, that the Apostles received their power from God, and all other Bishops from the Pope. And this is also the opinion of Bellarmine.  
Hostiensis in c. novit. de iudicijs, and Augustine Triumphus in summa de potestate Ecclesiae g. 1. art. 1. and others very triumphantly affirm, that the Pope by the law of God hath full power over the whole world, as well in 〈◊〉 as Ecclesiastical affairs. Driedo, Turrecremata, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 and others reckoned up by Bellarmine lib. 5. de Pontif. Rom. c. 1. are content to abate somewhat, and to say, that directly the Pope hath not power over all the kingdoms of the whole world.  
The Doctors of Paris hold, that a general council cannot 〈◊〉. Caietane in apolog. p. 2. c. 21. and Turrecremata lib. 3. sum. c. 32. hold contrary.  
Petrus de Alliaco, joannes Gerson, jacobus Almain, and others in their treatises De potestate Ecclesiae, hold that a general Council is above the Pope. Others hold, that the Pope is above the Council, as jacobatius de 〈◊〉, Sanders de visib. monarchia, and Bellarmine lib. de concilijs. Others ween, that although the Pope be above the Council, yet it lieth in his power to make the Council above the Pope, as is evident by the gloss, non 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. 7. and c. in synod. dist. 63.  
The Roman Catechism in the exposition of the Creed: Waldensis fol. 1. lib. 2. c. 9 Turrecremata lib. 1. c. 3. and others do shut out excommunicate persons from being members of the Church: but this is 〈◊〉 by others, as Bellarmine confesseth lib. de Eccles. militant. c. 6.  
Alexander Hales 3. part. q. ult. art. 2. and Turrecrem. lib. 1. de Ecclesia cap. 30. affirm: That in the passion of Christ the holy virgin only had true faith. Bellarmine lib. de Eccles. milit. cap. 17. marveleth at them, and condemneth their opinion.  
joan. Mayor in 4. dist. 24. q. 2. saith, that by God's law Priests are forbidden to marry. The same opinion doth Clichtovey hold, lib. de continentia Sacerdot. cap. 4. But Thomas in 2. 2. q. 88 art. 11. saith, that the 〈◊〉 of continency is annexed to priesthood by the laws of the Church only. And many follow his opinion, and among the rest Bellarmine.  
Marsilius de Milan Writeth, that Clerks are subject to secular Princes. The Canonists in c. tributum. 23. q. 8. & in c. quamuis, de censibus in 6. hold, that both their persons and goods are exempted from temporal prince's jurisdiction. Franciscus victoria relect. 1. q. ult. de potest. Eccles. and diverse others cut the controversy in the midst, and hold, that they are free for their persons and goods, partly by the law of God, and partly by privileges of Princes, and partly by neither.  
How the 〈◊〉 of holy men departed do know what 〈◊〉 say or do, Bellarmine bringeth in three diverse opinions, lib. de sanct. Beat. cap. 20.  
Caietan in Exod. cap. 20. taketh an image and an idol for one thing. Bellarmine lib. de cult. sanct. cap. 7. reproveth him for it. Likewise he misliketh Ambrose Catharine, who in a tract of images saith, That God prohibited images simply, but that this prohibition was positive and 〈◊〉  
Occam, Maior and Richardus are of opinion, that a Sacrament cannot be defined. Scotus in 4. dist. 1. q. 2. holdeth, that it may be defined imperfectly. Ledesma in tract. de Sacrament. in genere q. 1. art. 2. holdeth, that it may properly be defined.  
Bellarmine lib. 1. de Sacramentis cap. 18. bringeth in diverse opinions concerning the form and matter of Sacraments, no one agreeing with others.  
Finally, I have already rehearsed infinite contradictions of the Romanists concerning the Mass, in my book de Missa contra Bellarm. concerning purgatory and indulgences, in my books against Bellarmine of that argument. I have also in the first book touched diverse contradictions and contrarieties in the doctrine of our adversaries. And to be brief, I say, and offer to prove, that there is no article of Christian faith, wherein the adversaries do not vary and disagree one from another. God grant they may once see it, and leaving their idle bangling about vain questions of mixed divinity, return to the Catholic faith, which is a doctrine of agreement and unity.   

CHAP. VII. Of the servile and wretched 〈◊〉 of the English nation, under the reign of Queen Mary, and generally of all people living under the Pope's laws and religion.  
Having at full discoursed concerning matters Ecclesiastical, it followeth now, that I speak of matters teuching the state politic, beginning first with our own nation under the unhappy reign of Queen Marie, sometime Queen of England, and then touching other Princes and States, that are subject to the thraldom of the Pope and his Babylonish religion.  
First than it is apparent, that she brought herself and her people into danger, by reason of her match with king Philip: and no question but she had brought this kingdom into subjection, if not into servile bondage, if God had not crossed the designs of man, and dealt mercifully with us, both taking away the Queen in the strength of her age, and preventing the wicked counsels of bloody traitors and persecutors, who (as john Hales saith) meant to have 
In Orat. ad Eliz.  brought this land under strangers: and altering the State before the Spaniards had taken any firm footing in England.  
How great danger this land stood in, those that then lived may well remember, and we cannot choose but acknowledge, if we look back and consider the working of Queen Marie, of the popish prelate's, and of the Spaniards. The Queen sought by all means to put the kingdom into the hands of king Philip. The popish prelate's sought to suppress religion, which could not be without the oppression of our liberty. The Spaniards ruled insolently, and went about to make themselves strong, advancing those which were of their faction, and thrusting back all, that were studious of their country's liberty. The bulwarks or blocusses, that were made for defence of the land against strangers, they suffered to fall: they brought in strangers; they put the command of the kingdom into the hands of such as were best affectioned to themselves, and least careful of their country's liberty.  
What would have ensued of this, it is an 〈◊〉 matter to conjecture by the deportment of Spaniards in other countries, that are subject to their government.  
In the Indias they rule not like men, but rather like barbarous tyrants and savage beasts. Contemning all justice, (saith Bartholomaeus à casas writing of the cruel usage 
In his Preface to king Philip.  of the Spaniards towards the Indians) they delight to see streams of man's blood, which they have shed, and seek with infinite slaughter to deprive those great countries of the natural inhabitants thereof. In short space they killed diverse hundred thousands, only in one Island called Hispaniola: the women they abused, the treasure and commodities of the country they spoilt.  
The people of Naples were in the time of Charles the fifth, who otherwise was a good prince, so vexed and oppressed by the Spaniards: as an Ambassador of the people of Sienna said to Henry the French king, that for release of their 
Nat. Com. hist. lib. 6.  extreme bondage they seemed desirous to live under the Turk: Vt Turcarum imperia ad tantarum miseriarum refugium exoptare videantur. He saith further, that the Spaniards laid so many grievous tributes upon the people, that diverse ancient towns were thereby deformed, and left desolate.  
The Duchy of Milan also by the Spanish tyranny, as those that have traveled that country do know, is brought to great poverty. The tares and customs are grievous, the oppressions wrought by the soldiers many, the laws unsupportable Neither doth it avail them to complain. For that remedy they have often tried, but all in vain. But no people was ever more oppressed, than the Flemings, Brabansons, Hollanders and other nations of the Low countries. Their liberties they have disannulled, their laws they have little regarded, their towns they have spoiled, their country they have almost wasted. By the fundamental laws of the country, they might neither place strange governors over them, nor bring in 〈◊〉 forces among them. But the Spaniards have done both. By the laws, the king of Spain could neither impose taxes upon the subject, without the consent of the States, nor condemn any man, but by the laws of the country. But he hath both done the one and the other. The Duke of Alva without the consent of the States, or order, required the hundreth part of that which every man was worth, and the tenth of all things bought and sold in the country. The noble 〈◊〉 of Egmont and Horn, and diverse Noble men of the country, that had done him great service, he caused to be done to shameful death. The prince of Orange's eldest son, contrary to the laws of the University of Louvain and country, he caused to be carried prisoner into Spain. Finally, contrary to the laws of the country he altered the ecclesiastical State making new Bishops, and erecting new offices of inquisition in diverse places of the country. And this the king did, having sworn to observe 
Ludovic. Guicciard. de Paesi bassi.  the laws and privileges of the country. I will not here recount the murders, rapes, robberies, 〈◊〉, spoils, and wrongs which the Spanish soldiers and officers have committed. For that would require a great volume, and it would be said, that these are the calamities of wars, and wrongs of private persons. Yet if Spaniards bring wars and calamities with them, and see not these wrongs redressed: it showeth how much their tyrannical government is to be avoided and detested. But that is made apparent by the laws and proceedings, which are publicly avowed.  
The Portugeses may be an example to all nations, sufficient to make the Spanish government odious. For although they be near neighbours, and agree with the Spaniards in Religion, language, laws and humours; yet have they not found any more favour at their hands, than other nations. Their Nobility is almost overthrown, the Merchant decayed, the Commons spoilt. The exactions are intolerable, and yet far more tolerable than the wrongs offered by 〈◊〉, from whom neither the husband can keep his wife, nor the father his daughter, nor the citizen or countryman any thing he hath. Add hereunto the violence that is offered to men's persons, and the injuries of words that they daily sustain; and than you will confess, that the Portugeses live in great misery and bondage.  
In England also the Spaniards, albeit but few, began to play their parts, offering violence to diverse men's persons, and attempting the chastity both of matrons and virgins. In the parliament, which is the foundation of the liberty of our nation, they attempted the overthrow of our liberty, not only by 〈◊〉 king Philip with the Queen, but also leaving out the Queen's title of supreme authority in the summons, and taking away the free election of the Commons in choosing their Burgesses, and thrusting out Bishop Watson, Alexander Nowell, and diverse Burgesses out of the parliament.  
Nay such is the rigour of the Spanish government, that the Spaniards themselves cannot well like it. The privileges of Arragon, the last king abrogated upon pretence of disorder in the fact of Antony Perez. Escovedoes sons could never have justice for the death of their father. Murders and violences are rarely punished. The taxes, customs and payments are so grievous, that notwithstanding all the riches that cometh from the 〈◊〉, nothing can be devised more bare, poor and miserable, than the common sort of Spaniards. The imposition upon fish, wine, oil and silks, which are the principal commodities of the country, is great: and other customs are not easy. In the market the tenth 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 commonly for all commodities bought and sold.  
Wherefore if we respect nothing else but the yoke of the Spanish government, we may account our nation in very miserable terms in 〈◊〉 Mary's days.  
Yet was not that all the mischief she brought with her. For beside the yoke of Spaniards, she put upon her subjects the yoke of the Pope's tyranny, and of his Italians, relinquishing the first fruits and tenths of Ecclesiastical livings to the Pope, and making her people subject to all his extortions and pillages: which not only to this nation, but also to all Christians hath always been very grievous.  
Matthew Paris speaking only of one Pope's Legate, and 
In Hen. 3. P. 530.  his ravenous pillages, saith, excepting church treasure, there remained not so much money behind as he had carried with him out of England: Nec remansit eadem 〈◊〉, ut veraciter dicebatur, in Anglia tantum 〈◊〉, exceptis sanctorum vasis & ornamentis Ecclesiarum, quantum à regno extorserat Anglicano. The same man beside all this, as the same author testifieth, 〈◊〉 three hundred benefices at his own and the Pope's pleasure. Underegnum quasi vinea exposita omni transeunti, quam exterminavit aper de sylua, miserabiliter languit desolatum. Whereupon it fell out, saith he, that the kingdom did miserably languish, being laid desolate, & made like a vineyard, exposed to every one that passeth by, and which the bore of the wood did root out. He that shall read that story, shall find strange inventions to extort money from the people, and understand that great sums of money were transported out of England by the Pope's agents and countrymen. Bonner in his preface before Stephen Gardiner's book De vera obedientia, saith, that the Pope's prey in England was so great, that it amounted to as much almost as the revenues of the Crown.  
The English nation complained to the Pope in the synod 
Math. Paris. in Hen. 3.  at Lion in the days of king Henry the third, of diverse enormous pillages and exactions made by him and his officers, but could find no remedy. The Emperor, as Matthew Paris 
Ibid.  testifieth, found fault with the King of England, for that he suffered his country to be impoverished so shamefully by the Pope. Imperator reprehendit regem Angliae saith Matthew Paris) quod permitteret terram suam tam impudenter per Papam depauperari. If we account the tenths, first fruits, rents coming of dispensations about Ecclesiassicall benefices, for marriages and vows, money for licences to 〈◊〉 flesh and white meats, to keep concubines, to erect new societies and orders of Friars, money for indulgences and pardons, canonisations of saints, erecting of Churches, for rescripts of justice, for absolution from oaths, for sale of Masses, and such like Babylonish merchandise: we shall find that the sum doth far exceed Bonner's account. So injurious was the Pope in extorting, and so patient was this land in bearing all burdens, that worthily it deserved to be called the Pope's ass.  
Nay such corruption was entered into the Romish church, that no act of religion could be executed without paying somewhat. At christening they paid a chrism cloth; at 〈◊〉, a hearse cloth. Neither could any be married, or 〈◊〉, or absolved, but some what was paid. At Candlemas they offered candles, at another day bread, and because bread would not down without drink, they offered also good ale in some places. By these means the priests of Baal lived upon the poor man's labour, and got the husbandman's cow, the artificers instruments, and what every man had, from the owners: and pressed the very marrow out of the common people's bones.  
To all these pillages, from which king Henry the eight of famous memory, and his son king Edward had freed us, Queen Mary did make her people subject.  
She also put her people under the bloody hands of the butcherly Romish inquisitors Bonner, Gardiner, Story, and their fellows: which contrary to justice, and all good form of proceeding, caused 〈◊〉 or five hundred to be put to most cruel death in a short space, and were the occasion of the death of many hundreds more, that either for want, or by diseases died, being 〈◊〉 to leave their houses, and to shift for themselves. Some also died in prison, before they came to their trial. Whosoever would not forsake the truth, was driven to forsake his country, kindred & friends, and to fly into strange countries for succour. So we 〈◊〉 murder, tortures, banishments, bands and persecution of God's saints were the monuments of her reign.  
Therefore it pleased God to afflict this country with a great penury and dearth: the like was not heard of for many years before, nor since. 〈◊〉 histories say, that 〈◊〉 was for four marks the quarter, and malt for 44. shillings: which, considering that rate of things, is twice or thrice so much as that sum amounteth unto now. Hereupon it came to pass, that the people were constrained to make bread of acorns, that had refused the bread of God's word, and that many died for extreme want and penury: and yet was not the country half so populous as now.  
Finally, to her perpetual dishonour, and the fhame of all Papists, she lost Calais, Ghines, & whatsoever by the kings of England was left her in France. King Edward the third that most victorious prince 〈◊〉 Calais: and she like a most disastrous Queen 〈◊〉 it: neither did any thing prosper that 〈◊〉 took in hand. In the beginning of her reign she was driven to 〈◊〉 into Suffolk disguised, and had by all likelihood lost both her life, crown and hope, if the professors of the Gospel of Norfolk and Suffolk had not resorted unto her, and defended her against those that pursued her: for the which she promised them liberally, but performed nothing. They delivered her from danger, and she eontrary to her promise, delivered them up to the bloody executioners to be pursued with fire and faggot.  
She married with a stranger, to the great dislike of all true hearted Englishmen. But well was she 〈◊〉. For her husband never did well like her, and in the end he went from her, and did in a manner forsake her.  
Great hope she had to leave us a king of her own body to reign after her; but her expectation was turned into a mockery, and all the Masses said, and prayers devised, and offerings to Saints relics, for her safe delivery, took no effect. The saying of the Prophet (Psal. 〈◊〉.) was fulfilled in her. She 〈◊〉 grief and brought forth iniquity. Concepit dolorem, & peperit iniquitatem. Solomon for that he was a just Prince, had a son given him to sit upon his throne 〈◊〉 him, as we read 1. King. 3. Was not then this 〈◊〉 Queen justly punished with barrenness, for inaking so many childless?  
Without cause she fell at variance with the French, entering into her husband's quarrel. But she spent her labour and treasure in vain, left the 〈◊〉 in debt, and lost all she did adventure for.  
At the sea she was most 〈◊〉, losing a goodly ship called The great Harrie, by 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 no success in any thing. And so it appeareth, that she lived and died 〈◊〉, leaving 〈◊〉 memory behind her, but of cruel persecution, of Spanish slavery, and of 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, and loss to our nation. Neither doth any account otherwise of her, then as of a woman unhappy in her marriage, cruel in persecuting Gods Saints, ungrateful to those that were her best friends, unkind to her subjects, 〈◊〉 in all her enterprises.  
The like success had those kings of England, that were most forward in the Pope's service. Before king Henry the seconds time the Pope's agents had little to do in England. He was the first that gave them grace. But see his reward. The Pope maintained Becket and other his rebellious subjects against him, and forced him to most disgraceful and base conditions of agreement. Furthermore the Pope's agents in his time found such favour, that until the reign of king Henry the eight, this Land could never be rid of them.  
〈◊〉 Richard the first for the Pope's pleasure crossed himself for the holy land, and went thither with great forces of men, and royal provisions. But nothing he gained, beside a vain name of a valiant man. On the other side, his losses and disgraces were exceeding great. For first, he lost most of his 〈◊〉: then he lost the best part of his men. Thirdly, he lost diverse good towns in France, where his enemies took advantage of his absence. Fourthly, he was taken prisoner in his return. Fiftly he impoverished himself and his country in levying money for his ransom. And lastly, was unnobly slain before a little castle in France by a base fellow. So little did the Pope's pardons and blessings avail him.  
Never did any king of England more for the Pope than king john. For he resigned his Crown into his Legates hands, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also as much as in him lay, to make his kingdom tributary to the Pope. Let us then 〈◊〉 what fruit he reaped of his devotion to the Pope. First, he lived in continual jar with his 〈◊〉. Secondly, he lost Normandy, and 〈◊〉 towns of great moment, to the French. Thirdly, in his 〈◊〉 the French made war 〈◊〉 him in England, and 〈◊〉 him 〈◊〉 at his own doors. Fourthly, he suffered his kingdom to be pillaged by the Pope. Finally, he died of poison ministered to him by a Monk of Swinsted Abbey, as Caxtons' Chronicle reporteth.  
King Henry the third was flatly 〈◊〉 by Innocent the fourth, and deluded with a promise of the kingdom of Naples for his son Edmond. But for this vain title he paid full dear, not only suffering the Pope to spoil his country, but also paying himself great sums to the Pope.  
King Henry the eight, for the deliverance of Clement the seventh, spent 〈◊〉 treasure vainly. And that was the success of all the kings of England that did service to the Pope.  
Generally, all those that live under the Pope's 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 most miserably, being neither secured for their 〈◊〉, nor lives, nor liberties, either from their neighbour princes, or from the Pope. First, they serve two kings, wheresoever they live: that is, their King or Duke, and the Pope. If they offend the Pope, they are 〈◊〉 heretics, and are deemed worthy of death, yea albeit the controversy be no matter of Religion. Lewis of Bavier and his followers were reputed 〈◊〉, he for taking on him the 〈◊〉 without the Pope's allowance, these for yielding obedience to their lawful prince. The like censure was 〈◊〉 against all that followed the Emperor Henry the fourth, and Frederick the second.  
If they offend their Princes, either in word or 〈◊〉, the penalty is death. Poggio showeth, that a rich man being accused of treason, answered, that he had not offended, but if his goods had offended, he would not consent with them. And thus by renouncing that which he 〈◊〉, he escaped.  
The laws are very rigorous both of Pope and popish 〈◊〉, the executions 〈◊〉 cruel and 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 speaking of the times of Alexander the sixth, saith, that there was never more outrages committed by 〈◊〉 and cut throats: that the people of Rome had never less freedom: that there was a great number of privy promoters, and that every evil word was punished with death. But this is common to all Italian princes. Murders and spoils are little regarded, every word, nay every thought against them if it be known, is 〈◊〉 most 〈◊〉.  
The Spanish inquisitors in 〈◊〉 pass most savage beasts. Upon every light surmise they proceed against most innocent persons, and some they rack, some they samish, some they burn, some they cut 〈◊〉. The very Papists themselves could never endure it, nor would suffer it, 
Natal. come. hist. lib. 2.  but by force. The Venetians will none of it. The Neapolitans refusing the same, yield this reason, quia per simplicem alicuius malevoli accusationem, nullis requisitis probationibus, nullisque defensionibus acceptis, posset quisque in carceres detrudi, & vita, honore, & facultatibus privari. Because by the single accusation of one malicious fellow, neither proofs being sought, nor exceptions received, any man might be thrust into prison, and deprived of his honours, goods and life. Are they not then miserable, that live under the danger of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? 
Meteran. lib. 2. hist. Bel.  The people of the Low countries do affirm, that 〈◊〉 Inquisition was the original ground of the troubles and tumults of the Low countries, and that the Cardinal Granuelle endeavouring to bring in the same, was the ruin of his country. At the first the 〈◊〉 was 〈◊〉 principally against Turks and Moors. Who then doth not detest the Spaniards and Italians, that practising the same against Christians, do plainly declare, that they hold them to be no better than Turks and Moors?  
The common form also of inquisition against Christians is very cruel, odious, and intolerable, considering first that the Romanists take all for heretics, that 〈◊〉 them for their villainies, superstitions and heresies; and next for that they neither observe form nor order of 〈◊〉, nor respect young nor old, men alive nor dead: oftentimes 〈◊〉 
Cap. 〈◊〉 de 〈◊〉. in 6.  men's bodies most cruelly, and spoiling their goods most greedily, and punishing any that dissent from the synagogue 
Cap. ad abolendam. de haeret.  of Rome in matter of the Sacraments, as if they had conspired the destruction of their prince and country.  
By this cruel proceeding in the reign of Charles the 〈◊〉, the bloody popish tormentors in the low countries put to death fifty thousands, as the Histories of the Low country's 〈◊〉. In England, like savage wolves they spoilt 
Meteran. hist. Belg. lib. 2.  the flock, during the reign of Queen Marie. How many have been executed in Spain, Italy, France, and Germany by these 〈◊〉, it is hard to recount. Of late, because the executioners were not sufficient to satisfy their cruelty, they have caused many thousands without all order to be massacred.  
Paul the 4. that first brought the inquisition into Rome, brought himself and his house into perpetual hatred of the 
〈◊〉. in Paulo. 4.  Romans, insomuch, that upon his death the people ran furiously together, broke his statue, threw down the arms of his house, burned the inquisition court, and were hardly restrained from doing further violence to the inquisitors.  
The Pope's exactions in all countries are very gricuous, Ipse 〈◊〉 Pontifex (saith john of Salisbury) omnibus gravis 
〈◊〉. lib. 6. c. 24.  & ferè intolerabilis est. The Pope is become grievous and untolerable unto all men. Again, speaking of the Church of Rome, he saith, She showeth herself rather a steppemother then a mother, and that Scribes and pharisees sit in her, which lay importable burdens on men's shoulders, which they will not once touch with their fingers.  
Petrus de Alliaco speaking against the multitude and 
De reform. Eccles.  greatness of the Pope's exactions, busieth himself to find a remedy, by diminishing the excessive charges of the Pope, the number of Cardinals, and disorders of inferior prelates: but 〈◊〉 in vain. He proveth by the testimony of Humbertus, 
Ibidem.  that the cause that disposed the greeks to revolt from the Church of Rome, was the grievance of that Church in exactions, excommunications and laws. Speaking of the orders of Friars, he saith, that their state is burdensome to all men, and hurtful to hospitals and lazar-houses, and prejudicial to all states of the Church.  
Bernard of Clugny describeth the qualities of Rome fitly: 
In Satyrd.  Roma dat omnibus, omnia dantibus: Rome giveth all things to all men (saith he) but provided that they pay for it. And again: Omnia Romae cum praetio: All things may be had at Rome if you will buy them.  
Amongst us (saith Mantuan) Churches, priests, altars, masses, crowns, fire, incense, prayers, yea heaven and God himself is set to sale.  

Venalia nobis (saith he) Templa, sacerdotes, altaria, sacra, coronae, 
Calamit. lib. 3   
Ignis, thura, preces, coelum est venale Deusque.   
Budaeus saith, that the Pope's laws serve not now so much 
Annot. in Pandect.  for direction in manners, as by bankers craft (for so I may almost term it) to get money. Sanctiones pontificae non moribus regendis usui sunt, sed propemodum dixerim, argenturiae faciendae authoritatem videntur accommodare.  
Matthew Paris affirmeth, that the Church of Rome in the 
In Hen 3.  times of Henry the third, 〈◊〉 right and justice, like a shameless and common whore was set to sale to all men, accounting usury for a small fault, and simony for none. Eodem tempore (saith he) permittente, vel procurante Papa Gregorio 〈◊〉 invaluit Romanae Ecclesiae insatiabilis cupiditas confundens fas nefasque, quod deposito rubore, velut meretrix vulgaris & effrons omnibus venalis & exposita, usuram pro paruo, symoniam pro nullo inconuenienti reputavit  
And this taking with the Pope, is a matter so plain and open, that they count simony for no sin in the Pope. Papa non 〈◊〉 facere symoniam conferendo beneficia & dignitates accepta pecunia, saith Bartolus in l. Barbarius. de office praet. 2. col. And that as Theodoric à Niem in his book of Schism saith, is the opinion of diverse Canonists. Felin de office & potest. iudic. delegat. in c. ex parte. 1. nu. 1. saith, that modern Doctors hold without distinction, that the Pope is not obnoxious to the crime of simony, and that himself is of that opinion.  
What by colour of law, and what without law, the Pope and his shavelings do spoil the whole Christian common wealth. The gain of the Pope's faculties, and of popish pardons, Masses, and dirges, and other such like papal wares and commodities, amounteth to a great mass of money. Therewith the Pope maketh wars, the Masspriests and Friars maintain themselves, and their baggages, and all their pompous train and bravery.  
In the mean while the poor people wring, that bear most of this charge. Further, they are bound to provide the furniture of altars, images, Churches, and all that is required for Masses. In a certain visitation at Como, by the Pope's legate called Bonhomme so many particulars are 
The Acts of that visitation were printed at 〈◊〉. anno 1585.  commanded to be provided, as could not in seven leaves be comprehended. In Spain every man of any sort is compelled to buy two indulgences; the one for the quick, the other for the dead. The common rate of a pardon they say is four reals of plate. If the executors will not be at the charge of a funeral, they use to compel the parties.  
The Pope to get money in his own territory beside all this raiseth new customs and impositions daily, maketh a monopoly of whores, and hath ordinary banks of usury, as the world knoweth, and popish writers confess, where they speak of their Monti di pieta.  
The like do other popish Princes, in so much, that if a man do well consider all, he must 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that their government is nothing else but a mere tyranny, odious to God and man.  
Therefore God doth punish them often with wars, sedition, sickness and famine, and other usitations. In Spain it is an ordinary matter to see the people die of famine. In Italy caterpillars have often devoured the corn, and namely anno 1576. In the life of Pius the fifth, the people of Genua an. 1572. do write, that many of their people died of hunger, and that few had means to satisfy themselves with bread. The 〈◊〉 in their annual letters speak of a great famine in Italy and Sicily an. 1592. and show, that 〈◊〉 were constrained to 〈◊〉 dogs.  
What success the Pope's soldiers, and other idlolatrous Papists have had of late years, diverse may remember: the histories are full. Charles the fifth serving the Pope against the Germans, was in the end forced by D. Maurice to leave the country, & to save himself by flight. The which he did with such speed, that diverse of his company forgot to put on their boots. In his enterprise against Algiers, he lost a great part of his army and fleet, and returned laden rather with scorn then spoil. In the end when he saw nothing succeed, he crept contemptibly into a monastery, and died as some say crazed in his brain, and most ingloriously.  
King Philip in his memorial to his son confesseth, that he spent 5594. millions of ducats in 33. years, and yet never reaped any thing for his labour, but anguish and sorrow. His noble acts by his son Charles, were written in a blank book. His first attempt was against the Moors in the I'll of Zerbi. But therein his fleet was taken and overthrown by the Turks, and his whole army slain or discomfited. Leaving the Turks, he thought to try his manhood against Christians. But in his wars he behaved himself so manfully, that thinking to subdue the Low countries by force, which yielded unto him for love, in the end he lost half of that which he possessed before. Purposing to make a conquest of England, he was himself conquered and overcome by a woman. Bragging of his invincible fleet, he found himself and his fleet vanquished by small forces. In the end he aimed at the crown of France, promised unto him by the traitorous 〈◊〉, and their associates, but his loss and scorn received in that country made an end of that old King.  
In Hungary nothing hath succeeded of late years, that hath been enterprised by the Pope's counsel. Eugenius the fourth caused Ladislaus the King of Poland and Hungary to break with the Turk, promising him great pardons and aides. But his whole army was defeated, and himself slain at the battle of Varna.  
Francis the first, that was confederate with Pope Clement the seventh, was taken prisoner at Pavia: and promising to root out religion out of France, never prospered in any enterprise.  
Henry his eldest son confederating himself with the Pope for the extirpation of such as forsook the errors of popery, was slain miserably at a tournament, receiving a wound in his eye, with which he threatened to see Anne Bourg a holy Martyr executed.  
His son Francis died young of an aposteme in his ear, being justly punished, for that he refused to hear the cries of the oppressed.  
His brother Charles the ninth, the author and contriver of the bloody massacre of France, anno 1572, wherein so much innocent blood was shed, died bleeding at all the conduits of his body, and wallowed in his own blood after he had shed so much of others.  
Henry that third, was slain by a Dominican, or rather a demonicall Friar, having bestowed great charge and labour in killing of God's saints. And so the line of Francis de Valois, and his sons failed, and the kingdom is translated into the house of Bourbon, which they persecuted.  
The Leaguers of France, which mutined for the maintenance of popery, are now ruined, and the Duke of Guise and the chief leaders of those rebels come all to unhappy ends.  
Neither had those Christians, that either in the holy land or elsewhere, fought under the Pope's banners better success for the most part. Rodolphus who at the request of Gregory the seventh, rebelled against the Emperor Henry, was by him overthrown and slain in battle. Neither did Mathildis the Pope's paramour, and her soldiers speed much better.  
Matthew Paris rehearseth diverse attempts by Christians, 
In Willel. 2.  set on by the Pope against the Sarracens, but for the most part unhappy. Walter Sansavior that first went against them, lost his army in Bulgaria. Peter the heremit was defeated with all his forces before Nice. Godescalcus a Dutch priest also, would needs lead an army against the Turks: but he was likewise overthrown with all his company. Godfray of Bullein, albeit he won Jerusalem, yet he lost diverse hundred thousands in the adventure, and his posterity did not long hold that which they had won.  
In this service Lewis the ninth of France was taken prisoner first, and afterward lost his life. In the same did the noble Frederick Barbarossa perish, and infinite other Christians. The French men blasphemed against God, seeing 
Ibid.  they had no better success in the holy land, as he saith. De divina conquer bant ur ingratitudine, qui labores suos & devotionis sinceritatem non respiciebat, sed quasi in alienum populum tradi in manus hostium patie batur. Finally, all that took the Pope's part against the Emperors Henry the third, fourth, and fifth, Fridericke the first and second, and others, had evil success.  
Considering the promises therefore it is much to be wondered, that any princes should serve the Pope, that is so notoriously declared to be Antichrist, and that they should take his mark in 〈◊〉 hands and foreheads, especially seeing the evil success, that others have had in his service, and the plagues, that are threatened against these, that take his mark upon them. Much also it is to be lamented, that Christians should continue under the grievous yoke either of the Pope, or popish religion. Rome in time past was mistress of the world, & the Church of Christ there most famous for piety throughout the world. But now she serveth Antichrist most basely, and is infamous for her impieties.  
Baldus speaking of Italy, saith: that she is of all other countries the most miserable, as wanting one to redress her wrongs. Olim provinciarum domina, nunc omnium 〈◊〉.  
Lewis the 9 in his pragmatical sanction confesseth, that the kingdom of France was miserably impoverished by the Pope's exactions. Molinaeus in his book de paruis datis, calleth the Pope's exactions barbarous. jolian a Cardinal in an Epistle to Eugenius the fourth, who deluded the Germans demanding reformation of certain abuses, told the Pope plainly, that the ruin of the Papacy was at hand, if order were not taken presently to satisfy the people. Finis pro certo est, saith he, securis ad radicem posita est.  
The Germans in a certain meeting at Nuremberg told the Pope's Legate, that the burdens imposed by the Pope 
Gravam.  were so grievous, that they neither could, nor would bear 
German.  them any longer. Praedicta urgentissima atque intolerabilia, penitusq non ferenda onera diutius se nec perferre velle, nec tolerare posse. Among these grievances they reckon prohibitions of marriages, and certain meats at certain times, and to certain persons, contrary to God's law, pillages by pretence of pardons under colour of going to war against Turks, or building of Churches, and such like; reservation of absolution in certain case, 〈◊〉 of stationary Friars or limitors, the multitude of Friars, drawing causes to the Pope's cognition, appointing of delegate Judges and defenders of men's right, as they are called, exemptions, reservations, and provissons of livings Ecclesiastical, privileges, rules of the Pope's chancery, commendaes, immunities of Monks, Friars, and priests, from payments and punishments, unjust excommunications, and interdicts, multitude of holidays, lands coming into mortmain, encroaching upon lay men's lands and goods, pensions and charges laid upon benefices, superfluities and superstitions in honouring of Saints, and such like.  
What resteth then, seeing as Christians do see the miseries of the people, that live under the yoke of the Pope's kingdom and his adherents, but that they seek all lawful means to be freed from this tyranny, and to shake off the yoke of this Antichristian government.   

CHAP. VIII. That no king living under the Pope, and receiving his doctrine, can assure himself of his kingdom.  
THat the yoke of Antichristian and popish government is grievous and intolerable to all Christians, we have made it apparent by diverse particulars. But could any Christian endure it; yet Christian Kings and Princes have least reason to do it. For as their place is higher than others, so the dishonour that is offered to 〈◊〉, and the hazard which they incur, is of far greater consideration, then if the same should be offered to private persons. And yet no man runneth into greater hazard, nor receiveth greater wrongs at the Pope's hands, and by means of his doctrine and government, than Christian Kings and princes. For first they are in no assurance of their state: and secondly, they run in danger to lose their lives, if they receive the Pope's authority and doctrine within their kingdoms: Of which two we will speak severally and in order.  
That they stand in no 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, it may be proved, first, by the Pope's doctrine: and secondly, by their practice. Their doctrine is clear both by the Pope's decretals, and by the common opinions of their principal Doctors. Clement the fifth in the Chapter beginning Romani de iureiverando. declareth, that the 〈◊〉 Emperors take an oath of fealty and subjection to the Pope. Romani principes (saith he) orthodoxae fidei professores, etc. That is, the Emperors of Rome professing the faith, with fervour of faith and ready devotion honouring the holy-church of Rome, whose head is Christ our Redeemer, and the Bishop of Rome our redeemers Vicar, have not thought it an indignity to submit their heads, and to bind themselves by oath, from whom they have received, not only the approbation of their person assumed unto the imperial dignity, but also unction, consecration, and the crown of the Empire. But if the Emperor receive his Empire from the Pope, then may he be deposed by the Pope. And if he take an oath of fealty and obedience to the Pope, then is he forsworn, if he obey not his sentences and censures, as the Canonists teach.  
Likewise the same Pope affirmeth, that the Emperor 
Clem. Rom. de iureiurando.  is bound by oath to root out the enemies of the Romish church, and not to make any confederation or league with any enemy of the Pope, or any suspected unto him. Which being granted, it followeth, that no King or Emperor can make peace with others, than such as the Pope liketh, and that he is to make wars upon such as he misliketh. A matter which now presently much concerneth all Christians. For if the Spaniards or other the Pope's vassals have respect to this law, as no question but they have, than all capitulations betwixt them, and Christian princes of our profession are made by his dispensation, and to hold no longer than it shall stand with the Pope's good liking.  
The Author of the gloss upon the same chapter doth also plainly declare, that the Emperor is subject to the Pope. Modo quaero, (saith he) nun jesus voluit, etc. Now I ask (saith he) whether Christ jesus would not, that these Princes, to whom he hath given temporal jurisdiction, etc. should be in some sort subject unto his Vicar, that is, to the Bishop of Rome: and whether he would not, that these Princes should give oath to the Bishop of Rome; and whether he would not, that they should submit their heads to the same Bishop. Whereunto Clement answereth in the text, that they should. And very plain it is, that this was the meaning of Clement, seeing he determineth, that the Emperor ought to take an oath of fealty and obedience: fidelitatis & obedientiae: but if he swear fealty and obedience, then is he to show himself obedient, and the Pope may punish him, if he swear false. So we see, that if the Pope's law hold, than the Emperor for his Empire is tenant at the Pope's will, and may hold it no longer, than he continueth in his obedience, unless he will either refuse to swear, or be forsworn.  
In the chapter Pastoralis Clement. de sent. & re indicata: the Pope declareth, that he hath superiority over the Empire, and that in the vacancy of the Empire himself ought to succeed the Emperor. Thereupon also he contradicteth the Emperors proceeding, and declareth the Emperor's sentence against Robert king of Sicily to be void, and without effect. But if the Emperor cannot proceed against rebels, but that his sentence shall be reversed by the Pope; then is he the Pope's vassal and subject, and cannot longer hold the crown, than it shall please the Pope. Neither may other princes look for greater favour at the Pope's hands, than the Emperor.  
Boniface the eight in the Chapter, Vnam sanctam. extr. come. de maiorit. & obedient. doth expressly determine, that the Pope hath both swords, and that he hath power both to make kings, and to depose them. Spiritualis potestas potestatem terrenam instituere habet, & iudicare, si bona non fuerit. That is, the spiritual power hath right to ordain the earthly power, and to judge the same, if it be not good. And again: if the earthly power go astray, the same must be judged by the spiritual power That is, by the Pope. But if he have right to judge kings; then hath he right to 〈◊〉 judgement against them, and to take their crown from them. This decretal was published against Philip the French King, but no doubt, but the Pope taketh himself to have the same right against all other kings. Nay, albeit the same sentence seemeth to have been suspended in regard of the French king by the chapter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. come. de privilegijs, yet have later Popes proceeded against some French Kings, as for example, Lewis the twelfth, and Henry the third. How may then other Kings hope to escape their censures that are not privileged?  
Now if any man except and say, that this is not the doctrine of Rome that now is, he shall show himself to be but a novice, that thinketh that any Papist dare depart from the doctrine of his holy father's decretals. Beside that, if we search the books of late writers, we shall find that they do not digress from their elders. josephus Vestanus in his treatise De osculatione pedum Pontificis, p. 137. among diverse principles and dictates of the Pope's doctrine, derived as he saith from Gregory the seventh, setteth down these two: first, that it is lawful for the Pope to depose the Emperor; and next, that he hath power to absolve subjects from their oath of obedience to tyrannical princes. But if he have power to depose princes, and to lose the subjects from the band of their obedience unto them; then is it manifest, that princes can no longer hold their crowns than it shall please 〈◊〉 Pope.  
Bellarmine likewise lib. 5. de Pontif. Rom. c. 6. speaking of the Pope, saith, he hath power to change kingdoms, and to take from one, and to give unto another, if that be necessary for the saving of souls. And this he offereth to prove. Potest 〈◊〉 regna (saith he) & uni auferre, atque alteri conferre si id necessarium sit ad animarum salutem, ut probabimus.  
Pius the 〈◊〉 in his bull against Queen Elizabeth affirmeth, that the pope is made a prince, and set over all nations and kingdoms, to pull up, to destroy, to dissipate and spoil, to plant and build. Hunc unum (saith he) super omnes gentes, & omnia regna Principem constituit, qui evellat, destruat, dissipet, disperdat, plantet & 〈◊〉.  
The 〈◊〉 of France, in their book entitled, La veritè defendue, a book as true as Celsus his book written against 
Origen lib. 1. contra 〈◊〉.  Christian religion, entitled by him Veraoratio, or a true discourse) do defend the authority of the Pope, which he challengeth in judging and deposing temporal princes. Nay, which is more strange, they blush not to affirm, that this great sovereignty in the Pope is profitable for princes, that stand in more doubt of losing their temporal kingdoms then of any other loss. But howsoever it is, if princes stand upon losing their crowns at the Pope's pleasure, then are they in poor estate, and without any assurance of their kingdoms, 〈◊〉 especially the malice of the Pope against such as profess the truth, and his ambition in encroaching upon his neighbour's dominions.  
Ghineard a jebusite was hanged in Paris anno 1594. for writing and holding diverse seditious positions, whereof one was, that the crown of France might, and aught to be translated into another family, then that of Bourbon. Neither need any man make question, by 〈◊〉 he meant that this feat should be wrought, seeing the Pope is the man, whose authority the jebusites and Canaanites 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kings.  
Finally, Robert Parsons in his Warnword, part. 2. f. 117. 6 allegeth a book entitled, De iusta Henrici tertij abdicatione, that is, of the just deposing of the French King Henry the third: whereby it is apparent, that he also holdeth, that the Pope may 〈◊〉 depose Kings. Neither is it likely, that he would so busily have sought to stir up rebels in England, and to suborn cutthroats to kill the Queen, or that he would have desired that Pius the 〈◊〉 his bull against her might be suspended for a time 〈◊〉 Papists, if he had not taken her to be deposed by the Pope.  
But because this 〈◊〉 of the Pope's authority, that of itself is little worth, would avail nothing, unless the people also can be drawn to favour the Pope's faction; therefore the Pope and his scholars give also a power to the people to depose Kings and princes, especially if once they prove tyrants, that is, as 〈◊〉 teach, if they be excommunicate by the Pope, or else seek to maintain their state or the truth against the violence and practices of the popish 〈◊〉. Gregory the seventh took away all regal power from Henry the fourth, and gave the same unto Rodulph of Saxony, commanding all Christians to receive Rodulph for their King, and not to obey the Emperor Henry in any thing, as being absolved from their oaths, which they were wont to give unto Kings. Regiam ei potestatem adimo (saith Gregory the 
Platina in 〈◊〉. 7.  seventh) interdicoque Christianis omnibus illo 〈◊〉 absolutis quo fides regibus 〈◊〉, ne Henrico ullain re obtemperent, Rodulphum in regem suscipiant. But this could not be executed, unless the people had some power given them, to put by the one, and to receive the other. Nor can princes stand firm, if seditious Popes can give the people this power.  
Innocent the fourth, likewise deposed Friderick the second, 
Math. Paris in Hen. 3.  forbidding his subjects to obey him, and commanding them to whom it appertained to choose another King. As if it lay in the power of the people to do the one or the other: or as if the prince's authority 〈◊〉 in this case upon the people's pleasure.  
Pius the 〈◊〉 declared Queen Elizabeth's subjects to be freed 
In Bulla cont. Elizabeth.  from their obedience, and not only commanded them not to obey her, but by all persuasions moved them to depose her. Is not this then a plain and evident argument, that the Pope doth give power to the people contrary to the doctrine of the Apostle, Rom. 13. and Tit. 3. to rebel against princes, and to depose them?  
William Raynolds a renegade Englishman, in a treatise set out under the 〈◊〉 name of William Rosse, and entitled, De iusta reip. Christianae supra reges impios & haereticos authoritate, iustissimaque Catholicorum (he should say cacolicorun) ad Henricum Nauarraeum, & quemcunque haereticum à regno Galliae repellendum confederatione, doth in express terms give the people power to depose Kings, and maintaineth impudently the wicked league of the French rebels against their King. In the 2. chap. of that book, he affirmeth, that the right of all the Kings & kingdoms of Europe is laid upon this foundation, that common wealths or people, may depose their kings. His words are, Quod ius omnium Europae regum & regnorum hoc fundamento nititur, quod resp. possint suos reges deponere. But therein he showeth himself and his consorts to be the most notorious traitors of all Europe.  
Likewise Robert Parsons our adversary (if such a base companion may deserve that name) and a notorious 〈◊〉 of sedition, in his book of succession to the crown of England made against the just title of King james, and in favour of the infanta of Spain, in his first book chap. 1. 〈◊〉 to prove, that succession to government by nearness of blood, is by positive laws of the commonwealth, and may upon just causes be altered by the same. His intention is to show, that they which made that law may also alter it. In the third chapter he striveth with himself to show, that not only unworthy pretenders may be put back, but that Kings in possession may be chastised and deposed. The first part of which proposition is directed against our most worthy and rightful King, before his coming to the crown: the second aimeth at him now, that by God's grace he is attained to the Crown. In the fourth chapter he saith, that oaths in diverse cases bind not subjects, and that sometimes they may lawfully proceed against Princes. Matters so seditious and odious, that it seemeth to me admirable, that such a lewd companion should be suffered so impudently to bark against the authority of Kings, or that the Archpriest or the 〈◊〉, or Mass priests that depend upon him, and allow this doctrine, and percase yet stand for the infantaes title, together with their consorts, should be suffered to live by the laws of that king, whom by their wicked doctrine they have sought to dispossess of his right, and to depose from his royal throne. Neither is this the doctrine of these base companions only, but also of other more famous Doctors, and of the most illustrious ringleaders of the jebusites.  
Bellarmine lib. 5. the pontiff. Rom. c. 6. saith, It is not lawful for Christians to tolerate a King that is an infidel, or an heretic, if he go about to draw his subjects to his heresy or infidelity. His words are these: Non licet Christianis tolerare regem infidelem aut haereticum, si ille pertrahere conetur subditos ad suam haeresim aut infidelitatem. Now it is well known, that such as receive not the superstition and heretical doctrine of the Romish synagogue, are by the sect of Papists accounted heretics, and little better than infidels.  
Emanuel Sa a jebusite also, in a book called Aphorismi confessariorum, holdeth these aphorisms ensuing. In verbo Princeps. That the Prince may be deprived by the commonwealth for tyranny, and also if he do not his duty, or when there is any just cause, and another may be chosen of the greater part of the people. But some (saith he) suppose, that only tyranny is a just cause of deposition. His words stand thus: Potest princeps per remp. privari ob tyrannidem, & si non faciat officium suum, & cum est causa aliqua iusta, & alius eligi à maiori parte populi. Quidam tamen solam tyrannidem causam putant. And in the word Tyrannus, he affirmeth, that he may deposed by the people, although they have sworn to be obedient to him, if being admonished he will not amend. Potest deponi à populo etiam qui ei iur avit obedientiam perpetuam, si monitus non vult corrigi. True it is, that he speaketh of a tyrant. But the Papists account all tyrants, that will not yield to the Pope's will, or that are by him excommunicate, as is proved by the example of their writings against King Henry the eight king of England, and the French Kings Henry the 3. and 4. and diverse others.  
Friar Ghineard a French 〈◊〉 held, that Henry the French King now living was very favourably dealt withal, if he were only deposed and thrust into a monastery. The same man in diverse positions maintaineth the rebellion of the leaguers in France, which by force of arms sought to depose their King. A doctrine seditious, and so judged by the parliament of Paris, which also adjudged the author to death for the same. Finally, we are not to doubt but that this is the doctrine, not only of the jebusites, but also of all Papists that are combined together for the maintenance of the Pope's seat and faction.  
This then being the wicked and seditious doctrine both of the Pope and his principal Doctors, concerning the deposing of Kings, and translating of kingdoms: let us now see whether the papistical faction hath not from time to time endeavoured to put the same in execution. Gregory the seventh, otherwise called Hildebrand or helbrand, as he was the first that broached this doctrine of deposing of Kings, so did he use all manner of violence to execute the same. He set both Germany & Italy on fire, while he prosecuted the Emperor with fire and sword. He did also trouble the peace of the Church, and broke the unity of Christians. 〈◊〉 (saith Beno de vita & gest. Heldebrandi) non solum Ecclesiae perturbavit pacem, sed etiam ecclesiasticam scidit unitatem. Sigebertus 
In Chron. anno 1085.  saith, that the same Gregory confessed, that by the instigation of the devil, he had stirred up anger and hatred against mankind. Confessus est etc. saith he, se suadente diabolo contra humanum genus odium & iram concitasse. The Emperor by this means was spoilt of a great part of his Empire, and had his true subject's 〈◊〉, and his country vexed with wars, and himself in the end brought to great extremity.  
Alexander the third having excommunicated Fridericke Barbarossa, stirred up Germany, France, & Italy against him, purposing wholly to dispossess 〈◊〉 of the Empire. He sent letters to Christian Princes and people, (saith Platina) yielding reasons of his proceeding against Fridericke. Neither need we to doubt, but that the drift of his letters was to move them to take arms against the Emperor.  
Innocent the third caused both Philip and other Emperors to be furiously persecuted, both by their subjects, and by others. Neither did he cease until he had brought them both to destruction. Against Philip he gave out very bravely, that it should cost him his mitre or triple crown, but he would pull the crown from his head. The same Pope brought john king of England into such straits, that he forced him to surrender his Crown into the hands of his Legate, and to receive the same of him again, as it were of favour. O miserable blindness of princes, that did suffer themselves to be brought to this slavery! O miserable seduced people, that followed a stranger, nay Antichrist against their Christian King!  
Gregory the ninth having excommunicated and deposed the Emperor Friderick the second, set up Robert the French Kings brother against him, promising him aid and money for the attaining of the Empire. Ad quam (dignitatem) opes & operam effundemus consequendam, saith Gregory. By the preaching 
Math. Paris in Hen. 3.  of the Friars, he armed the people of Milan, & others 
Ibidem.  against the Emperor, absolving them from their sins if they would 〈◊〉 against him. When preaching served not, he made the Minorites and others to rise in arms against the Emperor. Praefectos Mediolanenfis (saith the Emperor) imò verò 〈◊〉 exercitus, statuens loco sui G. de monte longo pradictum, & fratrem Leonem ministrum ordinis fratrum minorum, qui non solum accincti gladijs & loricis, verum etiam 〈◊〉 insistentes Mediolanenses & alios, quicumque nostrum & nostrorum personam offenderent, à peccatis omnibus absoluebant. Further, he stirred up those which had bound themselves by vow to fight against Saracens, to leave them, and to fight against the Emperor. The like course did Innocent the fourth continue, stirring up not only open enemies, but also domestical traitors, by poison, or by other means to destroy the Emperor. Praedicti facinoris patratores (saith Fridericke) tam 
〈◊〉.  fugitivi scilicet, quam obessi fratrum minorum stipati consortio, crucis ab eis signo recepto, authoritatem summi pontificis per Apostolicas literas praetendentes, 〈◊〉 apertè se gerere sacrosanctae matricis Romanae Ecclesiae praedicant, ac praedictae mortis & ex 〈◊〉 nostrae summum pontificem 〈◊〉 asserunt incentorè. The Emperor plainly declared, that the Pope not only authorised those that made war against him, but also such as by treason conspired to take away his life, promising great reward by the false preaching Friars, to those that should kill him.  
john the 22. Bennet the 12. & Clement the 6 with implacable hatred prosecuted Lewis of Bavier for no other cause, but because he took upon him the title of Emperor, without their allowance. joan. pontifex (saith Platina) johann. Vr sinum in Italiam properè mittit, qui Florentinos & Guelphos omnes in Bavarum confirmaret. Writing the life of Bennet the 12. he saith: That by his procurement all the country fell into arms. Ad arma omnia respiciebant. The same man caused the romans to rebel against the Emperor. Clement the 6. dealt with the Uicounts' of Milan to resist the Emperor, and both in 〈◊〉 maintained a strong faction against him, and also made Charles king of Boheme Emperor to trouble him in Germany.  
Boniface the eight gave plenary remission of sins to all that would fight against the house of Colonna, which he before had excommunicated. Taking displeasure against Philip the French king, he did excommunicate him, and gave away his kingdom to Albert. Philippum eiusque regnum (saith Platina) Alberto regi subijcit. He did also endeavour to put his sentence in execution: and percase had done it, but that Philip by the industry of Sciarra Colonna and Nogaret prevented him, and apprehended the furious Pope. Ferdinand king of Spain had no other pretence to invade the kingdom of Navarre, but only to execute the sentence of julius the second, that had excommunicated him for taking part with the French. No doubt therefore but one time or other the French king, that is the king of Navarre also, will require satisfaction of the Pope and Spaniard, that did him this wrong. But in the mean while we may see in this fact of julius the arrogance of the Popes, that take upon them to depose kings at their pleasure, and to give away their kingdoms.  
This seditious course of the Pope in sentencing kings, was also the sole pretence almost of the Leaguers rebellious stirs against Henry the third in France. For when the jebusites and their faction had declared, that the king was justly deposed, then did the rebels take arms against him, and ceased not to pursue him to the death. The Spaniards also for the same cause aided them, and concurred with them. Likewise the execution of the Pope's sentence against Henry the fourth of France, was the cause both of the revolt of his subjects, and of the wars made against him by the prince of Parma and the Spaniards. Such a firebrand of wars do we find the Pope's sentence to be.  
No sooner was Henry the eight, king of England, pronounced excommunicate by Paul the third, but he sent Cardinal Poole to stir up the French King to invade his kingdom. Afterward when he saw, that the French could not be stirred to execute his pleasure, he caused divers rebellions to be raised against him by the seditious clamours of Masspriests, Monks, and Friars, both in Yorkshire and Lincolne-shire, and other parts of England. Sanders 〈◊〉, that he commanded the Nobility and chief men 
De schiss. lib. 1  of England, by force and arms to oppose themselves against the king, and to cast him out of his kingdom. Principibus viris ac Ducibus Angliae, 〈◊〉 Nobilitati praeeipit, ut vi & armis se Henrico opponant, illumque è regni finibus eijcere nit antur.  
The like course held Pius Quintus that wicked Pope, against Queen Elizabeth of pious memory: for he did not only declare her deprived of her kingdom, but by all means sought actually to deprive her of it: and that first by dealing with the French and Spanish, by force of arms to invade her realms, and afterward stirring up and comforting Malcontents and Rebels, to set the realm in combustion by civil wars. Hierome Catena in the discourse of the life of this impious Pius, showeth: how he persuaded the Spaniard, that he could not otherwise better secure the Low-countries, then by overthrowing the Queen of England. He declareth further, how he induced the French to take part against her. Likewise did Gregory the thirteen send forces into Ireland, together with his legate Sanders. Sixtus Quintus by all means hastened the Spanish fleet, that came against England, anno 1588. Neither have they and others ceased upon all occasions to seek her hurt and destruction.  
This therefore is a most clear case, that no Christian king can be in safety, as long as he suffereth jebusites and Masspriests to advance the Pope's authority, and to preach seditiously, that the people hath power to put Princes out of their royal seat. It is very dangerous also to foster any man within the Realm, that believeth this seditious doctrine.  
True it is, that Papists cast many colours to hide the deformities of this doctrine: but these colours are easily washed away, as not being able to abide any weather. First, they allege, that divers popish Princes have enjoyed their kingdoms quietly without molestation. But we are able to show more Princes of late time troubled by the Pope's practices, than they are able to show, to have lived peaceably by them. Furthermore, the reason why Popes do not trouble all, is, because it were not safe for them to fall out with too many at one time, and not because their over large authority is not prejudicial to all. For 〈◊〉 the Pope may depose all kings upon cause. than all kings stand in like danger, seeing no man can avoid all causes of quarrel.  
Bellarmine lib. 5. the pontiff. Rom. cap. 6. saith that the Pope doth practise this power for saving of souls. But experience teacheth us, that through his excommunications, and sentences of deposition pronounced against diverse kings, he hath ruined kingdoms, and brought infinite people to destruction both of body and soul. Theodoric of Niem speaking of the deposing of the king of Hungary by Boniface the 9 saith: There followed of it great slaughter of innumerable people, destruction of churches and houses of religion, the burning of cities, towns and castles, and infinite other mischiefs, which follow long wars: because kings without the hurt of many cannot be deposed. His words are these: Vndè clades hominum innumerabilium, & Ecclesiasticorum & piorum locorum, & Monasteriorum enormis destructio, incendia 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 non infinita alia mala, quae guerrae secum producunt, diu vigentia 〈◊〉: quia non sine multorum dispendio 〈◊〉 deponuntur.  
Emanuel Sa in his 〈◊〉, for confessaries doth signify, that this doctrine holdeth against tyrants only. But what doth this relieve the Papists, when those which fall out with the Pope, and yield not conto his most unreasonable requests, are presently by Friars and priests proclaimed tyrants? The very Papists themselves cannot deny, but that Queen Elizabeth was much renowned for her rare clemency: and that not without cause, seeing she spared always those, that would not have spared her, if it had lain in their power to have hurt her: and yet they accuse her of tyranny. In the resolution of certain cases of conscience, set out by Allen and Parsons for instruction of English traitors: Non gerit se ut Roginam, (say they) sed exercet 〈◊〉. She doth not behave herself as a Queen, but doth exercise tyranny. The like words they gave out against the French king now reigning, albeit he hath showed mercy to many 〈◊〉 none. 〈◊〉 Ernest sending away one, that undertook to kill the Count Maurice: amazzate (said he) quell 〈◊〉? that is: kill me that tyrant?  
Others allege, that the Pope proceedeth only against heretics and notorious offenders. But that is a most notorious and palpable untruth: for no man is more eagerly prosecuted, then religious, pious, and godly Christians, as the executions of France and Flanders do show. And if they will not confess it true in Christians of our time: yet can they not deny it in the times of the Emperors, Henry the third, fourth, and fifth, of Frederick the first and second, and of Lewis of Bavier, who made such confessions of their faith, being declared heretics, as the Popes themselues could not contradict: and yet did the Popes excommunicate them, and sought to depose them as heretics and tyrants. Likewise did they prosecute other kings and Emperors, albeit consenting with them in matters of faith. Henry the third of France, of late was cruelly persecuted, and murdered by the popish faction: and yet was he very superstitiously addicted to popish religion. Suppose then, that the Pope would 〈◊〉 against none but heretics and tyrants; yet it is an easy matter and very usual for him to pick quarrels, and to impute heresy and tyranny and great crimes to most innocent men.  
Finally they may say, that the Pope is always assisted by God's holy spirit, and cannot err in his sentences of excommunication, and deposing of Princes, especially for matters of religion. But this allegation is most brutish, ridiculous, and refuted by evident experience and most evident proofs that teach us, that he is rather led by the spirit of Satan, who was a murderer from the beginning, and is the author of rebellions and troubles, then by the spirit of God, that is the God of peace, and author of concord among Christians.  
Wherefore let all Princes that live under the Pope's obedience, consider well the former reasons and examples, and look into their own danger and slippery estate. For albeit now the Pope 〈◊〉 his hands full, and cannot or dare not offer them wrong; yet many occasions may be offered of falling out betwixt them and the Pope. And in that case either they must confess, as we do, that the Pope is a false prophet and Antichrist; or else yield up their Crown at his pleasure, or else defend their right without lawful title, and that both against rebels and foreign enemies: which will be a matter hard for them to do.   

CHAP. IX. That no King or Prince can secure his person against the attempts of traitors, if he suffer any in his kingdom that teach or hold the Pope's doctrine concerning the deposing and killing of Kings.  
THis corollary or conclusion, is necessarily deduced from the doctrine of Papists, concerning the Pope's power in deposing of Kings and Princes. For if it be lawful for the Pope to depose a Prince from his royal throne, then is it lawful for the Pope to command any assassin or cutthroat to murder him, seeing it is not likely that a magnanimous King will yéelo to so base a companion as the Pope, nor give up his Crown without force and compulsion.  
The same is also proved by the general practice of Popes, by the words of the Pope's bulls, by the doctrine of their principal followers, and by diverse particular facts and attempts both of Popes and their wicked instruments and agents. For first we find, that those Popes that have gone about to depose Kings, have also used all means to destroy them 〈◊〉 to cut their throats. The which may be verified by the proceeding of Gregory the seventh against Henry the Emperor, of Paschalis and Vrban against his son, of Alexander against Fridericke Barbarossa, of Innocent the third against Philip and Otho, of Gregory the ninth and Innocent the fourth against Fridericke the second, of Clement the fifth against Henry of Lucembourg, whom he caused to be poisoned in the sacrament. Of john the 22. and Clement the sixth against Lewis of Bavier, of Paul the third against Henry the 8. King of England: of Pius the fifth, Gregory the 13. and Sixtus Quintus against Queen Elizabeth: and finally, of the Popes that favoured the rebellious leaguers of France against the French Kings Henry the third and fourth, and diverse others. For why did they raise rebellion, move wars, and suborn secret traitors to attempt against the persons of Kings, but that they meant to give leave to desperate cutthroats to kill them?  
Secondly, the words of the Pope's bulls, and the doctrine of their wicked agents doth notoriously manifest their lewd and damnable purposes touching this point. Gregory the 7 
Platina, in Greg. 7.  doth 〈◊〉 deprive Henry the Emperor of his Empire, and forbiddeth his 〈◊〉 to obey him. Next, he commandeth all to accept of Rodolph as their King, and to obey him. But neither could he be deposed without arms, nor might Rodolph be suffered to reign during the life of the Emperor Henry.  
Paul the third in his seditious bull against Henry the 8. king of England, commanded the Nobles and other principal men of the country to oppose themselves with force and arms against him, and to cast him out of his kingdom. But arms are taken in hand for no other purpose then to kill such as resist: and a weak conceit it is to think, that King Henry could be thrust out of his kingdom, unless he were also deprived of his life.  
That impious Pope Pius the fifth also, that sent Nicholas Norton to move an insurrection against Queen Elizabeth in England, and his legate Sanders to do the like in Ireland, did intend no less than the 〈◊〉 of her person, if the rebels had prevailed. In his bull against her he declared, that he had authority to pull up and to destroy, and forbiddeth her subjects to obey her: which could not be executed without her destruction.  
Sixtus the 5. in his declaration anno 1588. against the same Queen, having at large railed with his foul and filthy mouth against the Lords anointed, exhorteth all her people to lay hands on her, to arrest her, and to 〈◊〉 to her punishment. That is also the end of that traitor Cardinal Allen his seditious exhortation to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland. But because the Papists had no better success an. 1588. therefore they suppressed this discourse for very shame, lest their dealings for the destruction of princes should be made manifest, and lest the mysteries of Romish Babylon should be revealed.  
Parson's that bastardly English renegade, in his book of 
Parsons an abettor of cutthroats & King-killers.  succession, part. 1. cap. 3. alloweth the deposition of 〈◊〉. john, of King Edward the second, King Richard the second, King Henry the sixth, and of diverse violent attempts made by 〈◊〉 against their lawful Kings. Thereby it appeareth also, that he approveth wars and rebellions made to depose Kings, and to destroy them. Nay, allowing the violent death of Caesar in the Senate, he seemeth directly to persuade the murder of princes: which is the rather to be 〈◊〉 leeved, for that he was an agent in the printing, and as his consorts the 〈◊〉- priests say, in making the libel set out by Allen against Queen Elizabeth, proclaiming reward to all that could lay 〈◊〉 upon her, nay that could kill her.  
Now lest any man should doubt of the doctrine of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this point, Emanuel Sa in his aphorisms 
In verbo Tyrann.  for confessaries, doth thus instruct all Mass priests: Tyrannice gubernans iustè acquisitum dominium, non potest spoliari sine publico iudicio, lata verò sententia potest quisque fieri executor: That is, he that governeth tyrannically his state, which he hath gotten justly, cannot be spoilt of it without public sentence (of the Pope); but sentence being passed, every man may execute the sentence: he meaneth, that he may kill the King. He saith also, that the people have power to depose the prince. He doth further understand the Pope to be every King's lawful judge. Is it then to be 〈◊〉, if the Masspriests and their followers, grounding themselves upon these resolutions attempt against princes persons?  
john Ghineard one of the sect of the jebusites, did publicly acknowledge in the parliament of Paris, anno 1594. that he had written these words: The cruel Nero (that is, Henry the third) was slain by one Clement, and the counterfeit Monk by the hand of a true Monk. Again, the heroical act done by james Clement, as a grace of God's holy spirit, and called by that name by our divines the jebusites, was justly commended by Bourgoin late prior of the jacobins, a confessor and martyr. Talking of the king now reigning, he wrote that he would have him shut into a cloister, and deposed. But if he cannot be deposed without war, than (saith he) let war be made against him. And if there be no means to prevail by wars, let him otherwise be killed. I would therefore have indifferent men to judge, whether this be not spiritual doctrine.  
Our own country Masspriests also do not differ from their fellows in this point. One of them setting down certain resolutions for the instruction and consolation of the English, as he saith, asketh this question, Whether a Catholic like (he should say, a traitorous papist) is not bound by virtue of the Bull, (of Pius Quintus) to take arms against Elizabeth, and to depose her, imprison her, and kill her; if occasion should serve, and if he have hope to obtain victory. To this he answereth: Ex 〈◊〉 Bullae, 〈◊〉 eum non teneri ad ea quae proponuntur, nisi omnia ita compar at a essent, 〈◊〉 certa parataque spes esset victoriae: quo 〈◊〉 propter bonum 〈◊〉 fidei & religion is 〈◊〉 tenerentur, qui aliquid possent praestare. That is: by force of the Bull, we do not think, that he is bound to do those things that are proposed, unless all things were so ordered, that the hope of victory were certain and ready: in which case, for the common good of the faith and religion, those should be bound, that are able to do any thing. So it appeareth, that nothing held the Papists from laying violent hands upon the Queen, our most gracious sovereign Lady, but that they had not all things ready, nor were in hope of certain victory. And this no doubt is the resolution they have against all princes, that resist either the Pope, or their cacolike religion. The tenth question is this: An stante Bulla in virtute, etc. Whether the Bull of Pius Quintus standing in force, a private man might not kill Elizabeth, (our 〈◊〉 Queen) and the reason is, because she is a tyrant, and had no just title to the Crown: and whether the Pope cannot dispense, that this may be done, so it were likely; that by her death, catholic (they should say popish) religion should be restored. To this question answer is made: As touching this matter, if any by her death could certainly deliver the realm from oppression, without all doubt, it should be lawful for him to kill her: but as matters do now stand, it is best not to speak of that matter. Hereby we may plainly see, that this generation doth continually talk of kill Christian kings, and desire nothing more, then to murder than, and to destroy them, that they may make way for the Pope. These questions are found in the acts of the council of York, and were found in a search for David Ingleby a Mass-priest, and no doubt, were allowed and brought into England either by him or by some of his consorts.  
According to this damnable doctrine, the Popes and their 〈◊〉 have from time to time endeavoured, partly by cut throats and assassins, and partly by diabolical practisers and 〈◊〉 to destroy princes, that stopped the course of their ambition. Beno the Cardinal saith, that 
Vita & gesta Hildebrandi.  Gregory the seventh watching the Emperor, that was wont to pray much in the church of S. Marry, hired a fellow to place great stones upon the beams or vault of the church, right over the place where he prayed, which being thrown down might kill the Emperor. The words are these: Imperator solitus erat frequenter ire ad orationem ad Ecclesiam S. Mariae, quae est in monte Auentino, Hidelbrandus autem, cum per exploratores omnia eius opera solicitè inquireret, locum in quo frequentiùs Imperator velstans, velprostratus orabat, notari fecit, & quendam, promissa 〈◊〉, ad hoc induxit, ut supratrabes Ecclesiae occultè lapides magnos 〈◊〉, & ita aptaret, ut de alto super caput Imperatoris demitteret, & ipsum contereret. About the same time also, he sought (saith Beno) to destroy the Emperor 
Ibid.  by secrettraitors, but God preserved him. And then there were some, that thought Hildebrand to be conscious and the setter of the treason, because a little before the treason, like a false Prophet he presumed to foretell the king's death. The words of Beno are these: Eisdem diebus paravit Imperatorem perdere per occultos proditores: Deus autem eum custodivit. Et eodem tempore fuerunt 〈◊〉, qui existimaverunt ipsum Hildebrandum conscium extitisse, & ordinatorem proditionis, quia eisdem diebus paulò ante proditionem, de morte regis falsò prophetata praesumpsit. Neither are we to doubt, but they will empoison princes if they can, seeing Popes (as Beno, and diverse authentical authors testify) use to empoison one another.  
Innocent the fourth, by Peter de vinea, a special favourite 
Matt. Paris in Henric. 3.  of Fridericke the 2, caused poison to be offered unto him. Ecclesiae inimici dixerunt, (saith Mat. Paris speaking of Pope Innocent) quod ad hoc facinus cor Petri eneruando muneribus & pollicitis maximis inclinar at. The enemies of the Church (or of the Pope rather) say, that with great rewards and promises, the Pope had induced Peter de vineis to undertake this foul fact. And afterward, absorduit Domini Papae fama per hoc non mediocriter. That is: The fame of the Pope by this fact was not a little stained. Furthermore, saith Matth. Paris, the Emperor returned into Apulia having drunk poison, as it is said: Redijt in Apuliam, ut dicitur, potionatus.  
Henry of Lucemburge the Emperor was poisoned by a Dominican Friar, that being hired by the contrary faction conveyed poison into the Sacrament. 〈◊〉 religiosus (saith Vrspergensis) porrexit Imperatori intoxicatam Eucharistiam. 
Anno 1313.  A certain Friar gave poison to the Emperor in the Eucharist. The same is also testified by Baptista Ignatius, supplementum Cronicorum, Textorin officina cap. veneno extincti, and diverse others. Auentinus saith, the Friar was moved thereto by Clement the fifth. That it was so, the great execution done by the Emperor's soldiers upon diverse convents of the Dominican Friars, doth declare.  
But what need we seek foreign histories, when histories 
Caxtons' history.  report, that king john of England was poisoned by a Monk of Swinsted Abbey, for that he was supposed to be adverse to the popish faction?  
We may also remember, that of late the French king Henry the third, was most shamefully murdered by a Dominican Friar called james Clement, set on by the popish Leaguers, and persuaded thereto by the jebusites of Paris. The Pope also that then was, did highly commend the man's zeal in a solemn oration, made in the consistory of Cardinals upon the first intelligence of this fact. Neither do I think, that any of the popish faction will condemn the man, although his deed was most execrable.  
john jauregui a desperate Spaniard anno 1582. discharged 
Acta joan. jaureg. and Metecanihist Belg. lib. 11.  a pistol upon the prince of Orange, with a full purpose to kill him. His master persuaded him unto it, but nothing did work more with him, than his confessors encouragement, who understanding his resolution, did not only confirm him in his purpose, but also give him absolution, and minister the Sacrament unto him. For that is the fashion of these hellhounds, to give the Sacrament to such wicked assassins, to confirm them in their wicked purpsses. 
Confession of Gerard.  That which jauregui attempted, Balthasar Gerard did afterward perform most treacherously and villainously. And so by the hand of a base rascal, a noble prince was murdered, and a lion treacherously slain by a cur. The attempt was grounded partly upon the old king of Spain's promises, and partly upon the encouragements given him by one D. Geryon a Minorite of Tornay, and a jebusite of Trier, to whom he confessed himself, and which promised, that he should be a martyr, if he died in the execution of that enterprise.  
diverse desperate assassins likewise have attempted to 
Meteran hist.  murder that valiant and noble prince Maurice, which hath 
Belg. lib. 17.  so long maintained his country's liberty against the tyranny of the Spaniards. Michael Reinichon a Mass priest and curate of a village called Bossier, was executed for that attempt. He was apprehended first upon suspicion, but afterward he went about to hang himself, his own conscience accusing him. But being stopped of his course, he did afterward confcsse his malicious purpose, & his abettors.  
Peter du Four confessed, that he was set on to kill prince Maurice, by the promises of Duke Ernest, who speaking to him in Italian, uttered these words: Facete quel, che m'auete promesso, amassate quel tyranno: that is, perform your promise made to me, and kill that tyrant. He confessed also, that by virtue of a Mass, which he heard in a certain chapel at Brussels, he was made believe, that he should go invisible.  
Peter Pan voluntarily confessed, that certain jebusites persuaded him to kill the Count Maurice, and that by their means he was furnished with a knife for the purpose. He persisted in his confession at his execution, and so was done to death. A matter so plain and manifest, that Coster and Parsons denying it, do rather confound themselves, then convince the man's confession. For suppose the poor man was mistaken in some names, which might well be, 〈◊〉 that the jebusites do use to change their names; yet it is absurd to think, that any would confess a matter against himself, and set it down with so many circumstances, if there never had been any such matter.  
Peter Barriere was executed not many years since at Melun, for that he was convinced by diverse witnesses, and afterward confessed that he came to the court of France with a full resolution to kill the French King Henry the 4. He confessed also, that he was animated thereto by a Carmelite, a jacobin, a Capuchin, and a jebusite at Lion, and that he had conferred with the Curate of S. Andrew at Paris, who told him, that he should for this fact be translated into paradife, and obtain great glory. He talked also with the Rector of the college of jebusites, where he received the sacrament, and with another preaching jebusite, who (as he said) assured him, that his resolution (viz. for killing the king) was most holy and meritorious. Wherefore being convinced by diverse witnesses and presumptions, and by his own confession, wherein he persisted unto the death, he was by an ordinary course of justice condemned and executed. The jebusites and their followers (I confess) say, that he was a light headed fellow. But his answers, and the whole proceeding against him, which is particularly set down by a Papist in the jebusites Catechism, lib. 3. cap. 6. doth declare the quite contrary, and prove manifestly, that he came to the place with a full resolution to do that wiched act, being encouraged thereunto by the jebusites, and other pillars of the 〈◊〉 Church, that without such execrable murders cannot stand. The same also proveth, that he answered in all that cause like a man well advised.  
john Chastel wounded the French King Henry the fourth 
Registers of the Parliament of Paris.  with a knife, and purposed to have cut his throat. After the act being examined, he confessed that he had learned by philosophy, which he had studied in the college of jebusites at Paris, that it was lawful for to kill the King, and that he hath often heard the jebusites say, that it was lawful to kill the King, being out of the Church. In the end persisting in his confession, he was put to death. His 〈◊〉 also which taught him this philosophy, was banished the Realm of France. Finally, the parliament of Paris considering the sequel of this damnable doctrine, pronounced the jebusites to be enemies of the king and kingdom, and banished them out of France, and caused a pillar to be erected in the place where Chastels' father's house did stand, testifying that the jebusites are a pernicious sect, and enemies to kings. Gladly would the jebusits put away this disgrace, but it is engraven in stone: and their instances and answers are such, as rather further blot them, then relieve them.  
Crighton accused one Robert Bruis before the Count de Fuentes, for that he had not murdered a certain Noble man of Scotland, nor would disburse fifteen hundred crowns to three, that at his solicitation had undertaken that murder. Such is the violent humour of the jebusites, and so are they transporsed in their passions and rage to kill princes.  
But nothing I suppose, doth better discover the execrable intentions of the wicked jebusites and Masspriests against Kings, than their treacherous practices at diverse times attempted against Queen Elizabeth. Pius Quintus dealt with the King of Spain by force to overthrow her, and stirred up her subjects secretly to rebel against her. Sixtus Quintus an. 1588. 〈◊〉 not off to solicit the Spanish king against her, until the Spaniards were overthrown at the sea, and had their land forces scattered. But when wars and open force wrought no good effect, they and their fellows and adherents set murderers and empoisoners on work. Anno 1584. William Parry undertook to kill her: the which resolution so well pleased Pope Gregory the 13. that Cardinal Como in the Pope's name, promised him pardon of all his sins, and a great reward besides for his endeavour. Monsignor, saith he, his Holiness hath seen your letters, with the credential note included, and cannot but commend the good disposition, which as you write, you hold for the service and benefit of the public weal: wherein he exhorteth you to continue, until you have brought it to effect. And that you may be holpen by that good spirit that hath moved you, he granteth you his blessing, and plenary indulgence and remission of all your sins, assuring you beside the merit you shall have in heaven, that his Holiness will make himself your debtor, to acknowledge your deserts in the best sort he can, etc. Where note I pray you, that the Pope promiseth heaven, and not only reward in earth to such as desperately adventure to kill Kings. The said Parrie was not only encouraged by the Pope, but also resolved by Palmio a jebusite at Venice, and other jebusites at Lion, and lastly by Hannibal Codret to put his disseine in execution. And so having received the sacrament at Paris, he came for England with full assurance to be made at the least a martyr, and with a desperate purpose to murder his dread Sovereign: matters not only made manifest by witnesses, and presumptions, but also confessed by himself, and recorded in public acts and histories. It appeareth also, that Robert Parsons, whose head is now become a mint of treasons, had a finger in this business. His own letter dated the 18. of October, an. 1598. will convince him, if he deny it. For therein he confesseth, how when he perceived that a certain English gentleman meant to discover Parries practise against the Queen, that he did dissuade him, and so wrought with the man, that he was content Parry should proceed on without being by him bewrayed.  
When as D. Gifford at Paris, and other priests at Rheims, 
Notes of the practices of jebusites.  had persuaded Savage to kill the Queen, as the only obstacle of their purposes; yet did he seem cold in his resolution, until such time as a jesuit meeting with him at Ewe in France, did persuade him to go on resolutely, and without doubting.  
That Ballards' and Babingtons' conspiracy tended to the destruction of the Queen's person, it cannot be denied. For not only witnesses and presumptions, but also their confessions declare so much. Neither did Babington give over his wicked purpose being taken, but wrote to Savage by all means to hasten his enterprise for the kill of the Queen: which was the cause that brought both them and others to their ends.  
Neither are we to doubt, but that diverse Papists of note, both in England and other places, knew of this treason, seeing always it was their fashion, in general termesat the least, if not in particular manner, to give notice of such matters. For Ballard went over of purpose to Paris, to acquaint D. Allen and the Duke of Guise and others, with his own and his consorts determination.  
Someruile was so resolute in his purpose, and so jocund, that he could not keep his own counsel secret, but would needs profess to his friends, that he was determined to kill the Queen: but being detected, he wilfully made away himself, to save the hangman's labour. Arden was executed for the same treason.  
Sir William Stanley and jaques his Lieutenant, with the help of two Jesuits called Holt and Sherwood, and certain other traitorous English Masspriests, persuaded one Patrick Collen an Jirsh man, and a desperate fencer, to go over secretly into England and to murder the Queen, showing by what means he might do it, without any great danger. To encourage him the better, they gave him thirty pound sterling, for to put himself in order and to defray his charges, and loaded him with large promises of further reward and preferment: all which the man being apprehended did voluntarily confess, as the acts and process do declare, and was therefore condemned and adjudged to die.  
Edmund York and Williams being charged with the like treason, confessed also, that partly by the persuasion of Holt the Jebusite, who abused the consecrated host, to induce them and resolve them, and partly upon hope of an assignation of forty thousand crowns showed them by Hugh Owen, they promised to undertake the kill of the Quèens. They said further, that D. Gifford, D. Worthington, & that unworthy knight Sir William Stanley, together with diverse other English fugitives beyond the sea, were acquainted with this their resolution and practice, and encoraged them by all means to go forward. Afterward, when these seditious Jebusites and Mass priests, and their abettors perceived, that by the sword they could not take away the Queen's life, than they set on empoisoners to do the fait. And that is apparent first by the fact and confession of Lopez and his consorts, and next by the treason of Edmund Squire, and the Jebusite Walpoole. Unto Lopez for this execution fifty thousand crowns were promised: and the only stay of assurance, was the safety of the Queen. The bills of payment directed to Carrera and Pallacio for the sum aforesaid, are yet extant, and will always 〈◊〉 the actors in this most execrable attempt of notorious villainy.  
Walpoole delivered a poison to Edmund Squire, wherewith it was agreed, that he should anoint the pummel of the Queen's saddle. He conjured the man with all the violent adjurations he could devose. He caused him to receive the sacrament, and to damn himself if he did not both mean truly, and resolutely execute that which he had promised. In the end he promised him the state of a glorious saint in heaven, if he died in the performance of the act. The which things the party himself constantly confessed without all torture, and persisted in his confession to the end. Little therefore doth it avail Martin Array, and Fitherbert, or rather Fitzputain, Parsons, or others to deny it, grounding themselves upon the violence of the rackmasters, as they call them, and the revocation of his confession at the gallows. For neither was the man ever put to the rack, nor ever did he recant that which he had said before of Walpoole and his practice: whereof, the first is testified by public acts, the second by infinite witnesses yet living. Are they not then both shameless and witless, that upon mere fancies and hearsays deny public acts, confessions of parties, depositions of witnesses, plain presumptions, and most evident proofs.  
Wherefore if Christian princes will either believe the doctrine and grounds, or look into the practice and proceeding of this Satanical race of king-killers & empoisoners; I doubt not but they will prudently beware of them, and neither suffer them nor their abettors to come near them, or to remain within their dominions. If they have not hitherto looked into matters, which so near concern their lives and safety, I pray God they may yet do it in time. Queen Elizabeth, being a most mild prince, was told that Pope Clement and his faction thought well of her, and meant her no harm. But wise men considering the manner of her death, and effects of some drugs that are wont to exulcerate the mouth, to grieve the stomach, to bereave men of sense, to work a stipticity and stupidity, and the concourse, and whispering, and preparations of the popish faction about the time of her sickness, do much fear that she was not well dealt withal. I pray God reveal the truth, and grant all others by her example to beware of the Popes and Jebusits most dangerous practices, which never cease working mischief if they may have fit opportunity.   

CHAP. X. That kings and Princes living in subjection to the Pope, are but half kings, and demi-princes.  
BUt suppose the Pope and his conspiring and working crew, should neither attempt to take away the crown, nor the life from a prince, that believeth his laws and yieldeth to the Pope all that authority which he claimeth, yet doth he lose half his revenues, authority, and regal sovereignty.  
For first the Pope shareth the King's revenues, claiming tenths, first fruits, subsidies, confirmation and 〈◊〉 of Ecclesiastical livings, and infinite sums of money for pardons, licences, dispensations, and all manner of rescripts. Those which are acquainted with the Pope's faculties and incrochments in former King's days within this land, and now in Spain, Italy, and other popish countries, know they are intolerable, and no way inferior to the King's revenues. Nay, if a King need a dispensation for an Ecclesiastical matter, he is forced to bargain with the Pope, and to buy it dear. The absolution of King john had like to have cost him the Crown of England.  
Secondly, not the King but the Pope is King of priests and ecclesiastical persons. Boniface the 8. in the chap. Clericis de immunit. eccles. in 6. doth excommunicate both Kings and others, that impose taxes and subsidies upon the Clergy. He doth also lay the same censure upon those clergy men, that pay any subsidies to civil Magistrates: which showeth, that he kept them for his own self.  
Alexander the fourth, in the chap. Quia nonnulli de immunit. eccles. in 6. exempteth the possessions and goods of clergy men from toll and custom.  
〈◊〉 Bellarmine in his treatise De exemptione clericorum cap. I. setteth down these propositions. In causis Ecclesiasticis liberi sunt clericiiure divino à secularium principum potestate. That is, In Ecclesiastical causes clerks are free from the command of secular princes, by the law of God. And by ecclesiastical causes, he understandeth all matters which concern the church, and which by hook or crook the Popes have drawn to their own cognition. Again he saith, Non possunt Clerici à judice seculariiudicari, estiamsi leges civiles non servant. That is, Clerks are not to be judged of secular judges, albeit they keep not his temporal laws. His third proposition is this: Bona clericorum, tam ecclesiastica, quam secularia libera sunt, ac meritò esse debent, à tributis principum secularium. That is, The goods of clerks, whether they belong to the Church, or be temporal, are free from tributes of princes, and so ought to be. He saith also, that secular princes, in respect of clerks, are not sovereign princes, and that therefore clerks are not bound to obey them. Now, how is the King absolute in his kingdom, if he have neither power over the persons of the clerks, nor their goods?  
Emanuel Sa in his aphorisms, In verbo, Clericus: in his book first printed, and alleged by him that wrote the Franc discourse, hath these words: Clerici rebellio in regem, non est crimen laesae maiestatis, quia non est subditus regi. The rebellion of a clerk against the King, is no treason, because he is not the king's subject. This is plain dealing, and showeth that the king is no king of the Clergy, where the Pope's laws bear sway. But because these words be some what too plain, 〈◊〉 in a later edition of these aphorisms set out at Venice, they have for their own ease cut out the words, albeit in effect Bellarmine and others teach so much.  
Their practice also declareth that this is their meaning: for Thomas Becket stoutly resisted Henry the second, and his 
Mat Paris. in Hen. 2.  parliament enacting, that clerks offending against the king's laws, should answer before the king's justices. Further, he would not agree that clerks lay = fee should come in trial before them.  
Sixtus quartus did enterdite the state of Florence, for that they had executed the Archbishop of Pisa notoriously taken in a conspiracy against the State. Xistus, quòd sacrato viro, & Archiepiscopo ita foed interfecto Cardinalem quoque captiwm fecissent, Hieronymo instigante gravissimum Florentinis (sacris omnibus interdictus) bellum intulit, saith Onuphrius: That is, Sixtus warred upon the Florentines, and interdicted them for that they had killed the Archbishop of Pisa being a priest, and laid hands on a cardinal. And yet he declareth they were actors in the conspiracy against julian and Laurence de Medicis, that then ruled the State.  
This was also the greatest quarrel of the Pope against Henry the third of France, for that he caused the Cardinal of Guise to be killed, being culpable of most enormous treasons against him. Now what can Kings do against their subjects, if they may not punish them offending in treason?  
Thirdly, the Popes do draw many temporal matters from the cognition of the King, to themselves and their adherents. Boniface the 8. c. quoniam. de Immunitat. Eccles. in 6. doth excommunicate all those that do hinder matters to be brought from trial of temporal judges to Ecclesiastical courts, and namely those, that will not suffer all contracts, confirmed by oaths, to be tried before Ecclesiastical judges. By which means almost all causes were brought before them, and the King's jurisdiction almost stopped and suspended. The Kings of England therefore, to restrain these incrochments, made the law of Praemunire, putting them out of his protection, that would not be tried by his laws. Is it not strange then, that Christian princes should suffer such companions to usurp their authority, and not only in causes Ecclesiastical, but also in temporal to bear themselves as judges.  
Finally they deny, that Christian Princes have power either to make Ecclesiastical laws, or to reform abuses in the Church, or to govern the Church concerning external matters. All papists do so distinguish betwixt Ecclesiastical and politic government, that they exclude temporal Princes from the government of the Church, and make them subject to the Pope. Bellarmine lib. 1. de Pontif. Rom. c. 7. determineth, that temporal Princes are no governors of the Church.  
If then Christian Princes loose part of their revenues, and part of their jurisdiction, and are quite excluded, both from the government of the Church, and also disposing of the persons and goods of Ecclesiastical persons; most apparent it is, that such Princes as admit the Pope's authority, are either but half kings, or else not so much, losing more than half their authority, by the Pope's incrochments.  
How contrary this is to the doctrine of the Apostles and ancient fathers, we need not here dispute. S. Peter teacheth Christians to honour the King: and Paul exhorteth 〈◊〉 soul to be subject to the higher powers. Now what greater dishonour can be offered to a King, then to take away his authority? And how are they subject, that pay the King nothing, and claim exemption from his government? Our Saviour willeth all to give to Caesar, that which is due to Caesar, and Peter paid tribute to Caesar. But his false successors pay no tribute to Caesar, but take tribute of Caesar, and challenge it as due to themselves. Nay, they have against all right usurped his imperial city of Rome, and released all clerks from temporal Prince's obedience.  
Tertullian saith, Christians honoured the Emperor, as the 
Ad Scapulam  next man in honour to God, and only inferior to God. Colimus Imperatorem (saith he) sic, quomodo & nobis licet, & ipsi expedit, ut hominem a Deo secundum, & quicquid est à Deo consecutum, solo Deo minorem. Chrysostome showeth, that the Apostles words Rom. 13. concern clerks and religious men, as well as lay men.  
The same is also contrary to the practice of the Church under the Law, and under the Gospel, and derogatory to the King's authority. For both under the Law, and when Emperors began to profess Christian religion, they made laws for the Church, and reform Ecclesiastical abuses, as both Scriptures, and the laws of the Code and Novelles testify.  
Thirdly this authority is plainly usurped by the Pope and his followers. For until Gregory the seventh his time, who by force and arms prevailed more, then by reason; we find, that the clergy and Church wa● governed by Christian princes, and their laws.  
Finally the same is disgraceful to Kings, and burdensome to subjects, and most unreasonable. Disgraceful it is to Kings to lose their royalties, and to be made subject to foreigners. Burdensome it is to good subjects, upon whom the whole burden is laid, and they exempted which are best able to bear. The Germans in their grievances, Gravam. 28. show, that the charge of the war against the Turk is laid wholly on laymen's shoulders. Finally, it is no reason, that those should live under the King's protection, that neither pay him tribute, nor acknowledge his authority.  
But of the unreasonableness of these incrochments we shall have occasion to dispute elsewhere. Here it is sufficient to show, that the Pope's usurpations, exactions ●● wholeauthority is prejudicial to Kings, & untollerable to their subjects.  
Be wise therefore O ye Kings of the earth, and serve Christ jesus: but beware that in stead of Christ, ye serve not Antichrist. And you that are freed by the preaching of the Gospel from the bondage of the Pope's traditions and exactions, take heed that you suffer not yourselves to be entangled again in his snares, & brought again into bondage. The Pope's agents tell you of many goodly actions of the Pope, and set out the beauty of traditions with fair words. But they seek nothing, but to bring you into a snare, and to make merchandise of your souls, and to blind you so, that you shall not be able to see the misery of those, that live under him, or the trash of his false doctrine and traditions. God grant you therefore the spirit of wisdom and discretion, that you may stand fast in the liberty of 〈◊〉 Christians, and never be entangled again with the yoke of Popish bondage.    

The third Book, of the answer to Robert Parsons his supernodical Warn-word, containing a list of his lies, falsities, fooleries, impieties, and other enormous faults and abuses, therein and elsewhere by him committed.  

The Preface to the third Book.  
THus having ended our defence of Queen Elizabeth's godly reformation, and noted the miserable estate of Papists living under the Pope's tyranny and deformation, it will be no hard matter for us to dispatch the rest of the Warne-word, being nothing else but a bundle of patcheries and fooleries patched together, with a number of idle and vain words, scarce worth the reading or running over. Wherein (notwithstanding) that I may proceed with more perspicuity, I will first examine the qualities of the author of this 〈◊〉- word: and that so much the rather, that you may forbear to wonder at this warning piece, or pieced Warne-word, considering the quality of the warm fellow, that made us this brave piece of firework. Next I shall enter upon the title and front of the book, and let you see how neither the portal corespondeth with the rest of his building, nor the work with the inscription, and that the same doth well resemble a clome portal set beside a straw thatched house, or 2 pigsty set before Robert Parsons his putatives fathers forge. Thirdly his personal accusations and slanderous imputations, both against myself and others, shall be answered. The fourth place is due to his impieties, which require a sharp censure. After that his ridiculous errors, impudent falsifications, vain allegations, gross lies, saucy railing terms, and clamorous outcries, poor shifts and sottish answers, lamentable begging of things in controversy, insolent brags, and such like fooleries, shall severally be scanned and reproved. A man would percase wonder, that a man in so idle a work should run into so many inconveniences and absurdities. But this our adversary is a beast, and a gross pecoran, and no man. How should we look for other stuff out of such a malicious heart? Do men gather figs of thorns, or grapes of briers? As Hierome saith of Heluidius, so I may say of Parsons: Loquacitatem facundiam existimat, & maledicere omnibus bonae conscientiae signum arbitratur. He supposeth babbling to be eloquence, and that railing upon all men is a sign of a good conscience. Let him therefore have patience to have his own coxcomb pared, and let him bark still like a hellhound, if he take pleasure in barking. I doubt not but we shall so break his dogs teeth, that he shall hurt none by his biting. But to cut off all preambles, let us now see if we can bring the jade Parsons from his gallop to his ambles.   

CHAP. I. A legend of No saint, but of Robert Parsons his life, calculated in favour of that swarm of traitors, which every year he sendeth out of his seditious Seminaries.  
BEfore I enter into this discourse, I do protest, that I was drawn into it more than half against my will, by the importunity of Robert Parsons, who first began this course: and albeit without commission went about to make enquiry what I am, what I did at Calais, what in Ireland, and what in other places, and to object whatsoever he thought might move either suspicion of crime, or occasion of jest. But seeing I am forced to defend myself, I profess and proclaim it openly, that I will spare neither jebusite nor Mass priest, nor Archpricst, nor provincial jebusite, nor Pope, nor Cardinal, that shall come in question. Howbeit let all the rest sleep for this turn. Now we will talk only of Robert Parsons, and see what reason he had to ask a reason of other men's actions, that is so obnoxious to so many accusations himself. Our Saviour Christ calleth him hypocrite, that 
Math. 7.  éspieth a mote in another man's eye, having a beam in his own eye. Qui sibi hoc sumpsit (saith Tully) ut corrigat mores 
〈◊〉. in Verr. lib. 3.  aliorum, ac peccat a reprehendat: quis huic ignoscat, 〈◊〉 qua in re ipse ab religione 〈◊〉 declinarit? Whosoever arrogantly taketh upon him to correct other men's manners, and to reprehend their faults; who will pardon him if in any thing he decline from the religious and prescript rule of duty? Let us then see whether Parsons hath kept himself within the compass of religion or rule, and walked within any precincts of duty.  
The man was borne in an obscure village in Somersetshire: his putative father was called Cowbucke, a poor Blacksmith, of the race, or at least quality of Vulcan: for he was matched to Parsons his mother, a woman scarce so honest, 
Her husband took a filthy dilease of her, of which the poor man died. Some call that disease, Il mal 〈◊〉.  they say, as Venus. His true father was sir john Haywood a Mass priest, and sometime a Monk of the Abbey of Torre in Devonshire, a lusty stallon, both as a Monk, and as a 〈◊〉- priest, and an honest man, as may be presumed: for he lost one of his ears for conveying away an honest woman condemned to the gallows. This decowled Monk made the marriage betwixt Cowbucke the smith and Robert Parsons his mother. So Stalino would have placed Casina 
Plautus in Casina.  with his hind Olympio, Sperans sibi parat as fore clam uxore excubias for as: That is, hoping without his wife's privity to keep watch abroad. And Holt the jebusite would have married his wench or concubine to one Thomas Edward's (a man, and matter not unknown to Parsons). It may be he will say, this is from the purpose: yet can he not deny, but that it is good to illustrate matters by examples.  
Some say Robert Parsons is not unlike the Monk, Tum quòd malè audit, that is, both because he heareth evil of one side especially, and because he hath not both his ears on one side. The lineaments of his face also do bewray him to be of kindred to Haywood. Finally, his desire to be a monkish jebusite, and a priest, doth argue that he was a priests or Monk's son: and his gibing and jesting, that he was Haywoods' son, who was in his time a mad jesting 〈◊〉. For as Tully saith, sons do follow lightly the example of their fathers, 
Pro Rabir. 〈◊〉.  as he proveth by the examples of Scipio and the younger Decius. Neither is it material that these men were not bastards, seeing bastardy doth not alter the case.  
Certes if Haywood was not his father, than was he much deceived, keeping Parsons at school, and bringing him up as his son. Then was also Robert Parsons much abused, that would not be called by the beastly name of Cowbucke that had his name of two horned beasts, but of the priestly title of his true father: and being charged with bastardy in Bayliol college in Oxford durst never stand to it, but as guilty of that matter departed the college, for fear he should have been thrust out headlong. The matter certes was much suspected, this Heywood lying in the blacksmiths' house, and supplying the man's place, and being generally defamed for this matter.  
Finally, if he will not believe me, let him hear his own consorts the secular priests depose against him. Parsons (saith the author of the discovery of English Jesuits) is by birth a bastard, begotten of the body of a base woman, by the parson of the parish where he was borne, and his right name is not Parsons, but Cowbucke. Again: the same parson that begot him, did afterwards foster him, and having brought him up at the school, sent him to Oxford, and placed him in Bayliol college, whence he was expelled being master of Arts, not for religion, as he hath vaunted, but for his bastardy, factious conversation, libelling, and other misdemeanours. This note of bastardy is also put upon him in a certain declaration of the priests made to the Pope, and was 〈◊〉 forgotten either by him that wrote the reply to Parson's libel fol. 91. or by the Quodlibetist, Quodl. 4. art. 2. p. 109. We may not imagine (saith he) that father Parsons was ignorant of his own estate, as being a sacrilegious bastard in the worse sense, scilicet a Spurius, begotten by the parson of the parish where he was borne, upon the body of a very base quean. This is the testimony of Watson, a popish martyr: and I hope Parsons will not deny a martyrs testimony.  
If then, Spuria vitulamina non dabunt radices altas, nec stabile firmamentum collocabunt: that is, if bastard slips shall not take deep root, nor stand on a firm foundation, then is it not like, that this calvish vitulamen, or bastard, the son or calf of goodwife Cowbucke, can take deep root. Insomuch as many wonder that this bastard slip is not grafted upon Tyburn stock, and long since withered like an eldern sticks without pith.  
While he was young, the fellow was much noted for his singular impudence and disorder in apparel, going in great barrel hose, as was the fashion of hackster's in those times, & drawing also deep in a barrel of ale. Hear I pray you, what A. C. the author of the Mass priests late supplication, saith of him in his third letter. He was (saith A. C.) a common alehouse squire, and the drunkenest sponge in all the parish where he lived. His mother could keep no good liquor for him: such a dangerous enemy was he to the aletap. The same A. G. chargeth him with begetting two bastards male and female upon the body of his own sister between the age of seventeen and 23: and this saith he, was the cause why he ran away, and became a jesuit. O famous virgine jebusit, or rather filthy incestuous Cananite! O brave patron of 〈◊〉 or rather rammish virginity!  
Of nature he was malicious, and from his youth given to speak evil, and to write libels. One libel he wrote against D. Squire, wherein he touched a certain 〈◊〉, which had like to have turned him to much trouble. Since he ran out of his country, the writing of infamous libels against his dread 〈◊〉, and other principal governors of the State, hath been his principal study, as the libel against master Charke, the libel against my Lord of Leycester, commonly called Greenecote, the libel against the Queen, set out under the titles of Cardinal 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 Veridicus, and Andreas Philopater, against my Lord Treasurer lately deceased, against the whole state entitled de Schismate Anglicano, and diverse others, which either he wrote, or published, or holp to write or publish, do plainly testify.  
If then the authors of famous libels be infamous; why is not Parsons punished for an infamous libeler? If bastards be irregular, why is he made a jesuit and a priest? Are such bastardly and infamous Parson's 〈◊〉 persons to be made priests? and is this the perfection of the jebusiticall order, which they brag off?  
While he continued in Bailiol college, one Stancliffe 
Bagshaw in his Apology.  his fellow burser did charge him with forgery: Beside that diverse other articles were put up against him, and twenty nine or thirty came before the master and fellows, as Bagshaw saith, to demand justice against him. Christopher 
Ibidem.  Bagshaw his fellow priest testifieth, that being burser, he disfurnished the college library of many ancient books, and rare manuscripts. A true man he is, as it seemeth, being convinced both of forgery, filchery, and perjury: But because he was sworn to be true, a true thief to the college. For these and other misdemeanours, he had the favour to resign being first lawfully expelled, as saith Bagshaw in his apology against Parson's slanders, and with such favour he departed, that no man seemed desirous he should remain in the college any longer. I think he may remember, that he was rung with bells out of the house, which was either a sign of triumph, or else of his dismal departure out of the world. At the same time, he made a submission with many tears, as saith Bagshaw, and promised, that he would ever after carry himself in a good sort: but if he forgot his oath made first, it was no marvel, if he forgot his promise made after.  
Having received this disgrace, not long after he fled like a fugitive out of his country, and became a jebusite. For note, that perjured fugitives, make prime jebusites. So, that was verified in him, that is commonly found true in others, Quod desperatio facit monachum. For desperately he cast himself away into a monkish order, although not long before he had deeply protested, that he would never become a papist.  
What religion was in him, it may appear, for that suddenly he took on him a religion, which he had a little before forsworn. Beside that, being in England he always professed the same religion that we do, and in private communication with his friends, seemed desirous to learn some good course of study of divinity. Being burser, he bought many books written by learned men of our side, and placed them in the library of Bailioll college in Oxford. What is then to be collected of all his demeanour and actions, but that disgrace and 〈◊〉, and no other reason made him a papist, a friar, and an apostata?  
Departing out of the country, he went not away empty handed. For he carried away diverse sums of money, which he had received of his scholar's friends, without rendering account. Promising also to make a match betwixt one of his scholars and a gentlewoman his mother's neighbour, he took money of both the parties friends, albeit neither of the parties knew any such matter, nor their friends had talked together. A very pretty trick to be played for his first prize of cozenage. The secular priests charge him with mispending the alms that is bestowed on the english Seminaries, upon his intelligencers, & spies, in postage, and upon his private pleasures. After his departure out of England, the man cozened the Prince of Parma, the Spanish king, and others, offering like a mountebank, the crown of England to sale to any that would buy it. A thing certes of good price, if he could have made his sale good.  
He may remember, that Marforio in Rome touched him in a certain ticket for this gross 〈◊〉. But great wonder it is, that the Pope hath not trussed him ere this, finding all his promises of intelligences, treasons and packs in England, to be nothing else but mere cozenage, mockery, and knavery, to 〈◊〉 himself to be made Cardinal.  
And this, both himself, and his brother and friends did so greedily look for, that on a time being advised to wear a piece of scarlet before his stomach, and giving order, that a piece might be brought from the merchant, his witless brother thinking the time of his advancement had been come, caused as much scarlet to be brought to him as would make him a Cardinal's robes. But with great confusion and blushing, like as if his face had been died scarlet, Parsons conveyed the man and his scarlet out by a postern gate. But the scorn and blemish still stuck to him.  
Of his virtuous life in Spain, and in the college at Rome, we need not to stand much, seeing the marks of his honesty appear in the pustules of his face, but especially in his scabbed legs. The which mysteries of jebusites, lest they should be revealed, they have a grant of the Pope to have Physicians of their own company. While the stirs continued between the jesuits; and the English scholars in Rome, one Harward gave out, that he could name seven Sodomites in that college. But may Parsons friends answer, That is no novelty among the fiery Ignatians, that forswear marriage. For seeing they refuse honourable marriage, it is Gods just vengeance upon them, that they should fall into these filthy & abominable disorders. Every one of the masspriests according to the formulary of Rome doth say and confess, quòd peccavi in Sodomia, that is, 
Ordo Rom. edit. ab Hittorp.  I have sinned in Sodomy.  
The man naturally is a coward, yet when he passeth through strange countries, he goeth disguised, and calleth 〈◊〉 Captain Cowbucke. But albeit he be no soldier, nor worthy of that profession, yet should he have come anno 1588. with the Spanish forces against his country. And so many hath he suborned to kill the Queen, and to stir rebellion in England and Ireland, that he hath caused more blood to be shed, than the greatest soldier of our time. His impudence in lying, and great cunning in juggling, may be convinced by his bold assertions and denials against all truth, and by his shifting and cogging in all his writings: which give plain evidence, that the man when he fled from his country, left honesty, shame, and conscience behind him, if ever he had any, as by diverse arguments in the treatise ensuing shall, god willing, be verified. In the mean while, see what his fellow traitors say of him. He that set forth the reply to Parson's libel, doth testify, that he will affirm, or deny any thing, and saith, that he hath a brazen forehead, and prayeth, that God would send him more shame, more honesty, and more truth. Speaking of his cunuing conveyance he saith, he will never leave his juggling tricks: and again, that like a Gipsy he playeth at fast and loose.  
His life unto the rest of his consorts is so scandalous, that the martrized Nuodlitelist with admiration doth thus exclaim, quodl. 8. art. 5. pa. 238. o monster of mankind, fitter for hell then middle earth, and afterward: thou givest occasion for diverse to think, thou art not a mere man, but some fairies brat, or begotten by some incubus, or aerish spirit, upon the body of a base woman. and quodl. 6. art. 7. and discovery pa. 70. Blackewell, saith a certain masse-priest, must depend upon Garnet, and Garnet upon Parsons, and Parsons on the devil. Do not you think then, that this is a brave dependence, and that the warneword is brave stuff that is calfreted and devised by a dependant upon the devil? but may his friends say, this was spoken out of choler. Hear then what the archpriest said, when he heard, that Robert Parsons was first come into England. This man said he, will shame us all: he is for his expulsion, and manners so infamous. Howsoever he hath shamed others, himself he hath shamed by his lewd, loose, and discomposed patcheries.  
Of his cruel disposition, he hath given us many arguments. 
Bagshaw his apology.  While he was yet in Bailioll college he prosecuted seven young men of far better parentage than himself, and gladly would have had them hanged for taking certain puddings from a pupil of his called Hymns. He endeavoured to draw Hymns his father into bond, that he should not cease to prosecute the felony, and would have proceeded further, had not the council taken order to stay his violence: it may be he thought, that taking of puddings was a great matter, considering especially, that the wealth of the tripewife his mother consisted in tripes, puddings, and souse: but see God's hand against this prosecutor of takers of puddings, he is now so swollen like a black pudding, that the memory of Parson's puddings will not lightly be forgotten. A man shall hardly find a fitter fellow to play Ballio the bawd, than Parson's being a bawdy, burley, pudding grown fellow, and very like the bawd in Plautus, cum collativo ventre & oculis herbeiss, that is, with his bombasted and barrellike belly, and eyes greenish like grass. In Rome he hath long been the tormentor of the boys of the English college, although his friends in his excuse say, he loveth them but too well, and namely one Fisher a fine youth, that sometime was a Ganymedes to Edward, or as he called himself Odeward Weston sometime reader of Sodomitical divinity at Douai: although now for his beastly love, they say, he hath lost his place and lecture, and is sent to Antwerp to love wenches there. Provided always, that he meddle not with boys, especially, scandalously. As for Fisher he is now at Rome, as they say, to do penance with Robert Parsons Protonotary of Sodom: if he be not fishing in the sea. When Bishop and Charnocke agents of the secular priests in England, were sent to Rome, Sir Robert handled them very rudely. These priests do exclaim mainly against his cruelty. He took away their writings and valists, he caused them to be imprisoned, and hardly examined: and at the length sent them away, re infectissima. But what should I need to stand upon prooues of his bloody and cruel disposition, when it is apparent, that diverse ways he hath sought to destroy the Queen, whom he should have honoured, as his most gracious sovereign? He sought also to deliver up his countrymen to have their throats cut by the Spaniards, nay by Italians, Marans and infidels. One William Browne alias Ch. P. in a letter dated the 16. of August anno 1599 affirmeth, that he hath a letter of Parsons his own hand, dated 1598. wherein he confesseth, that he knew of Parries' practice for the kill of the Queen, and that the said Parsons kept back a gentleman, that intended to discover the same. A certain other papistical fellow, in a treatise concerning the practices of jesuits for killing of Princes, doth charge Parsons for advancing the practice of Parry and Savage against the Queen's life, for dealing with the Duke of Guise to enter into England with 5000. men, to surprise the Queen lying at Greenwich, and the city of London. Neither have the Spaniards made any attempt against England without the privity and solicitation of Parsons, the arch-plotter of treasons.  
William Browne alias Ch. P. doth charge Parsons to be a 
In a letter dated August. 16 anno 1599  common detractor, and saith that he detracteth without respect of religion, truth, or common honesty. If then he detract from his own fellows, & 〈◊〉 upon such, as himself pleaseth, though in the general cause joined with him; we may not marvel, if he play his parts with us, whom he taketh to be his enemies, & by whose detraction he hopeth to merit, and to win a Cardinal's hat. Finally the man's traitorous practices against the Queen and his country, in many volumes cannot sufficiently be desciphred. His first coming into England was to make a side, and to move rebellion. And that is proved by his faculties granted anno 1580. Petatur (saith he) a S. domino nostro, etc. that is, Let it be desired of our most holy Lord the Pope, that the bull declaratory of Pius the fifth against Elizabeth and her adherents, be understood in this manner, that the same bull shall always bind her and all heretics, but not (Romish) Catholics, as matters do now stand, but only then, when the bull may publicly be put in execution. By this faculty being granted, than it appeareth, that the bull of Pius Quintus was in 〈◊〉 against the Queen and her subjects, and that Parsons came to stir up false Catholics, or rather false traitors, to put it in execution, as soon as occasion should be offered. Now according to the tenor of his faculties, the fellow ceased not to rake in the coals of men's discontented humours, and to make a party against the Queen. The papists saw he dealt so openly, that they feared, lest if the fire took, a number of them should be burned in the flames. Such was the fear of the wisest of them, that they told him plainly, that if he retired not himself, they would discover him to her Majesty's officers.  
Being thus forced more than half against his will to depart out of England, yet ceased he not to procure us troubles from Scotland, as the king now reigning can tell, and his libel against the Earl of Leicester, that seemeth to favour the king's title, doth manifestly prove. Nay in a letter to the Earl of Angus he doth plainly confess, that at that time he was for the king's title, and sought presently to set it on foot, without longer staying for the Queen's death.  
In France he encouraged the D. of Guise to come with an army into England, not forgetting in the mean while to advance the treason of Parry & Savage. There also he was acquainted, by the means of Ballard, with Babingtons' conspiracy. Neither is it to be doubted, but he knew of friar Sammiers coming to the king's mother, of which ensued the ruin of her, as the author of the jesuits Catechism testifieth. It is said also, that he caused 500 crowns to be delivered to Ch. Paget to come over into England to treat with the Earl of N. whereof his destruction ensued not long after.  
In Flanders he sought also to draw the D. of Parma into quarrel with the Queen of England, offering him the Lady Arbella, and the crown of England for his son. But he was no more able to perform his offer then the devil, that promised to give all the kingdoms of the earth to Christ. That pack being broken, he solicited the preparations of the Spaniard against England anno 1588. aiding Card. Allen to make that most execrable libel, which he titleth an exhortation to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland, which containeth all the disgrace that could be devised, both against the Queen, & her subjects. Whatsoever he did in devising of that traitorous libel, one W. Br. aliâs Pag. chargeth him, that he holp to print it, and gave diverse copies to his friends.  
Departing out of the low countries, he committed the managing of matters to one Holt, a man of his own society and confrairy of traitors. If then Holt was acquainted with the practices of York, Williams, and Daniel, for killing the Queen, as he is charged by W. Br. aliâs Ch. Pag. or with Heskets treacherous agency with the Earl of Derby; then no doubt, but R. Parsons was made privy therewith also, seeing he was but as an inferior sphere concurring with Parsons, that like primum mobile drew with him all inferior traitors, and made all matters of treason to be taken in hand.  
Residing in Spain, his only purpose was, to set this land in combustion. To work a detestation of her Majesty, and of the English nation in the minds of the Spaniards, he caused a most slanderous libel set forth before in Latin, to be translated into Spanish by one Ribadineira a man of his own traitorous order, adding thereunto diverse slanderous and most untrue reports of his own, avouching his own lies upon the credit of Sanders being now dead. And that this is true, not only his own conscience doth witness, but that ribald Ribadineira must acknowledge, if he be alive, and will testify truth. For to draw the king of Spain into the party, he set out a most fond book of 〈◊〉 to the crown of England, casting the same with all 〈◊〉 of his wit upon the Infanta of Spain, seeking to deprive the right heirs, and endeavouring to bring us under the captivity of strangers: to which end also he caused diverse of the English nation residing in Spain to subscribe to that title.  
With the help of Creswell and others his adherents, he caused diverse treacherous invectives to be published against her Majesty & the State; and that partly under the names of Andreas Philopater, Didimus Veridicus, and such like counterfeit names, and partly without names.  
By his, and other his traitorous consorts solicitation, King Philip the second sent forth a fleet to sea: of which, two attempts followed: the one about the year 1598. in which diverse ships by stress of wether were wracked on the coast of Spain, 〈◊〉 the Rock and Cap. finis terrae: the second followed not long after. The first is proved by D. Stillington, and other Massepriests, persuaded by Parsons to come with public enemies against England: the second is mentioned in a letter of the said Parsons to Th. Fitzherbert, and publicly diuulged by the Adelantadoes proclamation, of which hereafter we shall have occasion to speak. And so earnest was the king of Spain in setting forth this fleet against England, that at one time, returning to himself out of a trance, the first words he spoke, were, Whether is the Adelantado gone for England? At another time, being at his 〈◊〉, he said, He would spend the furniture of his chapel, but he would be revenged upon the English. The Secular priests in their reply to Parson's libel, fol. 65. do also mention these preparations. Neither is it to be doubted, but that Parsons concurred in the solicitation of them. The author of the Reply speaking of these preparations for England: These two preparations (saith he) are so evident, to have proceeded with his concurrence and cooperation, as he no way can deny it without the note of impudence, so many witnesses, and his own letters bring in testimony against him. He doth likewise affirm, that the urging of diverse to subscribe to the Infantaes title, is a matter notorious and evident, and to be proved by the oaths of diverse priests. In his letters to a certain Earl of Scotland, Parsons plainly confesseth diverse practices set on 〈◊〉 by himself against England, and that he sought to advance the Spanish Infantaes title, as being of his religion.  
The resolutions of cases of conscience, set out by A. P. that is, Allen and Parsons, for direction of their traitorous scholars, are nothing else but resolutions to prove them both traitors, and enemies to their country, declaring the Queen to be a tyrant, and no lawful Queen, and her officers no lawful officers, and aiming wholly at the overthrow of the State.  
Finally, it is averred by the secular priests, that Parsons had a finger in the rebellions of Ireland. Neither is it to be doubted, but that he & his agent Creswel were acquainted with the enterprise of D. juan d'Aquila in Kinsale, many traitorous English being that time in company with the Spaniards.  
If then this be one of the chief pillars of Romish faith, certain it is, that the Romish faith standeth upon 〈◊〉 and treachery, or atleast upon a wicked disloyal traitor. 〈◊〉 Papists would consider these his practices, they would not so much esteem his directories, libels, discoveries, invectives, wardwords, or rather a 〈◊〉 of knavery and villainy, his Warnewords, & such like odious farthels of idle words, which rather direct men to the gallows, then to religion and virtue: which shall further appear in the answer following. This in the mean while I thought to relats, for ease of his holy father, if percase he list to saint this horse-holy Friar. And if in the mean while he be not created Cardinal, by reason of his infamous bastardy, and foul vellaquerie, & too open playing above board: yet let him be a Cardinal, and a card excarnificable, vested with Cardinal's robes of yellow, blue, and green, like the Knave of Clubs.   

CHAP. II. Of the title Warne-word, and other matters promised and prefixed in the front of Parsons his book.  
A Goose (they say) may be known by a feather. If men will not believe me, yet may it be verified by the goose Parsons. For by his most foolish title, being the first feather of his gooseships work, we may assure ourselves we shall have a great piece of foolery. For albeit he promise us but one Warneword, yet hath he sent us a whole fardel of idle words and fantastical fooleries.  
Secondly, as admonitions and warnings are sent to friends, and not to enemies; so might he have done well to have given some admonitions to the bougerly boys of the English seminaries, that suffer themselves to be abused too shamefully by the bougeronicall Mass priests, to the dishonour of their nation; and not to us, that regard not witless admonitions a straw. The tragical poet might have told 
Eurip. in Medea.  this comical admonitor, if he had but had any one grain of wit, that a wicked man's offers and gifts are unprofitable. The Greek is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But the ass understandeth no Greek, and not much Latin, being only acquainted with the iron tongue of his mother the blacksmiths' wife.  
Thirdly, his whole labour being spent in jangling and bangling about some piled matters of his popish paltry religion; he must show how all that nasty gear will come within the compass of his title, unless he will have the same thrown out among the waste of his idle inventions.  
Fourthly, his running upon the letter in the titles of his Warneword, Wardword, Wastword, and in his mentioning of Watchword doth show, that there is more rhyme than reason in his book, and doth presage, that we should rather have rattling words, then sound reason. He saith, that the Warneword containeth the issue of three treatises. And yet he only handleth two chapters of eight, beside other controversies, seldom daring to give the true issue, taking always Papists for Catholics, and popery for truth: which is denied. Is it then like that he meaneth truth, that falsifieth his word so grossly in the first words of his book?  
After that he talketh of a rejection of an insolent and vaunting minister, masked with the letters O. E. and of certain shifts and deceits, as he pretendeth of ours. But herein his friends complain, that his eyes were either out or not at home. For if he had looked upon himself, that cometh forth masked with N. D. which letters with the help of O. E. come near Noddey: he would not have found fault with me for the same matter. Howbeit to provoke him to show his bastardly face, I have been content to leave all the four letters to him alone, and plainly to set down my name, promising that I will take him to task, in what form soever he turneth himself into, if it be not into the shape of a clew of packthréed, which is endless, and of no good goust. In the mean while, if he had not been the minister of Satan, he would not have made a jest at the ministry of the word of God, which is an office not refused by the Apostles, nor by holy fathers of the Church, nor by any, but by the idolatrous priests of Baal. As for the terms of insolency and vaunting, of shifting and deceiving, I doubt not but to fasten them so justly upon Parsons, and that by due proof, that all the world may see the vanity and insolency of this deceiver. Now I will only tell him, that it becometh not him to object insolency, vaunting, shifting and deceit to any other. For nothing is more absurd than that such a buzzard as he, should impute to others his 〈◊〉 buzzardly qualities.  
For the posy of his book, he taketh a sentence that fitteth himself wondrous well: neither will we deny that it belongeth to him. Fly an heretic (saith the Apostle) after 
Titus 3.  one or two admonitions. Who then doth not fly Robert Parsons an archhereticke, as I have proved at large? It followeth, saith Parsons, For such a one is subverted, and sinneth damnably against his own judgement. Where I omit to speak of Parsons his false translation. For why should I help him, that pronounceth sentence against himself, by his own judgement, while he remained among us? And now no doubt but in his own conscience he is condemned, knowing that it is idolatry to give divine honour to the sacrament of the Lords body, and to the images of the Trinity, and heresy to hold, that a man can live without all sin, or at the least to fulfil the law perfectly. For that by the Father's judgement is Pelagianisme.  
In the end he addeth, Permissu superiorum: as if his superiors had given him licence to play the knave. Beside, he may do well to tell us who these superiors are. For if the Pope and his general give him licence to publish libels and slanders against us; we will be bold to answer his libels, and to touch his superiors to their little fatisfaction, and to the great grief of Parsons.   

CHAP. III. An answer unto certain personal accusations of Robert Parsons against myself and others.  
AGainst all our adversary's accusations, beside particular defences, we have these general exceptions for the most part: first we say, of matters criminal that we are clear. Secondly, that Robert Parsons and his consorts are most guilty. Now what is more ridiculous than that blind bayard should find fault with him that hath good eyes? Omnia quae vindicaris in altero (saith the famous Roman orator 
Lib. 3. accusat. in Verrem.  Tully) tibi ipsi vehementer fugienda sunt. Etenim non modò accusator, sed ne obiurgator quidem ferendus est is, qui quod in altero vitium reprehendit, in eo ipse deprehenditur. That is, All those faults which you will censure in others, you must diligently eschew yourself. For who can endure him to accuse or chide others, which is taken himself in trip for that which he reprehendeth in others? Thirdly we say, that our adversaries have no reason to exclaim against us for every small fault, when they offend far more grievously themselves. It is absurd for him that hath never a good leg, to reproach a man for halting. The Poet saith, Loripedem rectus derideat, Aethiopem 
〈◊〉.  albus. Let him that goeth upright, laugh at him that halteth: and him that is white, point at a black Moor. Finally, such things as fall out indifferently on both sides, are not to be objected as crimes to the other. Si iniquus es in me iudex, (saith Tully to Curio) condemnabo eodem ego te crimine. If unjustly you censure me, I shall justly condemn you for the same fault.  
To come to particulars, this admonitor doth charge sir 
In the Epistle to the Reader  Francis Hastings, for that without commission he made himself a general watchman over all the land, and hath written a most bitter and bloody pamphlet against the Catholics, (as he saith) replenished with all kind of slanders, and most odious calumniations. Likewise in his observations upon the preface of my reply to his Wardword, fol. 11. b. he saith, my preface tendeth wholly to bloodshed and cruelty against Catholics: and sticketh not of his liberality to call me a notorious firebrand of sedition. But if he charge no better, we shall easily discharge ourselves, and lay such a charge upon him, that his own friends shall confess him to be a notorious sot, & a lewd accuser, to deal on this fashion. For first, what reason had he to ask a commission in this case, seeing every one hath not only a commission, but is also bound by duty and allegiance to maintain the State, & to do his prince and country service? In reos maiestatis & publicos hosts (saith Tertullian) omnis homo miles est: that is, Every one is authorised 
Apolog. c. 2.  a soldier against traitors and public enemies. Could Robert Parsons more manifestly declare himself enemy, then by bawling against those that speak against traitors and public enemies? Secondly, why may not a Knight speak for his prince and country, when he like a traitorous knave without commission or allowance taketh to himself liberty to speak for notorious traitors & public enemies? Thirdly, it is a matter ridiculous for an enemy to accuse men of bitterness and bloody cruelty, of slanderous accusations and sedition, and yet to bring neither proof nor suspicion to convince them. This therefore is rather a trick of a scurrilous railer, than a grave accuser: and such terms Tully in his oration pro Caelio, calleth rather railing and scolding, then accusing. Fourthly he showeth himself an absurd fellow, to talk either of bitter and bloody pamphlets, or of odious calumniations, or of bloodshed and cruelty, or of Catholics, when as himself is a 〈◊〉 heretic, and an apostate from religion, and hath spent now this twenty years and upward in railing and libelling, in laying plots of treasons, in soliciting invasions, and such like practices: seeking nothing else but to cut the throats of his countrymen, and to bring them into subjection unto the Spaniards and Italians, as before hath been declared at full. We are therefore to beseech his knaveship, seeing he pleadeth for enemies, and traitors and heretics, to give us leave to speak for our country, our Sovereign, our Religion and liberty. Fiftly, Catholics are they, which believe and hold that which the Catholic church in old time did universally hold, as saith Vincentius 〈◊〉 de haeres. c. 34. But the Catholic church in old time did never universally hold either the popish real presence of Christ's body without any distance from the accidents of bread and wine, or that the accidents did subsist without their substance, or that Christ's true body was impalpable and invisible, and both in heaven and earth at one time, or transubstantiation, or the popish Mass, or communion under one kind, or the rest of the popish sacraments, or popish purgatory and indulgences, or such like. Nor did Catholics ever prefer the Latin translation of the old and new testament before the original text, or place traditions in equal rank with Scriptures. Saint 
Lib. de vera relig. cap. 2.  Augustine showeth, that catholics and true believers are all one. But Papists are not Orthodoxi, nor true believers, as I have showed in my challenge. Sixthly, when we speak against Papists, we mean properly the factious adherents to the Pope and Spaniard, and Parsons his crew of seditious archipresvyterial and diabolical practisers against the state: against whom when we discourse, our whole intention is to save, & not to spill blood, which they seek to do, and will, if they be not speedily restrained. Finally, seeing Robert Parsons is so brave a disputer, we must pray him to bring good arguments, or else to lay aside his great bombasted jebusiticall words of slander and calumniation. He may do well also, to show us the difference between slander and calumniation, which he in great heat hath distinguished, especially being so excellent a 〈◊〉 in calumniation, as his publication of Sanders de schismate, and Philopater and other 〈◊〉 do prove him to be. It would finally be known, why this fellow that never knew his true father, and loved so well his mother, should be called Andrea's Philopater, rather than Andrea's Philiometer. It is a question also why he should be called Andreas, rather than Robertus Philopater. But percase on his tomb he will have this graven: Hîc iacet Andreas, qui lapidavit eas. Pro Andreas Philopater, dic Aue Maria and Pater noster.  
Speaking of sir Francis Hastings in his Epistle to the Reader, he would gladly fasten upon him a suspicion, as if he desired some dividend of the livings of Papists. And again, 1. encont. c. 11. he chargeth him and other knights with daily feeding upon papistical fellows goods. In his observations upon my preface, fol. 11. b. he saith, I watch for scraps: and that I and my hungry crew stand by, and for desire lick our lips, hoping to have some share in the devidend. Drawing metaphors from his own, and his hungry companions practise, who couching like dogs at the Pope's feet, are still looking for scraps and bare bones, & gaping for dividends: and to satisfy their extreme need, sometime like curs run grinning up and down the streets of Rome, and cannot be satisfied. Others fall together by the ears for bishoprickes and promotions in England and Ireland; which they hope will be conquered daily. But their ambitious desire is like a hungry man's dream, that thinketh he eateth, and yet ariseth in the morning sore ahungred. In his table he noteth, that I am poor & needy, but if he had not been a poor and needy pamphleter, he would have been more wary, then thus desperately to lie upon the credit of his intelligencer. For it is well known, that Sir Fr. Hastings liveth in honourable reputation without desire of any man's goods. ay, albeit I had no preferment of the Church, yet could I live of my patrimony. Neither of us, nor any knight professing the Gospel, doth live in such estate, that he being a begging Friar by his profession, and by birth a poor blackesmithes' wives son, may well object either need, or greedy scraping for other men's goods unto us. Nay we are so far from desiring the goods of papists, that we wish them, as Saint Augustine epist. 50. did the Donatists, that they were Catholics and honest men, and so we would not only leave them that is theirs, but give them also part of that is ours. With us they deal as the Donatists did with S. Augustine, and we answer Parsons as he did them. Quòdnobis obijciunt (saith he) quod res eorum concupiscamus, & auferamus, utinam Catholici fiant, & non solùm quae dicunt sua, sed etiam nostra in pace nobiscum & charitate possideant. If this wish content them not, I would wish them together with all their goods in Italy with their own holy father. Which if the Spaniards and Italians, and the bloody Inquisitors would permit to men of our profession, they would account it a great favour. But now such is the cruelty and extremity of the papists, that they torment and put to death all that profess the truth, and not only share and divide, but also take all, most greedily without respect of their poor widows, fatherless children, or their poor kinsfolks. This havoc the Inquisitors make in Spain, and this spoil was made by our butcherly enemies in the days of Queen Mary. Parson's therefore, in putting this upon us, did nothing else, but put us in mind of the rapines of papists in Queen Mary's days, and show, what detestation we ought to 〈◊〉 of that cursed, ravenous, and wolvish brood, that dealeth with Christians in this sort.  
He 〈◊〉 also fault with my 〈◊〉, as outrageous and 
Answer to my Epistle fol. 1. b.  intemperate: and 〈◊〉 scurrility and turpitude unto me. But if he would have men to believe him, he should have convinced me by proofs. For no man, I think, that is wise will believe such a bankrupt disputer on his bare word. Again he should have showed good example himself, that requireth such respective terms in others. He is still railing and raging like a butter wife, and most intemperately and furiously. Having therefore declared himself a scurrilous filthy fellow, he showeth himself an impudent sot, to object his own faults to others. Of his scurrility I do mean to make a whole chapter. Of his turpitude, his bawdy and filthy rhymes against Beza in the defence of his railing censure against master Charke, yield proof sufficient. I may therefore use 〈◊〉 his words to Parmeniam against him. cum pro his erubescere debueras, catholicos innocentes accusas. That is, where thou shouldest blush for thine own faults, thou accusest others that are innocent. As for my stile and terms, they shall always be justified, when Parsons hath any matter to object against them.  
Descending from his magistral throne of his royal pedantery, 
Ibidem.  to speak of my epistle, it pleaseth him to divide it into three principal parts, to wit: into notorious folly, apparent falsehood, and ridiculous vanity in bragging and vaunting. But seeing he hath divided no more wisely, he must take the parts all to himself, being a notorious sot, a false packer, and a vain and ridiculous bragger. Such a one the wise man describeth Proverb. 6. Homo apostata (saith he) 〈◊〉 inutilis graditur 〈◊〉 perverso, annuit oculis, terit pede, digito loquitur, 〈◊〉 cord machinatur malum, & omni tempore iurgia seminat. It seemeth a proper description of Parsons an apostate from religion, a man of little worth, that goeth up and down with a perverse and wide mouth, which winketh with his eyes, giveth a sign with his feet, speaketh with his fingers, deviseth mischief in his wicked heart, and at all times soweth discord and contention. It followeth therefore, that he look for the execution of that which followeth: 〈◊〉 exemplo veniet perditio sua, & subitò conteretur, nec habebit ultrà medicinam. This man's destruction will come quickly, and he shall suddenly be broken in pieces, and shall find no further remedy. As for the folly, falsehood and vanity he talketh of, they are so surely fastened upon himself, that he shall never put them upon me. To convince me offolly, he hath alleged the words of Tully, that calleth him a noddy orator, as he saith, that allegeth such matter as maketh no less for his adversary, then for himself. But if this be the part of a noddy, then is Parsons a threefold noddy, who allegeth almost nothing, but it may with better reason be rejected upon himself, then cast upon others: as for example, where he talketh of heresy, railing, bloody pamphlets, folly and such predominant humours and qualities in himself. Against me the words of Tully make nothing. For albeit I do call him noddy that taketh for his device N. D. which with the addition of two vowels make noddy; yet cannot he by 〈◊〉 means make noddy out of O. E. which letters I assume to show his folly, unless he will lend me his own 〈◊〉, which I do not mean to borrow at this time. Again, if he may come upon the stage with the mask of N. D. why may not he that defendeth, take the two next letters O. E? The laws are 
1. ff. quod quisque iuris.  plain that no man may refuse to stand to that law, by which himself meaneth to receive advantage. Furthermore talking of two letters, where I say he is a man of two or three letters; he answereth but by half, and therefore is like to rest a noddy, and a man of three letters, that is Fur, and the rather for that like a thief he came into England, entering not by the door, but stealing in some other way with picklock faculties, and treacherous instructions from the Pope. Finally the man showeth himself to be, not an orator, but rather a foolish grammarian, that calleth consonants the material part, & vowels the formal part of words. For if this were true; then should no word be compounded of vowels, nor should vowels stand without consonants, nor should form and matter be proper to bodies, but common to words also, and fancies. Thus we see how Robert Parsons, since he ran out of England hath outrun both grammar and logic, & is now learning to spell N. D. It may be if he pass Tyburn cleanly, he will shortly enter into his Puerilis, and learn to construe stans puer ad mensam, or percase pendens in patibulo. To convince me of apparent falsehood, he saith, albeit he might remit himself to a multitude of examples in the encounters ensuing, yet he will show one for a proof of the ministers talon in this kind. But whosoever list to compare my answers with his examples, shall find that his multitude of examples doth show the multiplicity of his vanities, and that his whole Warneword, is but a farthel of foolery. As for this one example, which he allegeth, it may serve to justify my honest dealing throughout the whole book, and to show, that he hath neither wit, nor honesty. In my reply I charge him, that he hath written diverse odious chartels and books, both against particular men and the State, and namely, First certain chartels against some in Oxford: Next Leicester's commonwealth. Thirdly, a libel entitled a Confutation of pretended fears. Fourthly, the book set out under the name of Andreas Philopater: Fiftly, the Libel to the nobility and people of England and Ireland, set out under Card. Allens name. Sixtly, Dolmans' book of titles. Seventhly the Wardword. Eightly, the relation of the dispute betwixt M. Plessis and Eureux. But because I do not mention other books written by him, as for example Houlets reasons of refusal: the Discovery of Nicols: the Censure against Charke: the Epistle of persecution, and his Directory; he saith that in recounting eight books, I tell nine lies, five privative, and four positive. But in talking of privative lies, he showeth himself not only a positive, but a superlative dizzard. For if every one lied, that reckoned not up all his paltry pamphlets; he would bring himself and his own friends within the compass of lying. He must 〈◊〉 justify this fiction of 〈◊〉 lies, for else he doth nothing. It standeth him also upon, to show that every one is to take notice of his fooleries, and patcheries. For such is the howling of Parsons Houlet, and the Epistle of persecution, where he taketh that which is in question for granted. The Censure of Charke, and Discovery of Nicols do consist principally of railing. The Directory is stolen out of Gaspar Loarti, Granatensis & others. He hath no reason therefore to brag of such bald inventions. Where he objecteth falsehood to me, for charging him with certain libels written against some in Oxford, and with the libel called Leicester's Commonwealth, & the treatises entitled a Confutation of certain pretended fears, & Letters to the nobility and people of England and Ireland; his friends are much ashamed in his behalf. For the stile and phrase of these books, compared with the Wardword, and other pamphlets confessed to be his, the testimony of diverse priests in England, that ordinarily charge him with these books, the confessions of some of his friends, do convince to lie most shamefully. Nay his own conscience doth accuse him, and convict him. For listen, I pray you, what he answereth. I never heard, saith he, any man of notice and judgement ascribe them to him before: and if I be not deceived, other authors are known to have written them. Now what is this, but to confess that covertly, that he denyeth coldly? And what traitor or felon, or silly fellow being charged at the bar with notorious treasons and felonies cannot answer thus, albeit he be charged with things most manifest? For what traitor cannot say, I never heard any man of judgement or notice ascribe this treason unto me? And again; If I be not deceived, others are known to have committed this treason. But if Ro. Parsons answer no better, he will soon be convicted and trussed for a traitor. In the mean while, he shall here only rest convicted of lying and foolery. Of which he may also be convicted, in that taking on him to disprove me, where I charge him to be the author of the Wardword, he doth afterward plainly confess it. He doth also make me to say, that he hath written in all, eight contemptible treatises (which are no words of mine, but cogged in by him) and chargeth me with suppressing his books: where I confess plainly, that he hath written other base and paltry pamphlets. Whosoever therefore will esteem the rest of my discourse, by this against which he taketh such exceptions, as he would have it, may see, that as I have dealt in all things plainly and sincerely, so this fellow 〈◊〉 most childishly, impudently & idly in most of his discourses.  
To convince me of ridiculous vanity in vaunting, (as he calleth it) he allegeth nothing, but only a challenge made by me to himself in five new encounters. I do also request, if himself be busy about some pack or practise of treason, or else percase about some plot to win a Cardinal's hat, & will not or hath no leisure to answer; that either Creswel, or some other babbling jebusite may be set forth to try his skill in this combat. But neither is it a ridiculous matter to defend the truth, nor any vanity to challenge Parsons, or his paltry scholars, and seditious companions. Beside that, if it be vanity in us to challenge some few, than should Robert Parsons be a most notorious vain fellow, that in defence of his Censure against master Charke, doth most proudly challenge the whole Church of England to dispute, and in his Wardword vaunteth that we dare not to deal with him and his fellows; Campian also challenged all comers, in his ten reasons, as if a common fencer should challenge all men at ten weapons. And yet Parsons I trow, will not accuse him of ridiculous vanity in vaunting. Neither will the seditious crew of traitorous seminary companions give the title of Thraso, Goliath, Behemoth, or Leviathan to all challengers. For than could not ruffling 〈◊〉 Robert, nor cavilling Campian escape their censure: considering especially that in all their pamphlets they breathe fury out of their nostrils, and folly out of their dried skulls, bragging and vaunting most vainly and excessively. But Parson's speaking against others, forgetteth always to look back upon himself, or else age perhaps hath dried up his wit. Omnia fert aetas, animum quoque, saith the Poet, age decayeth 
Virgil. Eglog  all things, & Parson's understanding also. His brain is dried with Spanish sack, and Spanish scabs have seized on his scull.  
Afterward, not being able to justify his threefold accusation against my Epistle, he roveth at certain personal matters far from the questions in controversy. First he saith, I have been a soldier, but what of that? was not Ignatius the first founder of his sect, a lame soldier? And were not Pope Clement the seventh, julius the second, and other Popes, whom he dare not disclaim, great men of war? Let him therefore beware, least desiring to strike others, he wound the lame soldier his founder, and the Popes his holy fathers, and himself, that counterfeiteth sometime to be a soldier, and calleth himself captain Cowbucke, being but a cow and a coward. But it may be percase, that he accounteth it irregularity, for a man of the Church to be a soldier: for so he seemeth to insinuare. But he is much deceived in his own canons. For albeit, to be a bastard is irregularity, yet is it not so to be a soldier. And if it were so by the Pope's laws, who (because the jews said, it was not lawful 
joan. 18.  for them to put any to death) do therefore exclude their clergy from judging of matters of death; yet it is ridiculous to exact the observation of the Pope's laws of Christians, when the papists do reason so absurdly from the words of the jews, and regard their own constitutions nothing at all. Beside that, if such traitors as himself and the jebusites of Paris think it lawful to bear arms against their liege Sovereigns; I hope he cannot disprove them that have served their princes against foreign enemies and traitors.  
He saith also, I have been a pirate. But that showeth, he is badly informed, and worse affected, that calleth all that serve their country by sea, pirates. As for me, I count it honour, to be railed on by professed enemies of their Prince and country, and shall the rather endeavour to do service both against enemies, traitors and railers.  
Further; saith he, I understand, that he hath been judge marshal among soldiers. But while he thinketh to offer me disgrace, he saith more honour of me, than I would percase have said of myself, if I had not been occasioned by him. For that is a place of honour, as the Auditors general of the Spanish armies can assure him. Neither is the same incompatible with my calling, although I served the 〈◊〉 in that place in the low countries, before I had any function in the Church.  
He is also much offended, that I have sometime taken upon me the training of young soldiers, that were to be led against such villains and traitors as himself, coming with Spainiards, and foreign enemies against their country. But if he be sorry that he and his consorts could not cut his countrymen's throats without resistance, I am glad, if I have made my countrymen the more able to serve both against common enemies, and such cutthroat traitors: and I doubt not but to use my skill to the benefit of my country, if ever such traitors as himself is, offer to bring with him any bougerly Italians, or bragadocio Spaniards against England.  
He proceedeth and saith, I am married and matched, as a minister ought to be. In an other place he glanceth at my wife's French hood. But what if I was married before I entered into the ministry, and be able to maintain her so without any profits of my Ecclesiastical livings? Beside that himself being a filthy bastard, and borne of a base quean, as the Quodlibetist being a goodly martyr in the Calendar of traitors telleth him, he showeth himself both witless and shameless, to speak against honourable marriage, and such as are known to be descended of worshipful parentage. Furthermore he giveth us occasion to detest the filthy masspriests, monks and jebusites, that abjuring lawful marriage, burn in unlawful lusts, and are known to be adulterers, fornicators, sodomites, and most beastly and swinish fellows.  
He shameth not also to affirm, that I was forced to retire out of Ireland for certain injurious speeches against the Earl of Ormond, and the Irish nation. But what if the Earl of Ormond and the Irish nation will clear me? Is not he a busy fellow to meddle with their matters without fee? Again, what if I came away with the leave and liking both of the general and others? Will it not appear that he lieth like a shameless fellow, without leave or liking of any but himself, who like 〈◊〉 monkey liketh best his own deformities? But he may 〈◊〉 both, if he list to inform himself either by English or Irish that knew those matters, how they passed. As for those whom he styleth witnesses, Omni exceptione maiores, they never received any greater disgrace than in meddling with me, and have since declared themselves to be men rather to be lamented for their folly, then credited for their dignity.  
But nothing is more ridiculous, then that Robert Parsons should find fault with my intemperancy of speech, seeing I do but answer his intemperate and exorbitant invectives, that in scurrility and railing are superlative. But if he will needs find fault, let him bring reason, lest his writing seem to want both wit and reason.  
His last charge against me in his answer to my Epistle concerneth discontentment, and complaints against the State. But it is like the rest, that is, fond, false, and frivolous. For neither is it likely that I should be discontent with the present state, or grieved with any ordinary charge, when both in most honourable actions, and in my public writings, I have to the uttermost of my power defended the State, and have willingly put myself to extraordinary charge in all services for my country. This resolution also is both in myself and others, not only to spend our goods, but our lives also in defence of our country and of the truth against all malignant 〈◊〉 of sedition, and miserable slaves of Antichrist that shall dare to assail the Realm. Finally, if in any thing I have showed discontent, it is in that I have seen such notorious treachery, as is discovered in Parsons and his lewd consorts to escape unpunished, and sometimes uncontrolled.  
Not content to accuse us, the ranging fellow runneth out in diverse places, and raileth with a wide and filthy mouth against the late noble Earl of Essex, whose calamity all that knew him do much lament, and whose blood, I doubt not but God will require at all the hands of some of his consorts that sought to spill it, as he hath already begun to revenge it in some principal persons that eagerly followed the matter against him. Well, let us see notwithstanding what this Blackesmiths' dog hath to say against that noble lord. First, saith he, the Earl of Essex was pitifully seduced by 
Fol. 6. b.  the puritanes. But every one that is not ignorant of the true causes of his discontentment, knoweth well, that his pretence was not for religion, but rather for other causes. It is also well known, that sir Christopher Blunt, and the popish faction was the cause of his ruin. For understanding his discontentment, they set him forward with hope and promise of assistance in private quarrels, not doubting, but either to trouble the state by his means, or else to bring him into a snare, whom they knew to be firm for religion. It may be also, that his enemies by their cunning drew him into this dangerous action, by practice of traitorous companions that were about him. Howsoever it was, much it is to be lamented, that refusing a pension offered him by the King of Spain, he could not also discover this train laid for him by the Pope's agents. And I cannot but much disdain, that so bastardly and base a swain as this paltry Parsons is, should insult over so noble and magnanimous an Earl: a dog over a Lion: a bawling cur over a most famous and worthy man of war.  
He telleth us further, that he was stout against peace with foreign princes, and that he had wrought such a troubled water under hand, that if his stream had not been turned against him, he might chance to have inhooked the greatest fish in England. But this device of a great fish, is nothing but a vain surmise of a great congerheaded companion. For neither did he, nor could he pretend any title to the crown. And as for his stoutness against peace with Spain, it proceeded from the love of his country, and was occasioned upon just grounds, for that he saw no sincere dealing on the behalf of the Spaniard, but rather a surceasing of hostility, that in the mean while Masspriests and jebusites, and their adherents might work treason. It may be also, that he meant to show the weakness of the Spaniard, & the power of the English nation, which the Spaniards heretofore too much despised. Neither he certes, nor any man else misliketh an honourable, profitable, safe, and durable peace. Fol. 8. a. he doth again talk vainly, and telleth us of the Essexian assault, and saith, it may be presumed, that it would have abbreviated the Queen's days, especially in the intention of the puritanes. But he is an absurd fellow to object that which his greatest enemies sought to prove, and of which he cleared himself sufficiently at the bar. And most shameless he showeth himself, to impute that to men of our profession, which like a lewd Laiolian he calleth puritanes, which was continually desired of Papists, and much feared of all that truly professed religion. Again, fol. 13. he mentioneth the Earl of Essex his attempt, and golden purposes, and saith, that my Lord and young king Essex plotted her Majesty's overthrow under pretence of meeting at a puritan sermon. But if all plotters of her Majesty's overthrow had been rewarded according to their desert, than had the crows long ere this fed on Parsons his quarters, the most notorious arch-plotter of treason that this age hath afforded. Likewise he and his consorts have made many attempts against the State, and in the destruction of their Queen and country they hoped to have a new world, and therein placed their golden time. As for the good Earl, his purposes, howsoever they were drawn to his destruction, and disorderly managed, yet could no man prove that he 〈◊〉 harm to the Queen. Seeing therefore this Patch objecteth to the Earl an imagination of that which the traitorous consorts of Parsons have long desired: I will here bestow on him a crown of fox tails, and make him the King of all renegade traitors: and doubt not if he come into England, but to see him crowned at Tyburn, and his quarters installed at Newgate and Moregate. Finally, fol. 88 b. he doth again inculcate the same matters, and pretendeth that he was set on by certain puritanes and hungry protestants. But if he knew any of us guilty of such a crime, I doubt not but he would have revealed their names, using to keep nothing secret that might hurt us. We have rather great cause to suspect Papists, who were the principal men about him, and some percase suborned by the Spanish Infantaes faction that feared him, and by all means sought his destruction. And thus every man may see, that no man ever pleaded the Pope's cause with worse grace than Parsons, who objecteth nothing to his adversaries, but that which falleth beside them, and reboundeth back on himself and his friends.  
In the places above mentioned, he endeavoureth also to sprinkle some suspicion upon sir Francis and me, as if we had been privy to the Earls intentions. But we were too far off to be partakers of his counsels, and too far different from sir Chr. Blunt and other Papists to consort with them: and I may boldly say, not so simple as to allow of such an action. Parson's therefore may do well, either to forbear such foolish toys, or to take better information of matters. He calleth the Earl my master: but therein he is no less abused, then in the rest. For albeit I have in diverse actions served under him; yet so did diverse others Knights & Lords that never called him master.  
Fol. 20. he giveth out foolish words, as if some of our religion, which he calleth Puritans, should intend to take some port or town in England. But that, as it is a matter far from our doctrine and practice, so it is common with the Papists, as may be proved by the example of such as came with the Spaniards, an. 1597. & 98. for Falmouth, and of the 〈◊〉 leaguers the Pope's blessed soldiers in France. Was not then sir Robert a wooden discourser, that hath no fault to object against us, which he can prove, and yet specifieth diverse things, whereof his own consorts are most guilty?  
Fol. 25. a. Taxing me for diverse faults, this masked O. E saith he, showing himself no less full of malice, and 〈◊〉 hatred against Catholics, then furious in heresy, falleth from flattering her Majesty, to bloody sycophancy and calumniation of Catholics, as though they hated her Majesty's person. Whereto that I may answer according to Parsons own vain, I say that this masked N. D. showeth himself an-egregious Noddy, that chargeth men with malice, poisoned hatred against Catholics, fury, heresy, calumniation and sycophancy, and yet neither nameth who these Catholics are, nor bringeth one letter to justify his furious accusation. I say further, that he is neither Catholic nor honest man, but a furious sycophant, hired for crusts of bread to calumniate honest men, and an irreligious apostate and heretic, and yet not more wicked for religion, then damnable for his odious conversation. And where I say that Papists, as many as were linked to Parsons and his packing consorts, were enemies to her Majesty's person: their manifold plots and attempts against her Majesty, & their continual adhering to her enemies, do prove my saying true. Parson's also hath by diverse libels, and namely by Philopater, which he denieth to be his, and by the printing and publishing of Sanders book de Schismate, and the libel which was partly made by him, and partly by Allen, and by diverse practices against her life and state, proved himself to be a dog in barking, and a poisoned enemy in conspiring against her. We will only allege a few lines out of Allens libel printed by Parsons against the Queen. She is (saith he) a most unjust usurper, an open injurer of all nations, an infamous, deprived, accursed, excommunicate heretic, the very shame of her sex and princely name, the chief spectacle of sin and abomination in this our age, and the only poison, calamity, and destruction of our noble Church and country. Now would I gladly know, whether those that allow this 〈◊〉 of writing, did not both hate and seek to hurt her Majesty. Next, whether such as do allow such malicious railing and libelling, do not concur with them in hatred, and deserve to be hated and expulsed out of all kingdoms well governed, as lewd libelers, venomous serpents, and damnable traitors.  
Let any man read the first page of the Wardword (saith Parsons) and then tell me whether this minister have any forehead at all (though his head be great enough) who saith, I do not so much as go about to prove any such matter, that he flattered the state. And this saith he, forgetting his own brazen face and forehead, and the blacksmiths his mother's husbands forked head, and his mother's little honesty recorded in so many books of the secular priests, and spoken of commonly in the country. Beside that, it is most apparent that he doth not once mention sir Francis in the first page ●f his book, save in the title, much less prove him a flatterer. And if as he saith, that was the but of his discourse, then like a blind archer he miss the but, & shot wide and far off. It appeareth also, that he was not in his wits, when he began thus to exclaim and cry alarm.  
Folly, 35. he imputeth unto me idle babbling and calumniation: whereas all his waste Warne-word is nothing but a fardel of idle words, and mere babbling, and foolery, except where he addeth some additions of knavery; & that not only in calumniation and lying, but also in diverse kinds of villainy and treachery.  
Fol. 36. he saith, I flatter to get a bigger benefice. But if a man should ask him, how he knoweth my mind, he will like a resty jade be at a stop. Only he imagineth me to be like himself, who caused a solemn supplication to be presented to the King of Spain, subscribed with the hands of diverse base knaves and whores for want of more worthy witnesses, declaring, that to uphold the cacolike cause, it was necessary that Robert Parsons should be made forsooth no less than a Cardinal. He made means also for the King's letters to the Pope to the same effect. And no doubt they had taken effect, but that he had juggled too much above the board, and was known to be a bastardly, base, refuse, ribaldicall, rascal fellow.  
Fol. ●. speaking of sir Francis, like Scogan he scorneth, and like an impudent companion accuseth him, as not abounding in good works: whereas himself aboundeth in all evil works, as for example, impiety, heresy, treachery, filchery, lying, cogging, lechery, beastly filthiness, and all knavery. As for sir Francis his piety & charitable dealing, the same is sufficiently known: and greatly should I wrong him, if I should compare him with any of Parsons his consorts, which was begotten on the backside of a smith's forge, in that country where sir Francis hath an honourable charge.  
In his second Encounter, ca 13. such ruffianlike and ravenous companions (saith he) do possess, buy and sell Catholic benefices: forgetting that himself wandered long up & down England and France, sometime in the habit of a soldier, sometime like a ruffianlike Leno, sometime like a knitter of thrummed caps, and that himself lived long by rapine, cozenage and knavery. He forgot also how the Popes, Cardinals, and Masspriests buy and sell benefices, masses, indulgences, and such Babylonical wares, as I have heretofore showed. As for Ecclesiastical livings, they belong to true Catholics indeed, and not the priests of Baal, nor the limbs of Antichrist, nor to idolatrous Monks, Friars, and such vermin: upon which kind of dogs we do not use to cast away the children's bread.  
The rest of his charges & accusations being like to these, I should greatly wrong the Reader if I should stand longer about them. Now then, that we have answered for ourselves, listen I pray you what we have out of this foolish Warneword to object against Parsons. And first, because religion is a point among Christians of special consideration, we will see how atheistical and irreligious he hath declared himself to be, like Prometheus sacrificing bare bones covered with show of fat, and himself taking the best for himself, and making a profession of the name of jesus, and having a show of godliness, but notwithstanding denying the 
1. Tim. 4.  power thereof.   

CHAP. four Containing notes of certain speeches, arguing Robert Parsons his impiety and atheism.  
I Need not to insist much upon this point, the man being already convinced by the testimony of the secular Masspriests his consorts, that have often holpen him to heave at the end of a Mass, to be a mere Machiavelian, an irreligious person, and an Atheist. William Watson a famous fellow, 〈◊〉. 8. art. 5. calleth him a beast, a devil, and a monopoly of mischief. But if any doubt of it, these testimonies out of his Warne-word, against which we dispute, may assure him.  
The holy Scriptures do every where use this word Minister of Christ, or minister of the Gospel in good part: as for example in these words, Rom. 15. That I should be the Minister of jesus Christ towards the Gentiles. And 1. Cor. 3. Who is Paul then, and who is Apollo, but the Ministers, by whom ye believed? And 2. Cor. 11. They are the Ministers of Christ. And Col. 1. He is a faithful Minister of Christ. Is he not then an impious fellow, & doth he not declare himself the slave of Satan, that every where useth this word in scorn and contempt, saying, fir minister, the minister, insolent minister, and giving out, that a true minister, and false minister is all one to him?  
In his answer to my Epistle, speaking of my request to have Creswell to answer, he alludeth to Christ's words, Mat. 20. & Mar. 10. where answering the sons of Zebedey, he saith, Nescitis quid petatis. For making himself Christ, and me one of the sons of Zebedey, he saith, Nescis quid petis. So shameless he is in taking upon him the person of Christ, & abusing Christ's words to his scornful purpose. He should therefore rather have made himself a bearward, & his seditious scholar's beare-whelpes, & Creswel the crier of the game. In the end of his wild observations upon my Preface, he objecteth preaching unto me, where in great reproach he calleth me preaching Deane. Yet the Apostle Rom. 16. and 1. Cor. 1. teacheth us, that preaching is the means to reveal the Gospel, and to bring men to Christ. It is no marvel therefore, if this limb of Antichrist do hate preaching, by which men are brought from Antichrist to Christ, desiring nothing more than to keep his countrymen in darkness, and to reduce them back into Egypt.  
Fol. 22. he jesteth at Sir Francis Hastings, & saith, He doth imitate the spirit of some hidden prophet. But what is more impious, then to use the name of a prophet, & of God's holy spirit to make up a jest?  
He professeth, that he handleth controversies of religion, and yet fol. 33. b. he calleth his dispute an Interlude. Do you then think that this man deserveth credit, that of a Mass-priest and jebusite is now become a Comedian, & seemeth to make a jest of religion? Eusebius liked not the Gentiles, 
De vita Constant. lib. 2. c. 60.  that in their theatres made sport with matters of Christian religion. What then may we think of this counterfeit Christian, but that he is worse than the Gentiles?  
Fol. 29. he defendeth Panormitan and Hostiensis, that affirm, that Christ and the Pope have but one consistory, and that the Pope can (as it were) do all things that Christ can do, except sin. But therein he professeth his own impiety, rather than excuseth theirs. For who doth not acknowledge it to be a matter impious, to compare a man to Christ in all things except one, and to make Christ the author of the Pope's sentences and judgements? Likewise it is impious to defend the Gloss, that saith, Dominus Deus noster Papa. c. 
Fol. 30.  cum inter extr. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. de verb. signif. as doth Parsons. Nay, he goeth about to face down Sir Francis, that doth reprehend it. Neither is it material, that the name of God is given sometime to creatures. For that is by a similitude, and not absolutely nor properly.  
Fol. 38. he defendeth Steuchus and Pope Nicholas, that say that Constantine called the Pope God, and held him for God: which was never uttered by Constantine, nor can be spoken without blasphemy.  
Fol. 40. he maintaineth the words of Cusanus, that said, that the judgement of God changed. But S. james saith, 
jacob. 1.  Apud Deum non est transmutatio, there is no change with God. This was also an opinion of the Arrians, Dei verbum posse mutari, that the son of God, which is the eternal word, may be changed, as Athanasius tesrifieth decret. Nicen. synod. contr. Arrian. Furthermore it is blasphemous, as he holdeth with Cusanus, to say that God's institution in the sacrament may be changed.  
Fol. 42. he saith, Sir Francis cometh out with a decalogue of blessings, answering perhaps to the ten Commandments, for whose observation the jews have many blessings promised: founding a scurrilous jest upon the ten Commandments, and emplying, that among Christians there is no such reward for performance of the law, as among the jews.  
Fol. 45. he placeth Trinitarians among heretics, as if it were heresy to believe in the holy Trinity.  
Fol. 60. and 61. he beareth his reader in hand, that reading of scriptures in tongues understood, is cause, that men fall into heresies: direct contrary to the doctrine of our Saviour, Search the scripture, saith he: for in them ye think to have eternal life. Thus he blasphemeth the sacred word of God with his impure mouth.  
Fol. 79. he maketh a jest of the words of our Saviour, Matth. 5. where he saith, Our clergy may sing, beatipauperes spiritu. This I say is mere impiety. For so should he sing too, 〈◊〉 he were ot an Atheist, and had forgotten, that these are Christ's words.  
Fol. 81. he maketh sport with words of Scripture, comparing Cadburie to the ruins of Jerusalem: and yet this fellow is esteemed a worthy patron of popery: such a patron, such a cause.  
Fol. 101. he denyeth scriptures to be the rule offaith: which is as much, as if he meant either impiously to overthrow the canon of scriptures, or else to prefer uncertain traditions before them.  
2. enconter c. 5. fol. 32. 6. he compareth reading of scriptures, to excess of apparel, spending much, and playing at dice: like a cheating companion drawing similitudes from his own practice, to disgrace the word of God.  
Chap. 6. encontr. 2. he will not confess his error, that said before Wardw. p. 14. that the words of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 3. make against reading of scriptures. Who can deny (saith he) but Saint Paul talking of scriptures, as they were in the learned tongues, saith of them, litera occidit? But to accuse men for reading of scriptures is impious, and savoureth of the error of the Origenists, and Swenchfeldians error, that condemn the letter of the Scriptures. Neither can he excuse himself, saying, that he meant rash reading. For the Apostle where he saith, that the letter killeth; talketh not of reading, but of the effect that the scriptures work in men's hearts, showing that the letter condemneth those, which by grace are not moved effectually to embrace the word.  
Chap. 11. encontr. 2. most blasphemously he compareth Christ's miracles to the miracles of Thomas Becket, and his lying legend to the scriptures. For which he deserveth to be marked as a miraculous blasphemer. In the same place he saith, that material honour in worshipping saints, hurteth not the devout, nor diminisheth their merit. Which is as much as if he should say, that those that worship thieves and malefactors, as saints; offend not, but rather merit with God. And that men may worship they know not whom, nor what.  
Fol. 99 he maintaineth a blasphemous prayer, wherein papists desire to come to heaven by the blood of Thomas Becket. And to mend the matter saith, it is no more than the Prophets did, mentioning Abraham, Isac and jacob. And yet no Prophet or godly man ever prayed to come to heaven by their blood.  
2. encontr. c. 14. he defendeth those blasphemous verses, Hîc des devotè, caelestibus associo te, mentes aegrotae per munera sunt tibi lotae. Whereby the papists teach, that men's sins are washed by alms: which is derogatory to the blood of Christ, wherein our sins only are washed away, and we cleansed.  
Folly, 114. 2. encontr. c. 14. cavilling with Sir Francis Hastings about his inference made out of the words of Durand, that saith, How that indulgences are not found in scriptures; he affirmeth, that the illation of those that dispute against the doctrine of the Trinity, and the consubstantiality of the son of God with his father, and baptism of infants, is as good, as that of Sir Francis against indulgences. But it is most blasphemous to compare the doctrine of the highest mysteries of our religion, which the ancient fathers proved, and we doubt not but to prove out of scriptures, with the trash and 〈◊〉 of indulgences, that have neither ground in scriptures, nor fathers, nor reason. As at large I have proved in my book De indulgentijs against Bellannine.  
Our doctrine of faith justifying without works, Parsons 
Fol. 126.  calleth an idle device and a mathematical illusion, the which toucheth the Apostle as well as us. For he saith, That by the 
Gal. 2.  works of the law no flesh shall be justified. It toucheth also the fathers, that say works go not before, but follow after righteousness. The same also toucheth the papists themselves, which confess, that our first justice is not of works. But whatsoever Christians are to think of works, Parsons hath no reason to put any confidence in his own works, unless he hope to be saved by juggling, lying, cogging, railing, cozening, committing treason and villainy. Neither hath he cause to talk of mathematical illusions, having himself egregiously deluded all those, with whom he hath dealt, and believing, as it seemeth, no heaven but mathematical. If he hope to go thither by the Pope's pardons tied about his neck, like necklaces, and flying upward like a young dragon; he is far deceived. That is no place for such dragons, nor are pardons, wings to fly so high withal. We hope rather to see him sent flying to 〈◊〉 holy father with an 〈◊〉 halter about his neck, and led 〈◊〉 in a dongcart to the gallows, as a due reward for his lewd works, and treasons.  
Is it not then strange, that such an atheist should talk of religion? The heathen Philosopher laugh edat Epicurus 
Cic. lib. 1. &. 2. de nat. dear.  discoursing of God, whose providence he denied: and no man had ever reason to endure to hear the atheist Diagoras disputing of divine matters. How then can papists esteem of this man's idle Directories and discourses in religion, that is declared an atheist, and a man all void of piety and religion? And yet is he not more impious, then ridiculous, ignorant and malicious.   

CHAP. V. Of diverse ridiculous, and childish errors, and mistake of the supposed great doctor Parsons.  
IT is the part of hypocrites to espy a mote in another man's eye, but they see not the beams that are in their own eyes. This we may see verified in our captious adversary. For albeit curious in espying faults in others; yet could he not avoid gross errors in himself.  
In the Epistle to the reader, he speaketh of the author of the Wardword in the third person, praising him as a Catholic man. And yet presently after forgetting himself, he speaketh of him in the first person, where he talketh of enlarging himself, and of his rejoinder.  
In his answer to my Epistle, fol. 3. b. he supposeth, that these words, non tam despectum, quam vexatum dimittam: are taken out of Tully's second Philippicke. But the oration being read over, will discover the truants error. For in all that oration there are no such words. It may be he had read some such like words in Tully's oration, in Vatinium. But the poor idiot could not hit upon it.  
Fol. 5. b. he saith, that this word maxim, the end of doing any thing is first in our intention, and last in performance and execution, is taken out of Aristotle. But the great doctor cannot tell where to find it. And when he seeketh it, he shall find, that he mistook later writers for Aristotle.  
Fol. 13. b. he telleth us, that Irenaeus lib. 2. c. 54. and lib. 4. c. 2. doth call heresy, pandoram: whereas he, lib. 2. c. 54. doth not once name pandoram and lib. 2. c. 55. and lib. 4. c. 2. where he hath that word, he doth not by pandora understand heresy, but matrem spiritualis conceptionis: the mother of spiritual conception: of whom and their Saviour the Valentinians imagined spiritual creatures to have their original, as may be gathered out of these words Ireney lib. 4. cap. 2. Quem patrem volunt nos audire. Hi, qui sunt pandorae perversissimi sophistae? utrum ne bythum, quem à semetipsis finxerunt, an matrem eorum?  
Fol. 14. b. he allegeth Cicero's book De Legibus: not knowing, that Cicero wrote three books De Legibus, and not one book only, as Parsons imagineth.  
In the margin of the 15. leaf a. he allegeth part. 29. of Augustine's Enarration in psal. 80. Whereas that exposition is not divided into parts. He doth also cite Augustine's Commentaries upon the 27. chapter of joshua, where neither that book hath more than 24. chapters, nor Augustine ever wrote any Commentaries upon joshua.  
He saith further, fol. 15. a. That heretics are the proper idolaters of the new testament, and that all other external idolatry is abolished by Christ's coming. Wherein he abuseth the terms of God's testament, uttering words, as if idolaters were suffered by God's testament, and showeth gross ignorance. For not only Zigabenus in Sarracenicis, but diverse other histories do testify, that the Sarracens are idolaters. The same also is testified by Benzo and other writers of the Indians. And no man can deny, but that many hundred years after Christ idolaters lived in Italy, and all other countries, as the volumes of Baronius, if he look them, will testify. Finally, the papists that worship the sacrament, the cross, the crucifix, and the images of the trinity as God, must needs be idolaters. But were papists no idolaters, yet had Parsons no reason to show it by mentioning idolaters and heretics so intempestively, and speaking of them so ignorantly.  
Fol. 17. he saith, john the first bishop of Rome, wrote a letter to the Emperor justinian, whose title is this: Gloriosissimo & clementissimo filio justiniano joannes episcopus urbis Romae. Likewise in other places he ascribeth this letter to john the first: and yet Platina testifieth, that john the first, Bishop of Rome, died before the reign of 〈◊〉 the Emperor. And if he will not believe him, let him read the seventh tome of Caesar Baronius his Annals, & others, and he shall find, that justinian did not begin his empire, before the second year of Felix, that was successor to john the first. Beside this, I have showed in my last challenge, that the law inter claras. Cod. de sum. trin. & fid. cath. is scarce authentical. But were it so, yet doth it rather overthrow the Pope's authority, than otherwise. For the prerogative of the Roman church is there derived from Counsels & Emperors, and not from God's word: and john calleth himself Episcopum urbis Romae, Bishop of Rome, and not universal bishop.  
Fol. 18. for justinianus he nameth justinus, and for Eutyches, Euthyches: and for Circumcellions, Circumcillians. But these are small faults in comparison of that which followeth, fol. 19 b. Where for Constantine Copronymus, he writeth Constantine Capronius: mindful as it should seem of his own capricious tricks, who as his friends say, is Caper inter Capras. I speak to him that knoweth the manners of Italians. For this fault therefore in stead of N. D. let him have a mask 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to cover his swine snout for very shame, and for Parsonius, let him be called Capronius. 〈◊〉 Fol. 32. for sweet singing Sirens, he writeth sweet singing Syrienes: which maketh us much suspect, that some sweet singing Syrian, or Italian woman, or boy hath so bereaved him of his senses, as he is able to name nothing right. If he proceed on this fashion, it is much to be feared, that he will forget his own name, if we do not put him in mind of it.  
Fol. 30. where the Canonists are charged with flattery, for saying, Our Lord God the Pope, he saith, the words are not to be found. Afterward for very compassion he saith, he will add a conjecture how sir Francis might be deceived: and that is in supposing that D. D. noster Papa did signify Dominus Deus. And like as if a man reading this superscription, To the right honourable our good Lord the Lord Admiral, should suppose the second L. to signify Lady. But in talking of D. D. he showeth himself a double dolt, and a lewd Lozel, sporting himself with his own foolish babble. For the place alleged is extant in the gloss, inc. 〈◊〉 inter nonnullos extr. joan. 22. de verb. signif. the words are these: Credere Dominum Deum nostrum Papam conditorem dictae decretalis, & istius, sic non potuisse statuere, haereticum censetur. That is, to believe that our Lord God the Pope, the maker of the said 〈◊〉, and this also, could not so appoint it, is accounted heretical. I doubt not therefore but Robert Parsons, although a thick skinned fellow, when he readeth this, will blush, and his consorts take compassion of his ignorance. Less certes they cannot do, then call him NODE.  
Fol. 35. he disjoineth (as he saith) the harms ensuing by change of religion from her Majesty's government. As if her Majesty's government could be considered without religion: or as if this traitor did not calumniate her government, that reproveth all her actions done for religion.  
Fol. 45. he deuideth Paulus Alciatus into two. Which error he might have corrected by Bellarmine in praefat. in 2. controuers.  
Fol. 47. he nameth Marspurge, for Marpurge.  
Fol. 71. he saith it is contrary to Sophistry (he would say Logic) for extremes to be in one subject But this showeth that Parson's head was never any subject for Logic. For else he might know, that extremes that are not immediate may be in one: as for example, 〈◊〉 in scraping, and prodigality in giving, presumption and hypocrisy, albeit properly these are not extremes in respect one of another, but of their mean virtues.  
Fol. 90. b. alleging Cyrill, he citeth his catechism, and quoteth him thus, Ciril Hierosol. cate chiss. 4. & 5. mistach. And so filing his moustaches, he thinketh he hath spoken sprucely. But his unlearned quotation showeth, that he hath scarce ever seen that father, who wrote not catechisms but catecheses, and not mistachical but mystagogical. The writing of Ciin Ciril with an i, is but a light fault of a lout, that understandeth no Greek: for which, for i, Cardinals hat, let him have a mitre with two coxcombs.  
Fol. 104. b. he saith, that Valentinian mentioned in the title of the law Cunctos populos, was son to Gratian. A most lamentable error. For histories do all testify, that Gratian and Valentinian the younger were sons to Valentinian the elder. And if he will not believe me, let him look Caesar Baronius tom. 4. in the several entrances of Gratian and Valentinian the younger. What a lewd fellow than is this, who not content to beget nephews on his own sister, doth now make the brother to beget his brother?  
Fol. 110. a. he saith, when a man is chosen Pope, his rudeness is turned into wisdom, his feebleness into fortitude, his infirmity into virtue. And yet experience teacheth us, that ordinarily they are as ignorant, as lewd, unlearned and filthy as they were before. Clement the eight for all his fortitude can scarce go without help. And very strange it seemeth to us here, that the Pope's chair should serve to cure men of all ignorance, infirmities and diseases. And if this were so, it were to be wished that Robert Parsons might sit some few hours in the Pope's chair, that he might be cured of his rudeness in railing, his ignorance in writing, and all other his scabs and infirmities. I for my part beléeus rather, that the rudeness of this rudent and mad 〈◊〉 would never be cured, although he were reboyled like 〈◊〉. In the leaf next going before, for acephali he writeth a chevali, showing himself to be ignorant of Greek, and his head to be as gross as any capels head, rather than our Church to be without head, who hold Christ for the sole head of the universal Church.  
To prove that Catholic men cannot receive their faith from the Catholic Church, that is, a collection and communion of all faithful people: I think that I needed not to use many arguments, the same being a matter so plain and evident. For than should the 〈◊〉 be no Catholics, nor should the Catholic church consist of particular men. And finally, all the members of the Catholic church should be agents to deliver, and all members to receive, and no distinction should be between the giver and receiver. But I used only one argument, drawn from a common principle of schoolmen, viz. that actions are acted of singular persons, and not of the body collective: supposing that I had had to do with a schóole-man, or a man at the least that understood logic. But now I see I am fronted with an ass, and a fellow devoid of logic and reason. For otherwise he would not have talked so idly of suppositum and singular, and universale, nor derived his logic from Tolet, nor denied my argument. For if in God the whole essence doth suffer, and not the son of God, or if the whole essence should be borne, and not the son of God, as Parsons must grant, if he will have actions to proceed à toto collectivo: then doth he fall flatly into the heresy of the Patripassians, & overthroweth the high mystery of the holy Trinity. Again, all his discourse about terms collective and universal, maketh against himself. For if, as Aristotle saith, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
1. Metaph. 1.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If all actions and generations be individuis, and singular persons, and not in things universal, or bodies of commonwealths; then I say true, and he false. He may also receive back his boyeries and fooleries, and keep them to himself. That the universal Church doth not properly deliver the faith, they themselves also after a sort confess. For when they bring proof of their faith, they go to this Pope and that Pope, this man and that man, and not to the universal body of the Church. The same is also proved by the example of a body politic. For if particular men do all actions that belong to the State, and not all the commonwealth, how can the universal Church be said properly to decree, to proclaim, to give out? Must all meet, & like a Chorus speak or act a part? O mere dizardry! O pitiful ignorance, and that to be corrected with many stripes! Nay himself in the end is driven to say, fol. 109. that when Papists say, that their faith is delivered by the universal church, their meaning is, that albeit particular 〈◊〉, etc. deliver the same, yet for that they do it not as of themselves, but by the order of the universal church, that the universal church delivereth it. So you see he cometh like a resty jade to the montoier, and saith as we say in effect; and to help himself belieth his fellows. For I do not think that he is able to show any Papist so sottish, as to say, that the universal catholic church delivereth the faith to private persons.  
In his second encounter c. 3. in writing Bedes words he committeth a gross Solecism, where he saith, Scientiam seruatur & confitetur, he should have said, scientiam scrutatur & confitetur, but that his spectacles failed him. His disciples therefore may do well to keep up their master, that hath forgot his Grammar.  
In the same encounter fol. 37. he doth ridiculously prove his Mass by the levitical sacrifice of Zachary mentioned Luke 1. and foolishly argueth that Papists may profit much by hearing Mass, albeit they understand it not. But one great inconvenience he must take heed of. For if the example of Zachary make for the Mass, then as the people were without when Zachary offered within, so the people may be in the churchyard when the priest is at Mass. So they shall neither need to hear Mass, nor see Mass.  
Fol. 58. of the second encounter, the Patch confesseth he fetcheth his divinity from Thomas Aquinas. The Warder (saith he) showed at large out of S. Thomas. Whereby his doltish folly is proved at large, that allegeth so brave an author to us, that for Divinity is of equal 〈◊〉 with Robert Parsons, though far more subtle and better learned.  
Fol. 65. answering to a place out of Paraleip. Vrspergensis he saith he findeth it not. But that was either his great 〈◊〉, or the thickness of his spectacles. Let him therefore look that book in the notes upon the year 1518. and he shall find these words there recorded: Sic dicerem in scholis sed tamen manet in aeternos. Diversum sentio.  
Fol. 67. for Petilian and Cresconius, he nameth Petilian & Crescentius; showing himself well traveled in S. Augustins works.  
Fol. 106. b. 〈◊〉. encounter chap. 13. ignorantly he doth so interpret the words Primo mancipio Gehennae, in the chapter, si Papa dist. 40. as if 〈◊〉 did call the Pope the chief bondslave of hell. The Gloss doth notoriously convince him of ignorance. Mancipio saith the author of the Gloss in cap. si Papa dist. 40. idest, diabolo quimancipatus est Gehennae. But howsoever it is, the Pope is little beholding to Parsons, that calleth him the chief bondslave of hell, and I doubt not, but if he take the bastardly 〈◊〉 handsomely, he will whip the knave like a Mancipium gehennae or galley slave, until he have recanted his words, and brought him out of hell. In the mean while the wretched Papists may see their servile estate, that follow oftentimes either the devil, as the Gloss saith, or the devil's bondslave the Pope, as Parsons the Pope's slave of ignorance confesseth.  
Fol. 113. 2. encounter 14. he speaketh false Latin, saying, Qui parcè seminit, parcè & metet, putting seminit for seminat, and quoting the 2. Corinthians 11. for 2. Corinthians 9  
Fol. 114. 2. encounter chap. 14. he distinguisheth the doctrine of homoousion and consubstantiality, as two several points of Christian Religion, whereas the learned (out of which rank I blot Parsons) know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek is nothing but consubstantial. Fol. 115. in the same chapter he quoteth Durand lib. 4. in sent. dist. 2. for dist. 20. A little after he cavilleth with me for saying, that the Pope hath power to absolve and pardon men that have lived most filthily and abominably: and saith, that absolution belongeth to the sacrament of penance, and not to indulgences. But therein the ass bewrayeth his own gross ignorance. For as some Papists say, indulgence is absolution, others say it is absolutio & solutio, as Bellarmine disputeth lib. 1. de indulg. ca 5. and might have taught the same to Parsons, if he would have looked on him. The Pope therefore may do well to lash this ass, and to grant him no pardon, that knoweth not the grounds and first principles of his own fool (or as some call it school) divinity. Nay he remembreth not the common forms of pardons. Gregory the 13. anno 1578. granting a 
Meteran. hist. Belg.  pardon to those cutthroats, that came with D. juan d'Austria into the Low countries (for to such are his indulgences granted) giveth them indulgence and remission or absolution from their sins after confession and communion. Confession & communione peracta (saith Gregory) impetretis omnium peccatorum vestrorum indulgentiam. O holy Pope, that granteth pardons to such cutthroats! O patch Parsons, that knoweth not the form of his holy father's blessings!  
Wherefore as the Apostle saith of the idolatrous Gentiles, that when they professed themselves wise, they became 
Rom. 1.  fools: so we may say of the idolatrous heretic Parsons, that while he professed himself a teacher of others, he hath showed himself an ignorant 〈◊〉. Likewise as the heretics called Gnostici professed themselves great clerks, Imperitiae suae nomen scientiae vendicantes: that is, challenging to their ignorance the name and title of knowledge, as Hierome saith in Isaiae c. 44. So the illuminate jebusites profess arts and learning, and Parsons is as arrogant as the best of them. But if he look down upon these so many and so gross errors, committed within one of his volumes; whatsoever he thinketh of himself, I hope hereafter he will not contemn others.   

CHAP. VI Parsons his singular patcheries, and fooleries.  
THis is but a base argument, may some suppose, to discourse of patcheries and fooleries. But how can we do withal, having to deal against a 〈◊〉 and base fellow, who urgeth us to make a register of his 〈◊〉? Stultitia gaudium stulto: that is, Foolishness causeth a fool to rejoice, saith Solomon, Proverb. 15. But seeing this Patch would needs make a scorn of religion, and the professors thereof, it was necessary to lay his notorious fooleries open.  
First then he showeth himself a notorious sot, to see curiously into others, and not at all to look into his own faults. Est proprium stultitiae (saith Tully) aliorum vitia cernere, 
Tuscul. 3.  suorum oblivisci. But for men to accuse innocents, when themselves are guilty, is not only simplicity, but also madness and impudence. cum protuis erubescere debueras, innocentes Catholicos accusas: that is, when thou shouldest blush in regard of thine own fellows, thou accusest innocent Catholics, saith Optatus to Parmenian, lib. 2. In the Epistle to the reader, he chargeth sir Francis Hastings with writing a most bitter and bloody pamphlet, who only stirreth up his countrymen to defend themselves and their country against foreign traitors, and home-born traitors: and yet himself published, and as is said, holp to write that bloody Exhortation to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland, whereby Allen and he endeavour to persuade all Papists to take arms against their Prince, and country, and to join with foreign enemies. And this is the end of his own and his consorts writings and practices for the most part. Neither can any write more moderately than Sir Francis, or more immodestly and doggedly then himself. Likewise he is not ashamed in diverse places to accuse me of malignity, intemperate writing, and bitterness. And yet himself like a gull, casteth out nothing but gall and bitter reproaches. He chargeth us both with flattery, lying, falsehood, and diverse other faults which are most rife in him, and not any way to be forced upon us.  
Most singular folly it is also for any writer to utter things that either make against himself, or at lest nothing for him: Quae nihil attingunt adrem, nec sunt usui, ea saepe profert 
Plauti Mercator.  adverso tempore, saith Plautus of a certain foolish fellow. But this is a common fault of Parsons, and committed in his discourses. In his Wardword he 〈◊〉 to scrape a little favour of the late Queen, of the Lords of her Council, and of his countrymen. And yet like a sot every where he endeavoureth to disgrace her Majesty's proceedings, and commendeth foreign enemies and traitors, and that not without great reproach to the whole State, and to the English nation.  
In the Warneword his purpose is to speak of the church and state of England, and yet is he still running out into by-matters of France, Germany, and other countries. Nothing can be devised more odious, than the tyranny, exactions, and pillages of the Pope and his adherents: and yet is Robert Parsons still braying out the canonists asinine commendations of the Pope's kingdom.  
Fools have their confidence in their tongues. Stultis thesaurus 
In Paenulo.  in lingua situs est, saith Plautus. So doth Parsous rely on his libels, pamphlets, and discourses, and hopeth to pay us all our debt with evil language. But come to try his words in the balance, they are as light as feathers. In his Epistle to the Reader: A Spanish invasion (saith he) was then said to be upon the seas for England. But if he had not been a puppy, or at least such a one as could not speak English, he would have said, that a fleet was said to be on the seas with forces to invade England. 〈◊〉 he might as well say, that an invasion was marching on the land, as floating on the sea. But his mind was so much upon invasions, that he forgot both the love and the language of his country.  
In the same place he saith, he wrote a Ward-word, to a Watchword. Whereby a plain Englishman would suppose, that he meant to send this Ward-word as a letter, to a gentleman called a Watchword. Forasmuch as, to a Watchword in good English doth not signify against a Ward-word. Again we Englishmen think strange to hear these strange words, Warne-word, and Ward-word in our tongue, and wonder that there should be an opposition betwixt watching and warding, that are commonly joined together. But this forging Friar forgeth new words, as fast as his putative father was went to forge horseshooe nails.  
Talking of his brave books, which if they were all 
His answer to my Epistle.  bound together were not worth a leek, he nameth his Epistle of Persecution: which seemeth to be some new cut, and devose contrary to all forms of former Epistles. But speaking English, we no more call letters of that argument Epistles of Persecution, than we call discourses of Parsons his ribaldry, and bastardy, Epistles of ribaldry and bastardy.  
But nothing is more 〈◊〉, then that he calleth the Catholic church, the squire and polestar of our faith. Before (saith he) we had a direct rule, squire, and polestarre 
Wardw. p 2, 6.  to follow, which was the universal Church: in which words he maketh rule and squire all one, and confoundeth the Church, which is ruled with the rule itself. Such a lusty ruffler is Sir Robert, that he can turn rules into squires, and make the workman and work all one with the rule.  
He doth also maintain, that the Catholic Church doth properly teach. Which speech, if it be proper; then we may say aswell, that the Catholic Church singeth, or walketh, or doth any singular act. And then it would follow, that particular actions may be done of general bodies. It would follow also, if the Catholic church teach, that the Catholic Church is not taught, which is absurd, and contrary to the rules of relation.  
Having spent the uttermost of his malice in scolding, and scurrilous railing, in the end of his answer he tendereth me an offer, that if I will go forward in this contoversie, with Christian modesty, and convenient terms of 〈◊〉, as men professing learning ought to do, that he will be content to answer me with the same stile. But therein he showeth singular simplicity, first confessing, that himself hath neither used Christian modesty, nor convenient terms of civility, nor done as he ought to do, and next desiring others to hold their hands, when he hath done his worst, & feareth return of blows. But the fool must not think to scape without controlment, having shot forth so many bolts against us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Let him therefore have patience to hear our answer to his unchristian and uncivil terms, and then I will think him more wise in making his offers, & will shape him an answer by his own cut, taking the length of a wooden fellow with a crabtrée measure.  
It is also the part of a fool to praise himself. Neither do any fall into their own extravagant praises, but for want of wit. Yet doth this fellow tell us of his memorable works, & in the end of his answer to my Epistle, talketh of his own merit with God, & credit with all good men. I will therefore remit him to be censured by an old grammar school author, that borroweth the name of Cato. Nec te Collaudes, nec te vituperes ipsum: hoc faciunt stulti, quos gloria vexat inanis. And because he is a big burly and tall fellow, I will say of him as one said of a fool of his pitch, quanta est longitudo & profunditas, tanta est stultitia: that is, The man's folly reacheth as far, as he is thick or long.  
Fol. 19 b. in his notes and observations he affirmeth very foolishly, That all 〈◊〉 from john the first, to Leo the tenth, were all of one religion. Which if it were true indeed, then should all those pope's be of no religion. Of john the 23. it is said, That he did affirm, & believe, that the soul of man died 
In append. Conc. Constant.  with the body, like to brute beasts, & that men's bodies did not rise at the last day. And this he confirmed with other articles exhibited against him with his own hand, as is evident in the Appendix of the acts of that Council. Alexander the 〈◊〉 was a man without religion. Humana iura, nec minus caelestia, ipsosque sustulist deos: saith one of him, that is, He took away the laws of man, laws of God, and God himself. Leo the tenth did no otherwise account of the Gospel, then as of a fable, as his words to Cardinal Bembus testify. The like may be affirmed also of many impious Popes: Let Parsons therefore beware, that he prove not his consorts to be infidels, and himself a consort and slave of infidels.  
Fol. 41. he saith, D. Giffard hath his Deanery by true adoption. Which is a matter most ridiculous. For others have their Deaneries by election, and not for respect of kindred by adoption, much less for dealing against his country, or for treason.  
Fol. 43. he talketh of chirping of sparrows, cackling of hens, prattling of daws, chiding of women, and of a fool, that said to one, that had a great nose, that he had no nose. Which argueth, that the man had neither nose, nor brain, nor good sense, cackling like a brood hen, chirping like a sparrow, prattling like a daw, scolding like a butter woman, braying like an ass, and barking like a cur.  
Fol. 81. he talketh of the patience of papists: which I wonder that any man can read with patience. For neither do they teach patience, nor practise it, if any occasion be given to the contrary. Was not this then a ridiculous sot, to talk of the patience of Lombard's, or papists?  
Fol. 100 he affirmeth, That the sum & corpse of Christian doctrine was delivered at the beginning by miracles. Now we confess, it was confirmed by miracles: but how it can be delivered by miracles, Parsons will be much encumbered to show, without showing himself a wondrous wizard.  
Fol. 106. he would have the acts of the wicked conventicle of Trent confirmed, and allowed by kings, as ancient Emperors confirmed the faith published in the Nicene Council. But it is folly to desire matters so absurd, and plain impiety to compare the heretical decrees of Trent with the faith of the Nicene Council.  
To prove the saintlinesse of Thomas Becket, in his 2. encontr. c. 10. he allegeth the Pope's canonisation. But what is more ridiculous, then to talk to us of the Pope's canonisations, who proceed commonly by 〈◊〉, & without party, and as it seemeth, for money would canonize a horse? Secondly, he allegeth for witnesses, Herbert Hoscan, john Salisbury, Allen of Teuxbery, William and Edward Monks of Canterbury, Peter Bloys and others. But all these witnesses are not worth a mess of Teuxbery mustard. For what availeth it to rehearse names of dumb idols, that pass by, and say nothing? Again if I may be so bold, I will answer Parsons in his own terms. You see what cogging it is, one of them to allege another.  
Fol. 77. rehearsing the words of Th. Becket out of Hoveden, Do you not seem to hear in this place, saith he, the voice of S. john Baptist, to his king Herod? Where I may answer him with his own words, and say not unfitly: Do you not see a fellow with a face as hard as a lopster, that doth compare Th. Becket and his cause, to Saint john Baptist, and his constancy: the first contending for profit, and idle paunches, the second for the law of God? Ridiculously also he compareth Thomas Becket to S. Ambrose, a holy doctor of the Church, the said Thomas being nothing else but an idle preacher of privileges prejudicial to Princes, and not so holy, nor so learned as S. Ambrose by many degrees.  
Where he is charged to have threatened us with broken heads, and Bastonadoes, a logic very familiar with papists; he answereth fol. 73. That he speaketh figuratively. But experience teacheth us, that where they can do it, they do it literally. It were therefore good to beware of the wooden daggers of these wooden fellows.  
Fol. 110. b. he affirmeth, that by indulgences, are distributed the treasures of the Church. A matter of mere 〈◊〉, of which may be said the saurus carbones: that is, our treasures prove coals. For poor people hoping to receive a treasure, receive mere coal dust, and yet for that trash wast 
Fl. doct. c. 〈◊〉 indulg.  great treasures. josephus' Angles, signifieth that the Pope now and then receiveth an hundred millions of ducats for an indulgence: which is no small matter for such small wares.  
In the same place he telleth us of the Pope's doctrine of indulgences, which is nothing else but a fardel of foolery, as in my discourse against Bellarmine I have showed at large. This Patch, if he had remembered himself, would have proved somewhat, and not have told us a tale of the Pope's tub full of musty indulgences, more nasty than an old mustard pot.  
2. encontr. c. 15. fol. 117. I shall allege (saith he) most authentical testimonies, to wit, four books for the negative, written and printed at Lion presently upon the fact itself, entitled, De iusta Henricitertij abdicatione. But this allegation seruenth us better than him, and is a most authentical testimony of Parson's foolery, and of the Pope's treachery. For what is more repugnant to law, conscience and reason, them to believe a notorious rebel and traitor declaiming against his liege sovereign, most treacherously, and wickedly murdered by a lousy friar? And what is more intolerable, then that the Popes of Rome and their adherents being advanced by Christian princes should now be praised for deposing of princes and cutting their throats? This authentical testimony therefore might well have been spared, wherein Parsons a traitor produceth his fellow traitor for a witness in discharge of his own and his fellow's treasons and villainies.  
Fol. 123. he talketh most foolishly of penance, repeating what he hath said before in his Wardword. But whatsoever he babbleth of penance and satisfaction, and passing through a needle's eye; yet if a man can gain a plenary indulgence, which for money is easy to be had, than all penance enjoined, and satisfaction ceaseth, and God is plainly mocked. If he had been wise therefore, he would have for borne to talk of penance, the doctrine whereof by the Papists is wholly corrupted and overthrown.  
Finally, albeit he talketh much of law, and of Catholic Religion; yet he showeth himself to be like those, of whom the Apostle speaketh, which would be doctors of the law, and yet 
1. Tim. 1.  understand not what they speak, nor whereof they affirm. And like old heretics, which as Hilary lib. 8. de Trinit. saith, although they lie foolishly, yet they defend their lies far more foolishly. Cum stultè mentiantur (saith he) stultiùs tamen in mendacij sui defensione sapiunt. Compare their doings with Parsons his foolish Warneword, and you shall see he far passeth them all in foolery.   

CHAP. VII. Containing diverse false allegations, and falsifications of Fathers and others committed by Parsons.  
THere are diverse kinds of falsifications, as we may learn by the Roman laws ff. adl. Corn. de falsis: by the cannon law, de crimine falsi: and by those Doctors that have written Commentaries and glosses upon these titles. But to know the diversity and nature of them, we shall not need curiously to look either into the laws or commentaries of learned lawyers, seeing Robert Parsons in his Warn-word, which like a warning piece may serve all true men to beware of his falsehood and treachery, doth furnish us with particular instances and examples of most sorts of them.  
First he maketh no conscience either to curtal his adversary's words, or to add somewhat unto them, of which they never had so much as a thought. Fol. 6. he saith, that Sir Francis objecteth unto him the seeking of the ruin of the church and common wealth by his exhortation to peace, and mitigation in religion: whereas the Knight objecteth no such matter, nor hath any such words. He doth also seem to charge him as enemy of peace, whereas the honourable Knight never misliked peace, or any motion tending thereto, but rather discovered the false practices of Papists, that anno 1588. talked of peace, when their fleet was at the sea to cut our throats being unprovided, and 1598. made an overture of a treaty, when the Adelantado had great forces ready at the Groin and other ports of Spain to come for England.  
Where Sir Francis prayeth for the prolonging of her Majesty's days, to the holding out still of the Pope's usurped authority: Parsons in his Warneword doth so expound him, 
Fol. 8.  as if he prayed, that her life might hold out still. And this to the intent he might run upon the Earl of Essex, barking like a Linkers cur at a dead Lyon.  
In my Preface I say, that obstinate recusants for the most part are secretly reconciled to the Pope, and in time passed adhered to her maiessies enemies. But Parsons to make the matter more heinous, turneth obstinate recusants into 
Fol. 13. a.  recusant Catholics, and falsely lcaveth out these words, for the most part. As if I had called them Catholics, which I never thought, or as if I knew not that there is great difference between the factious reconciled papists, and those that of simplicity and ignorance favour papistical hear and superstition.  
Again, where I say, that extraordinary favour, or rather remissness of laws and justice towards disloyal Papists, hath caused diverse rebellions both in England and Ireland, and made them bold to attempt against her Majesty's life and government, and given some of them courage to conspire with foreign enemies, etc. and that by suffering of malcontents to practice, the sinews of government have been dissolved: and that many think, that against persons that are so 〈◊〉 disposed, and so firmly linked to foreign enemies good justice is most necessary: Robert Parsons iumbleth many words together, and cutteth off that which I said of conspiring with foreign enemies, and the attempting against her Majesty, knowing that many of his friends are the Spanish kings pensioners, and have diversely attempted against her Majesty. Further, he cutteth out these words many do think, and by a strange metamorphosis changeth disloyal papists into catholic recusants, making me to say, that too much extraordinary favour and remissness towards Catholics hath caused diverse rebellions both in England and Ireland, and that it hath dissolved the sinews of government, and that it is more profitable to execute laws then to pardon offenders: as if I had spoken generally against all papists, & not singled those that conspire with public enemies, and attempt against the State: and as if I had misliked all remissness & pardon towards all papists. If Parson's body were so mangled as he hath mangled and transformed my words, we should not long be troubled with his wranglements. In this sort he dealeth continually with us. And so he 〈◊〉 also with other authors.  
Fol. 14. b. The old Roman laws (saith Parsons) do give general authority to the body of the common wealth to punish particular offenders, & non è contra, as Cicero signifieth in his book De Legibus. But he belieth impudently the old Roman laws, and Cicero De Legibus. For both of them do authorise particular Magistrates and officers, and not the whole commonwealth to punish offenders. Magistratus (saith Tully) nec obedientem & noxium civem multa, vinculis, 
De Legibus. 3  〈◊〉 coercento. So likewise do old laws, as in the titles de poenis and de publicis criminibus in the Pandects we may see. Further, common wealths or states, do make laws, and receive not authority from laws. Finally, it is an absurd thing to make the common wealth judge, or executioner of laws. For if that were so, then should the hangman be the common wealth, and chose. And by a good consequent, if Parsons should play the hangman, the commonwealth might ride upon the gallows. The which is so great an inconvenience, that rather than it should be granted, it were better that the jebusite were hanged upon the gallows.  
〈◊〉 Fol. 15. a. citing Augustine de civitate Dei lib. 18. cap. 51. and Cyprian lib. de unit. Eccles. and Hieron. in c. 8. Ezechielis, & in c. 11. Oseae, & in c. 11. Zachariae, & in c. 8. Danielis. And Augustin enarrat. in Psal. 80. part. 29. & supper lib. josuae cap. 27. he saith that they out of the 13. of Deuteronomy prove that heretics may and aught to be put to death, which are the proper idolaters of the new Testament. But in citing of these authors, the man seemeth neither to have eyes, nor judgement, nor honesty. For Augustine lib. 18. de civitate Dei, c. 51. doth neither mention the 13. of Deuteronomie, nor prove that heretics are to be put to death. The like may be answered to the testimony of Augustine in Psal. 80. of which ridiculously he citeth the 29. part. Further, we find no commentaries of Augustine upon the book of joshua. Cyprian in his book De unitate Ecclesiae, hath no such matter as Parsons supposeth. Most falsely also doth he cite the places out of Hierome.  
In the same place he citeth Augustine super lib. josuae ca 27. 
Fol. 15. a. in marg.  and de utilitate ieiunij, cap. 8. Whereas he neither wrote commentaries upon joshua, nor any 27. chapter is to be found in that book. Beside that, the book de utilitate ieiunij is a bastard, and of the quality of Parsons, and none of saint Augustine's.  
Fol. 17. translating the law Cunctos populos. Cod. de sum. Trin. & fid. Cath. he cutteth out the words that contain the form of faith professed by the Emperor, and that part that showeth that the judgement and punishment of heretics belonged to the civil Magistrate. The first, because it giveth power to civil Magistrates to publish forms of Christian faith. The next, because he imagineth that the judgement and condemnation of heretics belongeth only to the popish heretical Clergy.  
Fol. 25. b. he affirmeth, that Tertullian lib. de prescript. adverse. haeret. saith, That it is impossible for two heretics to agree in all points. Let him therefore quote these words, or else in this point we will note him for a falsary. Mentior (saith Tertullian, speaking of certain heretics) si non etiam à regulis suis 〈◊〉 inter se, dum unusquisque proinde suo arbitrio modulatur quae accepit, quemadmodum de suo arbitrio ea composuit ille qui tradidit. He saith they vary among themselves from their own rules, and that every one at his pleasure doth modulate and temper the things he received, as he that delivered them composed them at his pleasure. But this wanteth much of Parson's words and meaning, as he wanted much of sincere dealing.  
Fol. 29, he affirmeth desperately, that the great commission for the Pope's jurisdiction, is contained in the 16. of Matthew in these words, I will give thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven etc. forging notoriously the Pope's letters patents. For neither is there any mention of the Pope or Bishop of Rome in these words, nor doth our Saviour speak of any keys, or power of binding and losing, that is not common to all Bishops, which are the Apostles successors. Furthermore, general words will not serve to carry half the Pope's power. Finally, if we will believe Bellarmine lib. 〈◊〉. de Pont. Rom. c. 10. here is nothing given to Peter, but only promised to him.  
Fol. 38. he allegeth Pope Nicholas his Epistle, and Constantine's donation, both notoriously and impudently being forged, and by the forgeron or blackesmiths' putative son erroneously interpreted.  
Fol. 39 speaking of certain words of Cusanus: This (saith he) of the change of God's judgement, after the judgement of the Church, & of the supreme Pastor, is a common saying of the ancient fathers upon those words of Christ, Whose sins you lose on earth, etc. Anotorious lie. For albeit he allege three, yet no one speaketh of the change of God's judgement, or of the Pope, ór affirmeth that God's judgement changeth with the Church. Beside that, it is one thing to talk of binding and losing, and another to say, that as the Church altereth the institution of the sacraments, so God altereth his judgement. Would not this fellow then have a garland of peacock's feathers for his notorious cogging, and for his presumption in falsely alleging and belying the Fathers?  
Fol. 40. in the margin he saith, that Hilary in Math. 16. hath a worthy place for the Pope's authority. Yet can he not prove, that Hilary in that place speaketh one word, either for the Pope, or of the Pope: for he speaketh only of Peter and his authority. But what is that to the Pope, that neither in doctrine nor life is like to Peter? For this worthy place therefore thus falsely alleged, this worthless fellow is worthy to have a paper clapped to his head for a falsary.  
Fol. 62. b. he shameth not to affirm, that Augustine lib. 17. de civitate 〈◊〉, c. 20. saith, that Christ hath appointed his sacrifice of the Mass among Christians in place of the jewish sacrifices: whereas that father speaketh of Christ's sacrifice upon the cross, and not once mentioneth the Mass. And so his words must needs be understood. For indeed his sacrifice upon the cross, and not the Mass, is the 〈◊〉 of the levitical sacrifices, as the Apostle declareth in his Epistle to the Hebrews.  
Fol. 63. a. he saith, that Dionysius de 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉. c. 1. orig. hom. 5. in Num. Basilius lib. de Spiritu sancto, c. 27. Chrysostome hom. 24. in Matth. and Gregory lib. 4. dialog. c. 56. and other fathers do teach, that it is not convenient that all things which are handled in Church service, praesertim in sacris mysterijs, should be understood by all unlearned people in their own vulgar tongue. A shameless lie most impudently avouched upon the father's credit by this bastardly friar. For neither do they talk of vulgar languages, nor seek to exclude the people from understanding of the tongue wherein God is served. Gregory and Chrysostome have nothing to this purpose.  
Fol. 66. a. citing Hieromes words, he leaveth out these words, & vacua idolorum templa quatiuntur, out of the midst of the sentence, lest the Reader should surmise he spoke against the temples of the Papists, where every corner is full of idols.  
In his second encounter, chap. 3. he corrupteth a place of 〈◊〉, lib. 1. hist. Angl. c. 1. by his wicked translation, making him to say, that the Latin tongue was then made common to English, Britons, Scots, Picts, and Latins: when his meaning is, that the knowledge of religion is made common to them by meditation of Scriptures in diverse tongs. His words are these: Haec in praesenti iuxta numerum librorum, quibus lex divina scripta est, quinque gentium linguis, unam eandemque summae 
Note that he saith, they study 〈◊〉 in five tongues.  veritatis, & verae sublimitatis scientiam scrutatur & 〈◊〉: Anglorum, viz. Britonum, Scotorum, Pictorum, & Latinorum, quae in meditatione scripturarum ceter is omnibus est 〈◊〉 commmunis. He referreth the relative, quae, to the word Latinorum, or to linguis, which cannot be, and not to summae veritatis, and verae sublimitatis, which both Latin construction, and the sense will admit. The other cannot stand. For we may not think that all the English, Britons, Picts, and Scots understood Latin. Neither doth that make for the Romanists, which in public service continue the use of the Latin tongue being now not understood.  
In his second encounter chap. 6. he doth produce not only counterfeit homilies of Basil in 40. martyrs, and Chrysostome in adorat. venerab. caten. S. Apostolorum principis Petri, but also doth allege them most falsely. Basill prayeth not to the 40. martyrs, nor Ambrose in c. 22. Luc. to Peter, nor Hierome to Paula, nor Augustine to Cyprian, lib. 7. the baptism contra Donat. c. 1. as impudently Parsons avoweth. Nor are the rhetorical speeches of Nazianzen, or Hierom, or Chrysostome, or others such blasphemous prayers, as the Papists use in their Missals and Breviaries.  
2. encontr. c. 6. he saith, that Ireney doth call Philip that baptised the Eunuch Act. 8. an Apostle. But it is no Apostolical practice to belly Ireney. He must therefore either bring proof, or confess that Ireney is wronged.  
In the same place he would make us believe, that Tertullian lib. de prescript. advers. haeret. would exclude heretics from trial by scriptures. But he 〈◊〉 the meaning of that father that dealeth against heretics, which neither allowed all scripture, nor would be tried by other scriptures, than such as they had counterfeited themselves. Ista haeresis (saith he) non recipit quasdam scripturas: & siquas recipit, adiectionibus, & detractionibus ad dispositionem instituti sui interuertit, & sirecipit, non recipit integras.  
Seeing therefore Parsons (like unto these 〈◊〉) either corrupteth scriptures by 〈◊〉 senses, or else 〈◊〉 allegeth ancient authors, who will not henceforth detect him as a notorious falsary? False expositions are as well repugnant to truth, as the corrupting stile, as saith 〈◊〉 de prescript. contra haeret. Tantum veritati obstrepit adulter sensus, quantum & corruptor stilus. It is a trick of heretics to use matters of faith like to physicians, that attemper themselves according to the diversity of men's affections, altering them for their own best commodity. Verbis fidei more medicorum (saith Basil epist. 73. speaking of heretics) utuntur, pro 〈◊〉 aliter atque aliter sese ad affectionum rationem ac varietatem attemperantes. And as saith Irenaeus lib. 1. advers. haeret. c. 1. They go about to fit the word of God to their idle fables: Aptare volunt fabulis suis eloquia Dei. What Parsons hath done herein, the particulars above mentioned do testify.   

CHAP. VIII. That Parsons his testimonies and allegations make for the most part against himself.  
AS it is a gross fault in an Orator to use such an exordium, 
Cic. de Invent. lib. 1.  as may also be used by his adversary, or turned back upon himself; so it is a fault to begin with a sentence that may as well fit our adversaries as ourselves. But Robert Parsons little regardeth this observation, who fronteth his book with this sentence of the Apostle, Tit. 3. Fly an heretical man after one or two warnings, knowing that such a one is subverted, and sinneth damnably against his own judgement. A testimony that may fitly be applied to him. For he is an heretical man, and hath been often warned of his faults, albeit we see no amendment in him. He sinneth also, as may be guessed, against his own conscience, allowing that which being in England sometimes he condemned, and is utterly subverted and damned, if God do not in his great mercy recall him. If he deny himself to be an heretic, let him show how he can hold all the heresies of Papists, which in ancient time have been condemned, and yet be no heretic. To us he cannot apply these words, seeing we hold nothing against the scriptures, by which we are to judge most certainly of the faith of the Catholic Church. Neither doth Parsons allege this place against us impertinently, but also falsely. The words of the Apostle are those, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which import thus much, And sinneth being condemned by himself: and not as Parsons translateth: viz. And sinneth damnably against his own judgement. Where this word damnably, and judgement, is added to the Apostles sentence most falsely. For every heretic after once or twice admonition doth not sin damnably against his own judgement, as may appear by the Popes, their Cardinals, and others, that think they do well percase, albeit noble and notorious heretics. But rather every heretic doth by his lewd opinions, which he will not reform, sever and divide himself from the Church, and as the Apostle saith, sinneth, being condemned by his own act, or by himself.  
Likewise do the rest of his testimonies and authorities serve fitly against himself. In the beginning of his answer, fol. 1. he aimeth at the Apostles words, 2. Tim. 2. Where he forbiddeth us to contend about words, which profit nothing, but to pervert the hearers. Robert Parsons turneth the Apostles words so, as if he should say, that contention of words tendeth to nothing, but the subversion of the hearers. But the Apostle talketh of contention about words, and not of contention of words: and of the effect, and not of tending to an end. But to omit his error in translation, I say that nothing could be more fitly spoken against Robert Parsons, than this, which the Apostle here uttereth. For what with his Wardword, and his Warneword, and his idle contention about words, he hath abused and subverted his simple and credulous followers, that looked for better things at his hands. And therefore leaving as much as we can, his brabbling words, we answer that, which is most material of his discourse.  
In the same leaf, he addeth another text out of the 26. of the Proverbs, where the wise man adviseth us, to answer a fool according to his folly, lest he think himself wise. According whereunto we have shaped an answer to Robert Parsons his Warneword, praying him very heartily to take it in good part, and not to think himself over wise in his own conceit, seeing the author of that piece could never have uttered such stuff, unless he had been a three piled fool, and had attained to a higher degree, than a Cardinal in the consistory of fools.  
Likewise these words out of Cicero's oration in Vatinium, which he like a dolt supposeth to be taken out of Tully's second Philppic, viz. ut vexatum potius, quam despectum vellem dimittere, do fit us as well against Parsons, as may be devised. For albeit he be but a base, bastardly, and contemptible fellow, and almost spent out in railing and libelling, and discrasied in plotting of treason and villainy; yet have I thought it better to send him away well corrected, then to pass by him as a worthless and despised companion. Neither do I doubt, but to return him as large a measure of bastonadoes, as he hath offered others, and so to handle him, that his friends shall say he is dressed like a calf's head soused in verjuice.  
These words of our Saviour, john 3. He that doth evil, hateth the light, and will not come to it, lest his works should be reproved; he applieth to me. And why? For soothe because to answer Capt. Cowbuckes fencing Wardword, set out under the name of N. D. I take the two next letters to make up N. D. a full Noddy. For this cause he saith, I entertain myself in some darkness for a time, and expect my prey, under a ciphred name. And this objection pleaseth him so well, that not only in the eleventh and twelfth leaf, but also in diverse others places he doth inculcate the same. But against me these objections come all too late. For albeit at the first I could have been content to have been unknown in this foolish brabble betwixt Parsons and me, and that not so much in regard of any thing said by me, as in regard of the bastardly companion, with whom I am matched, being an adversary, of any learned man to be scorned. And not least of all, because such controversies would rather be handled in Latin, then in English: yet being occasioned to renew my challenge, I have set my name unto it, and declared, that I neither fear light, nor the fowls of darkness, nor need to look for spoil, as this ravenous jebusite pretendeth. Against Robert Parsons this text and objection cometh both fitly and timely. For albeit he objecteth ciphring of names to others, yet will he not decipher his own name unto us. Nay, albeit we know his name and quality very well; yet will he not bewray himself, albeit often admonished of his playing the owl. He hath long been plotting of treason, and therefore hateth the light. He hath for many years gone masked like a vagabond up and down England, and in the day time hidden himself in corners. He hath long looked to divide the spoil of his country with strangers. What then resteth, seeing he will not be dismasked, but that some of Bull's progeny do unmask him, uncase him, and truss him?  
Likewise fol. 12. he calleth me Owl, and saith, He will draw me to the light. But this foul should have remembered that himself in a paltry pamphlet, which he set forth to dissuade men from coming to Church, took on him the name of john Houlet, as a fit name for such a night bird, and that this is one of his own proper titles. Likewise, fol. 14. b. he calleth me Owls eye, because I borrow the two letters O. E. But if O. E. signifieth owls eye, then doth N. D. 〈◊〉 either a Nasty Dunce, or a North Island dog, or a notorious dolt, by as good reason.  
Fol. 18. to prove the Pope's headship over the whole Church, his noddiship allegeth the law, inter claras. Cod. de sum. trin. & fid. catho. But like a forging fellow he bringeth in counterfeit stuff. For that is made apparent in my discourse of Popish falsities. Beside that, this law doth quite overthrow the Pope's cause. For whereas the Pope claimeth his authority by the law of God, this law saith, That the Romish Church was declared to be head of all Churches, by the rules of fathers, by the statutes of Princes, and the Emperor's favourable speeches. Quam esse omnium ecclesiarum caput, saith the law, & patrum regulae, & principum statuta declarant, & pietatis vestrae reverendissimi testantur affatus. Let him therefore beware, that the Pope do not find him a traitor aswell to himself, as to his country.  
Fol. 23. speaking of the blessings mentioned by Sir Francis Hastings, he saith, They were freshly framed out of the forge of his own invention. But he was not aware, that this belongeth to Uulcane the blackesmithes' putative son Parsons, who from his infancy might in his putative father Cowbuckes forge learn to forge, frame and invent nails to tack the Pope's triple crown to his bald head.  
Fol. 25. b. you shall perceive, saith he, that saying of old Tertullian to be true, etc. that it was impossible for two heretics to agree in all points. But first, this place is not found in tertullian's book, the prescript. by him alleged. Secondly, were it truly alleged, yet doth it not belong to any more properly, then to popish heretics. For if all the bangling jebusites were coupled together like hounds; yet would they sooner hang together, then agree together. And that may appear both by the schoolemens disputes one against another in all questions almost, and also by Bellarmine's books of controversies, and Suares his tedious fraplements, about school matters: in which they are as much at variance with themselves, as with others.  
In the same place he taxeth us, for confused writing. And yet if you seek all the sinks of the Pope's libraries, I do hardly believe, that you shall find a more confused farrago of words and matters, than the Warne-word set out by Robert Parsons. For therein the man runneth as it were the wild goodse chase, and heapeth 〈◊〉 a fardel of foolery like to nothing, unless it be to a bundle of stolen tailors shreds, wherein frise, and carsey lists, locrome, cotton, and soutage is bound together.  
Fol. 43. out of Augustine lib. 4. contra lulian. c. 3. he telleth us, that the forehead of heretics is no forehead, if we understand thereby shamefastness. And out of Tertullian de praescr. contra haeret. That lies hardly stand one with another. Both which do exceedingly well fit Rob. Parsons. For neither hath the man shame, nor honesty, nor do his lies hang together, as appear by this whole discourse.  
Fol. 52. out of M. Knox he allegeth as a dangerous position, (and so it is) That princes may be deposed by the people. And yet that is his own traitorous assertion in his book of Titles, set out under the name of Dolman. The title of the third chapter, part. 1. is of Kings lawfully chastised by their common wealths. That is like wise his and Allens drift in their treacherous libel directed to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland: where they persuade them to take arms against the Queen of England.  
Fol. 53. he condemneth in Buchanan that which he and Bellarmine and their crew of rebellious consorts hold, viz. that if Christians deposed not Princes in the Apostles times, it was for want of temporal forces: and for that S. Paul wrote in the infancy of the church. That is also in terms holden by Bellarmine lib. 5. de Pont. Rom. c. 7.  
In his first encounter chap. 10. he goeth about to prove that S. Bernard and S. Augustine 〈◊〉 with Papists in the doctrine of merits of good works. But unless he show out of them, that works are meritorious, not by reason of covenant, or promise or mercy, but for the works sake, as Bellarm. lib. 5. de justif. c. 17. holdeth: and that there is a proportion or equality between the work and reward merited, and that works are meritorious ex condigno, and that charity differeth not really from grace, as Bellarmine teacheth, lib. 1. de libero arbit. c. 6. and that men are able to prepare themselves to receive grace, and finally prove the 〈◊〉 de congruo and condigno, Parsons laboureth but in vain. But this is contrary both to scriptures and fathers. He first loved us, saith joh. 1. joh. 4. And the Apostle saith, We are saved by grace, and not of works. Nullus (saith Augustine in Psal. 142.) unquam bonum opus fecit tanta charitate, quanta potuit & debuit. No man did ever perform a good work with so much love as he could and ought. And 1. Confess. chap. 4. Qui reddis debita, nulli debens: Thou which restorest debt, & yet owest to no man. Bernard lib. de great. & lib. arb. promissum quidem ex misericordia sediam ex iustitia persoluendum. Promised of mercy, but to be paid according to justice. And in his first sermon de annunt. Thou canst not (saith he) merit eternal life by any works, unless the same be also given freely or gratis. And again, men's merits are not such, that eternal life should be due for them of right, or that God should do wrong, if he did not give them eternal life.  
Fol. 75. he saith, thieves & the worst sort of men do not suffer persecution one of another: which is verified by the example of Parsons and his consorts. For albeit like wolves they tear, and like théeues they steal and spoil Christ's lambs; yet they do not always tear and spoil one another. Neither would the kingdom of Satan stand, if it were divided in itself.  
The words of S. Augustine contra julian. lib. 1. c. 7. alleged by Parsons, fol. 77. b. fall right upon his head. For both his ignorance and boldness is intolerable. Fol. 80. b. he saith, Calis was lost by heretical treason: which cannot be true, unless Queen Mary and the Papists were heretics. For none but they did lose that town.  
Fol. 83. he talketh of the chastity of Friars, Monks, and priests, which as he signifieth, have ghelt themselves for the kingdom of heaven. And yet 〈◊〉 Monk Heywood his true father was not very chaste when he begot him. Nor was Parsons ghelt for the kingdom of heaven, when he begot children on his own sister, as A. C. saith, or when he got his hurts in Italy and Spain, which yet stick to his rotten shins: nor are the Popes, and Cardinals, and Massepriests, that commonly keep concubines, if not worse, very holy eunuchs. Of D. Giffard and Weston, I shall have occasion to speak otherwhere. Furthermore, he is often talking of great heads, always forgetting the branched head of the black smith his putative father.  
Fol. 84. and 85. he is not ashamed to talk of 〈◊〉 wars, murders, and other calamities in France, Flanders and other countries, when he cannot deny but that the Pope's bloody bulls, and the jebusites the firebrands of sedition, and their agents have been the beginners of all these troubles, and the principal massacrers of innocent men. Was he then well in his wits, trow you, to talk of his own dear father's cruelties, and to accuse Christ's sheep, as cause of the wolvish Papists notorious murders and cruel executions?  
Whereas Parsons asketh Sir Francis, whether he hath certainty of faith by his own reading, or by the credit of some others: we may ask his friarship likewise, or because he is but a doogeon dunce, of the Pope, who is, as it were, an oracle of Papists, the same question. And if he answer, that he hath it by his own reading, than we shall much wonder at his impudency. For Parsons knoweth that Popes read little or nothing, and for the most part are ignorant of school divinity. If he say his Popeship hath it by the virtue of his close stool, then is the same but filthy learning, especially the Pope being laxative, as was Gregory the fourteenth. If he say, he have it from his Masspriests and friars, then are they more certain oracles than he; and this learning must come from the tails of 〈◊〉, and not from the head of the church. Parson's therefore to clear this doubt, fol. 110. saith, That they do not depend on the Pope as a private man, but as he is head and chief pastor of Christ's universal Church. He saith also, That his rudeness is turned into wisdom. But that the Pope is the head of Christ's universal Church, is the thing in question. That a man should be a sot, as he is a private man, and wise as he is a public person, is ridiculous. That he is made wise and learned being made Pope, is most false. So it appeareth, Parsons is ensnared in his own question, and must confess that the faith of papists is nothing else but the Pope's private fancy, and grounded on the Pope's chair, and most absurd and sottish: which can not be objected to us, seeing we ground ourselves upon 〈◊〉 Apostles and Prophets, who in matters of faith & salvation speak plainly, and always the same things most constantly.  
In his first encounter, chap 15. he spendeth much talk about the rule of faith. But most of his words are direct contrary both to himself and to his holy father's profit. For in the Wardword, page 6. he said, the universal Church was the squire and polestar, which every one was to follow: confounding like an idiot the thing ruled with the rule. In the Warneword fol. 100 he saith, the sum and corpses of Christian doctrine delivered at the beginning by the miracles & preachings of the Apostles, is the rule of faith. Which is contrary to the Pope's profit. For if this be true, then unless the Pope's determinations and traditions ecclesiastical were preached by the Apostles and confirmed by mracles, they are to be excluded from being the rule of faith.  
Parson's therefore is like to those, which dig pits for others, 
Psal. 7.  but fall into them themselves. He hath prepared weapons for us, but like a mad lot hath hurt himself with the same. Finally, Captain Cowbucke like a noble woodcock, is caught in his own springes.   

CHAP. IX. A catalogue of certain principal lies, uttered by Robert Parsons in his late Warne-word.  
THe Spirit of God (as the Apostle saith) speaketh evidently, 
1. Tim. 4.  that in the latter times some shall depart from the faith, and shall give heed unto spirits of error, and doctrines of devils, which speak lies through hypocrisy, and have their 〈◊〉 burned with a hot iron. Which prophecy, as in other heretics, so especially in the 〈◊〉 we may see most plainly and evidently to be fulfilled. For they departing from the ancient and Catholic faith, taught by the holy Apostles and Prophets, and recorded in holy Scriptures, have given heed to spirits of error, and believed the trash of unwritten traditions, and lying legends, and thereupon have founded their prohibitions of certain meats, and marriages, and such like doctrines of devils, confirming their opinions with gross lies, uttered with seared consciences and brazen faces, contrary to all show of truth. They take to themselves the name of doctors and fathers, but are false teachers and unkind traitors. And as Theodoret saith 
In 1. Tim. 4.  of certain heretics, Christianorum sibi appellatione imposita apertè docent contraria. Calling themselves Christians (or Catholics) Catholics) they openly teach contrary. I could specify it by Caesar Baronius and 〈◊〉, by Sanders, Stapleton, and diverse other principal authors of the popish sect. But I will not match any man of note, with so notorious a dolt, and so base a swad as Robert Parsons is, of whom we are now to speak, though not much to his commendation. The only example of Parsons, and the in one of his farthels of lies, which we are now to rip up, shall show them to be notorious and bold liars. The devilish and erroneous doctrine of friars, we have touched before, and shall have often occasion to mention.  
In the front of his book, he promiseth the issue of three former treatises, and in the second page talketh of eight encounters. But he falsifieth his promise, and lieth grossly. For of the three former treatises, he toucheth only two chapters, and of eight encounters, entereth only upon two. Further, he declineth the true issue of matters, and runneth bias, like a warped bowl of dudgeon, into impertinent & idle questions. Doth he not therefore, as Hierom saith of one, 
Hieron. epist. 61  make shipwwracke in the port?  
In his Epistle to the Reader taking upon him to deliver the sum of the controversy betwixt him and us, he wracketh himself like wise, thinking to wreak his malice upon us, and beginneth with á gross lie. There happened (saith he) some few years past (he noteth 1599 in the margin) as often also before, a certain false alarm of a Spanish invasion than said to be upon the seas towards England. Where I need not to note the idiotism of Parson's speech, that talketh of a Spanish invasion upon the sea towards England, being elsewhere noted: but only I will touch his impudency in lying, and denying, that about this time the Spaniards were ready with forces at the Groin for the invasion of England. And the rather, for that this was the occasion that moved Sir Francis Hastings to give warning to his country: and also because the same showeth that Parsons is very sorry, that any man is acquainted with the 〈◊〉 of the Spanish King, and that he could not take us sleeping, and so closely and priviliy cut his countrymen's throats. I say then, it is a lie most notorious, to affirm that the alarm given upon occasion of the Spanish preparations anno 1598. for an invasion of some part of England, was false. And prove it first by the words of the King, who recovering out of a trance, and coming to himself, asked if the 〈◊〉 were gone for England. Secondly, by the provisions of ships and men, made at the Groin and Lisbon, and which coming thence shaped their course for England, albeit they were by wether beaten back. Thirdly, by the testimony of one Leake a Mass priest, that was dealt with all to come for England. Fourthly, by the testimony of the Secular priests in their reply to Parsons his libel, fol. 65. & sequent. who directly charge Parsons to be a solicitor of these pretended attempts, anno 1598. Fiftly, by Parsons his letters from Rome to Fitzherbert, wherein he desireth to understand the success of the fleet, that anno 1598. was to go for England. Finally, by the 〈◊〉 proclamation made at the Groin, and whereof diverse printed copies were to be dispersed in England upon his arrival here. The which, for that it discovereth the pride of the Spaniard, and the malice of the English traitors, I have thought it not amiss to set down the whole tenor of the proclamation with some animadversions in the margin.  
Considering (saith the Adelantado) the obligation which his 
This seemeth to be Parsons his stile.  catholic 〈◊〉, my Lord and master hath received of God almighty, to defend and protect his holy faith, and the Apostolical Roman church: he hath procured by the best means he could, for to reduce to the 
(a) Popish reli gion is neither ancient nor true.  ancient and true religion the kingdoms of England and Ireland, as much as possibly hath been in his power. And all hath not been sufficient to take away the 
(b) Goodly pretences of lewd ambition.  offence done against God in damage of the selfsame kingdoms, with scandal of whole christianity, yea rather abusing the clemency and benignity of his 
(c) The Pope's vaslall.  Catholic Majesty: the heads and chief of the 
(d) True teachers.  heretics, which little 〈◊〉 God, have taken courage to extend their evil doctrine with the oppressing of 
(e) These 〈◊〉 were traitors.  Catholics, martyring them, and by diverse ways and means taking from them their lives and goods, forcing them by 
(f) A manifest untruth and calumniation against the truth.  violence to follow their damnable sects and errors, which they have hardly done to the loss of many souls. Which considered, his Catholic Majesty is determined to favour and protect these Catholics, which courageously have defended the Catholic faith, and not only those, but 
(g) Lurking and dissembling Papists.  such also, as by pusillanimity and humane respects have consented unto them, forced thereunto through the hard and cruel dealing of the said Catholics heretical enemies. And for the execution of his holyzeale, he hath commanded me, that with 
(h) Are not Spaniards then public enemies?  force by sea and land, which be and shall be at my charge, to procure all means necessary for the reduction of the said kingdoms unto the 
(i) S. Peter and Paul did not by arms con vert men to the faith.  obedience of the Catholic Roman church. In compliment of the which, I declare and protest, that these forces shall be employed, for to execute this holy 
(k) What holiness can be in cutting Christian men's throats?  intent of his Catholic Majesty, directed only to the common good of the true religion and Catholics of those kingdoms, as well those which be already declared catholics, as 
(l) Note that all papists are to join with 〈◊〉 enemies.  others who will declare themselves for such. For all shall be received and admitted by me in his royal name, which shall separate and apart themselves from the 〈◊〉. And furthermore, they shall be restored to the honour, dignity and possessions, which heretofore they have been deprived of. Moreover, every one shall be rewarded according to the demonstrations and feats which shall be shown in this godly enterprise. And who shall proceed with most valour, the more largely and amply shall be  
remunerated with the goods of obstinate 
(m) Honest men destined to spoil and slaughter.  heretics. Wherefore seeing almighty God doth present to his elect so good an occasion, therefore I for the more security ordain and command the captains general of horse and artillery, the master general of the field, general captains of squadrons, as all other masters of the field, the captains of companies of horse and foot, and all other officers greater and lesser, and men of war, the 〈◊〉 general, and the rest of the captains and officers of the army, that as well at land as sea they 
(n) They shall be used as traitors.  use well, and receive the Catholics of those kingdoms who shall come to defend the Catholic 
(o) The Infantaes title.  cause with arms or without them. For I command the General of the artillery, that he provide them of 
(p) To fight against their country.  weapons which shall bring none. Also I ordain and strcitly command, that they have particular respect unto the houses and families of the said Catholics, not touching, as much as may be, any thing of theirs, but only of those that will obstinately follow the part of 
(q) Woe be to them that call good evil, & evil good.  heretics: in doing of which, they be altogether unworthy of those favours which be here granted unto the good, who will declare themselves for true Catholics, and such as shall take 
(r) To cut their prince's throat.  arms in hand, or at least separate themselves from the heretics, against whom and their favourers all this 
(s) Note war.  war is directed, in 
(t) Good words, foul purposes.  defence of the honour of God, and good of those kingdoms, trusting in Gods divine mercy that they shall recover again the Catholic relgion so long agone lost, and make them return to their ancient quietness and felicity, and to the due obeience of the holy Primitive church. Moreover, these kingdoms shall 
(u) At the hands of enemies.  enjoy former immunities and privileges, with increase of many others for the time to come, in great friendship, confederacy, and traffic with the kingdom of his Catholic Majesty, which in times past they were wont to have for the public good of all Christianity. And that this be put in execution speedily, I exhort all the faithful to the fulfilling of that which is here contained, warranting them upon my 
(w) A goodly assurance.  word, which I give in the name of the Catholic King my Lord and master, that all shall be observed which here is promised. And thus I discharge myself of the losses and damages which 
(x) God hath 〈◊〉 it otherwise.  shall fall upon those which will follow the contrary way, with the ruin of their own souls, the hurt of their own country, and that which is more, the honour and glory of God. And he which cannot take presently arms in hand, nor declare himself by reason of the tyranny of the heretics, shall be 
(y) He would make the English traitors.  admitted from the enemy's camp, and 〈◊〉 pass to the catholic part in some skirmish or battle: or if he cannot, he shall fly before we come to the 
(z) This Bragadocio never came in England, that here talketh of the last encounter.  last encounter. In testimony of all which, I have commanded to dispatch these presents, confirmed with my hand, sealed with the seal of mine arms, and refirmed by the secretary underwritten.  
This being the Adelantadoes proclamation anno 1598. let the world judge of the impudency of Parsons, that lieth wittingly, and saith, the alarm was false. Thereby it may appear also, what manner of man Parsons is, that bringeth foreign enemies upon his country, and is consorted with them, and yet faceth all down that shall say the contrary.  
In his Epistle likewise he saith, that the Ward word coming abroad, the news was in most men's mouths, that the Knight disavowed the Watchword, attributing the same to certain Ministers. Where, me thinks, I hear Thraso say, Metuebant omnes me: All stood in dread of me. But that is not the fault that I mean here to touch. For it is his egregious lying, that we are here to talk of. Let him therefore either name these most men that he mentioneth, or at the least some honest man, that gave out this report as from sir Francis his mouth, or else we must say, that this lie came out of his own foul mouth, that is now become a fountain of lies. He must show also how Sir Francis could disavow a treatise subscribed and published by himself, or else it will be said, that this report of Parsons is a lie, without show or probability.  
Afterward he affirmeth, that a certain Minister wrote in supply of the Knight's defence. And again, fol. 1. he telleth, how I perusing the reply of Sir Francis, thought in mine own opinion to make a better defence. But how can he prove that I perused the Knight's answer, or once saw it? And whence doth he gather, what opinion I had of mine own doings? If he prove nothing, then will it be an easy matter to gather, that he hath made two improbable lies. The same is proved also, for that my reply was made before the Knight's Apology was published or seen of me. For if I had seen it first, my labour might well have been spared, the same being more than sufficient for the refutation of such a banglers babbling discourse.  
In his observations upon my preface, fol. 11. b. he saith, My project and purpose of writing, is to irritate and stir up her Majesty, and the Council, to ingulfe themselves in Catholics blood, and to spoil their goods, that I and my crew might come to have a share. But first it is most false, that Papists are Catholics. Secondly, no one word can he allege out of my whole book, whereby it may be gathered, that I would have any rigour used against such simple Papists, that are not factious nor mutinous. For all the harm I wish them, is, that they were well instructed. Thirdly, if he mean those traitors, that either came or meant to join with the Adelantado against their prince and country: then are they no Catholics, nor true subjects. The same may be said also of Parsons his consorts. Finally, it is a shameless untruth to say, we desire either blood or spoil; all our actions tending only to resist foreign enemies, and wicked traitors, which seek to shed their countrymen's blood like water, and to sacrifice it to the Pope, and to give the spoil of their country to the Spaniards, as the factious Masspriests and the Papists their consorts have done diverse times, and namely an. 1588. and 1598. and since.  
In his observations upon Sir Francis his Epistle, fol. 6. He objecteth (saith Parsons) that I seek the ruin both of church and common wealth by my exhortation to peace, atonement, and mitigation in religion. A notorious lie, refuted by reading of Sir Francis his Apology, where there is no one word sounding that way. Neither do we blame any honest man that talketh of peace, but scorn, that traitors that have war in their hearts, should talk of peace, and that idolaters and heretics should prate and talk of religion, when they mean nothing but to erect idolatry, and to establish popish errors and superstition.  
Fol. 16. speaking of me, He blusheth not (saith he) to affirm that which all his fellows have denied. And what is this, trow you? Forsooth, that blasphemous and scandalous dogmatizing heretics may be put to death. But where he saith, that all my fellows have denied this, he showeth himself a shameless lying companion, and the devil's fellow in forging lies. For none of my fellows ever denied that which I affirm, but only would not have ignorant, & peaceable, and simple heretics, that neither blaspheme, nor dogmatise, nor are offensive to the State, punished with death. Likewise they condemn the cruel and bloody Papists, that burn & massacre men, women and children, for denying or contradicting any one point of their filthy, abominable, and erroneous doctrine.  
Fol. 18. he saith, The Emperor in a certain edict beginning, reddentes: Cod. de sum. Trin. & fid. Cath. professeth his due 〈◊〉, and of all his empire to the church of Rome: which is a notorious and an impudent lie. For in that law there is no one word to be found, that importeth subjection either of the Emperor, or of the Empire to the Church of Rome, much less to the Pope of Rome. Nay, at that time the city of Rome belonged to the Emperor, which lately the Pope hath usurped, excluding the Emperor from thence. But were there any thing contained in that law, which may seem spoken in favour of the Roman Bishop, yet is the same proved counterfeit in my late treatise concerning falsities of the Romish synagogue.  
Fol. 19 a. speaking of the Emperors, They professed (saith he) the Bishops of Rome to be the heads and chief leaders of this universal and visible Catholic Church: as before hath been showed by the examples of Gratian, Valentinian and Theodosius to Pope 〈◊〉, and of Arcadius, Honorius and Theodosius the second, and of Saint Augustine to Pope Innocentius primus, and of justinian to Pope john the first. This he saith boldly. But in these few words, a cluster of lies is packed up close together. For neither do Gratian, Valentinian, and Theodsius write to Damasus, as the title of the law, cunctos populos Cod. de sum. trinit. doth show, nor 〈◊〉 they say, that Damasus was head and leader of the universal visible Church. Nor do Arcadius, Honorius, and Theodosus the second talk of any such matter to be due to Innocentius the first. Nor can it be proved out of Augustine, or justinian's decree, inter 〈◊〉. Cod. de sum. trinit. that this title was given to Innocentius the first, or john the first, or second. For beside that the law inter claras, is counterfeit, the interpreter doth corruptly translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the head of all priests, the head of all Churches. Nay hardly will Parsons be able to show, that any of these did speak of the universal visible Church, where they speak of the bishops of Rome's authority. These therefore are palpable, if not visible lies. And that which he saith of john the first, is a ridiculous lie. For he was dead, as Chronicles teach, before justinian's reign.  
He thinketh it lawful to lie all manner of lies of Calvin. And therefore boldly saith, He was a priest, and that he said 
Fol. 20. 2.  mass. Both which are denied by those which wrote his life, which say he departed out of France before he received any orders. The same may be proved, for that his name is found in no bishops records, and for that he begun to write his Institutions before 24. years of age. Of which we gather, that he hated the popish priesthood, before he was of years to be made priest.  
Fol. 〈◊〉. b. he maketh Sir Francis to say, that we have changed old religion into Protestancy: not changing therein his old fashion of cogging and lying. For neither doth he, nor any of us acknowledge popish religion to be ancient, nor do we call our religion protestancy: although his dealing giveth us oft occasion to protest against his wicked and false dealing.  
Fol. 23. a. he affirmeth, that Sir Francis talketh of nothing but fears, frights and terrors. But he might do well to cease talking, if he tell nothing but lies. In the place mentioned Sir Francis talketh neither of fears, frights, nor terrors. Nor doth it follow, because Parsons and his consorts are still packing underhand, and dealing with the Spaniards, that we are terrified. For we have neither cause to fear treason, nor public force, unless we will trust traitors, and wilfully throw away our arms. Neither have Papists cause to begin to stir, unless they be weary of their lives, of peace, of ease, and of their native country.  
Fol. 25. a. he boldly avoucheth, that I count it a blessing, to have Catholic rites and service abolished: whereas in truth I desire nothing more, than that Catholic religion may be restored, and speak only against the filthy abominations of popish mass, the idolatrous worship of saints and idols, the tyranny of the Pope, and such like: which none but the slaves of Antichrist can endure, and will affirm to be Catholic.  
That jovinian and Vigilantius held some errors, we will not deny. But that Hierome called them heretics for the same points that we hold, concerning virginity, prayers to saints, and lights at martyrs tombs, as Parson's fol. 27. affirmeth most falsely, will not be proved. For Hierome doth rather excuse those, that lighted candles at noon day, then condeinne those that thought contrary. Neither did he ever place perfection in forced virginity, or teach prayers to saints, or allow those, that worshipped false relics, as the papists do. This therefore which Parsons saith, is to be scored up among the relics of his lease.  
In the same leaf he addeth another gross lie, saying, That jewel (writing) against Harding, and Fulke against Allen and Bristol, do often call Saint Hierome borne papist and scolding doctor. For neither the one term, nor the other is found in their writings. Nay we should greatly wrong Saint Hierome, if we should call him either papist, or borne papist, seeing that in his time neither the monster of the mass, nor other popish abominations, were either borne, or conceived. Unless therefore he quote B. jewels, and M. Fulkes words; as he was borne a bastard, so we will hold him by condition for a lying accuser, and a scolding companion, and a fellow borne to tell lies.  
Fol. 28. b. he telleth loud lies of Panormitane, saying, That he in the chap. licet. de electione, expounding these words of Hostiensis, Cum idem sit Christiatque Papae consistorium, quasiomnia potest facere Papa, quae Christus, excepto peccato: showeth the meaning to be, that in matters of jurisdiction, and spiritual authority, for government of his Church upon earth, Christ hath left so great power unto his substitute Saint Peter's successor, as he may do thereby, and in his name and virtue, whatsoever his master & Lord might do in his Church, if he were now conversant among us upon earth. This I say, is a loudlye, consisting of two or three branches. For neither doth Panormitan expound the words of Hostiensis: nor doth he affirm, that which Parsons writeth in his name. Nor is he so shameless to write that which Parsons affirmeth. A second lie is also avouched by the forger of lies Parsons, where he saith, That all both divines & canonists do agree, that all Christ's power of government is left to the Pope, except only his power of excellency, according to that great commission in Saint Matthew, I will give unto thee, the keys of the kingdom of heaven, etc. For neither all, nor any ancient father doth agree to this conclusion, albeit we may boldly call them better divines then the schoolmen: nor do all, or most of the Canovists speak of this power of excellency; nor do the words, Mat. 16. belong to the Pope, or contain any such commission as is pretended. And that without alleging further proofs, the Popes own doctors will confess. For Bellarmine lib. 1. de Pontif. Rom. c. 10. showeth, that Peter had nothing granted in the 16. of Matth. but promised only. And with him also diverse others are consorted. But suppose any thing had been granted to saint Peter; what maketh this to Clement the 8. and 〈◊〉 Popes that are liker to Nero and Heliogabalus, then to S. Peter?  
Likewise fol. 29. b. he saith, That Panormitan and Hostiensis uttering these words, Papa potest facere quasi omnia 〈◊〉 Christus, excepto peccato, do explicate the comparison of Christ, not as he is God, but as he is man. Which showeth that Parson's taketh pleasure in lying. For else why should he say, that they explicate the comparison of Christ, not as he is God, but as he is man, when they have not one word sounding this way?  
In the same leaf, he belieth the same man again, telling us, That Panormitan, de electione c. venerabilem, saith, that Hostiensis founded his doctrine upon the commission given to the Pope, Matth. 16. Whereas Panormitan hath no such words, nor doth in that place mention Christ's words, Matth. 16. nor hath one word of any commission given to the Pope by Christ.  
Fol. 36. b. speaking of Cromwell and bishop Cranmer: The first of them, saith he, was principally employed in the said Queen's condemnation and death, as appeareth yet by public records, and the second was used for her defamation after her death, as is extant at this day in the foresaid statute itself, where Cranmers' sentence is recorded judicially given by him. This saith he, but so impudently and falsely, as the same may convince him of most shameless lying. For first there is no such sentence, as is here mentioned, recorded in the act, as any man may see, that listeth to read it. Secondly, what needeth a sentence of divorce against her, that was now put to death, that divorceth all marriages? Thirdly, no man ever grieved more at this act, and at that Queen's death, than the Lord Cromwell. So far was he off from being a stickler in it. Finally, not only printed statutes, but the acts of the tower also do convince this fellows most shameless reports. Do you then think that he blusheth to say any thing, that is not ashamed to lie against public acts and records?  
Fol. 37. a. he saith, Cranmer carried about with him his woman in a trunk. An impudent popish fiction, for the 〈◊〉 the inventor and reporter deserveth to be cased in a clokebag. The truth is, that the reverend bishop fearing the King's displeasure, about the time of the six articles, sent his wife away into Germany unto her kindred. But if he had been disposed to have kept her with him; yet nothing is more ridiculous or improbable, then that she should be carried about in a trunk. And if Parsons were to be put in a trunk, he would say it were impossible to live in it. He saith also, that for gain of living or favour, or quietly enjoying his living, Cranmer would say or unsay any thing: and for proof he quoteth Sanders de schismate. But lawyers may tell him, that such domestical witnesses are not worth a rush. Hierome also saith, That the testimony of friends or fellows is not to be accepted. Si amicus pro te dixerit (saith he) non testis aut iudex, sed fautor putabitur. This Sanders was a railing traitor, like to Parsons, and both of them hired to speak shame against the professors of the truth. If then a thief is not to be credited, speaking for his fellow 〈◊〉, nor a traitor testifying for traitors: then let us hear no more of this renegade rascal traitor, that died in action against his country, consorting himself with the rebellious and thievish Irish.  
Fol. 40. They are wont to say (saith he) that S. Bernard was no flatterer. But because the man is wont to lie, no man will believe him, unless he bring forth the parties that have so said. For to call the Pope Abraham, thief, and Christ, as Bernard doth, savoureth of the flattery and darkness of those times.  
The fourth, fifth, and 〈◊〉 chapters of Parsons his first encounter, are nothing else but a pack of lies, either received from others, or devised & cogged by himself. He affirmeth first, that Carolstadius, Oecolampadius, and Zuinglius were Luther's scholars. Secondly, that they were opposite to Luther. Thirdly, that there were infinite opinions among them that denied the real presence. 4. That the Anabaptists rose out of Luther's doctrine. 5. That there was a potent division betwixt Melancthon and Illyricus. 6. That Calvin and Beza issued from Zuinglius. 7. That Seruetus was Caluins colleague, and that he and Valentinus Gentilis and other heretics came from Calvin and Beza. 8. That we admit no judge of controversies, and laugh at Counsels. 9 That Zuinglius was condemned in a synod. 10. That out of our synods at Marpurge, Suabach, and Smalcald we departed with less agreement than before, as Lavater and 〈◊〉 testify. 11. That Melancthon to prove the zwinglians to be obstinate heretics, gathered together the sentences of the ancient fathers for the real presence. 12. That Zuinglius died in rebellion against his country. 13. That Oecolampadius was found dead in bed by his wife's side, strangled by the devil, as Luther holdeth, lib. de privata missa, or killed by his wife. 14. That great wars arose between Lutherans and zwinglians, as he calleth them. 15. That Luther was the first father of our Gospel; which he calleth, new. 16. That Stankare was a protestant, as he calleth him. 17. That Chemnitius in a letter to the Elector of Brandeburg, doth censure the Queen of England, and the religion here professed. 18. That there are wars and dissensions in England in most principal points of religion. He doth also rehearse diverse other points, which are all utterly false and untrue. For first, Oecolampadius and Zuinglius were learned men, aswell as Luther, and taught truth before they knew him. Carolstadius also taught matters never learned of him. Secondly, except in the exposition of the words of the Lords supper, in which the Papists do differ more than any others, all consented with Luther in most things, and in this did modestly descent from him. Thirdly, those imagined different opinions among them that dissallow the real presence cannot be proved. Let Parsons show, where they are now maintained, and by whom. 4. It is apparent, that Luther taught always contrary to the Anabaptists, as his writings show. 5. It cannot be showed, that either Melancthon condemned Illyricus, or chose. 6. Calvin and Beza had their doctrine from the Apostles, and not from Zuinglius. 7. Seruetus was a Spaniard, and a Papist, and an heretic, and no colleague of Calvin. Nay by his means his heresies were first detected and refuted, and he punished. 8. It is ridiculous to say, that we admit no Judge, and laugh at general Counsels. For we esteem them highly, and admit the censure of any judge proceeding by the canon of scriptures. 9 The condemnation of Zuinglius in a synod, is a mere fiction. The 10. lie is 〈◊〉 by Lavater and Sleidan. Sleidan saith, they 〈◊〉 at 
Lib. 7.  Marpurge, That seeing they consented in the chief points, after that they should abstain from all contention. Quandoquidem in praecipuis omnibus dogmatis idem sentirent, abstinendum esse deinceps ab omni contentione. The 11. lie is refuted by Melancthons' whole works: where it is not found, that ever he called his brethren heretics, or went about to prove them so. Nay, his principal study was unity and peace. 12. Zuinglius died accompanying his countrymen of Zuricke in the battle against other Cantons of Suizzerland: and standing for his country, not against his country. 13. Oecolampadius died in peace, neither did Luther ever write of him, that which the Papists have reported. 14. The names of Lutherans and zwinglians we have detested: and if any contention were betwixt those, that favoured Luther or Zuinglius, yet was it rather private then public. 15. Our religion we claim from the Apostles, and not from Luther, and so do other reformed Churches. 16. Stankare we condemn, as an heretic. 17. The letter supposed to be written by 〈◊〉 against the 〈◊〉, is too ridiculous to proceed from him. The same doth rather savour of the blackesmiths' forge of papists. 18. In England there are no public contentions; nor do private men, such specially as are reputed among us as brethren, contend about matters of salvation. As for those contentions, that have been about ceremonies, they by the king's wisdom are ended, to the great grief of Parsons, and other enemies of our peace. Wherefore unless Parsons can bring better proofs than Rescius, Stancarus, Staphylus, and such like barking curs of his own kennel; both he and they will be taken for wicked and shameless forgers of lies and slanders.  
Having belied us before, in the seventh chapter of his first encounter he telleth lies also of himself, and of his own consorts. First he saith, If Papists were idolaters, that this error was universally received among them. But that followeth not. For all Papists have not one opinion of Saints, of relics, of images of Saints. The second, Nicene council denieth, That Latria is due to images, or that the images of the godhead are to be made by Christians. Some hold, that not the image, but the thing signified is to be worshipped: many hold contrary. All give not divine worship to the cross, nor pray to it in one sort. Finally, Bellarmine in his books, de imaginibus, and de Sanctis, doth confess, that there are many different opinions among the worshippers of images. Secondly, Parsons denyeth, that Papists are idolaters. But Lactantius lib. 1. instit. diuin. c. 19 and other father's show, that all are idolaters, that give the worship of God to creatures, as the Papists do, honouring the sacrament, the cross, and images of the Trinity with divine worship. This point is also fully proved against the Papists in my last challenge, chap. 5. Thirdly, he saith most falsely, That all Friars and Monks professed one faith without any difference in any one article of belief. The falsehood of his assertion I have showed by divers instances heretofore. Fourthly, he saith, The Papists may have a ministerial head of the Church, as well as we have a woman for the head. But it is a greater matter to be head of the universal Church, then of one Realm. Again, we call the King supreme governor, for no other cause, then for that he is the chief man of his Realm, and chief disposer of external matters. But they give one consistory to Christ and the Pope. Furthermore, in matters of faith, we say, all princes ought to submit themselves to the Apostles, and their doctrine. The Pope will be equal to them, if not above them, and determine matters of faith, as absolutely, as Christ jesus. Finally, he saith; Difference of habits or particular manner of life breaketh not unity of religion. But the Apostle reproveth those, that said, I hold of Paul, I of Apollo, I of Cephas. And Hierome saith; 〈◊〉 you 
Adverse. Lucifer.  shall hear at any time those which are called Christians, to take their names of any but our Lord jesus, as for example, the Marcionists & Valentinians, know that they are not the Church of Christ, but the synagogue of Antichrist. This therefore is direct against the Dominicans, Franciscans, Benedictines and Ignatians. And proveth, Ignatian Parsons, a lying person.  
Fol. 66. b. he saith, That in S. Hieromes time the Roman faith was accounted the general Catholic faith. And that this Island hath had twice participation of the Roman faith. Both manifest lies. For as well might the city of Rome be called the world, as the Roman faith, the general Catholic faith. Again, it is false, that in old time we received the Roman faith, that now is professed and declared in the conventicle of Trent. For we received the Christian faith, which not these romans, that are a collection of the scum of the world, but the old generouse romans professed.  
Fol. 69. he denyeth, that the Apostle teacheth, that public prayers should be in a known language: where boldly he giveth the lie to Ambrose, Chrysostome, Theophylact, and other fathers, that show, that the Apostle speaketh of public prayers, in a known tongue.  
To justify the use of the Latin tongue in reading of scriptures, he maketh two loud lies, as I must needs tell him in English. First he saith, That joan Bourcher by reading scriptures in English, learned that Christ had not taken flesh of his mother, and that a tanner of Colchester learned, that Baptism was worth nothing, and that others fell into heresies by reading scriptures. And secondly, That every man lightly understandeth somewhat of the Latin tongue. Both utterly untrue. For neither do the vulgar people among the French or Italians understand Latin: nor do Christians rather now fall into error by reading vulgar scriptures, than the old Greeks and romans, that read scriptures in Greek and Latin. But rather therefore did they err, for that they did not read them diligently or reverently.  
Fol. 71. he saith we teach that good works are perilous. Let him therefore name those which have committed this fault, or else acknowledge himself to be a perilous liar.  
Fol. 79. he cannot be content to lie, where he talketh of matter of charge, but will needs have me testify matters which I never thought. I might as well make him speak all villainy against the Pope: but I wilt not now use the testimony of so bad a fellow.  
That which he 〈◊〉 of the Pope's exactions out of great 
Encon. 1. c. 11  benefices only, and of his employments of money against the Turks, are mere leasings. For he taketh by one means or other both of great and little, and rather destroyeth Christians then Turks.  
Fol. 89. he exclaimeth and saith, What will you say to this man, that maketh all his ancestors for so many hundred years together, and the ancestors of her Majesty, her father, and grandfather, and the rest mere infidels? I answer in his own form. What will you say to this beast, that lieth as fast as a dog can troth? My words that he setteth down refute him. For I speak not of all, but of the most part of Christians of former times: and of their ignorance I have brought sufficient proof. If then those that lie, deserve cudgelling, as he saith: it is not half a load of wood that will serve for the bastonading of this brutish and senseless beast.  
Fol. 99 By which words it is evident (saith Parsons) that his rule consisteth of the consent and establishment of certain men in England, what to believe, which is a different matter from scriptures. But whatsoever he thinketh of the rule of faith, he keepeth no rule in speaking untruth. For albeit the rule of faith, which every private man in England is to follow, was established by consent of the synod of the Clergy of England: yet I say not, nor doth it follow of these words, that the consent of men is our rule of faith. For the canon of scriptures is the general rule, that all the Church ought to follow, and because every private man understandeth not all points of himself, therefore the Church, to help the weakness of the ignorant, hath gathered the sum of faith out of scriptures, and proposed the same as conclusions, thence deduced for private men to follow.  
Fol. 105. like a shameless beast he saith, The Emperors (in the l. cunctos. Cod. de sum. Trin. & fid. Cath.) remit themselves to the Roman religion, and to Damasus the Pope's belief, and that they determine nothing of religion: both which assertions are matters utterly false. For first they remit men, not to the Roman faith, or to Damasus his belief, but to the faith of Peter. Next they determine, that men shall follow that faith, and declare what the faith is. Cunctos populos (say they) quos 〈◊〉 nostrae regit imperium, in tali volumus religione versari, quam diwm Petrum Apostolum 〈◊〉 Romanis religio usque adhuc ab ipso insinuata declarat, 〈◊〉 pontificem Damasum sequi claret, & Petrum Alexandriae Episcopum, virum Apostolicae 〈◊〉: hoc est, ut secundùm Apostolicam disciplinam, Euangelicamque doctrinam, Patris, & 〈◊〉, & Spiritus sancti unam deitatem sub pari maiestate, & sub pia Trinitate credamus. But were any to follow Damasus his belief, what is that to later Popes, that scarce believed in God, and are more like to the grand Turk, then to Damasus?  
In the same leaf he telleth also many other gross lies: as for example, That the Roman religion was received by Peter: whereas the Emperors in the former law, say, that Peter delivered Christian religion to 〈◊〉 Romans. Secondly, that the Emperor's law declareth the Pope of Rome to be the chief governor of Christian religion, and that the Emperors accounted him for their head. And thirdly, that Silvester confirmed the decrees of the Council of Nice. Matters most sottish, and bluntly and falsely affirmed. For in that law there is nothing of the Pope's general headship. Neither needed the acts of the Nicene Council any confirmation of Silvester.  
In his second encounter chap. 2. it seemeth he hath put on his vizour of impudence, telling lies upon reports without all shame or proof. In King Henry the eight his days, he saith, that a certain Catholic man in Louth in Lincolnshire was put to death, being baited in a bears skin, and that the fame thereof is yet fresh in Louth. Matters very false, as all the old men in Louth will testify upon their oaths. Further the same is so improbable, as nothing more. For neither can the party that was so put to death, nor the judges, or executioners, or parties present be named. Nay it cannot be proved, that any was put to death at Louth at that time: albeit some of Louth were in danger for the rebellion, as is yet remembered. Parson's also must tell, how any durst put men to death contrary to law, & who they were, knowing the the very rebels were not executed without trial. Another like lie he fathereth upon Sir Edw. Carew brother to the Lord Chamberlain, who is said to have reported, That certain Nobles or Gentlemen baited a certain cacolike man with spaniels. But what if the Lord Chamberlain had no brother called Sir Edward Carew? What if none of his brothers ever said any such thing? Again, what if none was ever baited with spaniels? Doth not Robert Parsons deserve to be baited by all the dogs in Rome, for telling us such fables? In the mean while, how doth this agree with Verstegan, that telleth, how in Dover certain cacolikes were baited with bandogs? And in what case are the Papists, that worship Saints baited in bears skins, that never were in the world? A third lie he would father upon Thomas of Walsingham. But it cannot be gathered out of him, that either the lying Friars in king Richard the second his time were followers of Wicleffe, or that any corruption of manners grew in his doctrine: although Robert Parsons boldly avoucheth both these lies.  
In the second encounter, cap. 3. he saith, Thomas Arundel permitted and appointed vulgar translations of scriptures. But the truth is, he forbade them. The rubric of the constitution, Statuimus de magistris, is this, Scriptura sacra non transferatur. And if it be translated (which he appointeth not, nor permitteth) he forbiddeth all exposition of it, until it be 〈◊〉. Let Parsons then show, where he appointed or permitted vulgar translations of scriptures, if he will not show himself a liar.  
In the same encounter, in setting down the state of the controversy, in reporting the acts against hus, the proceedings of Luther, Grinaeus, and beza's disputations, he doth nothing but cog and lie. And for his witnesses he citeth Aeneas Silvius, Dubravius, Cochlcus, Genebrard, Surius, Claudius de Saints, and a rabble of other lying rascals, not worth a cockle shell. What then doth he deserve, but a crown of fox tails, counterpointed with whetstones for his labour? Popelliniere in is seventh book of the history of France, showeth, that the Papists could never be brought to join issue, do they of the religion what they could: which is quite contrary to his shameless narration.  
2. encounter, fol. 39 he saith, The Council of Trent gave liberty to all protestants (so he calleth our Doctors) to dispute their fill. A most notorious untruth. For two only going thither, escaped hardly with their lives, and were peremptorily denied licence to dispute publicly, albeit they desired to be heard.  
2. encount. c. 9 he denieth that the Papists meant to keep their Indices expurgatory secret, and saith, that they were devised to purge books corrupted by heretics. But experience doth prove both to be lies. For under this colour, they have corrupted the fathers: and this deceit was not found, until by God's providence one copy came to junius his hands. And this God willing shall be proved by particulars if God grant us life.  
Fol. 93. he telleth a story, as he saith, or rather diverse lies of Monks making hatchets to swim, raising dead men to life, multiplying milk, and talking of monks mules, and doing other strange miracles. Which if Parsons do compare with the miracles of the prophets and Apostles, he blasphemeth, if he believe as well as the miracles of the Bible: he addeth no credit to monkish miracles, but most wickedly maketh legends and fables comparable to holy scripture.  
Fol. 〈◊〉. he saith, Sixtus 4. did leave it free for every one to think what he would. viz. in the article of the conception of our Lady in original sin. But that this is false, it appeareth, first, in that he did excommunicate all those that spoke against the feast of our Lady's conception. And secondly, for that he gave indulgences to such as prayed to her, as borne of Anna without original sin.  
Fol. 103. he denieth that Sixtus Quintus compared the execrable murder of the French king Henry the third, to the mysteries of Christ his incarnation and resurrection. But the Cardinals that were in the Consistory, when first the news were brought to Rome, can convince him of lying and impudency. Likewise a French Papist, that wrote a discourse against Sixtus Quintus, called La Fulminante, will testify against him. Speaking in an apostrophe to Pope Sixtus, Tu appelles (saith he) ceste trahison un oewre grand de Dieu, un 
〈◊〉 P. 40.  pur exploit de sa providence, & la compares aux plus excellens mysteres de son incarnation, & de sa resurrection. He chargeth him further, That he accounted this murder as a miracle, and 
P. 42.  honoured james Clement as a martyr. Dieu, quelle pieté, qu'un suiect, qui tue son Roy, est à Rome un martyr, & son assassinat un miracle! Parson's seemeth also to deny that Henry the third was excommunicate, and will not acknowledge that the same was cause of his death: both which points are testified in the discourse, 〈◊〉, La Fulminante, which Parsons not seeing, roveth he 〈◊〉 not at what. Tu as proclamés (saith he, speaking to Sixtus Quintus) un ban sur la vie, & convié tous ies parricides à sa mort. How then can these words uttered by a papist, inveighing against Sixtus Quintus, with any probability be denied?  
Fol. 104. he chargeth us with setting forward the Gospel, which he calleth New, with forcible attempts. But if he show not where we have taken arms for this purpose, these words will testify against him, that he setteth forth lies, and is a lying companion, whose mouth is full of slander. In France 〈◊〉 men have been forced to take arms for defence of their lives against the Pope's ministers, but they never sought the life or hurt of their King, as the rebellious leaguers did, who treacherously murdered their sovereign Lord and King.  
Fol. 105. 2. encount. c. 12. he denieth, that papists hold it sacrilege to dispute of the Pope's doings. And fol. 107. That albeit the Pope lead innumerable souls to hell, yet no man may say to him, Sir why do you so? The first lie is 〈◊〉 by Baldus in l. sacrilegij. Cod. de crimine sacrilegij. where in plain terms he affrmeth, that it is sacrilege to dispute of the Pope's power. The second is convinced by the words of the chapter, si Papa, dist. 40. where it is said, That although the Pope carry with him innumerable souls to hell, yet no man may reprove him for his faults. The words are plain: Huius culpas istic redarguere praesumit mortalium nemo. The same words also which Parsons denieth, are found in diverse Canonists, and that not understood in beneficiary causes only, as he would insinuate, but absolutely. Per omnia potest facere, & dicere 
Specul. de legate. 6. nunc ostendendum nu. 89.  quicquid placet (saith Durand) auferendo etiam ius suum cui vult, quia non est, qui ei dicat, cur it a facis? There also citing his author, he saith, Vicem non puri hominis. sed veri Deigerit in terris. Likewise dist. 3. de poenit. c. quamuis, where the text saith, Quis audeat dicere 〈◊〉 quare etc. parcis? The Gloss saith, Vel Deo, vel Papae. The like sayings are found in Baldus in 〈◊〉. fend. Col. 12, & in l. fin. Col. 1. 〈◊〉. extr. cod. sent. rescind. jason consil. 145. c. 2. v. 2. Aemil. Mar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. ad Apcstolatus de concess. praebend. ' extr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in verbo continetur.  
Fol. 106. he saith, That many of us and other our friends do make princes so absolute in temporal and spiritual affairs, as they may not be judged by any mortal man. And to this purpose he citeth Bellay. But first, Bellay is none of our friends. And next, he cannot show any of us that teacheth this doctrine. Let him name the parties, or else we will name him, and all will take him for a cogging companion. For neither do we make Kings above general Counsels, nor exempt them from all censures: although not to that effect, as the Romanists teach.  
Fol. 113. 2. encount. c. 14. he affirmeth boldly and blindly that the grievances of the german nation, was a complaint of princes called protestants, and that it was indicted by Luther, and 〈◊〉 against the Pope's pardons at a Council at Noremberg. But therein he lappeth up diverse foul lies. First, the matter of the Pope's pardons was but one matter of many, and therefore not the sole subject of their complaints, as Parsons pretendeth. Secondly, if they had not been Papists, they would never have fled to the Pope for reformation, nor given him such reverend terms as they do. Thirdly, it was never heard of till now, that Luther was the enditer of these grievances exhibited to the Pope's legate anno 1522. Finally, this meeting at Noremberg an. 1522. was no Council, but a diet, wherein the princes desired reformation rather of abuses, than the dissolution of the Pope's authority.  
He denieth also, that any pardon is sold for murder of children, 
Fol. 116. 2. 〈◊〉.  fornication, adultery, incest, and such abominations. But let him look once more upon the penitentiary tax printed at Paris, wherein the price of the pardon for every one of these offences is set down. If he find not these matters in the penitentiaries tax, let him look the fees for the Pope's bulls, for every of these points in the Pope's Chancery. He shall also find in my treatise against 〈◊〉, proof for the sale of pardons. Let him therefore either search more diligently, or lie less confidently, or hear himself taxed patiently.  
Fol. 117. 〈◊〉. encount. c. 15. he affirmeth, that james Clement conferred with no man living before he killed the French king Henry the third, and that he had no absolution before he committed the fact. Two lies most desperately avouched: whereof the second concerning his absolution, is 〈◊〉 by the confession of jaques Bourgoin his confessor executed for absolving him, and by the common practice of jebusites that 〈◊〉 such as go about such murders, as is proved in the fact of Walpoole that absolved Squire, that promised to empoison Queen Elizabeth; and of Holt that did the like to York and Williams, that undertook to murder her, and by diverse like facts of others. The second is refuted by the memorial of the league, by the author of the jebusits Catechism, and by john de Serres in his Inventory. In the memorial of the league, we find that the young friar was induced by the Jesuits 〈◊〉. Ne furent ils complices (saith the author of the jebusites 〈◊〉, page 203.) d'auec le jacobin del assassinat du feuroy? Were not they (saith he, speaking of the jebusites) complices to the Dominican friar that murdered the late King? He saith also, that the murder was suborned by the jebusites and leaguers, and that he was drawn to it by promises of paradise, and that he was assoiled for it, and almost sainted beforehand. john de Serres in his Inventory saith, That james Clement communicated his resolution with Doctor Bourgoin prior of his convent, to Comolet and other jebusites, and the heads of the league, to the principal of the sixteen, and forty of Paris, and that all encouraged him to this happy adventure, promising him rewards in earth, and in paradise, if he should be martyred in the execution of his purpose, a place above the Apostles. Ainsi resolu (saith john de Serres) il communique son affaire au docteur Bourgoin prieur de son cowent, au pere Comolet, & autres jesuits', 〈◊〉 chefs àe la ligue, aux principaux de seize & de quarante de Paris. Tous l'encouragent à cest 〈◊〉 dessein. On luy promet abbeys, eveschez, & s'il avient, qu'il soit martyrisè, rien moyns qu'vne place en paradis au dessus des Apostres. May we not then rightly conclude, that Parsons is a notorious and most impudent liar, and that the jebusites are King-killers and notorious traitors? No question. And I doubt not but they shall be so reckoned of all posterity, notwithstanding the barking of such dogs against such reports.  
I do therefore marvel, as Athanasius saith of the Arrians, That without abomination and horror of lying, they could utter such lies, seeing the devil is father of lies, and liars are strangers to him that calleth himself truth. Miror 〈◊〉 sine ulla abominatione & horrore 〈◊〉 it a falsa, etc. 〈◊〉 dicere, cum mendacia patrem diabolum habeant, ijque qui mentiuntur, alieni sint ab 〈◊〉 qui 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 sum veritas. And well may I conclude, That if all lies aught to be far removed from religion, and those positions which for religion are taught and learned, (as Saint Augustine saith) lib. de Mendacio ad Consentium. cap. 10. That then it is not religion, that Parsons doth maintain with so many lies, nor can his lies stand with the grounds of religion. Finally, I say to the deceived Papists, as Constantine 
Eusebius vita Constant. lib. 3 cap. 62.  said to heretics of his time: Cognoscite 〈◊〉 mendacijs vestrae doctrinae inanitas teneatur. Behold by what lies the vanity of your doctrine is maintained. And if they believe not me, let them hearken to Parsons himself, that in his answer to my Epistle affirmeth, That he that lieth is not to be trusted in any thing he saith, or writeth.   

CHAP. X. An answer to Parsons his immodest railing and behaviour throughout his whole Warne-word.  
Heard it will be for me to recount all the scurrilous and railing terms which Robert Parsons of his choleric liberality bestoweth upon Sir Francis Hastings and myself. It appeareth, he is of the race of those wicked men, of which the Prophet, Psal. 14. speaketh, Quorum os maledictione & amaritudine plenum est, Whose mouth is full of cursing and bitterness. And well may I apply to him, that which Hierome said to Ruffin: Tanta confingis, quanta non diceret de latrone 
Apolog. adverse. Ruffinnm.  homicida, de scorto meretrix, scurra de Mimo. You device so many villainies, as a cutthroat would not utter against a robber, or a common whore against a harlot, or a scurrilous Scoganlike mate, against a Advise. Which I do the less wonder at, because I understand, he is descended of a scolding whore, and was begotten by a 〈◊〉 Monk, and hath been of late among cutthroats and robbers, that came against his country. But if I do not touch all, yet will I give you a taste of some, that by a few you may understand the fellows disgustful humour in many. In the front of his book, for fear of losing time, he draweth out his Copiam verborum scurrilium, and without further advisement calleth me Insolent and vaunting Minister. Term's well fitting a bastardly scurrilous and scurvy friar, and evil applied to a minister of God's word, whose state is as honourable, as the vocation of a jebusite is odious, antichristian and damnable. As for the terms of insolency and vaunting, they rather belong to him, that insolently hath taken upon him to convey the crown of England unto the Infanta, in his book of Titles, which like a falsary he hath put upon an 〈◊〉 masse-priest called Dolman, and hath also vaunted to the Pope, that he will subdue England to the Pope's erroneous religion.  
Again, fol. 1. he termeth my Epistle vain and arrogant. And yet never did I vainly and arrogantly desire a Cardinal's hat, as Parsons hath done, nor doth my Epistle contain a supplication for some preferment, as did certain letters procured by Parsons. What a vain man than is Parsons thus 〈◊〉 to talk of vanity and arrogancy.  
In his Epistle to the reader, he saith, Sir Francis is known to be one of the Puritan crew: and, as if he were a blind harper, he is still harping upon this string of Puritanisme. But I must tell him that, which he will be much grieved to hear: that the contention about ceremonies and government of the church raised by some more zealous than wise, and set forward by the enemies of the Church, is by the King's great wisdom now ended. As for the term Puritan, it will far better agree with the pharisaical Papists, then with any of our communion. For they hold that all men, if they will, are able to perform the whole law, and that the precepts of God are easy. Of which it followeth necessarily, that a man may be without sin. For he that transgresseth not the law, is without sin. But to hold that, is Pelagianisme and true Puritanisme. Verum ne 
Lib 1. advers. Pelag.  est, saith Hierome in the person of one Atticus, to one that defended Pelagianisme, quod à te scriptum audio, posse hominem sine peccato esse, sivelit, & facilia esse Deipraecepta? Is it true, that I hear you have written, that a man may be without sin, if he will, and that God's commandments are easy? And in the beginning of his third book against Pelagius, he showeth, that it is Pelagianisme to 〈◊〉, That after baptism, Christians have no sin, and if they are without sin, that they are just, and when they are once just, if they work carefully, that they may persevere in justice, and eschew all sin. In my last challenge also, I have showed by diverse other authorities and arguments, that the Papists are flat Pelagians, & true Puritans. Hoping that Robert Parsons will hereafter the rather forbear to talk of puritans, himself being an impure puritan, and jebusites being nothing else, but right puritan Papists.  
In the same place he saith, My volume is more intemperate and malignant, then that of Sir Francis: railing fastest, as his fashion is, upon him, that is next his hand. But what if my book be more temperate, than his Wardword? Will he yet still call it Intemperate, calling his Wardword temperate? This therefore by indifferent men is to be judged, and not by such an intemperate malignant mate. Again, seeing I dispute against the malignant rabble of Antichrist, & against Parsons and such like malicious rakehell's that seek to bring their country into bondage under the Pope and Spaniard, he hath no reason to talk of malignity, being himself especially a malignant traitor.  
In the answer to my Epistle, he calleth me contentious minister, and afterward, formal noddy. But if it be lawful for him to strive against his country, and against religion, he must give me leave to contend for my country against traitors, and for truth against falsehood. We ought all to contend to please God as the Apostle did, 2. Cor. 5. and 〈◊〉 to please Antichrist. Furthermore, seeing the Apostle Paul disdaineth not to be called a Minister of Christ jesus: this 
Rom. 15. &. 1. Cor 3 & 4.  squib friar, that is of the number of 〈◊〉 spoken of Apocal. 9 would not scorn the title, but that he would declare himself to be a slave of Antichrist. As for the title of formal Noddy, I doubt not but to remove it from myself to him. His material and gross foolery is so palpable, that if Cardinals had been chosen of formal Noddies, he could not have miss the Cardinal's hat with an appendix of a coxcomb and a bell.  
In the same place, possessed with a pang of railing he calleth me Terentian Thraso, and Philistian Goliath. And because these words did not answer his swelling conceit, he addeth Behemoth, and Leviathan, and saith, I challenge like a giant. But all his bombasted words will not make me swell so big, as Loadlike Parsons with his 〈◊〉, who albeit, he hath sometimes played Thraso & called himself Captain Cowbucke, yet is indeed nothing, but a cowbaby, and the whore of Babylon's Ballio.  
Afterward, he saith, That under a vizard, I play the Advise: as if 〈◊〉 in England played with vizards. But in Italy every Mountbanke and Zanni playeth with a vizard. This therefore may better fit Parsons, who since he came into Italy, hath never ceased to play the 〈◊〉, now taking the vizard of Owlet, now of Philopater, and lastly, of N. D. alias a noble 〈◊〉, deserving to be called Noddy and Zanni. He wanteth nothing but his boxes of drugs and serpents, to be a perfect mountebank, standing now in the state of perfection of dizardry.  
Speaking of my stile, he calleth it, a vain stile of scolding and scurrility: belike, to prevent me, that I should not object scolding and scurrility to him, that hath the same both by the fatherside and motherside, and employeth it most vainly for the defence of the whore of Babylon his second whore mother.  
In his observations upon Sir Francis his Epistle fol. 6. he toucheth him with terms of bloody sycophancy. But he doth himself and others wrong, to give his own ornaments to those that little deserve them. For who so will look into the livels set out by this bastardly barking cur, he cannot choose but give him the garland of sycophancy before all his fellows. And certes no man knoweth his plots for invasion, for conveying the crown of England to strangers, and other stratagems, but he will rather take him to be the son of a bloody butcher, then of a blacke-smith.  
He raileth also against M. Crane, M. Sipthorpe, and M. Wilkenson, calling them doctors and Rabbins of the puritanical presbytery: and biting like a mad dog, or at least barking against all honest men, that come in his walk. But compare them with his rakehell Jebusites, and Romish priests, nay with the consistorial Cardinals, and we shall see, that he that alloweth the consort and combination of Cardinals, hath no 〈◊〉 to speak against those virtuous and learned men. Neither are the names and conditions of Romish priests such, as that this evil favoured companion may despise the names of these men in respect of the other, that deserve no favour either for their titles or qualities.  
Fol. 11. b. in his observations upon my preface, he saith, It is spiced with poison and venom. But all honest men are to like it the better, being misliked of Parsons and his viperous consorts, who as they poison men's souls with false doctrine, so do they by poison and practise seek to murder all, that are opposite to their wicked purposes, spicing 
Objected by the secular priests.  the cup, so as Cardinal Allen, the bishop of Cassana, Sixtus Quintus, Throkmorton, & diverse others never throve after they had tasted it. Parson's also hath so spiced his books with calumniations, that he may well be master of the devil's spicery.  
Fol. 12. Doth not our Minister, saith he, show himself more than Bizarro, that is, as he expoundeth it, light and fantastical headed. And yet the heavy and beetleheaded block showeth no sufficient reason of his speech. Will it then please him to take this word, and to bestow it upon the head of the Romish Church, who claiming to be Peter's successor, and being most unlike to Peter, seemeth to be, if not Beatissimo, yet Bizarrissimo padre, and to want both wit and brain. The 13. leaf is all farse with reproaches, but hath no more taste than his Italian porridge made of coleworts. Let him therefore take them himself, and bestow them at his pleasure, being a hungry mastif cur, a cunning companion, and a cosiner of such as trust him; a notorious firebrand, that hath long sought to set his own country in combustion; a sycophant, ready to detract basely from honest men, by words and libels, and a shop, or rather to speak of his putative father's occupation, a forge of treachery and knavery. For this he voluntarily giveth to us, but we give it him upon credit and warrant of his own consorts. And to requite him for his courtesy, let him take from us the choice of the best titles that are to be found in the hangman's budget.  
Fol. 14. He shall have a K (saith he) for the first letter of his title: which is a favour more than I desire. Notwithstanding, because he is so liberal, I would be loath to be unthankful: let him therefore take both that K. and the rest of the word, and an addition of p. p. in honour of the Pope, and so all will make a piled po. k.  
Fol. 17. Let us (saith he) learn the subtle shifting of this shuffling Minister. And yet himself presently falsfieth the law Cunctos populos. Cod. de sum. Trin. & fid. Cath. leaving out that form of faith which the Emperors commend in their law. It appeareth therefore, that Parsons and his consorts be a pack of cards, that neither shuffled nor unshuffled are worth any thing, but to make sulferous matches to light candles to the devil.  
Fol. 2. he talketh of my companions, and callcth them A rude rabble of pyratical companions: railing at men of honour and service, that have both by sea and land served their country against all foreign enemies, set on by a pack of renegade traitors, and which shall always be able to withstand the practices of all bougerly Popes, and Cardinals, and all their adherents.  
Fol. 26. he termeth me peddling merchant: but without all reason. For I have with all my force withstood the Mass priests, who like pedlars come from the Pope with a pack of hallowed grains, beads, Agnus this, pictures and such trash, being sorry they cannot sell their Masses, and make traffic of men's souls, as they were wont. But percase he despiseth all petty pedlars, himself like a montbanke offering to sell the crown of England.  
Fol. 39 But ho sir swashbuckler, saith he, forgetting his swashing when he played captain Cowbucke, and when an. 1588. he was swashing and swaggering among the Spaniards, that he meant to bring to cut his own countrymen's throats.  
Fol. 41. he raileth like a lunatic friar, and fol. 58. and in other places calleth me Oedipus, himself playing Daws, and like a daw cackling at every one that cometh in his way.  
Fol. 97. b. where I say, that the Church of England professeth the doctrine of Christ jesus, according to the rule that was established by common consent; and that they that digress from this rule are not to be accounted of our society. Mark (saith Parsons) the giddy head of this gagling goose. But what aileth this frantic fellow thus to rail? For soothe because he imagineth that I join them of France, Germany and Suizzerland, which he in his drunken fits calleth Lutherans, zwinglians and Caluinists, with us in unity of faith, and as he believeth, cut them off presently again. But the congerheaded Noddey deceiveth himself, if he think I cut them off. For in matters of faith, I doubt not but to show that we all agree as touching the substance. And that is proned in the harmony of our confessions.  
Fol. 115. What atheism doth this martial Minister, and this devil's Dean bring in? saith Parsons. And why? Because I deny that the Churches of France or Germany differ from us in matters of substance. Yet shall this be justified always against this devil's agent. Neither doth it therefore follow, that we have no lawful ministry, as this swaggering friar newly dropped out of the hangman's budget supposeth, and as this wicked atheist and sworn slave to Satan inferreth.  
Fol. 116. Oh (saith he) that Luther were alive again to canvas this arrogant barking bastardly whelp of his. But if he wish him alive once, the Pope and the rest if he were alive, would wish him often dead, both alive and dead being a dreadful enemy to the tyranny of Antichrist, the false doctrine of friars, and a scourge to all those hungry curs that are now barking against him, and casting forth all manner of villainy against the truth. As for me, I speak of Luther's opinion, as some grossly understand it, and not as it may be understood, his words being favourably construed. Parson's therefore 〈◊〉 this cause had no reason to rail and scold in his mother's language. But if he would have railed, yet it sitteth not well for bastards, and barking hellhounds, and proud peacocks, to object either bastardy, or barking, or arrogancy to others.  
Fol. 116. he saith, a Minister and a minstrel, a preacher and a pirate, a Bishop and a bitesheepe, a Dean and a devil are all one. To answer him, I say they are as like as a Pope and a puppet, a friar and a frying pan, a company of Cardinals and a pack of coat cards, a Massepriest and a mustardpot. O noble Parsons, that only ministrel that maketh us this mirth. And as the Quodlibetist saith, not only a pirate and a biteshéepe, but a devil incarnate, begot by some Cardinal devil.  
Encounter 2. c. 6. he calleth me whirleheaded Minister, and saith my reasons are circular. But the error was in the whirling head of this quadrangular or rather four elbowed sot. For I do not remit men from Christ to the Scriptures, nor from scriptures to interpreters, nor back again as he supposeth, turning like a dizzard in a morris dance: but say that the doctrine of Christ concerning salvation is apparent in Scriptures, and there I would have all to rest. Albeit for understanding scriptures, we are to use all ordinary means of study, tongues, conference of places, interpreters, prayer, and the rest.  
Fol. 104. he chargeth me with malapert sauciness, and calleth me prating Minister, and that only because I am bold to reprove the Pope and his consorts for their murdering and empoisoning of Princes, for their 〈◊〉 and rebellion against Magistrates, and for troubling the Christian world for the maintenance of their pomp and superstition. But if they will not cease to do lewdly, they must not think much to hear their lewdness disciphred. The world crieth shame against their empoisonments, assassinous murders, rebellions, treacheries and villainies, and if we should not, the stones would proclaim their wickedness. Let this hackster therefore hold his prattling, and forbear his saucy censures, or else in my next he shall hear of more of their treacheries.  
Fol. 116. 2. enc. c. 14. he talketh idly of filthy and licentious life, of piracy, of buying & selling of benefices, of ruffians and ravenous companions, and I know not what, railing like a scolding quean, and running upon us like a mad dog with open mouth. Further, it appeareth he hath sold himself as a slave to Antichrist, for the defence of all his abominations. But seeing he was determined to give his tongue the reins to all scurrility; 〈◊〉 reason me thinks might teach him two things: 〈◊〉, not to rail without all show of reason and proof: and next, not to object to innocent men such crimes, as himself and his consorts are guilty of. If he will not learn of others, yet shall he find that I object neither treason, nor libelling, nor théevery, nor lechery, nor cozenage, nor villainy, nor knavery to him, but I prove the same either by his own treacherous writings, or by the acts of Bailiol college, or by the testimony of the secular priests his consorts, or other good evidence and presumption. I do also object his own proper faults. But he like a wild scolding whore, talketh he knoweth not what, objecting other men's faults to us, without proof or probability. Nay, when I have by testimonies convinced 〈◊〉 Romish prelate's of notorious 〈◊〉 & simony: yet doth the sot talk of the same against us, answering like an echo, or rather like a cuckoo.  
Fol. 119. 2. encon. c. 15. he runneth with open mouth upon M. Fox, a man most pious, virtuous, and honest, taxing him for malicious and wilful false dealing, and railing upon him with full mouth. But as Parsons wanteth much of his honesty and virtue, so he cometh far behind him in virtue. His quarrels are vain, & such as rather touch the workman that made the stamps, then him. But Parsons shall never wipe away his own faults with railing upon others. And thus we see how many railing words, and how ill-favouredly hanging together, & how 〈◊〉 against us he hath uttered. Verba maledicentia (as saith Epiphanius haeres. 71. of Photinus) neutiquam consistere valentia evomuit. These are the engines of heretics, that is of your masters (Dmiserable papists) that being convinced of perfidiousness, they turn themselves to railing. Istae machinae haereticorum, idest magistrorum tuorum sunt (saith Hierom to Ruffin apol. 2) ut convicti de perfidia ad maledicta se conferant. We say therefore to papists, as Hierome said to some in his time, epist. 78. Quid male dictorum pannos hinc inde consuitis, & eorum carpitis vitam, quorum fideire sistere 〈◊〉 valetis? Why do you of all sides frame whole webs of malicious and railing words, & carp at their lives, whose Christian doctrine you cannot resist? Do you think to prevail with words, when your works are so lewd, your doctrine so false & worthless. 〈◊〉 for us, we accounted ourselves happy, because men will revile us, and persecute us, & say all manner of evil against us for Christ his sake, most falsely. For Christ hath assured us of his blessing, albeit men do curse us. Apud Christianos non qui 〈◊〉, sed qui facit contumelian miser est, saith Hierom, epist. 77. ad Marcum. Among Christians he is wretched, not that suffreth reproach, but that speaketh reproachfully against others. ¹ Finally we say to Parsons, Quid gloriaris in malitia, qui potens es in iniquitate? Tota die 〈◊〉 iniustitiam lingua sua. Sicut novacula acuta fecisti dolum. Why dost thou boast in thy malice, that art able to do mischief? All the day long his tongue hath run upon mischief. As a sharp razor he hath dealt deceitfully.   

CHAP. XI. Parsons his vain clamours and idle objections rejected.  
THis chapter might very well have taken up most of Parsons his idle declamation. For as Hierome saith, 
Epist. 53.  Quicquid amens loquitur, vociferatio & clamour appellandus est. That is, Whatsoever a mad and brainsick buzzard talketh, it is to be termed bawling and crying. But we will only put here his notorious outcries and railing clamours.  
Where Sir Francis Hastings having promised to answer all the Wardworders cavillations, leaveth him to his hanging ward: Lo (saith Parsons) threats that go before arguments. And then he saith, that no sencers, nor swashbucklers, nor cutters of Queene-hive, or other kilcowes, could ever follow the fray upon Catholics more sharply than he and Topclisfe. But what needed all this cry upon so small occasion? Can he not abide to hear of the hanging ward, himself taking the name of a fencing warder? Again, why should he talk of threats, when Sir Francis doth rather prophesy what Parsons will come eo by his treasons, then threaten to follow him for them? Finally, why doth he run upon M. Topcliffe with a rabble of railing words, the man being not once mentioned in this place, and being more grave and honest than the chief inquisitor of Rome for all his scarlet robes? This belike is his round answering, distinguished (as he saith, fol. 6.) from railing. But if his round answering be no better, he shall declare himself to be a stale hackster with his alepot terms, and neither good disputer, nor witty jester, in disputing, intitling traitors Catholics and Martyrs, which is denied. And in testing like a hollow rocks echo, retorting his adversary's words, & vomiting out nothing else but 〈◊〉 slanders, and outworn terms of king Henry the eight his days.  
Fol. 8. he crieth out of two apparent abuses, calumniation, and flattery. And why? Forsooth because Parsons is accused to rejoice that her Majesty's years grow on so fast, and because Sir Francis doth pray for the prolongation of her days to the holding out still of the Pope's authority. As if it were flattery to pray for her. Majesty's long life, and not lawful so to do. Or else, as if all the world knew not that Parsons by publishing Sanders de schismate, and diverse libels hath sought her disgrace, and both by wars and treasons to the uttermost of his power procured her destruction. But (saith Parsons) it may be presumed that the Essexian assault would have abbreviated this still. Where I pray you note, that besides the slander of this noble Earl, he confesseth, that if that action had taken effect, the Pope's authority would not have been still holden out. By which it may appear, that by the treachery of some hollow hearted Papists, this noble Earl was brought to destruction.  
Fol. 9 〈◊〉 impudently he affirmeth, that nothing is answered to his discourse of Emoluments of toleration of popish religion, and of the hurts that have come of alteration of religion. As if popish religion being proved false, idolatrous and disastrous to all kingdoms, all his discourse did not fall to the ground. But this is the fashion of such combatants, to cry victory when they are beaten out of the field. Likewise he crieth out manifest untruths, because Sir Francis saith, he was first called into the field by Parsons. But as well may the thief say, that the peaceable traveller that giveth warning to all to beware of théeues, provoked the thief to set upon him. The 〈◊〉 were ready to come for England. Sir Francis giveth the alarm. Out cometh captain Cowbucke like a cutthroat, and setteth upon him in his Wardword. Is it not he than that beginneth this 〈◊〉? And doth not he in favour of public enemies make himself ready to cut our throats?  
Fol. 11. he saith, my Preface tendeth wholly to bloodshed. But this grievous accusation required some more proof than he bringeth. Notwithstanding let us hear what he allegeth. His first persuasion (saith he) is by extolling exceedingly her Majesty's extraordinary clemency. As if the praising of a Prince's clemency were a persuasion to cruelty. Or as if Parson's commending Pope Clement's clemency, persuaded him to rigour. Who ever heard such a witless speak? Another reason he imagineth me to have drawn from the meanings of papists. But like an unskilful archer, he neither hitteth my reason nor intention. He is therefore to learn, that my purpose was to arm her Majesty against Parsons and his consorts treasons: and rather to secure the State, then to use violence to any, but such as by all means oppugned the State, and sought by treachery to undermine the State.  
Where I show that heretics, idolaters & traitors are to 
Fol. 14.  be punished, & therefore factious papists: he saith, thus to reason at random, is much like to boys argumenting in sophistry. And yet he with all his logic shall never answer this argument, considering that I have proved Robert Parsons and his consorts to be heretics, idolaters, and traitors. Nay W. R. 
Ibidem.  in his clear Confutation confesseth so much, not answering any of my arguments. But (saith he) show me one example from the beginning of Christendom, that ever man or woman in any age was punished as an heretic, by the Christian 〈◊〉 wealth, for sticking to the religion of the Pope of Rome. As if I had not showed, that Angelikes, Carpocratians, Marcionists, 
In my Challenge.  〈◊〉, Prince-killing circumcellions, and Assassins, Pelagians, Collyridians, crosse-worshippers, and diverse others holding the same points which now the Pope professeth, have been condemned and punished for heretics.  
Fol. 15. he crieth out folly and impudence, in proving that idolaters and heretics are by laws to be repressed. But he dissembleth cunningly whatsoever is otherwise brought by me, to prove Papists to be idolaters and heretics. He passeth by also two Greek sentences, taken out of Euripides and Aeschines: for to him Greek is of hard digestion. Finally, whatsoever is said of the Papists for railing against the Queen in the book De schismate Anglicano, set out under Sanders his name, and in other libels, Parsons doth wholly omit, and yet he maketh a show as if he would answer all, writhing his face like an old ape swallowing pills.  
In the same place he noteth, as he saith, a contradiction betwixt Sir Francis and me. But the contradiction was in his understanding, and not between us. For neither would I, nor he have simple Papists punished with death: which is the opinion of S. Augustine concerning simple heretics. Nor doth Sir Francis deny, but that factious, dogmatizing, and obstinate heretics ought to be put to death: which both S. Augustine and I myself affirm.  
Fol. 16. b. he giveth out, that the words of Paul (Rom. 16. where he would have such marked diligently as caused division and offences, contrary to the doctrine which the Romans had received) make directly against us, and not against the Papists. But then he must show, that we have forsaken the doctrine preached to the Romans, and they not. He must, I say, show that S. Paul taught, that 〈◊〉 the eight is the spouse and rock of the Church, that there are seven sacraments, that Christ's body is corporally under the accidents of bread and wine, and in as many places as is the sacrament, that the accidents of bread and wine subsist without their substance, that a Christian may live without sin, that latria is due to the cross, that we are to pray to saints after the fashion of the Romish church, and such like points of popish doctrine. Or else he shall make a direct lie, where he saith these words make directly against us.  
Having rehearsed the law Cunctos populos. Cod de sum. 
Fol. 17.  Trin. & fid. Cath. he crieth out, and willeth us to tell him, whether the same touch not us. But if we 〈◊〉 him true, it will make little for his comfort. For we neither refuse to communicate with the Church of Rome, nor the Church of Alexandria, that was in Damasus his time. Nor do we digress from the faith mentioned in that law, which Parsons like a falsary cut out, seeing it made not for his purpose. But seeing true Christians do not communicate with the Church and Bishop of Alexandria that now is, why should Christians communicate with the Pope and his sect, seeing they have embraced a number of novelties and heresies, and 〈◊〉 them in the Conventicle of Trent, which were unknown to Damasus, and to the Church of Rome long after his time?  
Fol. 20. he complaineth of injuries offered by the Watchword, as a famous libel, as well to great foreign princes and nations, as to honourable, worshipful, and honest subjects: whereas whosoever readeth the book, shall find that Sir Francis speaketh only against foreign enemies, and notorious traitors. If then Parsons put his consorts among them, it is marvel they spit not in the rascals face and defy him. Again, if Sir Francis be reprehended for writing against foreign enemies, and domestical traitors: what doth Parsons deserve, that hath set out Sanders de schismate, Allens wicked Exhortation to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland, and diverse other libels to the disgrace of his liege sovereign and nation, and hath taken upon him the defence of public enemies and traitors?  
Fol. 24. he would make us believe, that the Knight flieth the true combat, & that he runneth behind the cloth of Estate. But in the first he showeth himself a false accuser; in the second, a vain bangler. For the controversy arising about Sir Francis his discourse, what was required at his hands, but the defence thereof, and the answer to 〈◊〉 his vain cavillations? Again, seeing his purpose was to rehearse the principal blessings that God hath bestowed upon this land through her Majesty's government, how could he satisfy men's expectations, unless he touched matters of state, as well as religion? If then Robert Parsons sever the inconveniences ensuing from the change of religion, from the rare good parts both in nature and government 〈◊〉 Majesty as himself confesseth fol. 25. then doth he like a cowardly fellow run out of the lists, and fly the combat, and not we. For we have proved, and always offer to prove, that both Robert Parsons & his treacherous consorts have most shamefully railed against her Majesty's person and government, as may appear most evidently in diverse slanderous libels published by them, and namely by Cardinal Allens letters to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland, made, printed and published by the help of Parsons, by Andrea's Philopater, and Didimus Veridicus his libels forged by the black smith of hell Parsons and Creswel by Sanders his book De schismaete, translated into Spanish by the procurement of Parsons and diverse others. If then Parsons renounce these libels, and now fall to praise her Majesty's person and government: then he confesseth his own most traitorous behaviour, and yieldeth the bucklers to his adversaries.  
Fol. 32. he triumpheth as if Sir Francis had yielded in the matter of controversy concerning the blessings of this land, where he confesseth, that the life of religion, Queen, & country is at the stake. He saith also, that the example of josias includeth an evil abodement towards her Majesty's person. But unless his arguments were better, he showeth himself a vain man to mount so high upon so small advantage, and to enter into his triumphant chariot. For albeit Parsons, and other such assassins and empoisoners, have our country and religion upon one stake, and have diversely attempted to destroy her Majesty, and to betray their country to the Pope and Spaniard: yet are they still loser's. For God doth still protect this country from all violence and treason, as a harbour of his Church, and doth not cease still to continue his favour towards this land. Again, albeit anno 1588. the Spaniards came against England, thinking to murder our 〈◊〉, as the Egyptians did josias: yet hath she ended her days in happiness, and left her subjects in peace. Let the Spaniards therefore beware, that they come not to fight against us any more under the Pope's banner, thinking to speed, as did the Egyptians against josias under Pharo Nechao, lest they be turned home like wand'ring Gypseyes, and sent back to the Pope to complain of their false prophet Parsons, who hath often told them that they shall undoubtedly conquer England.  
Where I say, he doth not once go about to prove flattery against sir Francis, he cryeth out and saith, Read the first 
Fol. 34.  page of the Wardword. He saith also, That it was the but of his discourse. But this showeth that he was a bungling archer, that shooting wide missed the but. For who so list to read the place by him noted, shall indeed find that he applied nothing to sir Francis, but passed by in a general cloud of words concerning flattery. He crieth out also of impudence, but unless he bring arguments to prove that hurt hath ensued by alteration of popish religion, to others, then to the merchants of Babylon, who howl like dogs seeing their gain lost, he shall get more by crying green sauce, then by crying out of impudence, himself being a pattern of impudence and foolery, and a vain crier of the Pope's commodities.  
Fol. 35. he findeth fault, that I allege no one word out of Harpsefeld, Sanders, Rishton, ' Ribadineira, and Bozius. But he would therefore have yielded me thanks, if he had not been a thankless wretch. For the more that is rehearsed out of these lying libelers, the more hatred would have redounded to the Papists. He showeth himself also a vain caviller, to ask a testimony of slanderous dealing against the Queen, when the subject of their accusation is slander, and when Parsons himself was an actor in the publication of diverse of those libels.  
Where I say, the Pope's adherents in England never ceased until they had brought her Majesty's most innocent mother to her end, which the King much repent afterward, and show the rage of that bougerly Pope Paul the 3. 
Guicciardini histor.  and the bastard Clement the 7. against the Queen's mother and her marriage: he crieth out of temerity and indiscretion, and saith, I bring in odious matters, accusing both king Henry the eight, and all the State. But the temereity was in those wicked Popes, that dissolved lawful marriage, and prosecuted men that belonged not to their charge, and not in him that reproveth their usurpation and lawless tyranny. Again, I accuse none, but excuse Queen Anne, that was condemned upon false informations & witnesses. But (saith he) whether matters passed so long agone with public authority may be called now in 〈◊〉, etc. by such a petty companion as this is, let all the world judge. As if Parsons himself like a petty saucy scurvy companion, did not call in question the act of parliament an. 28. Henr. 8. c. 7. as much as concerneth the marriage of the Lady Katherine prince Arthur's wife, and her issue, which he contrary to that statute deemeth lawful. I may say therefore to him, that his own mouth and tongue condemneth him. As for myself, I do only clear the innocent, and lay the fault on Winchester, and other wicked priests of the synagogue of Satan, who for hatred to the religion which she professed, laid this plot for the destruction of that innocent Queen: which is also partly insinuated in the act of the 28. of Henry the 8. where they are pardoned, that solicited and urged the dissolution of Queen Anne's marriage.  
Fol. 37. b. he exclaimeth against cousenages & knaveries: and all because in the margin he found Augustin Steuch. Contr. donat. Constant. alleged, whereas by the fault of the Compofitour these words in Vallam de: slipped out. Which advantages, if he take; then must he also answer, why fol. 130. b. for Augustin Steuchus Eugubinus, he allegeth S. Augustine Stechus Eugobinus. Again, this cogging knave must show, why he allegeth a cogging Epistle set out under the name of Nicholas, and that sottish donation, that is published under the name of Constantine, being 〈◊〉 a counterfeit and forged thing, as I have proved by diverse arguments in my answer to the cavillations of a base masse-priest, called E. O. He will also needs have these words, Audis summum pontificem à Constantino Deum appellatum habitum pro Deo, to be spoken by Constantine, and not by Augustine Steuchus in his book Contr. Vallam de donat. Constant. But the words following hoc viz. factum est, which no doubt are Steuchus his words, proving Constantine's donation, and not the words of Constantine or Nicholas, do plainly testify against him. If then these be his words, and be annexed to the former without division, than both must be his.  
Fol. 65. he cryeth out, Mark the fraudulent manner of these men alleging fathers. And yet Hielome in Prol. 2. in comment. in Galat. and Augustine in Psal. 99 do well prove, that the people praying, did in time past and aught to understand the language of their public prayers: which is the thing against which he cryeth. Where I argue thus, that the Pope and his agents have been the stirrers of all the wars and troubles, that of late have happened in Europe for the most part, and therefore not we, that have always desired peace: he cryeth out fol. 88 That the devil hath taught me to make this malicious consequence. But the devil, as I suppose, oweth him a shame to deny it, and he showeth himself a dolt to give me occasion so often to touch his own and his consorts devilish practices. The consequent is most true, and necessary. For that which is done by these bloodthirsty wolves, is not to be imputed to us, whose only labour is to resist their malice. Nay it appeareth that Pius Quintus was cause of the wars of France, and the low countries, and that he stirred sedition both in England and Ireland. The diabolical jebusites also were the instruments to stir the rebellious leaguers in France, and have always done their best to trouble Suethland, England, and Ireland. The angels of Satan possessing the heads of jebusites and masspriests, wrought the massacres of France, and troubles of Flanders. Anno 1588. the Spaniard and Pope sent a fleet against England, and not we against Spain. Finally, all stories almost testify and declare, that the consistory of the Pope, and his agents heads are the forges to frame mischief and trouble.  
Fol. 90. and 91. he cryeth out oflyes and impudencies. But for my part, I say, shame take him that lieth. For first it is notorious, that in the Romish Church, although the adversary would deny it, there is, and hath been great variety in their liturges, as the missals and formularies of Toledo, Sevil, Sarum, Paris, Rome, York and Milan do show. Neither hath Parson's any thing to answer, but that in the substance of the sacrifice they agree. As if that were all, or the most part of the Romish service: or as if I had not showed that this is most false, in my books De Missa. Secondly, it is true that the Conventicle of Trent hath abolished diverse old missals and formularies, as the bull prefixed before them show. Thirdly, it is true that justine and Dionyse describe the form that Christians used in their Liturgies, as justines' second Apology, and Dionyse his books of 〈◊〉 hierarchy testify. Fourthly, the instruction of the Armenians was no act of the Conventicle of Florence, but of some odd Mass-priest that used that conventicles name. It is no lie therefore, notwithstanding this instruction that the Conventicle of Florence did not by any canon establish seven sacraments. Fifthly, the Conventicle of Lateran under Innocentius the third, doth mention penance, but giveth the name of sacrament, as I said most truly, to Baptism and the Eucharist. Finally it is most true, that the popish sacrifice of the Mass was not known of the ancient fathers: and I have proved it in my third book De Missa against Bellarmine. Which if Robert Parsons confute, I shall be content that the Pope bestow on him a Cardinal's hat. But if he be not able to answer, and yet will needs cry out famous falsehood, I will bestow on him a pointed cap with a bell, and a capon's feather, to let all the world know, that at that house dwelleth a sot. Ignatius, Irenaeus, & other fathers that he doth mention, speak not of the body and bleud really offered in the Mass, but of an oblation made in commemoration of that sacrifice. Our writers, albeit they mislike the fathers in some things, yet no where do they yield, that they speak of the popish sacrifice of the Mass, offered after the damnable fashion of the synagogue of Satan.  
Fol. 107. he calleth for two real differences between papists in the points of faith. And therefore I count myself bound to show him not two only, but many more. It may please him therefore to read what I have said before, and to answer to every point particularly: and then I hope he will cease his harsh and currish bawling. He must also show, that his consorts differ not in matters of moment, or in any thing, if he will defend their union.  
Fol. 111. he crieth out, and in his dog's voice saith, If this woodcock, or any of his crew can show any one novelty, as an article of faith in our religion, etc. And again, If O. E. or his mates can show any one heresy, taken for an heresy by the general Church. What then? forsooth he saith, He will 〈◊〉 in the rest. Which I would pray him to remember. For if I do not make him in this point a foot length of nose like a Curliew, let the Pope, if it be his pleasure, make him king of the Canaries. Nay I have already showed diverse both novelties and heresies to be contained in Popish religion, and no Popish woodcock yet hath thrust out his beak to answer, showing themselves by their wits to be woodcocks, and by their silence Codfish. Only one woodcock of Rome under the mask of W. R. aliás Walphoole, or wicked Richard flusheth forth with his long bill. But his answer is such as confirmeth my challenge very much: the man being not able to answer any one argument. Parson's also toucheth the heresy of the Collyridians, which among many other, I objected to him, and answereth, that Papists differ from Collyridians manifestly. But it is not enough to show a difference, unless he also show, that his consorts hold no one point condemned as heresy in the Collyridians. But that the congerhead cannot do. For like to the Collyridians they pray to the Virgin Mary, and offer in her honour. This answer therefore showeth him to be of the lineage of woodcocks. But of these matters we shall talk else where.  
In his 2. enconter c. 2. he cryeth out, o cogging, o cousinage: and all because Sir Francis reporteth, that the blood of a Duck was worshipped, as the blood of Hales, and that D. Bassinet confessed his ignorance, and that the archbishop of Aix called the Pope God on earth, and spoke foolishly. But what if all this were true? May not we then with more reason say, O coggers, O cosiners, O Scogans, O codsheads! But that appeareth plainly. For the imposture about the ducks blood was openly detected, and the rest is reported in the acts of Bassinets examination. Neither is it unlikely, that unlearned prelate's should speak unlearnedly, or that schooledoctors should be ignorant in scriptures, seeing all their divinity is grounded upon Thomas his fardel of questions and answers. But, saith Parsons, how 〈◊〉 a ducks blood be discerned from others blood after so many years? As if it were not detected also by the confession of the false priests, that from time to time they renewed that blood, as they do other false relics in many places. Here therefore Parsons showeth himself to have a shallow capacity: and the Papists are declared to be miserably seduced by cogging and cozening priests, and carried away most simply and idiotlike to the worship of idols and false relics.  
Fol. 43. b. of his second encounter he cryeth out, Who shall be judge? Meaning to convey the highest authority in judgement, concerning matters of controversy about the interpretation of scriptures, to the Pope. But that is a shameless and most absurd course, to place a béetleheaded, ignorant and impious Pope above all learned holy fathers, and Counsels. Beside that, the Pope's sentence is always uncertain. For what can one Pope do, that his successor cannot 〈◊〉? Tertullian he showeth, that scriptures are to 
Lib. de resurrectione carnis.  be interpreted by scriptures. Si quid pars diversa turbat, &c, That is, If the contrary part do trouble us in any thing by pretence of figures or enigmatical speeches, those places that are more manifest aught to prevail, & the certain to prescribe against uncertain.  
Encontr. 2. c. 8. where he should answer my objection out of Hosius, he cryeth out of deceitful, fraudulent, and shameful shifts, and notorious cousinages. But the matter being examined, I doubt not, but to lay the shame upon his doltish ignorance. In my reply I allege two places out of Hosius his confession, the first, where he saith, That ignorance is not only worthy pardon, but reward also: the second where he saith, That to know nothing is to know all things. These places I say, as he useth the matter, are Hosius his own, and not Hilaries, or tertullian's. For Hilary lib. 8. de Trinit. where he produceth the like words, speaketh of the ignorance of the meaning of these words, Ego & pater unum sumus. And Tertull. lib. de prescript. advers. haeret. where he saith, That to know nothing, is to know all things; speaketh of curious knowledge beyond the rule of faith. But Hosius imagineth, that these words do prove, That it is sufficient to believe, as the Catholic church did; which neither of them ever thought. To this purpose also, lib. 3. de author. sacr. scripturae: Hosius abuseth a place out of S. Augustine contr. epist. fundam. c. 4. thinking, because he saith, That simplicity in believing, and not quickness of understanding doth secure us, that who so believeth the Catholic Church, is safe, albeit he understand nothing else. But this is no part of S. Augustine's meaning, but Hosius his own lewd collection, and Parsons his idiotism and patchery, that could not discern it.  
Fol. 60. 2. encontr. he saith, The Lnight talketh as fond, as if he had talked of the breeding of young geese. And why? Forsooth because he saith, The Papists breed up their children in blindness and ignorance. And is not this manifest, when they debar them from reading or hearing scriptures read publicly in vulgar tongues, and forbid them to argue of Christian religion? Inhibemus (saith Alexander the 4. c. Quicunque. de haeret. in 6. ne cuiquam laicae personae liceat publicè, vel privatim de fide Catholica disputare. Qui vero contrà fecerit, excommunicationis laqueo innodetur. Navarrus in Enchirid. in 1. praecep. c. 11. saith, It is mortal sin for a lay man knowing this law, to dispute of religion. And Charles the fifth as Neteranus reporteth, expressly forbade it. 
Hist. Belg.   
Fol. 62. he complaineth of abusing a place of Chrysostome homil. 13. in 2. Corinth. and saith, We use legerdemain in every thing. But if both his translation, and that alleged by Sir Francis, be compared with Chrysoftomes words in Greek, which begin thus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. the same will easily discharge us of legerdemain, and charge Parsons with doltish ignorance, and idle and vain cavilling, because the words were not to his humour, nor translation.  
Fol. 118. 2. encontr. ch. 15. where we say that king john was poisoned by a Monk of Swinestead Abbey, and that the Monk was before hand absolved of his Abbot: he cryeth out, that this example is more gross and absurd than the former, viz. of king Henry the 3. of France. But in the former example we have showed, that there is no other grossness, or absurdity, but that such a wicked sea as the jebusites, should be permitted to live on the face of the earth, under the protection of Christian kings, seeing they seek to murder all of them, that are excommunicate by the Pope. The history which we report of king john is neither absurd, considering the hatred of the swinish rabble of polshorne priests, nor untrue. Caxtons' Chronicle saith, he died of poison given him by a Monk. Polychronicon lib. 7. c. 33. and Polydore virgil deny not, but that this was a common speech. 〈◊〉 that mention not poison, say that he died of a surfeit. Now who knoweth not, that surfeits and poison have often the same symptoms and effects? The absolution given him is proved by the common practice in those cases. As for the allegations made to the contrary, they are like Robert Parsons, that is, absurd and ridiculous. Polydore (saith Parsons) affirmeth, that he died of heaviness of heart. Radulphus Niger, that he died of surfeiting. Roger Hoveden, that he died of a bloody flux. But all this doth rather increase the suspicion of poison, than otherwise. john Stow is a poor author, and savouring as much of Popery, as of his pressing 〈◊〉 and Taylery. What then if he should endeavour to clear an old suspicion, that maketh against Papists? Much less than should Parsons stand up on his testimony, if he name neither Monk nor poison. Monks and Papists ordinarily suppress all things, that tend to the disgrace of their kingdom: and more credit is to be given to one or two witnesses affirming a truth against their will, then to twenty lying Monks or Friars, or pelting Popish writers, that write for affection, rather than for truth.  
Wherefore, albeit he cry loud, as the 〈◊〉 did against 
john. 19  Christ jesus, and stand much upon his stout arguments and objections, as Sophisters use to do; yet nothing is more vain, than his clamours and outeryes, nor more feeble than his objections. Nazianzen epist. 31. showeth us, That often times it falleth out, that those that are wronged, are also accused. jideminiura afficiuntur, & accusantur, saith he. And experience showeth us, that then Robert Parsons cryeth loudest, when his cause is weakest. As for his disputes and obicctions they are more easily overthrown, then brought into form. Multò 〈◊〉 est nosse, quam vincere, saith Hierome of jovinians discourses. The same we may see of Parsons his patcheries. For more hard it was to bring them to a form, then to refute them.   

CHAP. XII. Parsons his poor shifts, and fond and 〈◊〉 answers examined  
SOmetimes, silence maketh fools seem wise. So saith 
Proverb. 17.  the wise man. Stultus si tacuerit, sapiens reputabitur. But Friar Parsons could neither speak wisely, nor yet modestly keep silence. cum loquinesciat, tacere non potest. In my Epistle to his Noddiship I object: First, that he published certain chartels against his friends in Oxford. Next, that he was the author of an infamous 〈◊〉 against the Earl of Leicester. Thirdly, that he made a libel entitled, A Confutation of pretended fears. Fourthly, that he holp Cardinal Allen to make that railing discourse, which he directed to the Nobility and people of England and Ireland. Lastly, I say, he made four other books of like quality. Now observe, I pray you, what the wizard answereth to all this. For the first 
Fol. 2. b.  four, saith he, I never heard any man of notice and judgement 
Warneword  ascribe them to him before, and if I be not deceived, other particular authors are known to have written them. He dare not deny them, being known to be his, lest his own friends should cry shame upon him; nor dare he confess them, because such infamous writings have no grace among honest men. What doth he then? Forsooth he answereth that which every man may take as he list. Afterward he maketh a face, as though he would deny the other four books to be his. But in the end passeth by them in silence.  
Where I do signify, that the letters N. D. do stand for Ro. Parsons, and that he was the author of the Wardword: he answereth nothing, but in sad silence passeth by, only reporting my objections, and saying nothing unto them. But where I am mistaken, he useth not to conceal my error. Answering then no better, was he not a béetlehead block, think you, to request his reader not to believe me in any thing? For why should not others believe me, as well as himself, that dare not contradict that which I say? Such answerers with us are hissed out of schools.  
Where I say, that Thomas Harding obtained a bull from the Pope anno 1569. to exercise Episcopal jurisdiction in England, to dispense with irregularities, and to receive all 
Fol. 12. b.  that would be reconciled to the Pope: he answereth, That it was never heard of before, that D. Harding after his departure out of England to Lovayne, in the beginning of her Majesty's reign, came home to live in England again, or to exercise Episcopal jurisdiction therein. As if he might not obtain a bull from the Pope, without coming into England, and putting the same in execution. Or as if he might not come into England, unless his coming were every where noised abroad. Or as if he might not come hither, unless he came. to live here again. He answereth further, That there were bishops here in England, and that every ordinary priest hath power to reconcile men to the Pope, and to dispense with irregularities. But he knoweth the bishops in England were deposed, and committed to prison, so that the Hope might well send some others over with Episcopal jurisdiction, notwithstanding any thing they could do. Furthermore if he were not ignorant of the cannon law, he might know, that neither priests, nor bishops can without special faculty dispense with irregularities, and reconcile such as the Pope condemneth for heretics, as the canonists teach him. 11. 〈◊〉, 3. si quis damnatus. & extr. de sent. exccum illorum. And speculator 〈◊〉. 1. §. de legato. and diverse other places, where they write of cases reserved. But what a ridiculous fellow is this to deny, that Harding had a bull, for the purposes above written, when the same is extant under the Pope's hand and seal, and followeth in these words?  
Noveritis quod anno, die, mense & pontificatu infrascriptis, in generali congregatione etc. pro parte reverendorum Th. Harding, & N. S. & T. P. Anglorum fuit porrectum memoriale & supplicatio, quae lecta fuerunt, etc. Annis abhinc tribus, etc. Concessit Th. H. etc. Episcopalem potestatem, in foro conscientiae absoluendi eos qui ad ecclesiae gremium revertentur. Huic potestati, quia multi non credunt, petimus ut in scriptum aliquod authenticum redigatur. Ac etiaem ulterius monente nos temporis necessitate, humiliter petimus, ut eisdem concedatur in causa irregularitatis dispensandi potestas, exceptis ex homicidio voluntario provenientibus, seu deductis in forum contentiosum. Quibus auditis & intellectis praelibatus sanctissimus dominus noster decrevit, quod praenominati absoluere possint in 〈◊〉 conscienti. e Anglos tantùm, prout petitur, etiam ab irregulatitate incursa ratione haeresis, & ab ea dependente, emergente, & annexa, dummodo absoluendi abstineant per triennium a ministerio altaris. In quorum fidem & testimonium &c. anno 1567. die Iouis 14. Augusti, etc. Afterwards the Notary's subscription and form of absolution is set down. Where was than Robert Parsons his honesty to shift off things so notorious?  
In my Preface to the reader, I say, that obstinate recusants are for the most part reconciled to the Pope, and adhere to foreign enemies: and yet notwithstanding do enjoy their lands and goods. And gladly would Ro. Parsons answer somewhat. But neither can he deny, that they are reconciled (for then the masspriests would not communicate with them) nor that they adhere to foreign enemies (for then in vain should the Adelantado presume of their help in his proclamation penned as it seemeth by English traitors) nor can he deny, they enjoy lands and goods. For that is notorious. What then doth he? Forsooth he talketh idly of the enjoying of my benefices, and of the testimony of certain masspriests. Of the which two, the first is nothing to the purpose. The second is lewdly rejected without colour, seeing every man's confession is strong against himself, and these men's confessions being in record, are not lightly to be refused. In the same place I say, that Parsons defendeth public enemies and traitors, and seeketh the disgrace of the country and nation. To all which he answereth nothing, but by telling a tale of prosecuting Papists, which he termeth Catholics. As if such may play the traitors, and join with public enemies openly and lawfully.  
The Papists being charged for maintaining the, words of Hostiensis and Panormitane, that say, That the Pope is able to do almost all things, which Christ can do, except sin: he thinketh to shift off the matter by speaking with Panormitan, 
Fol. 29 b.  That the Pope can do all things with the key of discretion, that erreth not. But this is nothing else, but to presume, that the Pope hath discretion, and the keys of the Church; and that in the determination of matters of faith he cannot err: whereas all the world seeth, that the Pope cometh into the Church not with keys, but with 〈◊〉, and iron bars: and that he doth not so much use the keys, as swords and clubs; and that also without discretion or reason, killing all that speak against his triple crown.  
Where I say, that such English as are reconciled to the Pope, have renounced their obedience to the Queen: he telleth us of the subjects of the king of Spain, France, Poland, 
Fol. 13.  and of the Emperor, that have not renounced their obedience to their Princes. But his shift is most ridiculous. For the Pope was enemy to the Queen of England, and not to them. But if at any time the Pope happen to excommunicate any of these Princes; then is it clear, that such subjects as follow the Pope, cannot by any means adhere to their lawful Princes. Unless Parsons can show, how a man can please two contrary masters, and can himself serve both God and the devil.  
Fol. 28. and 29. he runneth out into a large exposition of these words of Hostiensis and Panormitan: Quòd Papa potest quasi omniafacere quae Christus, excepto peccato: but all to no purpose. For he should show, that these fellows do not flatter the Pope, and not tell us a tale of their fooleries, which as they are exorbitant, so are they unpleasant.  
In the same place he saith, it is no more adsurditie to say, That the Pope can do almost all that Christ can, except sin: then if a man should say, That the Viceroy of Naples can do all that the king of Spain can do in that kingdom, except being free from treason. But first the words of Hostiensis and Panormitan, importing that Christ can sin, are blasphemous; albeit they meant, that except avoiding sin, the Pope can do all, that Christ can do. Secondly, it is a simple shift to make the king of Spain like to Christ, and the Viceroy of Naples like the Pope, or else to compare these two speeches together. Finally, it is absurd to say, that the Uiceroy can do all things that the king of Spain can. For he can neither move war, alienate the territory, nor do infinite other matters else. Beside that, there is greater difference betwixt Christ jesus, that is God and man, then between man and man. Here therefore Parsons talking of the Uiceroy of Naples playeth the Uize, and ' showeth that he hath the Neapolitan scabs in his brain.  
Fol. 30. the canonists being charged for calling the Pope their Lord & God. He answereth, That he cannot find it. As if it were not to be found, because his nodyship cannot find it. Or else, as if a Cardinal's hat were not to be found in Rome, because Parsons could not find it. Let him therefore look the gloss in c. inter nonnullos. extr. joan 22. de verb. signif. And it may be, with the help of his spectacles and a draught of greek wine, he may find it. Oh, may his brother say, that he could as easily find a Cardinal's hat.  
Of five places alleged by Sir Francis for proof of the flattery of Popish parasites, he toucheth only two, being not able to justify either of them to be 〈◊〉 of flattery. Three places he passeth over in silence; which it may please him to answer in his next. One saith, That no less honour is due to the Pope then to Angels. Another, That the Emperor's majesty is as much inferior to the Pope, as a creature to God. The third, That the Pope is 〈◊〉 secundae intentionis, compounded of God and man. If then he mean to answer; let him show, how these speeches are void either of flattery or blasphemy, if he purpose to show himself void of dizardry.  
Where I bring examples, and instances of notorious 
Fol. 37.  flattery out of canonists, he saith, They are the same for the most part which Sir Francis brought before, and are before answered: matters most false, and poorly shifted off. For neither are they the same, nor hath he answered any thing unto them. Nay of five that Sir Francis brought, he answereth only two, and them very lewdly, loosely and unsufficiently; and of a dozen brought by me toucheth scarce two. Would not he then be turned back with a dozen stripes, to turn over these dozen places? And would he not be discarded for a knavish answerer, that saith nothing to that, which I say of our deliverance by the Queen 〈◊〉 the captivity of the Pope, as the Israelites were delinered from the camptivitie of jabin, and the Canaanites by Deborah?  
That which I say of the flattery of Giffard and Parsons concerning their flattering of the king of Spain, he slippeth over with a few words concerning the largeness of the Indias. But what maketh that for the King's greatness, unless he held that country with more assurance and better title? Concerning the flattery of 〈◊〉, Bellarmine and others, which I object in the 10. page of my Reply, he saith nothing. No ape could better skip over the chain, than Parsons skippeth over all our objections.  
For maintenance of the rebellious attempts of the leaguers in France, and other popish disloyalties against Princes, he telleth us, 2. encon. c. 13. that when the Apostles preached against the jewish magistrates commandment, it seemed to the jews disloyalty, but was not. But this is a most poor shift. For the Papists have not only preached against the Prince's commandment, but also have murored them, and prosecuted them with arms: which the Apostles never did, or thought lawful. Was not this jebusite therefore a false Apostle, to pretend the Apostles examples for maintenance of rebels and traitors?  
Fol. 104. he shifteth off this argument, The Pope is to be obeyed as Christ, therefore if he command blasphemies: by saying, that it followeth not, and that this folly is no less ridiculous, then if one should say, The Neapolitans profess obedience unto their Viceroy, as to the King of Spain, crgo he is to be obeyed if he command treasons against the King. But his answer is so learned and wise, that Parsons for the same doth deserve to be Uizeroy, or rather a Uize in the kingdom of fools. For first no man will affirm, that the Uiceroy of Naples cannot err. But that is denied in Christ's Uiceroy the Pope. The case therefore is unlike. Furthermore, Papists will obey the Pope, if he command heresy or blasphemy, because they take his judgement to be infallible, albeit the Neapolitans will not follow their Uiceroy in his rebellions. Likewise doth he absurdly shift off the objection concerning the absolute obedience required of Christians by Boniface the 8. He saith also, that it standeth with God's providence to preserve the Church from error. As if the Pope were the Church, and not rather Antichrist, and the enemy of Christ and his Church: or as if the church could not stand if the Pope were dead, and Parsons hanged by him to bear him company, and to lead him through purgatory, being not able to walk of himself, being troubled with the gout.  
Fol. 113. 2. encont. c. 14. he saith, That Parry in his letter to Gregory the thirteenth, discovered no intention at all of any particular enterprise he had in hand: and thereby would shift off our objection concerning the intelligence the Pope had of his purpose to kill the Queen. But his shift is very simple. For albeit he said nothing, yet the letters of credit included from some great man, to whom he imparted the secret, disclosed all. Now it is evident by Cardinal Comoes' letter, that the Pope received Parries letter together with the letters of credit included. La santitá di N. S. (saith Cardinal Como) havedute le lettere di V. S. con la fede inclusa. By this than it appeareth, that the Pope granting a plenary indulgence to a murderer, that went to kill an innocent Queen, was also a most execrable murderer, and no shepherd: a limb of Satan that was a murderer from the beginning, and not the head of the Church; a wolf, and no Christian Bishop. Yea but (saith Parsons) this indulgence took effect, if Parry were contrite and confessed of his sins. As if these wicked murderers did not account it an act meritorious to kill a Prince excommunicated by the Pope. So it appeareth, that in this respect rather he obtained this indulgence. Nay if Ch. P. say true, Robert Parsons was also acquainted with Parries' particular treason, so that this will not only remain as a perpetual blot of indulgences, but also of the 〈◊〉 treachery both of the Pope and of his bastardly proctor that set on this cutthroat to murder an innocent Lady.  
Doth it not then plainly appear, howsoever closely Parsons would seem to carry matters, that he doth confess more in shifting and concealing, than he doth deny disputing? Ita opertus, ac tectus incedis, (saith Hierom to one, epist. 6.) ut plus confitearis tacendo, quam renuas disputando. This we may truly say of Parsons, that his shifts and answers which he bringeth to cover the wounds of his cause, do make the matter far more suspicious than before. What then are we to think of such a shifting and juggling fellow? Will you hear Parsons give sentence in his own cause? If he do, I hope you will say, we do produce no witness, that will deal partially in favour of our cause. But he in his 2. encon. c. 9 fol. 62. saith, that he which useth a trick of legierdemain but once of known and set malice to deceive, is never to be trusted again. What then remaineth now, but that such a shifting & treacherous companion be rather trussed then trusted, haltred then harboured, baffulled then believed?   

CHAP. XIII. Parsons his patchery in begging things in controversy discovered.  
THe very name of an adversary, and often mention of controversies, if nothing else, me thinks, might have moved Robert Parsons to look better to his proofs, and to have presumed less of his begging. For albeit he be of the Ignatian sect, and by profession a mendicant friar: yet hath he no reason to beg of his 〈◊〉, nor to take as granted, things that hang in controversy. Nor have we cause to maintain of alms such vagrant sturdy roguing beggars, as that laws judge worthy of hanging. It may be he will stand upon terms, and swear like a hackster, that he is no beggar, 
Testified by the secular priests in diverse of their treatisea.  bestowing many thousands of crowns upon spies and cutthroats. But the truth will appear by the sequel of his doings.  
Fol. 1. b. he accuseth me of deportment against all kind of Catholic men, though never so learned, virtuous, worshipful or honourable. But he should have proved himself & his traitorous consorts, which are the men that I do mean, to be both Catholics, and learned, virtuous, worshipful and honourable. We of the plainer and simpler sort could yet never learn that it was a thing either honourable or commendable to betray his prince or country, or to take part with Italians or Spaniards against his own nation.  
Fol. 7. talking of priests put to death in England, he calleth them and others servants of Christ, and saith, they suffered for ancient religion. But we looked for proofs, and not for bare and beggarly affirmations. For the servants of Christ came never to depose Princes from their thrones. Nay our Saviour Christ saith plainly, that his kingdom is not of this world. But these Massepriests, as appeareth by records, and by their confessions, and the Pope's faculties granted to them, came for that purpose. Secondly, we have proved in our challenge, that their religion, as it differeth from the faith which we profess in England, is neither Catholic nor ancient. Lastly, we have there also declared them to be culpable of treason, and to have died for that, & not for their religion, though otherwise very lousy and beggarly vellacoes, and as beggarly defended by this begging and 〈◊〉 companion.  
In the same leaf also he affirmeth, that Christ is the Masspriests captain and master, and that he 〈◊〉 them on his honour and power, that no one hair of their head shall perish In the end he doubteth not to call them martyrs. But to prove his matters, he allegeth neither testimony of scripture, nor sentence of fathers. Nay where the 〈◊〉 Church teacheth, that no man can be certain of his salvation without special revelation; yet this disciple of Antichrist affirmeth, that Christ upon his honour hath assured Campian, Ballard, Babington, (and I think Lopez too) that they shall not perish. For of these I think he speaketh. To show them to be no martyrs, I have alleged diverse reasons. Reason then would, that if he would have won credit, he should have either answered our reasons, or proved his own cause by argument.  
In his observations upon my Preface, and in diverse places of his book, he giveth the name of Catholics to papists. And yet he knoweth that this is a main controversy betwixt us. What punishment then doth he deserve, that wittingly and wilfully will beg, or rather steal that which belongeth not unto him?  
Fol. 14. most impudently he giveth the title of the Catholic Christian church, and the universal body of Christ's commonwealth unto papists, that are neither the whole church, nor part of the Church. Unto us he giveth the title of Protestants, Puritans, and Lutherans: which we renounce, professing only the faith of Christ jesus. He doth also match us with Arrians, and other sects, which we detest. But these are points in controversy to be proved.  
Fol. 17. he saith, that the Council of Trent was gathered by like authority, as that of Chalcedon was. A matter utterly denied by us, and not any way proved by him. Nay it is most absurd to compare that reverend synod assembled and moderated by the Emperor's authority, and proceeding according to scriptures, to a conventicle of slaves sworn to Antichrist, and assembled by his writ, and doing all according to his pleasure.  
Fol. 20. a. he saith, It cannot be proved that any one Pope impugned his predecessor in matters of faith. As if all our pleading were not that the later Popes do impugn and overthrow the faith of the first bishops of Rome. Themselves also deny not, but that Agatho condemned his predecessor Honorius for a Monothelite. In the same place also affirming, that all the Popes and Bishops of Rome from john the first to Leo the tenth, held one faith: he saith, that this demonstration is as clear, as that three and four make seven. But this seven and seven year he shall never prove that, which with a light fingar he taketh as granted, & is clearly false. For the instruction given to the Armenians in the synod of Florence, and the decrees of the Conventicle of Constance were never holden of Popes before them. Nor did former Popes believe the doctrine of the Conventicle of Trent.  
Fol. 77. b. he taketh as granted, that a hundred have been put to death for being priests, and for being ordained to that function beyond the seas, and for defending the faith belonging to that function: and that great numbers are daily apprehended, arraigned and condemned for standing in their father's faith, and resisting novelties. Both which are notorious untruths. For neither in the arraignment of priests or others, is any question made of faith: nor is that lousy patched religion that Papists hold over and above our faith, the faith of the Apostles or Fathers: nor are priests executed simply for being priests, but because they come from foreign enemies, and are combined with them: which always hath been accounted treason.  
Fol. 80. he talketh idly of sending money out of England for defence of heresy: for he beggeth of us that which he shall never obtain, that popery is religion, and true religion heresy, and that we maintain heresy.  
Fol. 104. he saith, Our Belief is different from the rule of faith, received before throughout Christendom, and that our religion hath no ecclesiastical authority for her establishment, beside the parliament: matters taken up upon credit by this bankrupt friar, that shall never be able to prove the least part of them. For we make no question, but to prove against him that our faith is Apostolical and Catholic, and the popish faith not, and that it hath been 〈◊〉 not like the lousy superstition of Papists, by lies, dreams, legends, and the Pope's decretals, but by the doctrine of the Apostles and Prophets.  
What alms then doth this impudent begging friar deserve? forsooth a motley coat with four elbows, and a square motley bonnet in stead of a cardinals hat. For nothing is more odious nor foolish, then that any under fair shows and good terms should cover evil deeds, Asserentes Antichristum (as Cyprian saith) sub vocabulo Christ's: that is, striving 
De simplic. praefat.  for Antichrist under the name of Christ. In school, Geometricians desire their scholars to grant them certain plain propositions, that from them they may proceed to demonstration of further matters. But to take as granted, matters false, and to beg at the hands of adversary's things plainly denied, is rather a practice of fools then of schools.   

CHAP. XIIII. Parsons his pride, both in praising of himself, and threatening and despising others, is noted.  
NOt he that praiseth himself, saith the Apostle 2. Cor. 10. but he whom the Lord praiseth, is allowed. How happeneth it then, that Parsons is so busy upon every occasion to praise himself? Are his actions so memorable, and worthy to be praised? Certes no. For nothing can be devised more odious, the man employing himself wholly either in treacherous packing against his country, or lewd libelling and railing against honest men. Further, he showeth exceeding contempt in speaking of others. In o'er 〈◊〉 virga superbiae, saith Solomon: In the mouth of a fool is the rod of pride. 
Proverb. 14.  What then shall we think of his lewd and presumptuous speeches? Shall we suppose that any is disgraced by them? We should then assuredly greatly wrong them. Falsae sunt, diffluxerunt, somno similes extiterunt impioruniactationes. The vaunts of wicked men are false, and vanish away being like to sleep, as saith Gregory Nazianzen orat. 2. in julianum. And yet it shall not be amiss to note this Thrasonical fellows vain, proud, and contemptuous speeches.  
In his Epistle to the Reader, he calleth himself a Catholic man, and yet is he nothing but a barking cur. Again, he saith he wrote a temperate Wardword: preventing his neighbours, that should have praised him: and calling his bedlam fits temperate words. Afterward praising his own doings, he saith, the Wardword seemed to touch the matter too quick. And yet all indifferent readers will confess, that it is a dull and dead piece of work, and like the droppings of a stoned of old ale, wherein he showeth that he and his consorts are combined with public enemies: a matter 〈◊〉 that may touch him and his consorts. But the same no way can hurt us.  
He vaunteth, that he ended the whole answer (to that which was said against his Wardword) in few months. And yet like a bankrupt writer, he hath only sent us, and that after long expectation, a simple piece of an answer unto two encounters only, and so evilfavouredly péeced together, that his friends have need of a packthréed wit, to make matters to hang together.  
Speaking of us, he saith, we handle matters of religion confusedly, and with little order, sincerity or truth. But Athanasius apol. 2. saith, That the law of God permitteth not an enemy to be either judge or witness. Lex Dei inimicum neque iudicem, neque testem esse vult. Furthermore, how can he without blushing, talk of religion, and order, and truth, that hath neither dram of religion, nor grain of truth, nor useth any sincerity or good course in his writing?  
In his answer to my 〈◊〉, he saith, That albeit I challenge like a giant, yet when I come to gripes, I show myself one of the poorest and weakest worms, that ever lightly hath come to combat in these affairs. And afterward he threateneth, that I shall be sound beaten. But if he be the giant, and I so weak a creature as he giveth out, why doth he encounter none of my books written against Bellarmine? Why doth he not set forth some what in Latin? Why doth he give his railing libels written in English to be turned into latin by others? As for mine own doings, I admire them not. I refer them to other indifferent men's censures. I challenge none but such as Parsons and his paltry mates that have challenged us before. But yet before he and I part, I doubt not but he shall have small cause to triumph for his beating of me. Now he is upon his own dunghill, and may crow at his pleasure.  
Speaking of Creswel fol. 3. b. he giveth out, that he will overmatch me, and crush me. And yet I hear of no great matter come from this crusher of men, and overmatcher of women rather than men, unless it be the libel of Andreas Philopater turned into Latin, or some such like pamphlet. If he be so heavy as Parsons maketh him, we shall hear of him percase hereafter. In the mean while let this heavy fellow take heed, that he sway not in a halter: and let Parsons of all men beware of him, that he be not crushed himself by him, being puffed up with vanity, and blown up like an empty bladder, and rotten with cankers, and easily broken and crushed together.  
In his observations upon Sir Francis Hastings his Epistle, fol. 10. b. he vaunteth of his heroical acts and exploits against him, as if his reputation were not only crazed and shaken, but also quite overthrown, and that by his terrible Warneword. Afterward he talketh vainly, as if he had not only battered and beaten, but also broken and shivered his credit. But it seems the man when he uttered these great words had swallowed too much Greek wine, and was in some distemper. His friends do wish, that he had as much skill in the Greek tongue, as he hath delight in Greek and Spanish wine, not doubting but he would then speak good Greek. But now (God wot) his wits are windshaken with the fume of wine, and his brain discrasied with conceits of his japonian kingdom. As for his battering, beating, breaking and shivering, we do not much fear, seeing his shins are shivered with rottenness, and his wits broken with idle conceits. Only let him take heed, that he come not forth with his wooden dagger, lest it be beaten about his buzzardlike coxcomb.  
In the same observations, fol. 6. he will not have any man judge of his matters, but her Majesty's most honourable Counsel, to whom he remitteth himself. But if he come into England, he must have other judges: and if he will write, he must submit himself to every reader's censure. As for the Lords of the Counsel, they are no favourable judges to traitors, that seek to bring in foreign enemies, nor are they at leisure, to read such paltry and confused pamphlets.  
In the end of his answer to my Epistle he talketh of his exceeding gain both in merit with God, and credit with all good men: which showeth, that he wanteth not only modesty, but common reason. For if he had but had one grain 〈◊〉 either, he would not have talked thus vainly, being for his treasons, Atheisms, and villainies hateful to God and man: nay hateful to his own consorts.  
Fol. 20. a. he threateneth to shake me out of my clouts. But let him leave of crowing before the victory, if he will not be condemned for a doctor of clouts. For so many holes I find in his Warneword, that all his clouts will not serve to mend them. No not if he should piece them with the scarlet he sent for, as it 〈◊〉, to make himself Cardinals robes.  
In the same leaf, he talketh of beating the sturdy minister back and side, and threateneth to give him wide blows. But all these threats are nothing, but as if an idiot should beat the wind with his wooden dagger. As yet he hath not tried my strength. But we have seen the uttermost that this sturdy bragging Friar can do, and therefore referring all to indifferent judges, I will, to help him forth in his imagined triumph, wish him for a crown of Laurel, a garland of goose feathers, pointed with horseshooe nails, in token of his noble parentage.  
Fol. 26. he vaunteth, That he will bring every thing to method, and perspicuous order: being the most disorderly writer, false packer, dark and cloudy clouter, that ever took pen in hand for the defence of the Prince of darkness and his darling the Pope.  
Fol. 41. he braggeth of D. Gifford, and his doughty deeds, that he will do: and although there hath been great quarrels betwixt them, yet is he there content to call him his friend. But neither do we regard their threats, nor 
Lib. 2. pro. Athanasio.  their combination. For as Lucifer saith of one, He had not been so well beloved of Parsons, unless he had been like to him in wicked qualities: Neque enim illi amantissimus, nisi quia sit sceleratus. Both have sought the life of the Prince by treason, both are combined with foreign enemies. Yet of the two Parsons is much the worse.  
In the 3. chap. of his 2. enconter, he braggeth of great numbers of Bishops, Abbots, Doctors, and Noblemen, in the conventicle of Constance. But he forgot to add the numbers of whores, fiddlers, barbers, and such baggages, as are reckoned up and numbered among the ornaments of that assembly, as we may read in the additions to Vrspergensis.  
In the same enconter c. 4. he talketh of his challenges of disputation, refusing altogether to procure us liberty to dispute in Spain and France. But if any disputation be performed, I assure myself, Parsons will be none of the party, being ignorant of tongues, slow of capacity, and shallow in all learning. I will therefore say to him, as Optatus lib. 2. contr. Parmen. against the Donatists. Fecit vos superbos impietas vestra, sed accusat vos de coelo prospiciens iustitia. Your impiety maketh you proud, but justice from heaven accuseth you. And so for his pride I give Parsons a crown of peacocks feathers, and leave him to be installed kard-foole at Tyburn.   

CHAP. XV. Of the flattering and lying, as well of Parsons, as other Papists.  
STrange it is, that Parsons and his mates should accuse others, either for flattering, or else for lying, whereas we are clear of these faults, and they most guilty. But what will not impudence attempt, if words may be taken for payment? Frons meretricis facta est illis. They have hardened 
jerem. 3.  their foreheads like a whore, and will not blush.  
Robert Parsons taketh up Sir Francis, as he saith, fol. 23. for a false and flattering Prophet, by these words of Isay 3. My people, they that say thou art blessed, are those that deceive thee. But first, the Prophet talketh of deceiving, and not of flattering. Look then how far deceit differeth from flattery, so far shot Parsons wide from the scope of the Prophet. Secondly, the words of the Prophet do rather touch the Sodomitical priests, and that filthy generation, than us. For he speaketh in that place of such, as laid open their sins, as did the people of Sodom: Qui peccatum suum quasi Sodoma praedicaverunt. Which is the case of the Romanists. For albeit the whole world cryeth shame upon them for their corruptions in doctrine and abominations in living; yet with them all Sodomitical filthiness is holiness, and all truth heresy, and many corrupt points of doctrine, religion. Thirdly, it is no flattery for Christians to commend religion, or good subjects to like well of good government. Which being the case of Sir Francis, how is he accused of flattery? Finally, this patch hath forgotten his Thomas Aquinas, who 2. 2. q. 115. art. 1. doth define flattery to be immoderate praise for hope of 〈◊〉. Why then doth not the wizard convince Sir Francis, and show, that for gain he hath falsely and immoderately praised the Queen, or 〈◊〉 others, as he and his consorts use to commend and 〈◊〉 the Pope, and such as they like, and take to be of their faction?  
Likewise fol. 35. he chargeth me to be a famous flatterer. But his argument to 〈◊〉 it doth excuse me. For it is no flattery, to report what Ozorius and 〈◊〉 hath said of the Queen. Neither did they say more than is true, or speak for hope of reward. As for myself, so far am I from hope of receiving of a good fee, (albeit Parsons 〈◊〉 so much unto me) that I look for nothing but hatred, loss, and persecution for defence of truth. Parsons himself may look for a Cardinal's hat, and Bellarmine and Baronius have gotten Cardinals hats for lying. But for us here be no such rewards proposed. Unless therefore he bring better proofs, and can show, that we have praised the Queen above her desert, & that for hope of gain, his friends will confess, that he might have done better to have chosen some fitter 〈◊〉, than this false accusation of flattery.  
But the 〈◊〉 for hope of gain and preferment have both immoderately and 〈◊〉 set out the praises of the Pope and his adherentes, as infinite particulars do show. First some call the Pope their Lord and God, as the gloss upon the chap. cum inter nonnulos. Extr. joan 22. de verb. signif. cred 〈◊〉 Dominum 〈◊〉 nostrum Papam conditorem dictae decretalis (saith the gloss) & 〈◊〉, non potuisse statuere, prout statuit, haereticum 〈◊〉.  
Pope Nicholas c. satis. dist. 96. saith, That the Emperor Constantine called the Pope God. Augustine Steuchus, in 〈◊〉 de donat. Const. lib. 2. c. 67. likewise alloweth well the name of God given to the Pope. Audis summum pontificem (saith he) à Constantino ' Deum appellatum, habitum pro Deo: that is, Thou mayst hear the Pope called of Constantine God, accounted a God.  
Baldus in l. fin. Cod. sent. rescind. and Decius. in c. 1. de constitut. and Card. Paris. Cons. 5. nu. 75. say, The Pope is a God in earth. That is also the saying of Felin, in c. ego N. in 1. col. in text. ibi canonicè. de iureiurand. Others teach, That the Pope is God's Vicegerent in earth, c. 1. 2. 〈◊〉 3. the transl. 〈◊〉. de re iudicat. c. ad apostolicae. & Clem. 1. & ibi Card.  
Papa (saith the Gloss) in 〈◊〉. Clem. id est, admirabilis, & dicitur à Papè, quod est interiectio admirantis, & verè admirabilis. So it appeareth he deriveth the Pope's title of wonderment.  
Others call the Pope Christ's Vicar, as if Christ had left him to rule the Church in his stead. Bonaventure in 〈◊〉 calleth the Pope the only spouse of the Church, and Christ's vicar general.  
Panorinitan in c. licet. and c. venerabilem de electione, (saith) That Christ and the Pope have but one consistory, and that the Pope can do, as it were, whatsoever Christ can do, except sin. Likewise holdeth, 〈◊〉 c. quanto. de translat. episcop. Papa & Christus (say they) 〈◊〉 unum consistorium, it a quod, excepto peccato, potest Papa quasiomnia facere, quae potest 〈◊〉. Nay Panormitan in the chap. venerabilem, without qualification saith, Quòd possit facere quicquid Deus potest. And he allegeth this for a reason: aliâs Christus non fuit diligens paterfamiliâs, si non dimisisset in terra aliquem loco sui.  
Gomesius writing upon the rules of the Pope's Chancery, saith, That the Pope is a certain divine power, and showeth himself, as a visible God. Papa est quoddam numen, & quasi visibilem quendam Deum praese ferens.  
Stapleton in his dedicatory Epistle to Gregory the thirtéenth, before his Doctrinal principles, doth adore him and call him Supremum numen in terris: that is, His sovereign God upon the earth. Hoping percase that his supreme God would look down upon a terrestrial base creature, and bestow upon him some great preferment.  
Bellarmine doth bestow Christ's titles upon the Pope, calling 
In praef. in lib. de Pon. Rom.  him the corner stone of the church, and a stone most precious and approved. In his second book De Pontif. Rom. he titleth him the foundation, the head and spouse of the church.  
Caesar Baronius his huge volumes contain most huge and many flatteries of the Popes of Rome, the man contrary to all law of story setting forth their praises, and concealing their errors and faults. It would require a great volume to comprehend all, and where so many examples are contained, I should diminish his fault if I should set down but few.  
Simon Begnius a great doer in the conventicle of Lateran directing his speech to Leo the tenth: Ecce (saith he) venit Leo de tribu judah. And again, Te Leo heatissime saluatorem 〈◊〉. He calleth Pope Leo a lion of the tribe of juda, and his saviour.  
Certain rhymes in the Gloss upon the proem of the Clementines, call him the wonderment of the world. Papa stupor mundi. And again say, that he is neither God nor man, but as it were, neuter between both. Nec Deus es, nec homo, quasi neuter es inter utrumque.  
Innocentius the third, in cap. solitae. de 〈◊〉. & obed. saith, the Pope as far excelleth the Emperor, as the Sun excelleth the Moon. That is, as the Gloss doth there calculate seventy seven times. He compareth also the Pope to the soul, and the Emperor to the body.  
Tantum sacerdos praestat regi, quantum homo praestat bestiae. Quantum Deus praestat sacerdoti, tantum sacerdos praestat regi. Qui regem anteponit sacerdoti, is anteponit creaturam creatori, saith Stanislaus Orichovius in Chimaera. That is, A priest doth so much excel a king, as a man doth excel a beast. As much as God is better than a priest, so much is a priest better than a king. He that preferreth a king before a priest, doth prefer a creature before his creator.  
joannes de 〈◊〉 calleth the Pope, King of kings, 
In sum. de eccles. lib. 2. c. 26  and Lord of lords. And Herueus will have him to be a king.  
The gloss and Canonists in c. ad apostolicae de sent. & re iudicat. in 6. hold, That the Pope hath power to depose princes, and Emperors, and this is now a common conclusion of the jebusites.  
Clement the fifth, in the chapter Romani Clement. de iureiurando, doth determine, That the Emperor sweareth 〈◊〉 to the Pope.  
Boniface the eight, affirmeth, That it is a matter of salvation for all men to subject themselves to the Pope. c. unam sanct. ext. de maior. & obed. The Canonists teach, That the Pope is not tied to law. in c. proposuit. de concess. praebendae.  
Baldus in c. 1. in ult. col. de confess. affirmeth, That the Pope by reason of his authority is doctor of both the laws. And commonly his flatterers affirm, That he hath all laws within the chest of his breast.  
joannes Andreas and Panormitane in cap. per venerabilem. Qui filij sint legit. say, that the Pope hath power to dispense in marriages within the degrees prohibited by God's law.  
Petrus Ancharanus Cons. 373. saith, That the Pope hath power to licence the nephew to marry his uncle's wife.  
Panormitan in c. fin. de divort. writeth, that the Pope for a special great cause may dispense against the new Testament.  
Papa potest permittere usuras populis & Iudaeis, & eas tolerare: that is, The Pope hath power to permit and tolerate usury to jews and other people, as saith Alexander de Imola in Consil. 1. part. 2. and Card. in Clem. 1. §. fin. 27. quest. de usuris. And experience showeth, that he permitteth usury to the jews of Rome: and Paul the fourth, and Pius the fourth, set up public banks of usury called falsely monti di pieta. The Popes they are also made to believe, that they may permit public stews in Rome; and of that permission they make no small revenue.  
Likewise it is the custom of papists to flatter Princes, hoping thereby to allure them to defend their sect. Some they call most Christian, some Catholic, some great Dukes. Baronius in his Epistle dedicatory before his third tome of annal, calleth King Philip the second of Spain, regum maximum, the 〈◊〉 of kings, and Christianorum regum maximum decus & ornamentum. The glory and ornament of Christian Kings. He saith also, that greater things may be spoken of him, than Xenophon wrote of Cyrus, and seemeth to compare him, or prefer him before Constantine. Likewise doth he grossly flatter the French king in his Preface before his ninth tome of annal.  
Thomas Stapleton hath given immoderate praises to Thomas Becket, and Thomas More, perhaps for name sake rather than for virtue.  
Sanders, Rishton and Bozius, albeit they profess to write histories, yet do they intent nothing more than to advance their own favourers, and to disgrace their adversaries.  
This is also a great part of the argument of their lying legends, to set out the praises of Monks, Friars and such like superstitious Papists.  
Likewise without cause doth he accuse us for lying. M. Fox understanding his error concerning the execution of Marbecke, did correct the same. Yet when he said Marbecke was burned at Windsor, he lied not, speaking that which was to him reported, and like to be true, considering that the party was condemned.  
Neither doth M. Foxe set down Wickleffe or others in the Calendar, to the intent to make them martyrs (for that passed his reach) but to declare the time of their death or sufferings.  
Parson's doth further threaten, to show out of M. Fox, and others of our writers, infinite doctrinal lies. But he threateneth always more than he can perform. In his second encounter, ch. 2. where he giveth out these brags, himself lieth notoriously. For most false it is, that either the rebels in king Richard the second his days, or else the friars, whom Thomas Walsingham called liars, were Wickleffes scholars: albeit this shameless friar affirmeth both. For Ball a Mass-priest was a principal ringleader of the rebels: and the friars were murderers, sodomites and traitors, as the rebels said of them. Let us (said the rebels) destroy these murderers, and burn these sodomites, and hang up these traitors of the King and Realm. And this they said of the friars. But Wickleffe always 〈◊〉 and spoke both against such abominations, and such rebellions.  
It is a common trick also of Papists, to prove their doctrine with lies & fables. To prove transubstantiation, they make a 〈◊〉 to speak these words, Benè de me scripsisti Thoma, Thou hast written well of me Thomas, when shall I be able to requite you for your pains?  
To prove the real presence, they make tales of blood appearing in the sacrament, and sometimes they say Christ appeared like a little child: which are toys to mock children withal.  
To prove purgatory, they tell us tales of S. Patrick's purgatory, of souls complaining and crying for more masses, of apparitions of Angels, devils and souls. The same lies they abuse also to prove prayer for the dead.  
For the justification of their doctrine concerning the worship of saints and their images, they tell lies of images moving, talking, working, walking, and of wonderful apparitions and miracles done by them. Our Lady's image is said to speak to Hiaciullyus. Goodrike saw a boy come out of a crucifixes mouth, as Matthew Paris relateth.  
Finally, the Popes and their agents, without lies and notorious forgeries cannot maintain their cause: as by infinite lies of Bellarmine, Baronius, Parsons, yea and of the Popes themselves I have justified. Doth 〈◊〉 not then appear, 
In the Challenge.  that in lying they have set up their rest? And will not the world see the abominations of popery, that cannot be maintained but by lying, forgery and force? God grant that truth may once appear, and open the eyes of all Christians, that they may see that which now lieth hidden, and come to the perfect knowledge of truth.    

AN ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER, CONCERNING FOUR OTHER INFAMOUS Libels lately diuulged and sent into England by Parsons, Kellison and Walpoole.  
BEfore the former answer could be finished and published, there came to my hands four other books, all penned by our malicious adversaries, and sent over from Rome and other places into England, to disturne simple people from the love of the truth: of which I have thought good (most Christian Reader) here at the end of this work briefly to advertise thee. I hope also, that the same advertisement will serve for present satisfaction to those which percase expect a speedy answer to such hasty calumniations, and most wicked libels.  
The first is set out under the name of T. F. aliâs Thomas Fitzherbert, a man evil reported of by his own consorts; and therefore no marvel if hateful to all men well affected to their prince and country. Long he hath been a spy, and pensioner of the king of Spain. But now perceiving belike that the trade is become odious, & groweth out of request, he is turned Mass priest, and set to sing for the souls of his friends, after three farthings a Mass. And lest he might forget his old art of spiery, he is now set to spy for his holy father, if by any good adventure he can see Christ's true body lurking under the accidents of the Masse-cake, his blood by a necessary concomitance, as they say, being not far off. This fellow as a Mass-priest was thought a fit person to speak for the Mass, and as a spy and renegade English man to speak shame of his country, and to defend traitors. And yet the poor man is as fit to dispute of the massing religion and popish subtleties, as an ass to play an anthem upon a pairs of organs. The true author of the book, as his stile declareth, and the dealers in the edition must needs witness, is Robert Parsons, an old hackster in 〈◊〉 quarrels, and a great dealer in matter of conversion of England, and one that useth at his pleasure to borrow other men's names, now calling himself Captain Cowbucke, now Dolman, now john Houlet, now N. D. or Noddy, now T. F. or Tom Fop, now Robert Parsons. Under the name of Dolman he set out his traitorous & seditious book of succession, in disgrace of the King's title. Under the name of john Houlet he published certain idle reasons of refusal: himself never refusing to attempt any mischief against the State. Under the title of N. D. he set out his Wardword and Warneword, stigmatising his manship with the perpetual note of a Noddy, implied by those two letters N. D. And this course he took in T. F. his Apology.  
The second is entitled A treatise of three conversions of England: and was set out by Robert Parsons also under the old stamp of N. D. whose signification every child now knoweth to be Noddy. But why he should write of the conversion of his country to religion, we can see no reason, seeing we have known him always more studious of the subversion, then of the conversion of England, and his consorts the Mass priests do testify that he is a Machiavelian packing fellow, void of religion and honesty. The turnings of the Mass, or turning of jackets, had been a more fit subject for him to handle, seeing he turneth & skippeth so oft about the altar, like an ape dancing about a maypole, and hath turned his coat so often from English to Romish, from Scottish to Spanish, from all to French, that some of his friends fear, unless he turn Cardinal, that he will turn Turk.  
The third is called A Survey of the new religion: and was devised by a renegued fugitive Englishman, who hath surveyed diverse other countries, and yet never found any settlement in his brain or habitation. Like Cain he hath been long a vagrant fugitive fellow: Vagus & profugus in 〈◊〉: and seeketh, if not to kill, yet to 〈◊〉 his countriment and friends, imputing unto them most horrible opinions and crimes. It resteth then, that we set upon him a mark as upon Cain, that every man may know him for a suppost of Satan: although herein we need not much to 〈◊〉, seeing the first letter of Kellisons' name, who fathereth this monstrous 〈◊〉, is K. and the man is noted among his companions for a great quareller about his commons. The poor fellow is but a kettle doctor, or rather a Tinker of broken school distinctions, and a professor rather than a performer of any 〈◊〉 learning. The fellow talketh idly of new religion, but neither doth he know what is new, nor what is old, nor what belongeth to religion, that taketh popery for religion, and esteemeth the mass and decretalive doctrine, which this Church of England refuseth, to be ancient: and the apostolic faith which we profess, to be new.  
The fourth is termed A brief and clear confutation of a new, vain, and vaunting challenge: and is directed against a treatise set out some two or three years agone by me; wherein is proved, that the Masspriests and their adherents are neither Catholics nor good Christians. But so learnedly and wisely hath the author of this braggart 〈◊〉 handled the matter, that his good friends are sorry to see so worthy a work misnamed. For if he had done me right he should have called his pamphlet A confirmation of my challenge, for so in truth it is, the author answering nothing to the purpose, and rather by silence consenting, then by good answering contradicting our arguments. The most of his discourse standeth upon bitter railing, vain talking, and childish 〈◊〉 about serious matters. If any man doubted whether popery were heresy before, I doubt not but that this weak discourse, that yieldeth no satisfaction to any indifferent Reader may resolve him. The author of this device, as we are credibly informed, is Walpoole, the ruler of the kitchen or porridge pot of the college of young English popish traitors in Rome. In Italian they call him Padre ministro, or padre de minestra, or Lord chief steward of the scholar's porridge. The same man is that Walpoole that gave poison to Squire, and corrupted him by promises of great rewards, both in this life and the life to come, if he would undertake to empoison Queen Elizabeth, & the late Earl of Essex: and having gained a promise at his hands, swore him upon the sacrament to perform the same. The fellow is recorded in public act books for these infamous 〈◊〉, and known to be a notorious traitor and an atheist. We are not therefore much to marvel, if this wicked jebusites libel be full of bitterness, atheism and poison, proceeding from so impious an atheist, and so cunning a master in the art of empoisoning. If any thing wanted in Walpool, whose wits are gross & muddy, like a standing pool or sink of villainy: yet was the same bountifully supplied by Robert Parsons the Rector of the choir of Romish conspirators. You may then imagine what a load of leasings, calumniations and fooleries such two coach horses were able to draw out of their miry inventions. Much are the simple papists to be pitied, that listen to such wicked traitors, and suffer themselves to be abused by such notorious and infamous impostors.  
Unto all these libels there are several answers in making. If they be not presently answered, marvel not. They are of too large a block to be read over hastily. My countrymen think, if the whole impressions of these four books might be had, that they would well serve to pave Shaftsbury causy. There would only be this difference, that for cobble stones and rough slates, we should have cobbled books and rough hewed libels, as fit to be trodden upon as read over. Others think, because they are in form octagonall, and for the most part as thick as long made like brickbats, that they would finely serve, seeing the holy father is said to be the foundation of the Popeholy church, to lay upon him, for the rearing up of the walls of some Romish synagogue: & so it would be, like foundation, like walls. As soon as such huge & thick volumes may be run over, they shall God willing receive an answer 〈◊〉 such indiabolated authors, and such wicked & railing stuff,  
In the mean while receive this censure of them al. First they are such as need no long coargution. It is a sufficient course of conviction of them to declare their perfidious falsehood. So writeth Hierome in an epistle to Marcelia of like stuff. Haec sunt, quae coargutione non indigent: perfidiam eorum exposuisse, superasse est. Big they look, if we respect the bulk: but nothing is more frivolous, if we respect the matter. Out of great heaps of chaff, there is no corn to be gathered: neither can we expect better substance out of these farthels of waste paper, which like chaff may be blown away with any little blast of reason and discussion.  
All of them are of like argument, and for the most part repeat the same things. Parsons he playeth the part of that frivolous pleader, of whom Augustine speaketh in his 86. epistle. Eadem atque eadem saepe dicit, non aliud inveniendo quod dicat, nisi quod inaniter, & adrem non pertinens dicit. He inculcateth the same things often, finding nothing else to say, but that he repeateth matters vainly, and which are not to the purpose.  
The authors spread abroad shameful rumours against most honest and innocent men, and that which proceeded first from themselves, they pretend to have heard of others, being themselves both the authors and amplifiers of those rumours. Such fellows Hierome in his Epistle to Furia de vid. seruand. doth rightly describe. Hirumores turpissimos serunt (saith he) & quod ab ipsis egressum est, id ab aliis se audisse simulant, ijdem 〈◊〉 & exaggeratores. The Papists give out most shameful reports of Luther, Calvin, Beza, nay of kings and princes. Afterward, they cause such sycophants as Bolsecus, Staphilus, Cochleus, Sanders, Ribadineira, and such lunatical barking hellhounds to write them: and so every odd companion taketh hint from them, & in time the rest shame not to diuulge and increase these lewd reports themselves.  
The most of the witnesses alleged by these fellows, are men suborned by themselues. Such are those which already I mentioned. Such is Surius. and such is that cogging and lying writer of legends and lies Caesar Baronius and his felfellowes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Euripides saith in Andromacha, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Emperors and Caesars for lies, and rare engineers to devose mischief. But as Hierome saith ad 〈◊〉: That is an authentical testimony, that had no cause to shift matters by untruths. 〈◊〉 est testimonium, quod causas non habet mentiendi. But the Papists without lies and forgeries cannot long maintain their 〈◊〉 cause.  
The authors strive against the truth as much as they can. So saith Tertullian of Martion, 〈◊〉. 2. contra 〈◊〉. Non poterat aedificare 〈◊〉 sine demolitione veritatis. He could not build up his lies without the overthrow of the truth. But what religion in the mean while is this, that cannot stand without such gross calumniations and lies? Cui veritati patrocinantur, qui eam à mendacio inducunt? How is it likely that they maintain truth (saith Tertullian de 〈◊〉.) that seek to establish it by lies?  
In sum, look how broad, thick and long these libels are so full are they of villainy, lies & fooleries. Their arguments are loose and misshapen, their authorities impertinent, their reports false, their shifts sottish, their whole discourse either lewd or impertinent. S. Augustine epist. 86. saith of one, that he brought many testimonies of scripture, but all of little value. Subijcit testimonia de scriptures (saith he) ad causam quam suscepit nihil valentia. Such are the testimonies of our adversaries: their arguments are much worse.  
T. F. or rather Robert Parsons enfrocked in that asses skin, in his apology or poor defence for the cacolike cause, talketh much of the conversion of our country. But yet hath nothing which is not tediously repeated in the treatise of three conversions, of which you shall hear anon an equal censure. In the mean while, I think him an unfit man to talk of conversions to religion, that is but newly turned from a spy to a spider-catching Mass-priest.  
He bringeth some reasons to prove the sacrifice of the mass. But all his arguments are but fragments and testimonies borrowed by reversion from 〈◊〉, whose books without respect to his Cardinal's hat, rest refuted in my books De missa, and are yet left bare and without defence.  
To talk of the antiquity of Romish religion T. F had little reason, having as yet scarce learned to say mass, and being nothing else but a poor novice in Romish religion, & no way read in Ecclesiastical histories, and incapable of school subtleties. Nay Robert Parsons shall have much ado to answer our proofs, by which the Romish religion standeth convicted of 〈◊〉.  
Gladly would he defend traitors, & disgrace good subjects. But therein the 〈◊〉 declareth himself rather a traitor, than a good subject. If it be no treason to fly to foreign enemies, and to conspire with them against their Prince and country: he 〈◊〉 make other laws, and not only alter treason, but common reason also.  
Very bitterly he 〈◊〉 against rackmasters, and judges in the cause of 〈◊〉. But what if 〈◊〉 were never showed the rack? Doth he not rack his 〈◊〉 to write such notorious lies? The fellow's cause with his foolish exceptions cannot be cleared. Nor with all his eloquence shall he be able to purge Walpoole charged to be the contriver of that horrible treason, which 〈◊〉 intended for the empoysonment of our late dread sovereign. He was convicted by his own confession, by a sufficient witness, by letters sent out of Spain, and devised by the consent of Walpoole to bring D. Bagshaw within the compass of that foul treason. Matters so plain, that even the papists themselues acknowledge the same, and are much ashamed in the behalf of Walpoole and his consorts. It is said, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his confession concerning the accusation of Walpoole. But the truth is, he never had any thought of any such 〈◊〉. Only he said, that he never 〈◊〉 to put the treason in execution, which notwithstanding before he had confessed.  
Finally, his discourse is so wise, that unless we believe him on his own bare word, and take public records, confessions, depositions of witnesses, and sentences of judges to be may-games, and suppose that Squire was hanged in sport: we cannot choose but condemn both Walpoole and Parsons, and all their adherents in this business, to be both traitors and empoisoners.  
The treatise of three conversions is divided into two parts. The sum and scope of the first is comprised in these few words: England hath been thrice converted to Christian religion by preachers sent from Rome: ergo England is to submit itself to the Pope, and to accept of that religion which he recommendeth unto us. This Robert Parsons doth suppose to be a good consequence. For else he should but trifle in his whole discourse, and then especially where he talketh of our obligation to the sea of Rome, & of S. Peter's chair. Neither doth he doubt but to prove his triple conversion, and that in honour of the Pope's triple crown. But if we do well examine his grounds and allegations, we shall find, that under the title of S. Peter's chair, and apostolical doctrine, the man doth seek nothing else but to recommend unto us the Pope's close stool, with a decoction of his decretalive doctrine, and most beastly abominations.  
The grounds of the whole discourse are false, and the inference made out of them, most weak and evil concluding. First, most false it is that Britanny, or as Parsons saith England, was thrice converted by preachers sent from Rome. Of Peter's preaching in Britain, whereupon the first supposed conversion standeth, the oblivious fellow is but lately advised. For in his Wardword, wherein he maketh the best ward for Rome that he can, he could not find any more than two conversions: and those he rather fancieth than proveth. His proofs for S. Peter's preaching in England, stand wholly upon the testimony of Simeon Metaphrastes, a lying pedant full of fabulous narrations, whereto the adversaries themselves make conscience to give credit: of Surius a Carthusian Monk, and a great eater of stockfish, and a codshead parasite hired to speak for the Pope: and upon a forged lying decretal set out under the name of Innocent the first, wherein notwithstanding we read nothing specially of Britain's conversion.  
Those that were sent from Eleutherus bishop of Rome, to the Christian King Lucius of Britanny, seem rather to have been Britan's then Romans, as the names of them set down by Galfridus, by 〈◊〉, and other writers of British histories do report. Lucius' 〈◊〉 had no reason to crave baptism at the hands of Eleutherus his mandataries, unless he had been well instructed in Christian religion before. Beside that the Romans in these times ruling in most part of Britain, it may be a question, how far the kingdom of Lucius did extend itself. Suppose then 〈◊〉 this history is authentical, which may well be doubted, the same being only found in legends and fabulous writers, all the glory of this conversion must needs stand upon weak surmises and fabulous legends.  
As for the Monk Austin, he could not speak one Saxon or British word, but was fain to bring interpreters with him out of France, then called Gallia. How then could he convert them, which understood not one word spoken by him? We do not read, that he preached to the Saxons or Britan's, but only that he baptised. And very likely it is that he holp only to baptise those, whom either the Britan's always remaining among the Saxons, and submitting them selues unto them, or the interpreters, which Austin brought 〈◊〉 him from Gallia, which then had a tongue common to both Gauls and Britons, had before converted. But suppose that either himself speaking British or Saxon, or by some interpreter, should have converted some few: yet all that amounteth to nothing, and is scarce worth the speaking of it.  
Secondly, suppose some Britan's or Saxons had been converted to Christian Religion by preachers sent from Rome in ancient time, when religion was pure and sincere: yet Parsons hath no reason to make any great clamour upon so small advantage. For first, all those that are converted to religion, are not to subject themselves to those churches from whence those came that did convert them, or else to that bishops that sent them. The church of Rome acknowledgeth no subjection to the Church of jerusalem or to the Bishop thereof. Neither doth Friesland or Germany, that was converted by Saxons that came out of England, acknowledge our Church or Bishops to be their superiors. But were Rome beholding to jerusalem from whence her first preachers came; yet do not the Romanists now turn Turks, because Turk's preside at jerusalem. Suppose then we were beholding to Christian Romans; yet what is that to Antichristian Romans, that have declined almost into as gross impieties as Turks, and worship idols, or as they 〈◊〉 them images, so grossly, that the Turks do condemn them, and may justly rise up too against them in judgement. Again, suppose we had been beholding to the ancient Romans, yet this maketh nothing for the modern inhabitants of Rome, that either are a race of Goths and Lombard's, that were enemies to the Romans, or else a collection and Ramasse of other nations nothing like to the Romans. Finally, if we ought to embrace that religion, that was either taught by S. Peter, 〈◊〉, & Austin, or by other Christian Bishops in their times; then are we to renounce the decretalive doctrine of Popes, together with the philosophical mixtures of school divines, both which have been brought into the Church long after the ages wherein they lived. Furthermore, the idolalatrous worship of the cross with latria, of the saints with dulias, of the blessed virgin with hyperdulia, the doctrine of Papists concerning the carnal eating of Christ's body, transsubstantion, half Communions, private Masses, reservation of the Sacrament, purgatory for temporal pains after the guilt remitted, popish indulgences and other popish trash might be packing. It would also be time for the Pope with his triple crown, two swords, guard of swizzers, Cardinals, Monks, Masspriests, and Friars, to truss up his trinkets, and to make himself ready for his journey into some far country beyond all Christianity. For never shall Robert Parsons prove, albeit he could convert himself into all shapes, that Britain was converted to any such religion as this, or that the Church then had such a form, as now we see in Rome. Page 103. he allegeth two proofs, whereof the 〈◊〉 he calleth negative, the second affirmative, and thereby hopeth to show, that the modern Romish Religion is all one with the ancient Christian Religion. But his negative ridiculous proof is denied. His affirmative is rather a bare affirmation then a proof. For first against his negative we offer to prove, that not only the points of Romish doctrine, which the Church of England refuseth, are brought in long after the Apostles time, but also that they are contrary to the Apostles doctrine. But suppose we knew no original of some of the 〈◊〉 heresies, are they therefore no heresies? Is idolatry no idolatry, because the first beginning thereof is not known? Or are the Angelikes, Archontikes, Crosse-worpers, Nudipedals, Monothelites, and diverse other heretics true Catholics, because the Papists cannot show who first broached these heresies? Secondly, albeit the Magdeburgians and some other learned men, find fault with some terms used by the fathers, as of sacrifice, altar, priest, purgatory, 〈◊〉- will, and some other: yet that showeth not, either that all the fathers used these terms, or that any of those that used them, consented with the 〈◊〉, which from new terms are grown to new and strange doctrine. Beside that, Parsons disputeth ridiculously, which ascribeth the particular and private 〈◊〉 of some one or few among us, to the whole Church. He himself, albeit he affirm many things desperately, will not yield us this point against his own 〈◊〉. So we see Parsons his whole treatise of three 〈◊〉, easily 〈◊〉 in three words, and with the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉.  
The second part of Parsons his treatise, wherein he pretendeth to make search for the religion professed in England, is wholly without the compass of his title of three conversions. So simple was he in his choice, that he could not choose a title to fit his fantastical work. Beside that, he seemeth to be blind that could not find our Religion in the ancient Church of Christ for a thousand years after Christ, and long after. For there is no point or article of faith taught by the Apostles, & received by the consent of the whole Church in any ancient and lawful Council, but we receive it and embrace it. Nor do we profess any thing in the Creed of the Apostles, or of the Nicene, and other ancient Counsels, which the ancient fathers did not also together with us receive and profess. While therefore the lightheaded friar ran posting through all ages, and 〈◊〉 to inquire for news of our Church, which he might see if he would, in all places: he resembleth much that wise fellow, that could not see wood for trees. Neither is it material that in ancient time he findeth no opposition made against the Pope's primacy, or universal power, or to the Mass, or to the doctrine of transubstantiation, the carnal presence in the Eucharist, the sacrifice of the mass, the 7. sacraments, purgatory, indulgences, & such like. For who seeth not, that it is most ridiculous to make search for opposition against popish doctrine & heresy, before the same was extant in the world? But as soon as any began to challenge the name of Ecumenical, or universal Bishop, Gregory the first challenged him for it, as the forerunner of Antichrist. The worship of images, allowed after a sort in the second Council of Nice, though not in such gross manner as now, was oppugned in the Council of Francford in the time of Charlemagne. The carnal presence of Christ's body in the sacrament, was not believed by Gregory the 7. as Beno reporteth, and was both them and afterward disliked by many. Transubstantiation was disputed against by the schoolmen. All the Eastern Church spurned against the Pope's headship, his purgatory and indulgences. Neither since the time of the first beginning of these corruptions, did the Albigenses, Valdenses, Wiclephians, and Bohemians, as they are called, together with diverse others, cease to exclaim against these popish abuses. But (saith Parsons) these did not in all things agree with us. Yet if he speak of matters of faith, he wrongeth them and us. If of ceremonies, it is not necessary that all churches should agree in all points. Furthermore, if the adversaries had not calmniously laid diverse imputations of heresies upon them, which they never held; the variation would not have seemed so great as they pretend. Wherefore if Robert Parsons seek no better, it is not like that he will find a Cardinal's hat, which, as his friends charge him, he hath long sought.  
This is the 〈◊〉 of that which is material in Robert Parsons his treatise of three conversions. The rest is nothing else but froth of the man's fury and foolery, and containeth only certain idle invectives against M. Fox, that good man, & against M. Bale, & other honest Christians, together with certain fond tales of king Alphreds dreams, & S. Cutberts' apparitions, & such like wooden & popish stuff drawn out of lying legends. He forgot not also to rail against our noble Queen lately deceased, and to call her old persecutor, and to lay an aspersion of slander upon the State, as if the same did persecute Papists for religion: a matter of which the secular Masspriests are ashamed, and stick not to clear those, whom this convertible Proteus most unjustly chargeth. Finally, his fardel of waste papers containeth diverse corruptions and depravations of holy Scriptures, miss-allegations of Fathers, weak collections, gross errors, rebellious positions, notorious lies and calumiations, which in a large treatise hereafter are to be discovered.  
K. kellison's Survey, if any man list to survey and peruse a certain slanderous and railing companions libel, entitled Caluinoturcismus, and with hatred more than Turkish to christian religion set out by Gifford of Lile, will be found to be wholly stolen out from thence, albeit he yieldeth no thanks to those from whence he borrowed, or rather stole his invention. This Plagiary therefore needeth no other answer, then that which is already made to Giffords' Turkey work called Caluinoturcismus. It seemeth that man is at a stand. For albeit Gifford hate religion like a Turk, yet he answereth no more, then if by virtue of Parsons his three conversions, he were turned into a mute Turbot. This K. also of his own hath added a glozing and flattering Epistle to the King, a certain preface concerning inanimate and unreasonable creatures, percase like the Arcadian beasts of Douai, and certain fragments & old ends of diverse stale declamations, made (as it seemeth) at the drinking out of a pot of Kenish wine. His scholars (I hear) gape and wonder at his horrible eloquence. But yet the wisest of them see, that they have no affinity with his purpose, and only serve to fringe his chapters, like as musty ends of mockado serve to stitch his lacket of perpetuana. All the whole amounteth to nothing, save to declare the man to be a perpetual railer, and a most sottish declaimer.  
The idle fellow in all his scurvy collection, which he like a surveyor without commission hath made to lttle purpose, doth neither show wisdom, nor modesty, nor learning. If the fellow had been wise, he would not have touched any matter of novelty or absurdity. For therein he giveth his adversary's just occasion, not only to justify their religion to be most ancient and consonant to holy scriptures, but also to declare his popish religion refused by us, to be a pack of novelties, and a mass of gross absurdities. For who knoweth not, that the Komish Church consisting of a triple-crowned and crosse-slippard Pope, with his guard of swizzers, a consistory of purple Cardinals, that hath near affinity to the purple whore of Babylon, a rabble of rakehellike masspriests, filthy monks, friars, and nuns, with a people worshipping idols, and believing the decretalive doctrine of Popes, and the decrees of Trent is new, and never seen before until of late. Who doth not understand, that both the grounds of popery, & the doctrine thereon built is new? For neither can R. show, that the ancient Church was founded upon the Pope and his decretals, or upon traditions allowed by the Church of Rome, or that the Church was tied to such senses of scriptures, as the Romish Church alloweth, or bound to follow the old Latin translation of the Bible. Neither can he prove, either out of fathers or ancient writers, that Christ's true body is both in heaven and earth, and in every pixe at one and the same time, or that his body is invisible or impalpable, or that there are just seven sacraments, and neither more nor less, and that Christians receive Christ's flesh with their teeth and mouth, or that the Pope is the head and spouse of the Church, or that he hath two swords, or that any images are to be worshipped with latria, or that devil's torment souls in purgatory, or that the Pope's indulgences deliver souls from those torments, or such like points of popery.  
Now what I pray you is more absurd, then to believe that a man can eat himself, as the Masspriests say Christ did at his last Supper, nay that a dog or a hog can eat Christ's body, or that a spider can be drowned in his blood, which saveth all, destroyeth none, that can receive it? Again, what is more senseless then to adore crosses and dumb images, which neither see, nor hear, nor move, and whose honour is not seen or known of those saints to whom they belong, for aught we know? Thirdly, what is more inconvenient then to make a blind Pope, that is ignorant of all matters of religion for the most part, supreme judge of controversies of religion? Can blind men judge of colours, or ignorant atheists of religion? Fourthly, what is more blasphemous then to teach, that the Scriptures to us are not authentical, unless the Pope consign them unto us? Shall not truth be truth, unless it please the Pope to say it? Finally, seeing faith ought to be most certain, and built upon grounds most certain; the popish religion must needs be an absurd faith, and a false religion, that is built upon traditions as well as Scriptures, of which traditions the papists can yield no certain proof, but are driven to allege either lying legends, or old motheaten missals, or uncertain customs. It were an easy thing to allege infinite such like absurdities, of which this surveying K. hath very foolishly offered us occasion to discourse at large.  
He doth also very simply talk of the sacrifice of the Mass, Survey li. 4. c. 2. For if Papists say truly, that Christ's body and blood is really offered in the Mass, and that every external sacrifice requireth a real destruction: than it followeth, that these massmongers 〈◊〉 really destroy Christ's body and blood. Bellarmine lib. 1. de missa. c. 2. (saith) that an external sacrifice doth require a real destruction. Requirit realem destructionem. Was then this fellow wise trow you, to talk of this brave sacrifice? Further do we think him wise, that in a book offered to the king, doth rail on the king's religion, saying, That it leadeth unto atheism?  
Finally, it is a note of desperate folly to affirm, That our religion leadeth to Atheism for want of a Pope, or for want of the Popish mass or sacrifice. The contrary hereof rather is to be gathered against the Popish religion: wherein, as we may collect out of the adversaries own confession in c. si Papa dist. 40. the Pope may lead with him thousands of souls into hell. The mass also is a mass and sink of superstition and idolatry. Neither is any thing more repugnant to Christ's only sacrifice, than the priesthood and sacrifice of the mass.  
Modesty he showeth none, with a face as hard as a lopster, affirming, That we teach, that God is the author of sin: That we despoil Christ of his divinity. That we wrong him in his office of redemption, and bereave him of his title of lawgiver and priest: And doubt not to say, that Christ dispaired. Now what greater impudence can be imagined, then to ascribe that to us, which we utterly deny and disclaim? Nay, we pronounce him accursed, whosoever shall hold any of these points. But the Papists in some things rub very near upon these rocks, & namely, where they give to every man power to satisfy for the temporal pain of his sins, and yield, that others beside Christ may be called redéemers, and make the Pope a lawgiver, able to bind men's consciences, and give power to the priest to intercede for Christ's body and blood, that God would be pleased to accept it, as he accepted the sacrifice of Melchisedech.  
Impudently also he belieth us, & raileth upon us, saying, that we make every private man's spirit supreme judge of controversies; and that we 〈◊〉 Fathers & ancient Counsels, and overthrow all religion and worship of God.  
Neither doth he only rail upon us, but also upon scriptures, where he saith, that founding ourselves only on scriptures, we open a gate to all heretics and heresies. As if the Fathers and ancient Counsels which founded their faith upon holy scriptures only, opened a gap to all heresies. Or as if this could be spoken without disgrace to holy scriptures, that he that relieth upon the word of God delivered in scriptures, doth open a gate to all heresies.  
Finally, he taketh upon him the title of the legate of the great monarch of heaven; being but a base, fugitive, renegued companion, set on by Antichrist and his supposts, to rail at religion, and the professors thereof, and lying without rule or order.  
His want of learning doth every where appear throughout his whole Survey. The Scriptures he citeth very rarely. The Fathers he mistaketh and misalleageth. In Ecclesiastical histories he is but a novice. Nay, albeit he talketh much of our Religion, yet he vnderstandeth not what we profess, what we reject. Finally, although the fellow be but a poor translator and collector of other men's slanders, yet could he not well relate that which is translated out of others. His principal witnesses are Staphilus, Cochleus, Bolser, Nicol Borne, Stapleton, Surius, and such like railing and base authors. Was it then likely that he should show learning, that is wholly conversant in these 〈◊〉 authors, devoid either of learning, or else of all religion and honesty?  
And all this, God willing, shall by many particulars be verified, by those who already have undertaken to control his Survey, and to examine every article of this lewd libel. Not that such an asses head deserveth any curious washing, but because such a barking cur dog would be silenced with a sharp censure.  
It resteth now, that I speak a word or two more of Walpool & his confutation. The man is a special friend of mine, albeit upon very small acquaintance: a cunning treacle seller also, a 〈◊〉, & a master empoisoner, as before is declared. This only I forgot to tell you, that his brain is full of 〈◊〉, his memory like an old leather budget, his crown like the posterior parts of an ape, and his head like the knop of the handle of a gittern with two strings. If you meet any such fellow in the kitchen of the Romish college of English boys, commend us to him, and tell him that we have at leisure perused his 〈◊〉 all confutation, and therefore now he may bestow it upon the cook to stop his bottles. The stile biteth like pepper, and therefore may do some good service there. Only thus much I must tell him, the his words are too high for such a low subject as he handleth. Every where he raileth like a man beside himself, and calleth me mad man, sycophant, frantic fellow, lunatic, satanical, juggling minister, dolt, fool, noddy, foolman, irreligious atheist, idiot, ass, drowsy heretic, and such like names, and these are the common flowers of his dogged eloquence. Yet I assure him, that I am not offended with his rough stile. For although he give me very hard words, and raileth like a tall fellow of his tongue; yet I thank him, he is well content to pass by all my arguments in sober silence, & to confirm as much as I affirm by his cold denial. Now what greater argument, I pray you, can we bring to prove that Walpoole and his consorts are neither Catholics, nor members of the true church, nor hold the ancient religion of Christ Jesus, but rather are a pack of heretics, idolaters and traitors, then that our adversary, that taketh upon him their defence, hath nothing to answer in their behalf? It was not modesty certes that made him silent, but mere imbecility of his cause, and want of just defence.  
Will it please you to take a taste of his insufficiency, before we broach the whole barrel of his foolery. In the preface of his book, he vaunteth that he hath spent his time in exact study of Divinity, and with particular care read the Scriptures, Counsels and Fathers. O happy youths, that hear so exact a spender of his time in study of Divinity! O hard adventure for us, that are to encounter this giant, that hath devoured so many Counsels and Fathers! But in the mean while Parsons was much too blame, that put him to it thus impudently to praise himself. We for our parts do admire his singular folly and arrogance, who praiseth himself with such impudence. His great reading to us is invisible, his great ignorance in all manner of learning, and not only in theology is every where apparent.  
Fol. 2. he telleth us how Heraclitus affirmed that the snow was black. But unless he produce his author, his friends with Heraclitus may weep, to see his pitiful ignorance. We have heard such a thing of Anaxagoras: but this of Heraclitus is ridiculously forged. In the same place he writeth also, how Zeno taught, That it was impossible for any thing to move. A matter very stupendious. But this he findeth, that hath read exactly the fathers. Would he name his author, he will make a Stoic to laugh.  
Fol. 8. he saith, that Christ's body hath a being in the sacrament, like to a soul. But our Saviour (Luke 24.) showeth a notorious difference betwixt a body and a spirit. Out of his reading of the fathers, he never learned that Christ had a body unlike to ours.  
Fol. 16. he compareth Christ's body to God, that is in diverse places. A matter that tendeth to the destruction of the article of Christ's incarnation, and much repugnant to scriptures and fathers. Unto these words of Hilary, lib. 8. de Trin. Of the truth of the flesh and blood of Christ, there is no place of 〈◊〉 left: he addeth diverse words, falsifying them in this sort, Of the true presence of the flesh and blood of Christ in the blessed sacrament, there is no place of doubting left. Belike his great and exact study of divinity, and particular care in reading, will bear him out in it. Yet Hilary talketh of Christ's true incarnation, and not of the presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament.  
Fol. 31. he saith, That our bodies are nourished with the body and blood of Christ. But the holy fathers teach us, that Christ's body and blood is food for the soul, and not for the body. Cyprian De Coena Domini, saith, We sharp not our teeth to bite. And Augustine tractat. 26. in joan. saith, We are not to prepare our teeth, viz. when we receive this holy sacrament. Here therefore this 〈◊〉 followed his fathers the Capernaites, and not the fathers of the Church.  
Fol. 174. he distinguisheth Peter Martyr from Vermilio, whereas this is Peter Martyrs surname. He telleth us also that Flavianus taught, that God was the author of all sin. But if he produce not his author, it will be an easy matter to show, that he belieth Flavianus, and mistaketh one for another through pitiful ignorance.  
To belly & falsify the fathers with this bastardly jebusit, is but a peccadillio. Fol. 18. he avoucheth boldly, that Gregory speaketh not of satisfying for the guilt, but for temporal pain. But the words of Gregory do plainly convince him of this falsehood. For in him these terms & subtleties are not to be found.  
Fol. 23. he is very bold with Lactantius, & maketh him to assign three notes, by which heretics may be discerned from true Christians. But this is more than ever Lactantius spoke or thought. He doth also give suspicion by his corrupt translation, as if Lactantius had spoken of popish auricular 〈◊〉, and penance thereon enjoined, which was never the author's meaning.  
Fol. 25. he writeth the Cyprian demonstrated Peter to be the head & root of the church. Which if Walpool had had a true tongue in his head, he would never have affirmed. Beside that, what a ridiculous toy is it, to translate Peter's prerogative to the Pope, that is liker to the Calipha of Babylon then to Peter?  
Fol. 27. 31. & 34. he corrupteth Irenaeus most grossly, making him in the first place to speak of those traditions of which he never thought, & in the 2. to maintain the universal power of the Pope, which he never knew. In the third place where Irenaeus hath imaginibus, he blotteth out the word, & putteth in the word magia, lest he might seem to speak against images.  
Neither doth he only belly the fathers, but his adversaries also. Fol. 114. he saith that Aurifaber, Snepfius, Heshusius, Vergerius, Beza, Musculus, Socinus, and other ministers in this agree, that the ancient fathers are against them, and for the Papists. A matter neither agreed upon by all, nor in these terms confessed by any. As for Socinus, he was an Italian heretic, cast out and condemned by our church. Why then is he ranked with honest men? Doth this rank fellow in this multiforme lie, think it reason to range together men of such disformitie? In another place he affirmeth boldly, that Luther, Caluine, Peter Martyr, and Melancthon make God the author of sin: not considering, as it seemeth, what a sinful act it is to calumniate and belly honest men. That they are desperately belied, their words and writings, where they profess and declare the contrary of this which Walpoole affirmeth, do manifestly demonstrate. But this monster hath filled his tongue to speak untruth.  
Fol. 157. speaking of popish 〈◊〉 and limbus patrum, he saith, they were taught by all antiquity. Alie most notorious, and which shall make him famous to all posterity. For neither is this word Limbus patrum, nor the popish distinction of the parts of hell, nor the popish doctrine concerning Limbus patrum and purgatory, held by any one, much less by all the ancient fathers. And thereon I join issue with this disjointed companion, requiring him to answer that which I have written De Purgatorio, and contra limbum patrum papisticum, to this purpose.  
Of his great skill in Latin, his words fol. 〈◊〉. b. will give testimony. For there he hath Vnae 〈◊〉 sole, for Vno ecclesiae sole, as Hierome hath, or at lest Vnius ecclesiae sole, if he would have spoken in any congruity. Of his skill in the Greek, we find good proof, fol. 54. b. where in two words he maketh three faults. First he deuideth this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and maketh it two words. Next he writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and thirdly, he putteth an accent of aspiration in the midst of a word. If he had been put to use much Greek, we should have had good stuff, that find him so faulty in this only one Greek word.  
To conclude with our party for this time: neither in 〈◊〉 against his adversary, nor in defending himself, his consorts & his cause, doth he acquit himself in any tolerable sort. Unto me he objecteth, that I understand not the state of the question. A matter ridiculous. For he himself cannot deny, but I report the adversary's meaning and words truly. He chargeth me also with untruths. Yet is it no untruth that I say, that Stapleton denieth the scriptures to be the foundation of religion. For I cite his words truly. And every man that readeth his book, entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, shall find that scriptures are excluded out of the number of Principia doctrinalia. With the like facility I shall clear all the rest of his 〈◊〉 objections.  
Where I bring many arguments, all concluding that papists are no true Catholics, as maintaining rather particular than catholic doctrine, this wise confuter, or rather confounder of himself, 〈◊〉 out like a wild 〈◊〉 into a long discourse of the name of Catholic, and the causes of the 〈◊〉 of the Church, matters 〈◊〉 questioned betwixt us. He doth also load us with sacks of authorities of the Fathers, concerning the 〈◊〉 of the Church, which are not to the purpose. But in all this discourse he doth not once attempt to answer any thing said by us. Likewise in the Challenge, wherein Papists are declared 〈◊〉 to be the true Church, he flieth all encounter, like a foolish combatant fight with his own shadow. And this we do not doubt but to declare shortly in a larger answer most fully.  
In the mean while thou mayst easily perceive the 〈◊〉, falsehood, forgery and insufficient dealing of our adversaries. Parsons in his book set out under the name of T. 〈◊〉. doth most grossly and impudently praise himself. In his book of three conversions he 〈◊〉 Ado Trevirensis, for Ado Viennensis, and often mistaketh one for another. Both his and their other faults I have before briefly noted. The rest if thou 〈◊〉 have patience with us, God willing thou shalt receive shortly. Now I could bestow no more time in polling these Arcadian fellows. The Lord, if it be his holy will, discover all the 〈◊〉 of heretical Papists, and grant that the 〈◊〉 of his most glorious Gospel may shine in all men's 〈◊〉 to the utter 〈◊〉 of the seat of Antichrist, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the kingdom of Christ jesus.  
Laus Deo.  
FINIS.