Charitas.  
JUSTICIA  
Fides.  
¶ A muster of scismatyke bishops of Rome/ otherwise naming them selves pope's/ moche necessary to be red of all the kings true subjects.  
Cum privilegio.  
PRUDENCIA  
SPES  
Obedientia  
Da●entia.  
IB  
johan Byddell.    

Londini in aedibus Thome Bertheleri typis impress. Cum privilegio adimprimendum solum. ANNO. M.D.XXXIX.   

¶ Here followeth the coutentes of this book.  
erst a prologue, which describeth and setteth forth the manners, fashions, and usages of pope's/ right meet and convenient for the time that now is: wherein also the pope's power is briefly declared/ and whether the word of god written be sufficient to our salvation or not.  
¶ After that a goodly history & worthy to be red of all men, of pope Gregory the seventh/ written in the latin tongue, by a right holy and virtuous prelate of the church called Beno, cardinal at that same time/ & newly translated into english.  
¶ Last of all followeth the life of the fourth Henry, emperor of Rome & of Amain, new turned also in to our mother tongue: which Henry was cruelly imprisoned and deposed, by the means of the said Gregyry.   

The prologue of the translator. ¶ johan Robertes to the gentle indifferent reder sendeth greeting and well to far.  
considering ohs well beloved reder, that so many noble authors/ as well of science incomparable as of wit most clear and excellent, have in divers and sundry works so lively and expressly depainted and set forth, as a living image before a man's eyen, the use, fruit or commodities of histories/ so that nothing more, as concerning the commendation of them can be well desired/ I thought it therefore a thing little requisite, as at this time again of any such things to make declaration. And though I had attempted so to do, yet I do not stand (thanked be god) so highly in mine own conceit, but when I had done the best I could, and sought all the corners of my wit/ I think not the contrary, but there might have appeared as great difference of eloquence & beauty of oration, betwixt my encomye or commendation and theirs, as betwixt the clearness of the son and the least star in the firmament. Therefore the premisses pondered, I have determined to leave that, and to proceed to my purpose & show the cause of my labours. ¶ There is a fond foolish fantasy raging in many men's heeds now a days (that would to god they were so wise as they be many in multitude that be troubled with it) and that is this. The pope say they can not 
That the pope can not err the trāslatou●e entenoeth to disprove.  err. Truth it is that if he be in a fair hyghway without any turnings, and well hedged on both sides, upon his mules back, I think he can not moche err except he would cause his mule to take the hedge. But that lightly he can not, for a mule (men say) may abide the spur very well. This fantastical blindness was never endued by any man of literature, but by some pekysshe peddler or clouting colyer, it is so gross of itself. well, be it never so gross, yet was I once grossed therein myself: For colyers be not gross alone. Than chanced to come to my hand the life of Gregory the seventh, otherwise named Hyldebrande (hereafter following) wherein when I had red a little way, as a man would say, one leaf and one side in the latin tongue, & see the abomination that there was written, I begun some thing to be moved, & boat the lip, scratched my heed, and waxed exceeding weary: yet forth I went. But when I came to th'end, and remembered the detestation, execration, and mischief that I had there met withal by chance/ and again how shamefully, miserably, and piteously the poor simple souls of Christ's church had been seduced & mocked/ not only myself and one or twain more, but hundreds, thousands/ ye all the hole world with this pestilent persuasion, that the pope can not err/ and did see before mine eyen the plain contrary, so clear that it can not be denied/ me thought I was bound in conscience, no less than upon the salvation of my soul, to declare unto other the truth that I had found, and the darkness out of the which, by the reading of this foresaid book I was delivered. Of this conscience, zeal, & occasion I took upon me to translate this history mentioned/ which although it be not so exquisytely done, nor with such eloquence of english as some man would look for in an history/ yet shall I desire all men, whose chance shall be to read it, to admit my good will & endeavour. And because no man (in the world that now is) can mean, say, or do any thing so well or with so clear conscience, but that the poisoned pestilent tongues of false detractors shall pervert it to the worst: therefore I 
The protestation of the translator.  protest here before god, or I proceed any further, that I intend no derogation to holy church, holy pope's, holy bishops, holy fathers, holy doctors, holy man, holy woman, or any other holy thing/ but only the disclosing & utterance of them that be nought, and yet notwithstanding will be taken as holy, & would have men believe that what so ever they do is well, and that they can not err/ ●●d will if a man say the contrary call him heretic, and be ready to burn him, for other defence they have none. But truth it is that a galled horse will kick wh●n he is rubbed upon the gall: and no man will make a prouder brag, sooner than 〈◊〉 stark thief/ as judas said when our saviour Christ showed his apostles, that one of them had betrayed him: Not I good lord quoth he. Here could I recite many goodly ensamples of them that would be esteemed good, & yet in very deed be stark nought, were not for divers causes: but among so many let us be content with one. In the time of king Henry 
cardinal johan.  the first, king of England, there came in to this realm a cardinal of Rome, whose name was Iohn: this cardinal made a grievous exclamation against priests concubines/ and said that it was a shameful thing & abominable in the sight of god, a priest to rise from a strumpets side, to sacre the holy body of Chryst/ which notwithstanding the same day, after that he had song mass in the morning, was taken with an harlot himself at night, like a good evangelical father. This thing was so op●n lie known that it might not be forsaken nor hid. If any man be discontent with the production of this ensample, I ●hall desire him to hold me excused/ first because I do it of no malice, god to record/ secondarily for that, that no man intending to disclose the manners of them that be nought, & yet will be otherwise taken, can do any other but say the truth as he knoweth. And in so doing he must needs call a thief, by this name thief/ a knave, by this name knave, and so forth/ wherewith no good man ought to be offended. Now (least we be to tedious) it is meet we approach to our matter.  
GRegory the seventh, or Hildebrand 
●ergius the second of that name/ before he was created pope of Rome/ was surnamed/ os ●●r●i in latin/ in english/ swine's mouth hogs nose/ or pig's snout/ whether ye will. which Sergius because he was a shamed of so foul a name/ & unmeet for such a dignity (as he thought) did change his name/ & called himself Sergius. So that ever since all pope's have used the same/ as ye see here in experience by Gregory the. v●●. whose surname before was Hyldebrande.  of whom we spoke before, beside that that he was a damnable heretic of the sect of Arriane, as it is very evident to be seen in his life/ was also so cruel a tyrant & so lewd of manners otherwise, as never god put life in a worse. And even here without any more business (as an old rotten house, blown over with the wind) cometh down in a mischief our old rotten raynebeaten opinion, that the pope can not err. For that ones admitted that he was an Arriane, as truth is (if any credence is to be given to a worldly story) than no doubt but he was an heretic condemned by the most famous counsel of Niece. If the pope's warriors will fight again th'history, and say it is of none authority and credence: I answer that they must approve it needs, if they will at least approve him that is even next cousin german to our holy father. For he that wrote the book in the latin tongue, was one Beno cardinal at that same time/ which I suppose was a very good man, ye and could err very little, if the pope can not err at all. Neither is it best for the saving of this opinion, that ye deny the truth of this story, least in your most need other men serve you of the same sauce, in the things wherein ye would best be believed, as in such things whereof ye have nothing to show but stories/ and than ye be at a pretty point.  
Peradventure it will be answered, that likewise as the appearing of one swallow proveth not the springe of the year, no more doth the error of one man, no not of four or five conclude that an other or all have erred in deed. Marry that is truth/ who goeth about to prove that? Our argument is no more but upon possybylite, as thus. Gregory the seventh did err and was an heretic/ ergo an other 
five pope's stark heretics.  may so do. Or thus: Gregory the seventh was an heretic. Urban the second was an heretic. Liberius was an heretic. Novatus was an heretic. Anastasius the second was an heretic/ and it is not unpossible but the rest might be heretics: ergo all might be heretics. Ye, I dare be bold to say, that if men would make so fat heretics as be made now a days, they were no better all for the most part. Some man would say perchance that mine argument is nought. And than I say again (saving my charity) he understandeth nought. For though there were no way to fortify mine argument but the comen manner of speaking, yet could I do it. As for an ensample: when men say a dagger is but death/ it is as much to say to all men that have any wit, as all daggers be death. And when they say: I would not trust my father, if his hood and his cote were sowed together, or if he did wear a shorn crown: some wise man would take it so, that none such were to be trusted/ and than me think they be but even a right bare sort. Semblably (to choke them with their own principle) when they say, the pope can not err, their meaning is that no pope can err: and than must the contrary needs be true, that when men say the pope may err, it signifieth so moche as all pope's may err. And now I trust to god our argument standeth.  
Here have ye proved that the pope may err, with the experience of five proved herctikes, condemned by the testimony of the church & good authentic stories, which for the confutation of this fond principle might suffice after my mind. But because five make but a little show in a field, let us pass forth and see if we can espy the hole army of these blessed brethren.  
For the more manifest truth whereof ye shall understand that from the year of our lord god. CC xliij unto. M. CCCC xxxiij there hath been xxiij schisms in the 
xxiii. schisms in the church.  church, among the pope's themselves. Of the which the twelve schism endured xvij. years. The xxij schism xl years, and the three & twentieth xvi years.  
¶ The xxij schism aforesaid, was so dark & doubtful, that the cronyclers can not tell (all the while it endured being the space of xl years) who was the right pope/ no nor the best learned men and most of conscience that than were. And yet there was ever more choice of pope's enough: for all that same time there were never less than two or three at ones. So that in my conceit if the pope can not err, me thinks one of them might have tried the matter who was the true pope. Neither do I doubt but every man said for himself, I am the true pope. But for as much as none of them in so saying were allowed of tother, it can not be denied but that every one judged of an other, that he lied and erred both/ and was for the defending of his error an antipope or ydole. yet the most wonder of all is, that it could not be discerned who was the true pope, by the best learned & most of good conscience that than were as the cronyclers say. Upon this it followeth that there was never a true of them all, or else that the clergy or church was very simple and could not discern it/ and consequently had not Christ amongst them, to instruct them by his spirit of all truths: and than they were not the church of god. For Christ hath promised to be with his church to the end of the world, to inform it in all virtue. Or if they like not that, than must they say their chronicles be false (wherewith hitherto they have found no fault) & condemn them/ and than we have made a fair brewing. considering than that the pope's would not at those days (when they were two or three at ones, ye and at other times when they were five or uj at ones) allow one an other/ but judged each other to lie, err, & to be antypopes/ what need we any better proves that they may err, than their own mouths?  
In the time that these xxiij schisms endured, we find that there were to the number of half an hundred pope's, stark errant schismatics, antipopes, or idols/ whose names be these.  
Novatus Benedictus ten Liberius Stephanus uj Eulalius Benedictus Laurentius Hispanus Sysinius 
Seysmatykes.  johannes ten Sergius Petrus de Carbari● Christoferus Theodorus two Damasus two johannes ix Formosus Alexander two Benedictus ix Romanus i Syluester three Benedictus four Gregorius vij Eugenius four johannes xxiij Leo .v. johannes twelve Christoferus four Leo twelve Sergius three Albertus Innocentius vij Arnolfus Gregorius twelve Theodoricus Alexander .v. Petrus leonis Gregorius the sixth and two more with him/ beside these four that Alexander obtained of. Clemens vij Vrbanus uj Bonifacius ix Benedictus xiij Bonifacius uj  
GRegory the sixth aforesaid was so 
Gregory the vi  rude and so unlearned, that needs he must choose an other fellow to execute the office with him, wherewith because many men were discontented, they elect the third to put the matter out of strife/ for the other twain were fallen by the ears together.  
Novatus the pope denied that there 
Novatus.  was any forgiveness of sins to them that had ones offended, but without remedy to be dampened for ever. If any man can deny that this man erred, let him say now, for this is the last time of asking. It were to long to recite all their errors/ and therefore let us see how some of this half hundred used themselves, as concerning a part of some of their lives/ for to rehearse the hole story would ask to long a volume.  
first to begin withal, Bonyface the 
Bonyface.  viii. a man of ill name and fame, by his falsehood and treachery, deceived his predecessor good celestine the fifth, & caused him by a false policy to put himself down. Bonyface perceiving that celestine was a very god's creature, and easy to make a fool of, thought surely to show him a point of sophestry/ and for the same purpose made as many friends as he could. But amongst all, he had made a special singular good friend of one of the pope's cubiculers/ whom at the last he enticed (for money) to take a great hollow read/ and therein to speak these words that follow to the pope, in the deed time of the night. Now a man to speak in a reed, maketh a very strange noise, as ye know. The words were these. celestine, if thou wilt be saved, renounce the papacy & pomp of the world, 
celestine 〈◊〉 delude●.  and serve me as thou didst before (the pope before led the life of an anchor) and this was done three nights together. The good poor soul the pope supposing this voice to descend from heaven, did as the voice commanded him. But when he understood the guile, knowing how falsely he was deluded, than he prophesied thus of Bonyface: as a fox thou came up, as a lion thou shalt reign, and as a dog thou shalt die. Bonyface was of such pride & arrogancy, that he was not abashed to write himself, the lord of all the world, as well in tempora●tyes as in spunaltyes. And he instytute the pardon and indulgence 
The Iubili●.  of the jubilee.  
Benedict the twelve was of such disdain and skornefulnes, that he thought scorn 
Benedi 〈…〉 the. x●●.  of his own kindred/ in so moche, that when any of them came to seek him for aid & succour, he answered that a pope had no kindred at all.  
Iohn the twelve was so haught, proud, 
Iohn the xii.  & glorious in all that ever he did, & so ill of living/ that he was judged, not to be saved, but rather to be damned/ in so much that good & religious fathers in their devout petitions & prayers made unto god, desired to know the state wherein he stood. Now if he had made any good end, or like to a christian man, what need them put any doubt?  
Whereto should I recite the most abominable pride that ever was herd of celestine the third, which like an whore of the stews past all shame, crowned the Emperor Henry the fifth, holding the crown between his feet: and when he had so put it on, he smote it with his foot again, nothing ashamed to say, that he had power to make and depose Emperors at his pleasure. when notwithstanding Chryst said that his kingdom was not of this world.  
Calixtus the second, took and imprisoned 
Calixt the second.  one Benedict a spaniard, promoted to the papacy by th'emperor/ but first set him upon a mule, with his face toward the tail/ & caused him to hold the tail in his hand, in stead of a bridle/ and to ride through the cite with moche shame before him. Some writers say, that it was upon a camel/ and in deed it is most like to be true/ to th'intent he might sit a loft like an Emperor in a play/ and be seen the better/ to increase his shame. Lo what charity is among these holy fathers? But if he had constrained him to take the tail in his mouth, and play on it with his fingers, in the stead of a bag pipe/ than a man might well have praised the pageant, without any blame.  
I do warn the here good reder of one thing/ & that is this. I have left out here the names of the writers, where I took the substance of this prologue, as touching what so ever thou shalt find therein concerning the pope's, & Emperors, except Gregory the vij and th'emperor Henry the fourth/ & wittingly & of this policy, to prove whether any man be so well seen, to deny the least jot or title untrue, and that it can not be fortified by authors hitherto allowed.  
Of these eight pope's that follow/ that is Bonyface the sixth/ Stephan the sixth Roman the first/ Theodore the second/ Iohn the ix Benedict the four Leo the .v. and Christofer the first/ I find no manner of goodness/ but that they be all together slanderous, debateful, & mischievous, with such contention as hath not been herd of at any tymés.  
And first of all Stephan, conferming 
Stephan the vi  th'acts of Iohn the eight in that the said Iohn degraded Formosus when he was cardinal, to the state of a lay man/ & enforced him to forswear both the cite & the seat: condemned also in his time the same Formosus 
Pope Formosus. / with all thacts done of him in the time of his papacy/ and took up his body after it was buried/ and smote of one of his hands/ and did the hand to be cast in the river of Tiber/ two of the fingers first smitten of.  
Than cometh Theodore the second/ & 
Theodore the second.  he condemneth Stephan & his acts/ and approveth pope Formosus & his acts/ & so did Iohn the ix in the counsel holden at Ravenna before lxxiiij bishops.  
Than cometh Sergius/ and dasheth 
Sergius.  all that was done of Theodore/ and condemneth both Theodore/ Iohn the ix & also Formosus/ commanding Formosus body to be taken out of the grave ones again/ and to be appareled like a priest/ and his heed to be smitten of in the seat apostolic/ and the body to be cast in the river of Tiber.  
Leo the fifth was imprisoned of Christofer 
Leo the fifth. / and had the papacy withdrawn from him by mastery and violence: but Sergius the fourth thrust out Christofer and that right shortly/ according to the old proverb. Quade do/ quade have. Here is a turmoiling I trow.  
Iohn the ten was son to Sergius the 
Iohn the tenth.  fourth/ both in flesh and spirit/ & than ye may be bold he was no little honest 
Mark the life of these that follow/ by th'end/ for it is an old proverb. If the end be good/ all is good.  man. Iohn came by the papacy as more of his fellows did/ by usurpation & violence/ I will use no worse terms/ and at the last, according to his life died miserably in prison, his breath stopped with a quysshyon.  
Iohn the xvij came up by simony/ 
Iohn the xvii.  by the help of Crescentius consul of Rome/ and afterwards (for no goodness) had his eyes bored out of his heed/ and the rest of his membres all to cut, hewed and mangled.  
Damasus the second entered the poperyche 
Damasus the second  by power and violence/ and by all possibility lived well/ for he died suddenly, without housel or shrift.  
Iohn the xxj was not unlearned/ but 
Iohn the xxi.  a very fool in manners/ and died as foolishly. Upon a time (belike when the cups were full/ for than be men most wisest) he prophesied that he should live many years/ but it was not long after, ere he died wretchedly, slain with a chamber falling on his neck, which was but even new builded. And here ye may see how true prophets they been.  
Whereto should I recite the grievous 
Innocent the fourth.  and intolerable exactions, tasks, & payments, wherewith pope Innocent the fourth, both cruelly, wrongfully, and uncharitably, pilled and vexed the Realm of England/ for the which he was sharply rebuked of Grostheed, bishop of Lyncolne 
bishop Grostheed.  at those days, in a letter sent him from the same Grostheed/ for the which letter, and for because the bishop would not admit a nephew of the same Inuocentes, being but a boy, to a canonry than void in Lyncolne, he was accyted to Rome/ and thereupon accursed/ and the bishop appealed to the Throne of the Trinity. After the bishop was deed, there appeared to the pope in the night, one in a bishops raiment/ and smote the pope upon the lift side, saying. Arise up wretch, & come to thy doom. The pope was found deed in the morning/ & his bed all swimming with blood.  
Bonyface the eight of whom we spoke 
Bonyface the. vii●.  before, died thus. As he withstood the french king/ and enforced with all his might and power to have deposed him, Guyllyam de Longaret, a wise man and far casting/ and other of Guyllyams' friends, made them strong/ and took pope Bonyface, whom after long pining in prison, they set upon a wild horse, without any bridle, turning his face toward the tail/ and making him run, and prick so about, till at the last he lost his wind/ and so was slain: but even in a manner (as I said) deed before with hunger/ agreeable unto the prophecy of celestine/ as a fox thou entered/ as a lion thou shalt reign/ and as a dog thou shalt die.  
johan the twelve by all likelihood came 
Iohn the xi●.  of gentle blood/ for he loved well dogs and huntynge. And as for women, he kept them but even openly. At the last as he was taking a little pastime with a man's wife, for the recreation of his spirits/ the devil killed him suddenly, even in the doing of th'act.  
Constantyne the second entered ungraciously 
constantine the second.  & lived ungraciously, to the great infamy and slander of all holy church, and was at the last ungraciously served/ both his eyen put out, & deposed by the charity (as writers say) of good christian people for his ungracious life.  
¶ I find it a true saying, oh good reder, that who so regardeth his work diligently hath little mind of other things. In good faith I was so busy with these pope's, that I had almost forgotten myself/ and have nigh hand made half a work in stead of a prologue: but I pray the of thy courtesy to pardon my forgetfulness, and than I will speak a word or twain of the deposition of the emperor Henry the fourth, with two or thremo, and so make an end.  
first to remember the most cruel, 
Henry the fourth/ Emperor.  tyrannous, and pitiful handling of the exceeding good & virtuous prince Henry the fourth, emperor of Rome and of Almaigne, whose life and history I have hereafter translated: alas it would make any man's heart in the world to melt. Oh good lord what man is that living, were he never so cruel or unnatural, whose eyen would not burst out in weeping/ to see so excellent a prince, so valiant, and so virtuous to be so villaynously entreated, mocked, driven from place to place, cast in prison, deposed, banished/ and that even of his natural son, lords, and subjects? The cause and doing whereof was only & all together Hyldebrande, otherwise named pope Gregory the seventh/ as but to plain (if it pleased god otherwise) hereafter it shallbe seen in both their lives following/ and therefore I let it pass.  
Than go to Innocent the third/ and 
Otho.  see how by the authority of Quodcuque ligaveris, he setteth up & putteth down, and maketh havoc. And first of all he enhanceth Otho the fourth, and crowneth him Emperor: but it was not long or great variance fell between the pope and the emperor. Than mark how that as soon as Otho once displeaseth 
Otho is deposed.  Innosent/ by and by he is accursed, and thereupon deposed/ and frederic the fourth is set up in his stead. But not long after cometh Innocent the fourth, and he deposeth frederic/ because he 
Frederyke is deposed.  began to withstand the pope, and would have taken no wrong at his hands as other had done. This Frederyke was slain of his own son/ by whose encouraging it is easy to conjecture.  
was not the emperor Lewes the 
Lewes the mild deposed.  mild cast in prison also and deposed of his own sons, by the counsel of Gregory the fourth?  
Did not pope zacharias at the request 
Hylderyke deposed.  of Pypyn, ruler of the french kings house, depose Hylderyke the french king at those days/ and made him a monk? It is a wonder they made him not a monkas, or some other monster.  
Suppose ye also but that king Iohn 
King Iohn of England handled like a ward.  of England was handled meetly like a ward? which was fain to yield up his crown to the pope, & make so shameful an oath of allegiance, to hold his crown of him/ after that manner as I believe verily no true hearted subject may abide to here of, moche less than to report it. Ye, and what was the cause of the cruel handling of this good king? Forsooth none other but for that, that he right gently demanded a certain sum of money of the white monks, to aid him in his wars and need against the irish men/ which monks answered right obstinately (but cloaking their obstinate pride with the colour of obedience toward their religion) that they durst not so do, without the consent and licence of the general and heed visytour of their religion, th'abbot of Cisteaux in France. The king notwithstanding when he returned from Ireland, compelled them as right was, for their proud & disdainful stubbornness, to pay moche more than he demanded before the setting forwards of his voyage toward Ireland.  
another cause was, for that that the king would not admit one Stephan Langton (a man of no small pride & few good virtues, as it appeareth right well by the chronicles) to the archbysshoprike of Caunterbury, whom the prior and covent of the same had elect and chosen against the kings will, and sent their election to the pope/ which the pope confirmed, and sacred him at a city called Viterbi. If these be reasonable causes (oh good christian reder) to interdict and accurse this noble realm of England, the king and his counsel, with all the dukes, earls, barons, lords, & other his subjects that favoured him, I report me unto thee? If these be reasonable and just causes to pill & poll this most honourable realm of England ever since that yearly of a thousand mark to be paid to the court of Rome as a tribute, as the bishop of Rome pretendeth/ with other incovenyentes expressed in the chronicle of fabian, the seventh part & xuj leaf/ 
Reed fabian and the chronicles of England.  and in the chronicles of England the. lxxxiiij leaf and the lxxxv. leaf, I report me to the and to all the world. without question king Iohn was a good man, and a most virtuous king/ but ungodly handled and falsely defamed by a malicious sort of traitors of the clergy after his death/ and his life and history shamefully enterlased with most abominable lies: wherefore I conntende it singularly unto thy goodness to read it with discretion and judgement. Here (good and favourable reder) I appeal unto thy very conscience, and adjure the in the behalf of god, and as thou wilt answer/ for as much as thou seest here depainted and set forth before thine eyen, the manners and fashions of the proud bishops of Rome (which be such that it mere able to make any clean & christened, and good english heart in the world to abhor at them) that thou from hence forth be not so superstitious, so insolent & foolish to think it well done, and allowed of god what so ever the ravening bishop of Rome shall do, without or beside the word of god. Ye, & I adjure the also in the same name and virtue that I did before, that thou suffer not thyself to be led in blindness, & dampened in hell with them that held with the bishop of Rome, than named pope Innocent the third/ against their liege lord & sovereign king Iohn: but that thou endeavour thyself to know thy duty unto thy sovereign and liege lord/ and to resort unto such sermons and books as shall teach the the same: unto whom thou owest such obedience, as to shed thy heart blood in his cause and commandment/ ye against an hole army of bishops and pope's of Rome, if the case should so require/ as well as again an army of infidels and turks. I mean where the bishop of Rome will take in hand to play the tyrant, as he did with good king johan/ there I say thou art bound under the pain of damnation to strike. ye I affirm boldly that who so ever one's favoured cursed Innocentes part at that time, was dampened for ever in hell/ unless he repented and were sorry therefore or he died. That proveth the elect vessel of god saint Paul●, the xiij chapter to the romans, saying: who so ever resisteth the power (meaning the temporal power only) resisteth the ordinance of god. Now is it plain that who so ever resisteth the ordinance of god, committeth damnable sin/ and shall receive damnation for his labour as saint Paul saith/ unless he repent and be sorry therefore. And that the aydours fautors, favourers, and consenters unto sin be as well worthy of everlasting damnation as the very doers of the fact, is proved by thauthority of saint Paul, in the last end of the first chapter of the epistle to the romans, by these words. The which (saith saint Paul, meaning of the heathen gentiles in general) all be it they knew the law natural of god, that all they which commit such sins/ as be adnombred in the same chapter before) be worthy of damnation/ yet not only they do the same, but also consent unto those that do them: as who should say, not only the doer but also the consenter unto sin, is worthy of everlasting damnation. Neither can any man pretend ignorance before god/ for it will not serve, as witnesseth Chryst himself in the gospel/ saying. If the blind lead the blind 
Math xu  both shall fall in the dyche. He saith not, that the one of them shall fall in the dyche but both. ¶ Wherefore ones again I warn, advise, beseech heartily, & adjure all mine own herty & well-beloved countrymen of England, that they ꝑmyt not themselves to be blinded with affection, with hypocrisy, or with superstition. Blindness will not help/ & therefore let it pass. If thou wilt know the bishops power of Rome/ otherwise called the pope's power/ as it is convenient & sitting that thou do/ resort unto the glass of truth, & to the book named the determinations of the universities/ where it is right excellently and passing well declared & debated what the power of the pope is/ how far it extendeth/ and what he may do. And to tell the my mind shortly. Our metropolytane of Caunterburye, within the realm of England, is a far better man than he/ both by th'authority of scripture, the doctors of the church, and the authority of counsels general. And as for the bishop of Rome, otherwise called the pope that now is, all the world knoweth well enough what he is: a bastard a symonyake, an heretic, & a false usurper of his dignity. wherefore I can not marvel to much why my country men of England, which had wont ever more to be circumspect and have wisdom in all things, and fierce of courage to defend their king and realm manfully/ should, saying no cause why, but many and urgent causes to the contrary/ depend and lean to the usurped authority of such a naughty and lewd person. what said I, authority? ye tyranny: which because our most gracious and sovereign liege lord the king, will permit and suffer him no longer have his usurped iurysdyction within this realm, and to carry away, exhaust, and devour the gold, silver, & treasure of his poor subjects and commons, to molest and trouble them in his court at Rome/ & divers ways to oppress and use his tyranny over them by himself and his, as he many years heretofore hath been negligently suffered to do. For this our cause (I say) it is that he beareth so moche malice unto our most benign protector & defender our said sovereign lord the king, our undoubted capital heed under god/ & enforceth therefore as much as lieth in his froward & ungracious policy and power, to bring his highness and his realm to his usurped obedience/ which most manfully like a most victorious & christian king he doth defend, not only for himself, but for the tender love and pity that he beareth to the weal of this his honourable realm and loving subjects, & the deliverance of the same from servage and thraldom. Here me thinks I see even the hearts of all true englishmen leap in their bodies for the love that they bear unto their most gracious liege lord, thus shamefully & cruelly handled for their sakes, & speak unto themselves after this manner. Shall we suffer our kings most gracious highness thus maliciously, cruelly, and frowardly to be entreated and handled, mocked and deluded of a bastard, of a symonyake, of a false usurper, and of an heretic/ and all for the love and favour that he beareth unto us his poor subjects/ and for because his grace only mindeth and tendereth our commodity, weal, & profit? No forsooth, we will not suffer his grace to receive such injuries & wrongs in any wise, so farforth as it shall lie in our power to the contrary/ but we will again like true & loving subjects, when so ever his noble grace shall so command us, ye but even wink upon us (to testify our true hearts & minds/ that his most noble grace doth not love us in vain, and suffer so much injuries for our sakes only for nought) draw out our sword like english men & true subjects/ and manfully fight in his grace's quarrel, to spend the best blood in our hertis to be revenged of such a false bloodsupper & antichrist. Let us well remember, note, and ponder what benefits we have received of the kings most gracious highness, by the space of xxv years/ & what experience we have had of his proceedings, & how we have been defended from all outward enemies, & what glorious & most victorious acts our said sovereign hath obtained in the said xxv years while he hath been our king, & in what wealth we have lived under him/ besides the thing that he now goeth about, as to defend us from the theft, robbery, oppression and tyranny of the bishop of Rome, that most mischievous tyrant. Hath not his grace ever been our protector and defendor, our shield and buckler both in town and in field, against the thefts and robberies of strong thieves & murderers? who could pass out of his doors/ ye who could abide at home in his own house unrobbed or slain, were not for the fear of the sword wherewith his highness most mightily hath ever defended us? whose wife could be saved from ra●ysshynge? whose daughter and maid from deflourishing? who should defend us from the incursyons of outward enemies, as of aliens? who should see us have any right in the law? who should defend the poor widow, the innocent, the fatherless and the motherless? Finally if we had not a gracious prince (as lauded be god, no realm hath none such) it were much more pleasure for us to be out of the world than to be in it, to be beasts that to be men/ considering the misery wherein we should live, if the said bishop of Rome and his might obtain that he and his most desire. The premisses therefore well considered, why should we not love him, favour him, and defend him with our lives and goods to the uttermost of our powers/ as our liege lord & sovereign, as our protector and defender/ ye as a very father unto us, as he is without question? And contrary, why should we in any wise love, favour, incline, or depend any thing to that tyrannous antichrist of Rome, which would with all his heart see his grace, his realm, & subjects also utterly not only ruined, but also brought in perpetual captivity and bondage/ to th'end that he with his clients might have his devilish desire and lust accomplished? and all this is for our sakes only. what profit have we by that foul Romish ratten, but pilling, polling, pyking, robbing, stealing oppression, bloodsheding, & tyranny daily exercised upon us by him & his? Doth he not enforce to destroy and extynct us as much as lieth him? why should we be thus blind? why should we be thus insensible? Alas for pity, let us once be wise & serve god truly and our king/ and god shall love us, favour us, defend us, and be with us/ & than who shall be against us? Remember good reder what I have said I beseech the heartily in god's behalf, and as thou art a true subject/ and away with antichrist of Rome.  
Here (most gentle reder) all be it I instantly required the a little before as thou wouldest answer before god to resort unto such books as may perfitly instruct the in the knowledge of the power of the Romish popet or bishop, yet for because the matter is now in our handling also/ and for as much as I desire nothing more than that thou & all other my country men, may clearly see the plain truth, as concerning what his power is in deed/ and by that to stick & abide: I say & boldly affirm at few words, 
The bishop of Rome's power.  that the bishop of Rome hath no more authority than hath any other bishop in christendom given him by the scripture. To prove that, it shall be necessary to recite the place of Mathewe the xuj wherein all his hope and trust is. But first thou shalt understand that our saviour Christ putteth a certain question unto his disciples, and demandeth of them what the fame and report of the people was of him, and how they estymed him & took him in company there as the apostles came/ not for because that he was ignorant of the people's talking: for how can any thing be unknown to god? but to the end & purpose that he would after, that demand of them their own faith and believe/ & have it known to all men, as it was before known unto himself/ to signify that his servants, friends, and lovers which be taught inwardly by the spirit of his father, have an higher knowledge, understanding, and a sure believe and trust/ where as they that be not instruct in their souls by the same spirit, have but a wavering mind & opinion, shaken with every wind & puff of doctrine. The words of the scripture been these. whom (said Christ) do men talk that I am, that same son of man? And they answered: Some say that thou art Iohn baptist/ other say that thou art Helyas/ other that thou art jeremy, or one of the number of the prophets. He said unto them. But what say you that I am? Than Simon Petre answering said: Thou art Christ that same son of the living god. Here thou must understand good reder, that likewise as Christ proponed his question not only unto Peter, but unto all his apostles/ even so they all and not only Peter, answered unto Christ's question/ all be it at the first sight a man would think the contrary by the words of the scripture: but that answer of all them was made in Peter, and by Peter, in the name of them all/ as in worldly business the foreman of a quest answereth and giveth the verdict for all his fellows. This affirmeth saint Augustyne upon this same place, by these words. unus respondit ꝓmultis: Oue 
Augustyne.  answereth (saith he) for many. Item the holy man Bede, our own country 
Bede.  man: Petrus respondit unus pro omnibus. Peter answereth (saith he) one for all. Item Lyra: Peter (saith Lyra) as 
Lyra.  though he had been principal of all, gave answer for himself and for the other. And the gloze also called, Glosa interliniaris, saith the same/ and so doth the ordinary gloze. And the noble clerk Chrisostome 
Chrisostom.  in his lu homely, upon this same place of Mathewe/ and upon the last chapter of Iohn in his lxxxvij homily, calleth Peter the mouth of th'apostles/ for that that all they answered in him, & by his mouth, as by their foreman & spokesman, as men call it. And that he was so it appeareth well in the sixth chapter of Iohn, where after a long sermon that Christ had made unto the people, wherewith they were so sore offended that they went murmuring away & forsook his audience/ he said unto all his apostles at once: will ye go also? Than answered Simon Peter. Sir, to whom should we go? Thou hast the words of eternal life/ and we believe & know that thou art Christ the same son of the living god. Mark here that he saith not, I believe and know/ but we believe and know, as being the mouth and foreman for them all. Of this it is manifest both by scypture and doctors, that Peter answered for all his fellows, and they all in him/ and that his cofessyon was their confession. Forget not this good gentle reder, for thou shalt receive no small fruit thereby & light, as touching the truth of that that I affirm the bishop of Rome to have no more authority than an other bishop. For this ones granted (as it can not justly be denied, and as we have sufficiently proved) that all the apostles made answer unto Christ's demand, and confessed him to be the son of the living god by the mouth of Peter/ than must it needs follow of congruence, that what so ever answer and promise for that confession so made, seemeth only at the first looking to be yielded unto Peter as retribution & reward of his Christian confession/ must of necessity also be yielded unto the rest of his fellows. For the cause (as saith saint Augustyn) why Peter received such a promise of Christ as he did, was his true and faithful confession. Now the same cause of promise and reward being in them all, that was in Peter/ why should they not all than enjoy and obtain the same gift, authority, and promise that Peter enjoyed and obtained? specially before so rightwise a judge which had called them all to one office of apostleship? Ye, that our reason is both good and problable/ and that all the apostles had like & equal promise made unto them all/ ye even the very same self promise that Peter had made unto him, and all at one time & place/ we shall confirm and stablish by th'authority of doctors, and reason corroborate by scripture. Our first doctor is the holy and worshipful man Bede, which confirmeth our foresaid reason thus. Likewise (saith this holy man) as the apostles generally demanded of their believe, Peter answereth one for all/ even so that answer that Christ made unto Peter, he made to them all in Peter. This gear is plain enough me thinketh. But let us see what Lyra saith. And I say unto thee (saith Christ) that thou art Peter, and so forth. where Lyra upon these words of Christ: And I say unto thee (putteth to this gloze) for the & thy fellows. The same affirmeth Ludolphus in his book entitled, De vita Christi, even by the same words: and so doth the foresaid gloze interliniar or between the lines, saying thus. Christ answereth them all in Peter. And the ordinary gloze saith thus. The answer is made to one for all, to signify that unity ought to be observed among them all. Now this ones proved, as we see it is/ and as it can not be denied/ but that what so ever promise of power was here made unto Peter, was equally and at one time and place made unto all the rest of th'apostles? How can the bishop of Rome, that usurper, tyrant, and blood supper, for shame (if he were not passed all shame) ones mouth it, that he should have any authority above an other bishop, considering all th'apostles had as much power promised unto them as had Peter, and all at one time, as I said but even now? Yea that there was no superiority amongst the apostles, appeareth in the xu chapter of the acts of the apostles, where when Peter by the way of sentence and judgement, would have rid the gentiles, that were converted unto christ, from the bondage of Moses' law, and from all the parts thereof, james took upon him to correct Peter's sentence, and adjudged that for the weakness of the jews, to th'end that dissension & strife should have an end between the gentiles and them, adjudged (I say) that that gentiles should abstain from eating of meats offered unto idols, from fornication, strangled, and blood/ ye and discerned that so it should be, saying. My sentence is (that is to say, I judge and ordain) that we trouble not them of the gentiles, which be converted to god etc. And this ordinance stood, and was a plain correction to Peter's sentence/ so that all men may see plainly, that james knowledged no superiority in Peter, which he must have done, if there had been any in Peter. Yea if there should be any prymateshyp or superiority in any of Christ'S disciples, me thinketh it should be in judas and Silas, which in the same chapter following be called heed men or superiors among the brethren, which yet can not be understand, as concerning any power that they had more than their fellows, but for some other singular gift wherein they passed the rest. And yet in all scripture is there no place that speaketh so moche for Peter. That Peter also had no more authority than any other of th'apostles is easy to see in the xviij. of Mathewe, where they received all as much, as high, & as great power as Peter had promised unto him in the said xuj chapter, all though the words might be referred to Peter alone/ as we have justly fortified before that they were not. The words of the xviij chapter been these. Truly I say unto you (saith Christ to his apostles) that what so ever ye shall bind upon earth, shall be bound in heaven/ and what so ever ye shall lose upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven. who seeth not here in these words as much power contained as is in the xuj of Matthew, where he saith. what so ever thou bindest upon earth, shall be bound in heaven/ and what so ever thou losest upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven. And yet in this xuj chapiter of Matthew, the power is but only promised. Whereunto some of the papists, object well and wisely, that god's promise is his deed and performance, meaning that as soon as the promise was made, which is written in the xuj of Mathewe, it was performed even by and by. I will make you a like argument. christ was promised unto Aoam, that he should come & redeem him and all his posterity from thraldom. ergo by these wise papists reasons, christ was borne even by and by. And it was promised in scripture, that a pure virgin and maid, should be the saviour of the world. ergo if god always fulfil his promise immediately, Chryst was conceived and borne upon our lady before she was borne herself, thousands of years, long before the angel saluted her, and went about invisibly to teach the papists such subtle arguments. No doubt but our papists been ever the best learned, and best reasoned men/ where there be no more 〈◊〉 they. But let us imagine that the power contained in the xuj of Mathewe was promised than to Peter only/ yet maketh it not for all that, that he had any superioryte or primatshyp over his fellows/ in so much as the contrary appeareth in the xviij. of the same evangelist, as it is before declared. Such arguing is much like as though the kings grace (god save his highness) having twelve gentlemen standing before him, and promising one of them by name hereafter to make him knight of the , but appointing no certain day/ should happen afterwards, according to his promise, to doubbe him knight of the hath/ but with the other xj of his fellows, all at one season and tyme. Now if this gentleman thus by the kings grace promoted, would take upon him to be lord and master over his fellows, because the diguyte was first promised unto him/ I suppose verily that the rest would think high scorn thereof/ and count him not very wise, nor yet take him so in d●●e. For all be it that the promsse were made unto him first/ yet they came unto it as soon as he/ and had the same dignity & as much given unto them as had he/ and all at one tyme. And so likewise it fareth by the power & keys supposed of the papists to be promised unto Peter only, and before all other/ although it be as true as that the see burneth. But admit that it were of a truth/ yet doth it not follow immediately that he had any superiority over them/ for as moche as every one of them received the same self authority in the xviij. of Matthew/ by these words. Truly I say unto you (saith Christ) that what so ever ye shall bind in earth shallbe bound in heaven/ & what so ever ye shall lose in earth shall be loosed in heaven. So that the most which they might prove if their supposition were true, as it is not/ were that Peter received tha●●orite of binding & losing first, & or any of tother received it: which natwitstanding is untrue. And again that there was no superiority among the apostles, doth the holy apostle Paul prove the second chapter to the Galathy●●s, where he saith thus. As soon as james, Cephas, & Iohn, which seemed to be the pillars, perceived the grace which was given unto me, they gave unto me & Bar nabas their hands/ and so forth. All the world may see by these words of Paul that james and Peter, which he calleth Cephas, and Iohn, were not in deed pillars and heeds of the rest of th'apostles, but seemed so to be, and that to some men/ for the vehemency & diligence peradventure that they showed above their fellows in setting forth the word of god. Mark here also how he saith not that only Peter seemed to be the pillar alone, but james and Iohn seemed to be pillars as well as he, and were taken for as great men as Peter was, which could not have been, if his power had excelled theirs. Neither doth he say, that james, Peter & Iohn were of any power, or pillars in deed above the rest/ but only that they seemed to be the pillars. Wherefore it is plain that they were not so, but contrary, of equal power and dignity with the other ix Y● le here furthermore by the authority of Paul, that james and Iohn were as highly esteemed as Peter, but never man yet said that james and Iohn had any more authority, than Andrew, Matthew, Thomas, and the rest, wherefore it concludeth that Peter had no more authority than all other of th'apostles. And so it followeth, that the pope hath no more authority than an other bishop. Which granted, it argueth of necessity, that he hath no further to do, than within his own diocese, which ought to extend no further than to the next bishops diocese adjoining to his. It argueth again, that he can reserve no cases from an other bishop, that he can not send any interdiction in to another bishops diocese/ that he can make no marriages/ or give any dispensations in another bishops diocese. etc. Finally it argueth that he can do nothing in an other man's diocese, for that that he hath not the word of god to bear forth his act, whiles the bishop of the same, for a more advantage, will consent unto his ●surped power/ and wink there at. Of this it is plain, that what so ever power the bishop of Rome hath put in execution within this realm of England since the time that he first crept in to it/ is and hath been nothing else but strong illusion, usurpation, and tyranny/ and every penny that he hath had, plain extortion, theft and robbery. To this I add, that all be it the words of authority given unto all the apostles/ and so consequently unto Peter, seem very large and to include all manner of power in them, where christ said. What so ever 
Mathewe xviii.  ye shall bind in earth/ shall be bound in heaven. etc. Yet I say that other places of scripture declare/ that it ought to be understand of the spiritual power only of binding and losing of sin, by preaching the word of god, and ministering the sacraments. That the foresaid words include no power over temporalties, or temporal rule/ is evident by the xviij chapter of johan, where Chryst said unto pilate. My kingdom is not of this world/ which is as much to say to any wise man: As I am no worldly king, prince, or ruler, nor have any thing to do in such business, as concerning my manhood, and the ministration of my father's word. Here would I fain learn how the bishop of Rome came by his temporal power to depose kings and Emperors, seeing that christ denied such power before good witness. I am sure that the bishop of Rome hath not more authority than Chryst had. If Chryst had no temporal kingdom, rule, nor power in this world/ than dare I be bold to say, that the popet of Rome hath none. And for as much as there be but two manner of conditions or states in this world/ that is to wite/ either the condition and state of a king or of a subject/ it must needs follow that the bishop of Rome, who would fain be called pope, is, nor can be of any other state and condition than a subject/ for as 〈…〉 he as he can be of no higher estate that was christ/ which knowledged himself to be but a subject before pilate, saying. If my kingdom were of 
〈◊〉 xviii  this world (that is to say, if I were a king in this world as I am but a subject) than would my ministers surely light, that I should not be delivered unto the jews/ but now is not my kingdom from hence/ as who should say, the contrary is true that I am but a subject, and therefore I may not fight & resist the power and ordinance of god, but be obedient thereunto as my father hath commanded. Ye & to signify that as concerning his manhood & the administration of his father's word, he & his ministers what name so ever they bear, must needs be subjects unto the kings power/ in the xvij of Matthew he payeth tribute for him and Peter, ye & in Peter for all other th'apostles and ministers of the clergy/ whom Peter represented and figured, to teach, declare and be an ensample to all that ever should succeed him and his apostles of their due obedience toward their princes. And this he did covertly, signifying that there should come in the latter days such false prophets and antichrist's as would teach the contrary, and withdraw their duty from their sovereygnes. Here is it evident (oh good reder) that the bishop of Rome can be but a subject, nor is: but unto whom? Forsooth to th'emperor. Than note my mind in one thing. Every man knoweth that what so ever subject maketh insurrection against his liege lord and sovereign, must needs be a traitor unto him & to god also. The fals●●ysshop of Rome that now is, otherwise called the pope, hath done ye & daily doth the same/ ergo he is a traitor to god and th'emperor: ye if thou enserche thystories with good diligence, thou shalt find that there have been very few other this vij hundred years. If the bishop of Rome be but the emperors subject/ by what authority may he thinkest thou take upon him to do that thing that his own liege lord and sovereign th'emperor may not do, at the le●st by good authority and justice, as to depose and set up this king and that king at his pleasure/ which his liege lord and sovereign the emperor himself can not do. And than he being but a subject, how the devil cometh it to pass that he may do it? were it a meet thing that the archbishop of York should depose th'emperor, or the king of Hungary? Now seeing that every bishop hath as much authority one as an other by the law of god, as we have proved before/ why should not the archbishop of york depose the king of Hungary or such another man, as well as the bishop of Rome that sometime was, named junocent the third, in a manner deposed the most virtuous prince king johan of England/ and brought him to that extremity, that he must needs to save his life & crown, and his realm from further inconvenients, being a king kneel down before a knave called Pandulph, the bishop of Rome's legate, and yielded up his crown to the said Pandulphe, as in to the hands of that foul monster and whore of babylon Innocent beforesaid/ which crown the said Pandulph received and kept five days in his hands.  
My stomach abhorreth to declare any further of the matter, therefore I beseech the what so ever thou art good reder, and the kings true subjects, to seek the rest thyself. In my conscience if that same matter were well pondered and regarded with a true judgement and a true subjects heart, of all them that may and do read it/ with other most shameful abominations that have been sith that practised by that babylonical strumpet of Rome and hers/ as well in all parties beyond the sees, as in our native country and realm of England: I doubt not that if all true englishmen knew them perfitly, and pondered them as they should do, but that they would, ye and thereto might with right good conseyence detest, defy, bespytte, and abhor that same foul toad of Rome, as they would and might the grand devil and capitain of hell Lucifer prince of darkness.  
Now to make an end of this matter, I have proved that the bishop of Rome called pope by usurpation, hath no more authority than an other bishop, and that by scripture, doctors, and the papists own gloss. And that furthermore the power that he hath, with all other bishops is more spiritual/ and himself but a subject with all his to the king and his laws, both moral & iudyciall. And that have I done by the authority of Christ's own words unto pilate in the xviij. chapter of johan, where Christ saith. Mykingdom is not of this world, as who should say/ I am no king or ruler of the world/ and than must he needs be a subject. Seeing than that Christ was but a subject in this world, as concerning his manhood/ how can it be avoided but the bishop of Rome must needs be a subject? If he be but a subject, how can he depose a strange and alien king, as the french king or such another the which thing to do his liege lord and sovereign hath none authority? Ye what manner of subject call ye that, that compelleth his own sovereign to kiss his feet, and will set the crown upon his sovereygnes heed with his feet and dash it of again when he hath done/ ye and depose him thereto when so ever he list? How agreeth this with saint Paul's doctrine in the xiij to the Romans, which saith thus. Let every soul submit himself unto the authority of the higher powers. By the higher powers he understandeth only the temporal power, as the process of the text manifestly declareth/ and excepteth neither bishop of Rome, bishop of London, nor bishop of Durham/ neither monks of the charterhouse, nor freres of Grenewyche/ neither father pie, nor father crow/ neither father goose, nor father gander/ nor yet any such like. But he saith let every soul submit himself, or be subject unto thauthority of the higher powers: where note that in saying every soul, he except 〈◊〉. And though as I said before he 〈…〉 th' himself afterwards co 〈…〉 the authority of the king only; say●ng●●e beareth not the sword for ●aught yet the apostle Peter setteth out Paul's meaning moche clearly i● his fyrst● epistle and second chapter, saying. S 〈…〉 ytte yourselves unto all ●ane● ordinance of ●an, for the lords sa●●/ whether it be unto the king as 〈◊〉 to the chief he●d/ either unto rulers, as unto them that are ●ente of him, for the punishment of the 〈…〉 doers/ but for th● la●d● o● the● that dowell▪ For so is the will of godly, and mark what high ●●ayse is given th● king in scripture. For he is the minister of god, saith saint Paul in the xiij chapter to the romans. And Solomon also in the viii. chapter of his proverbs/ speaking in ●h● person of god's wisdom saith thus: ●y ●e kings do reign. S● y● not here how Solomon extolleth the 〈◊〉 of a king/ affirming that realms and kingdoms be● governed, upholden and defended by the wisdom of god? and that their power, offices, laws, and ordinances, been the very divine power and ordinances of god? And in the second book and twentieth chapter of the Paralipomenon, it is written thus of worldly princes and rulers. Ye do not exercise the judgement and law of man/ but of god. For as much than as the office and dignity of kings and such heed rulers, been ordained by the high wisdom and providence of god/ and for as much also as his judgement and law, is not only man's law and judgement, but even the very judgement and law of god/ it followeth very well according to the saying of saint Paul: that who so ever resisteth the king and his ordinance/ 
Paul saith who so ever/ ●e●cepteth no man.  resisteth the power, ordinance, law and judgement of god/ and shall therefore (according to the mind of the same saint Paul) receive eternal damnation for his reward without amendment.  
Here (gentle and indifferent red●●) even as I ●ntende not to collect and add in this one little corner, all the places of scripture which make, stablish, and confirm the divine authority & power of kings, ye rather of god himself/ even so my mind was not utterly to ●●aue it all bare, naked, untouched, & blind unto thee/ but to show that some light knowledge and understanding, in the obedience due unto thy prince/ and give the occasion to enserche and seek further for a more clearer perceyvaunce of the same. And thus I leave speaking of the kings power, adding a reason or twain that we have no need of the bishop of Rome to be a general heed of the church of god/ and that I prove thus. If we have any need of him either we must have need unto his laws & correction, which is false/ for as moche as the king is both sufficient and able with his counsel to punish all manner of sin: or else we have need unto his personal preaching, which is false also & can not be. Or else we have need to believe as he believeth, which is false & untrue also/ for than we had need to be heretics & traitors/ as commonly he is himself. Or else we have need of his mighty power/ which is as true as that the moan hath calved/ when himself hath no more power than hath an other bishop/ as we have made clear before. Now if we need him in none of these points/ than it is easy to conjecture & to argue for a truth, that he was never ordained of god, to be general & heed vicar of the church/ but hath purchased that authority only by the sword/ and doth falsely usurp it by tyranny. For god and nature createth nothing in vain. One thing I know, that he hath had moche of our money, whereof whether he had any need or none, let every man judge. Yes say the papists/ it is meet that there be one that dare boldly tell Emperors, kings and princes their faults/ as who should say/ that no man saving the puppet of Rome durst purely and sincerely preach, teach, and write the holy word of god, wherein as in a most true mirror and glass, both kings, Emperors, & other, may behold & see the spots of their souls. But your meaning is (oh my fair papists) that it is meet & convenient, that there be such a tyrant & devil, as may be able to lay a fair sword in the necks of princes, which they and their heirs and successors shall never be able to recover, when so ever they shall do any thing contrary to your appetites. But we taught by good experience, are compelled to tell you again, that it is both necessary and needful that there be none such, and that we report us to good king Iohn, with other both kings, Emperors, & dukes, whom your almighty god & father the puppet of Rome, hath full like a false traitor & tyrant deposed. ¶ Here I leave your lord the puppet as I found him for this ones, speaking a word or twain of some of his clientes, which cleaving to the cleft of his lordship's cleansing place, defend his godhead from the highest to the lowest, with the word of god unwritten/ so they call it.  
Truth it is, that the word of god unwritten 
Of the word of god unwritten.  is of as great strength & efficacity as the word of god written, I mean if it be the very word of god in deed. And therefore when so ever any man will usurp upon thee (oh good reder) and fortify any matter, as in the name & authority of the word of god unwritten, do no more but deny the unwritten word that he allegeth, to be the word of god, & put him to the ꝓses of it/ and this be sure of, that neither he, nor any of his shall ever be able to prove it. It may fortune he will enforce to prove it thus. There be many things necessary to be believed, that be not written in scripture/ & this is one of them. ergo this must be believed of necessity. To the mayor or the first part I answer thus, that as concerning the necessity 
The first argument that the word o● of god written is suf〈…〉 ●yent.  of our salvation, it is false that there lacketh any thing in scripture written/ for it is written Iohn. ʒ. Sic enim deus dilexit mundum, ut filium suum unigenitum daret, ut ois qui credit in eum non pereat, sed habeat vitam aeternam. God loved the world so entirely, that he gave his only son, to th'end that who so eue● believeth in him, should not perish/ but have life everlasting: and in the same chapter. Qui credit filio, habet vitam aeternam. He that believeth the son, hath life everlasting. And Iohn the sixth. Qui confidit mihi, habet vitam aeternam. He that trusteth in me, hath everlasting life: & so forth in uj hundreth places more. Now been all articles necessary to our believe in Chryst, in the scripture written, & they do save us, as is before proved (because that who so believeth in Chryst, believeth in the father, & so in the hole trinity) ergo the scripture written doth save us, & is sufficient to our salvation. And so is the mayor/ that is to wite, that there be any things necessary to the salvation of our souls unwritten in scripture, proved false. Marry otherwise to speak of necessary things, truth it is that there be many things necessary to be believed of congruence and good reason, that be not in scripture/ as to believe that false harlots & shrews will never be true. And that Paul'S steeple can not ride xl miles upon a day, no though Lyncolne minster were the horse.  
The mayor or first part of their argument aforesaid is proved untrue also, by th'authority of saint Augustyn: Ad fratres 
Saint Augustyn in the book written to the christian brethren/ living in wilderness.  in heremo, sermone xxviij Satis enim novit charitas vestra, quod tota perfectio nostre vite, et edificationis, ex evangelio accipitur. Your charity (saith saint Augustyne) knoweth perfitly that all the perfection of our life & edification, is taken out of the gospel. Now mine old popish papists, where is become your word of god unwritten necessary to be believed to the salvation of our souls. Saint Augustyne saith that all the perfection of our life and edification, is taken out of the gospel. If all be taken out of the gospel, how is any thing unwritten? Ye, and he saith not only all/ but addeth there unto perfection & edification, whereupon it followeth that your word of god unwritten is of no perfection nor edification/ and than it is not necessary to be believed to the salvation of our souls. But peradventure ye will use your old shameless fashions, and say that he includeth in this word gospel, the gospel of god unwritten. Non sic impij, not sic. Not so ye wicked, not so/ for he expoundeth himself of what gospel he meaneth, in his xxxviij sermon to the christian brethren living in wilderness. Legite sacram scripturam (inquit ille) in qua quid tenendum et quid fugiendum sit, plene invenietis. Reed ye holy scripture (saith saint Augustyne in the which ye shall find at full, what is to be held and what to be avoided. How say ye now, doth not saint Augustyne command us to read holy scripture? but who can read that that is not written/ wherefore ye see that he speaketh of the word of god written/ and he addeth thereto, that we shall find in it at full, that is to say to every wise man, sufficiently enough what is to be holden, & what to be avoided. How like ye this word at full, which before he called all the perfection and edification of our life? And yet we find not in scripture your word of god unwritten. wherefore I conclude that it is not to be admitted and held, for as much as all things that are to be holden, been (as saint Angustyne saith) comprehended in the word of god written at full. And a little after. Et quid tenendum, et quid vitandum est apertissime demonstravit. And it hath showed us (saith he, meaning of holy scripture) most clearly & openly, what is to be held, & what to be refused. How say ye to these terms, most clearly & openly? More over to come to holy scripture again/ saint Luke in the first chap. of th'acts, approveth saint Augustine's words thus. Superiore quidem volumine diximus de omnibus Theophlie, que cepit jesus 
The second argument.  tum facere, tum docere. etc. In our first volume or book (saith Luke) we have written of all things o Theophilus, which jesus both practised & taught. etc. How say ye now to thevamgelistevangelist Luke, he excepteth nothing that Christ did or taught, whereof he hath not written: wherefore if ye will be so good not to be discontent that Christ did and taught all things necessary to our salvation/ than must ye nedis confess that they be expressed & written of Luke (though my new old masters have not the wit to espy them out) and than I put no doubt but in the hole body of the scripture written they be set forth at full and at large/ and so as for your word of god unwritten, ye may lay it up to an other year that there come some dearth of the word of god written. But what name should I have better for these noble divines, than to call them doctors dreamers, or gospelers ymaginatyfe 
doctores imaginativi. / for all that they prove is by dreams imaginations, & science imaginative.  
Paul the first chapter to the romans, 
The thyrbe argument.  saith thus. Non enim me pudet evangelii Christi. Siquidem potentia est dei ad salutem omni credenti. I am not ashamed of the gospel of Christ (saith Paul) For it is the power of god to save all that believe, trust, or stick surely thereunto. I marvel sore how our ymagynary fe doctors or gospelers can avoid me this place of Paul. Paul reputeth the gospel of god to be of such power and suffyciency, to save all that believe it: and than is the scripture written sufficient to our salvation/ and nothing unwritten pertaining to the same. Do we lack any of the gospel think you? than lack we a piece of our salvation. Finally if our imaginative evangelists believe that we lack any part of it, for because they can not tell how moche that part is, nor how little, but be uncertain thereof/ it followeth that they be uncertain of their salvation/ and would for that intent have us part takers of their sorrows: for it is a pleasure to wretches to have some companions of their wrechydnesse. Solatium est miseris, sotios habuisse malorum.  
Did not god also by the mouth of Moses 
The fourth. Non addeti● ad vbum/ quod loquor ●obis net auferetis ab eo. duty. ivi. ec xvii  command the children of Israel as followeth? Thou shalt not add any thing to this word, nor take any thing from it. I beseech you my wise unwritten gospelers, for what intent was that/ but because their word written was sufficient? Be we than in worse case than they were/ or doth not this commandment stand yet in effect? Is it either judicial law or ceremonial/ if it be neither, than it appertaineth to us as well as to them/ and than go play you with your unneedful unwritten word. How say ye now? hath not Iohn the same sentence in the last chapter of thapocalypse? will ye never be wise.  
Answer to this: why did the apostles 
The fifth.  set their pens to the book to write? was it not because the gospel of Christ should not be forgotten? And why than did they (as ye say) leave it unsufficient? May not the rest that ye say is unwritten be forgotten? Yes: and is so much forgotten all ready, that ye can not tell what it is, nor how moche. By your tale a man might well accuse as well all as one of the apostles/ both of uncharytablenesse, as of wilful negligence and murder of men's souls, in leaving that unwritten wetyngly and for the nonce, that is of necessity requisite to the salvation of our souls/ seeing it may be forgotten. And yet the contrary is known to well, that they were both to good, chartable, and diligent/ and loved the commandment of Christ to well, to be taken tardy in any such faults/ wherefore all your babbling is not worth a button.  
But what need us go about to prove 
The ●yet●.  the negatyfe, when it is sufficient for our part, to deny there is any thing necessary to our salvation unwritten in the scriptures: therefore (oh good reder which art not learned) when so ever thou hast any such reason made unto thee, demand of him that reasoneth with thee, what he meaneth by that same word, necessary. If he answer, necessary to salvation: deny thou that any such things lack in scripture written. If he mean of other necessaries, be not afraid to grant it him. As though it be not written in scripture, that if our fantastical doctors were upon the spanish sees in a ship without bottom, they must needs be drowned/ yet must thou by necessity of reason believe it. unless their faith were better than was Peter's, when he went upon the see/ or that god would show a a higher miracle than was done upon the holy maid of Kent. And thus moche 
The holy maid of Kent.  for the confutation of their mayor. Now to the minor or second part of their reason.  
When they can not avow the mayor or first part of their argument, than it is unpossible to make good the minor or second part/ as when it can not be proved, that there is any thing unwritten in scripture, necessary to our salvation/ how is it possible than to assign or appoint any certain thing, (as the fasting of lent, or any other thing) and say this is one of them? for I must first prove that there be some such things unwritten, ere I can say, this or that is one of them. As in example. If a man would prove that there be some good and honest unwritten gospelers, & could not make it good, if he were put to his probation/ how the devil than were it possible for him, to assign and point out some certain man of that sect, and say, such a man is one of those honest and good men? And by my truth I think it were as great mastery to prove that there be any good & virtuous people of that sect, as to prove that Chryst was borne before our lady, I take no more to be of that sect, but such as defend this arronyous opinion in the pulpit, or by writing, or obstinate disputation.  
Now when neither the mayor nor the minor can be proved, where shall we find the conclusion? God knoweth, for I can not tell.  
Yet to prove what our ymagynatyfe doctors can do, let us for good company grant that there be some things unwritten necessary to the salvation of our souls/ shall it follow therefore, that those same unwritten verities, which some of them assign to be the word of god unwritten, be so in deed? I wonder in what figure this same argument standeth, whether in Bocardo, or in Newe●ate. Such manner of arguing is moche like, as if one of these unwritten prophets, going to the fields to shoot, and lacking both braser and shooting glove, would prove that he needed his wives night cap, and argue thus. By god I have need of divers things which I have not, if I should shoot well. Marry that is truth might an other of the company say. Now if this wise man would conclude upon the others grant, and say/ ergo it is my wives nyghtcappe/ might not an ungracious fellow standing by say/ ergo it is an halter/ or ergo thou wilt never be wise? yes in good faith: except he would make a braser or a shooting glove of his wives nyghtcappe. Semblably when our doctors say: there be many things unwritten in scripture necessary to our salvation to be believed. ergo this or that is one of them/ yet that same this or that followeth not of necessity, no more than the good wives nyghtcappe doth/ so that if thou see cause why thou may as well say/ ergo it is the good wives nyghtcappe, or deny it, and put him to the probation of it: and of this I dare make the warrantise, that neither he nor all the friends he hath shall ever be able to make it good.  
But the best sport of all is, that our unwritten evangelists be driven by their own confession, to forsake the word of god written, as the thing that is not able to bear them out in their trouble, & 
〈◊〉 ●ory 〈◊〉.  to seek this sorry shift of the word of god unwritten, and that of necessity as they say. Of what necessity every man knoweth. Truly because they be not able to prove the bishop of Rome's power and tyranny, with other erroneous articles, by scripture written/ but grant well and wisely that the word of god standeth not on their part, and must therefore make their refuge to the word invisible that flieth about in the air, and no man can tell what it is nor where to find it. Be not these sore fellows to fight in a man's quarrel, that casting their best weapons from them, run home to their wives & say they be driven to fly for fault of weapon/ and desire a poding in the stead of a sword? God send every good man in a just cause, somewhat more wiser counsel than he were like to have of such men, which even at the first chop/ ye and without any study to, confess they be but beggars and have no ware to fallen. Is not a man's money well bestowed upon such merchants as cry creke even at the. first brunt? These be they that will beat● down all the world with then gone shot. But if other men had been driven to such shameful shifts by them good lord what exclamations would they have made. And as for the perpetual virgynite of our lady/ no man doubteth of it that I know. But in the mean time I desire my masters the papists, with the proctors of bycherly buggersters to tell me as they will abide by, whether they believe the perpetual virgynne of our lady to be comprehended in scripture written or no? all be it I know that in some places they have said nay all ready. But as for that I will take no hold of it but give them for this ones the privilege of cornisshmen, that is to tell their tales twice, for at the first telling it may fortune they were not well advised, or peradventure the men's wits were ravished, or (as the common saying is) breched. Neither is it good manner to take a man at the worst.  
another cavillation have they, & that 
This cavelation took the patriarch of unthrifts out of doctor drunkard.  is this. How know ye say they which is the true word of god? Whereunto I answer, that as concerning our outward knowledge, th'apostles & prophets have left their minds thereof behind them in writing, by the which we may discern the true word of god from dreams & fantasies. Well say they again. But how be ye sure that th'apostles & prophets did write that same word the ye red●? as who should say, it is possible that ye may be deceived, & that the bible which ye have & look upon, may be falsely entitled, & be none of th'apostles & prophets doings. Whereunto I make answer, that as concerning the outward knowledge, we have as much and good assurance that it is the very self same word that Chryst, his apostles, & the prophets taught: as that same sort, which ye call the church/ that is to say, the priests, monks queres, canons, abbots, bishops. etc. and have herd Chryst, th'apostles, & the prophets teach & preach as often as ever did they/ & seen them as often as ever did they. Wherefore as concerning the outward title & knowledge, as I said before, we be so well assured thereof as they been, and receive no knowledge of them, no more than they receive of us. Neither have they any better know league in this behalf, than we have. Than proceed our wise dreaming doctors further/ & affirm that we of the temporalty have none other knowledge & assurance of the true word of god, but because the church, that is the clergy as they mean, being assured which is the true word, & which not, by the instruction & teaching of the holy ghost, doth certify & tell us by the same spirit, which is that same true word of god. It is an old said saw (good reder) that a man shall soon ●ceyue a thief by his own tale. These old bottle brethren be so subtle, that they wot not in the world what they say. I amiss you they been exceeding cunning in wrestling by the arms/ but when they come to the collars, they been choked up forthwith, as the devil would/ & cast in their own trip. Let us mark well their words, and see what they have won by their own tale and confession. If the holy ghost (as they confess, and as there is no doubt) eustructeth the church & teacheth her to discern the true word of god, from false dreams and fantasies/ than is it as false as ever god almighty was true or is, that we of the temperaltye have no other knowledge or assurance which is the true word of god, but by the spirytualty, for as much as we by the redemption that is in Christ jesus be of the same church, that is instruct, taught, & made perfit in all verities or truths. For look how the holy ghost informeth & teacheth all the hole holy catholic church of god/ even so he inspireth & teacheth every true and living member of the same, in all verities and truths necessary to their salvation. But truth it is that the papistical spyritualty, with the doctor of the unwritten word, be not of the church of god/ ergo they be not instruct by the holy ghost: and consequently know not the true word of god. wherefore of good congruence & reason y● & by their own reason, they must bylene 〈◊〉, when we say unto them, this is the true word of god, & not we them. For that they be none of the church approveth saint Paul in the eight chapiter to the Roma●s, saying But if any man have not the spirit of Christ, that man is none of his. The papistical spirituality, with the prophet of little verait, have not this spirit of Chryst. ergo they be none of his sort, by the witness of his servant Paul. Yea how can they for shame be so bold to say that they have his spirit, when they be all utterly void of the fontes aseribed & appropriate to them that have the spirit? whiles they could make good, & fortify these little pretty ones that I shall adnombre to be the fruits of Christ'S spirit, as ambition, pride, lordliness, envy, malice, disdain, privy & open murder, oppression, tyranny, sleuth, ease, gluttony, with all manner of lechery, brenning, drowning, hanging men in their own girdles, sects schisms, division, debate, contention, & strife with Simon magus & judas, & the people of Sodom & Gomorre, with hawks, horse, whores, knaves, thieves, & all that nought is, and whether these be the known & manifest fruits of the Papistical kingdom, the heed, father, & god whereof is antichrist of Rome/ & his attorney the great god of Cateway, the father of unwritten verities/ I report me to all the world. And now ye see what our unwritten evangelists have won by their own tale, & to what point & conclusion they be brought by their undoubted verities: Forsooth that they be neither sure which is the word of god, nor yet be none of his church/ & that for because they be not endued with his spirit, as their fruits do well declare. But the very intent, purpose, & policy of the authors of the foresaid unwritten word was undoubtedly, hereafter when they should have seen time convenient/ to have denied all holy scripture written, both th'old testament & the new to be the word of god. This is in no wise to be doubted. And of this devilish drift & purpose, they put forth this question to the blind people, saying. How know ye that the bible which ye have daily in your hands and which ye read, is the true word of god, but by us? Or else to what other intent should they moon such questions, but that they minded purposely to bring me in wanhope & doubt of that thing wherein they never doubted before? Oh good lord, why dost the suffer these wretches thine enemies so long to reign, to rule, to devour, to murder, to s●●e & kill both the body and soul of thy poor creatures? Descend good lord descend, & revenge the blood of the innocent, with the slaundrous blasphemy of thy holy name. Thou hast here proved unto thee (good christian reder) that the bishop of Rome, otherwise unjustly called pope, may err/ & how that by the means of that same foul monster & bloodsupper, and by his clientes, this realm of England hath been grievously vexed, troubled, pilled, polled, shorn, shaven & scraped even to the very hard bones and marry: and not only this realm, but other also/ the heeds & rulers whereof as before is declared, have been of the same gargoyle faced Antichrist with his ministers, shamefully handled, vexed, imprisoned & deposed. And this hath be●● done without th'authority either of godde law or man's, by very power & tyranny, himself being but a subject, and of no power without his own diocese/ which ought to extend no further than the diocese of the next bishop. It is proved also by the authority of scripture, that all men ought to be obedient to the kings power, of what condition or state so ever they be/ and that under the pain of everlasting fire. whereto I have annexed that the word of god written is sufficient to the salvation of our souls/ & that the unwritten word is but a dream & fantasy. And now prepare thyself to the life of Gregory the seventh sometime bishop of Rome/ of all tyrants monsters, & unfaithful mamalukes that ever was the most: wherein thou shalt see such mischief, abomination, detestation, execrable manners, pride, tyranny, craft, subtlety, ambition, simony, poisoning, necromancy, setting up, putting down, preventing & supplanting as hath never been seen in no one man's life that ever was written or red. And that not of Gregory alone, but of many other more such monsters bishops of Rome, contained in the same life of his. Finally (most gentle and indifferent reder) by that time that thou hast perused it/ I dare be bold to affirm that thou wouldest for no good worldly but that thou hadst seen it. And if thou find not my words true blame me hereafter, as it shall seem good unto the. And to the end that thou mayst give the more credence to the truth of the history, thou shalt understand that it was written in latin (as I told the before) by one of the most famous and virtuous cardinals that than lived called Beno. Thou dost lust & long peradventure to see it/ be of good comfort, for with all the speed that may be possible, it shall be imprinted. And thus in the mean while far as well as I would myself.   

¶ The fawtes in the printing.  

Folio. 2. pagina. 2. linea. 21. endued. read induced.  
Folio. 7. pagina prima. linea. 24. virtue. read/ vertitie.  
Folio. 9 pagina. 2. linea 20. it with. read/ it of with.  
Folio. 15. pagina. 2. linea. 17. mere. read/ were.  
Folio. 30. pagina. 2. linea. 10. more. read. mere.  
Folio. 34. pagina prima-linea. 10. 〈◊〉. read/ proves.  
Folio. 36. pagina. 2. linea sec●da. not s●c. read/ non si●.    

¶ Imprinted by winkin de word/ for Iohn Byddell, otherwise Salisbury.