THE END OF NERO AND BEGINNING OF GALBA.  
FOUR BOOKS OF THE HISTORIES OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  
THE LIFE OF AGRICOLA.  
M. D.LXXXXI.   

TO HER MOST SACRED MAJESTY.  
I Present here to your majesties view my imperfections in their own colours, and the excellencies of another man with much loss of their lusty, as being transported from their natural light of the Latin by an unskilful hand into a strange language, perchance not so fit to set out a piece drawn with so curious a pencil. The cause of undertaking a work of this kind was a good will in this scribbling age no● to do nothing, and a disproportion in the powers of my mind, nothing of mine own invention being able to pass ●●e censure of mine own judgement, much less, I presumed the judgement of others. The cause that I published it under your majesties name and protection (beside th● testification of my bounden duty) was the great account your highness most worthily holdeth this History in; hoping thereby, that as some for the excellency of th● wine, have liked also the lees, so it might peradventure please you, to accept into some degree of favour this wor●e as it is, though by change from vessel to vessel having taken wind and lost his pleasing taste to the palate, yet retaining somewhat of his former strength, and much of his substance. But the principal cause was to incite your Majesty by this as by a foil to communicate to the world, if not t●ose admirable compositions of your own, yet at the least tho● most rare and excellent translations of Histories (if I ●ay call them translations, which have so infinitely escape the originals) making evident demonstration to all who have seen them, that as the great actions of Princes are the subject of stories, so stories composed or amended by Princes, are not only the best pattern and rule of great actions, but also the most natural Registers thereof, the writers being persons of like degree and of proportionable conceits w●th the doers. And so wishing your Majesty either so ●uch leisure yourself, or a Tacitus to describe your most glorious reign, I commit this work (whereof I caime nothing to myself but the faults) to your most gracous patronage, and the courtesy of the reader, from whom, ●t lest from his hands that shall finish out the rest, I hope o find both pardon for my faults, and some pity for my pains.  
The Almighty bless your most excellent Majesty with a long, happy, and prosperous reign, and the only true means thereof, many watchful ies to foresee, many valiant hands to fight, and many ●odly hearts to pray for the peace of your state.  
Your sacred Majesties most humble subject and servant HENRY SAVILE.   

A. B. To the Reader.  
THERE is no treasure so much enriches the mind of man as learning; there is no learning so proper for the direction of the life of man as Histore; there is no history (I speak only of profate) so well worth the reading as Tacitus. For learning nature acknowledgeth a reason, by leaving industry to finish her unperfect work: for without learning the conceit is like a fruitful soil without tilling, the memory like a storehouse without wares, the will like a ship without a rudder. For History, since we are easier taught by example them by precept, what study can profit us so much, as that which gives us patterns either to follow or to fly,, of the best and worst men of all estates, countries, and times that ever were? For Tacitus I may say without partiality, that he hath written the most matter with best conceit in fewest words of any Historiographer ancient or modern. But he is hard. Difficilia quae pulchra: the second reading over will please thee more than the first, and the third than the second. And if thy stomach be so tender as thou canst not digest Tacitus in his own style, thou art beholding to Savile, who gives thee the same food, but with a pleasant and easy taste. In these four books of the story thou shalt see all the miseries of a torn and declining state: The Empire usurped; the Princes murdered; the people wavering; the soldiers tumultuous; nothing unlawful to him that hath power, and nothing so unsafe as to be securely innocent. In Galba thou mayest learn, that a good Prince governed by evil ministers is as dangerous as if he were evil himself. By Otho, that the fortune of a rash man is Torrenti similis, which rises at an instant, and falls in a moment. By Vitellius, that he that hath no virtue can never be happy: for by his own baseness he will lose all, which either fortune, or other men's labours have cast upon him. By Vespasian, that in civil tumults an advised patience, and opportunity well taken are the only weapons of advantage. In them all, and in the state of Rome under them thou mayest see the calamities that follow civil wars, where laws l●e a sleep, and all things are judged by the sword. If thou mislike their waires be thankful for thine own peace; if thou dost abhor their tyrannies, love and reverence thine own wise, just, and excellent Prince. If thou dost detest their Anarchy, acknowledge our own happy government, and thank god for her, under whom England enjoys as many benefits, as ever Rome did suffer miseries under the greatest Tyrant.   

THE END OF NERO AND BEGINNING OF GALBA.  
GAlerius Trachilus, 
The year of the City. 821.  and Silius Italicus being Consuls: Caius Juius Vindex, Lieutenant of Gallia Lugdunensis, perceiving that private conspiracies against the person of Nero had been often intended and ever discovered, determined to give the first onset in arms, and openly go to he field. Vindex was by his father of a Senators house, by birth French and extract from the line of their ancient kings, of body puissant, quick of conceit, of a ready dispatch, skilful in arms and bold to attempt▪ his provinc peaceable, and therefore utterly disfurnished of forces: no Legion, no garrson under his government. Notwithstanding as in a body corrupt, & fulfil humours, the first pain that appeareth, be it never so slender, draws o● the rest, discloseth old aches & strains, actuateth what else is unsound in ●he body: so in a state universally disliked, the first disorder dissolveth the whole▪ yea & oft so it happeneth in both, the disease that grew first, & gave c●use to the other, being recured, the rest notwithstanding work out the final destruction. Now Vindex, before he declared himself, well weighing the weakness of his estate, & withal his own person uncapable of the Empire, as being but a stranger, without followers, without friends or allies among the ●obility, deliberated to cast it on some other man of more reputation, who a●● by dearness & strength might second his attempt. Corbulo was lately murdered by Nero; Vespasian far of warring in jewry: Suetonius paulinus at h●me without army, the most famous men of that age for military matters. Of ●igh Germany Verginius Rufus was Lieutenant, with three Legions, nex● neighbour to Vindex, only of a mean gentleman's house. In low Germany F●eius Capito with four Legions, & Clodius Macer in Africa with a compe●nt army, neither of them likely to repair that which Nero had ruined. Th●re remained then in arms Servius Sulpitius Galba, a man of great wealth & ancient nobility, who had been eight years Lieutenant in nearer Spawn, to the reasonable contentment of the country, with an host of one Legion, & ●e Aides belonging thereto. Upon him Vindex finally resolving, dispatcheth ●●to Spain, & other cuntreies' adjoining, secret letters, declaring his purpos●●o the Lieutenants. Galba, in whom age had abated the heat of ambition, experience and dangerous times engendered a wary and fearful proceeding, ●ought as then upon nothing less than diadems and kingdoms, having g●●en himself over, for certain years past, to an idle and obscure kind of ●ife, sequestered as it were, and retired from affairs for fear of Ner● under whom to do ill was not always safe, always unsafe to do ●ell, and of doing nothing no man constrained to yield an account. Whereupon the letters arriving, he stood much amazed, divided in mind what course h●e should follow, to trust them? peradventure it was but a train. to disclose ●hem and send them to Nero? that were indeed to put in his head an eternal jealousy, & himself into a needless peril: & perhaps also there might be good meaning. Whereupon in so doubtful a case, the extremes seeming dangerous, he took the mean way, suppressing the letters, and not entering into the ●ause any further, reserving to govern himself in the rest, as events and occurrents should lead and direst him. The other Lieutenants sent all their letters to Nero, betraying Vindex, betraying the cause, whereof themselves none were partakers.  
Now Vindex certain days after the ●alends of March, though not fully assured, yet hoping well of Galba's int●●t, and presuming good luck to so good a meaning, assembled them of his pro●●nce, such chiefly as were chief in their country for credit, and chief had been touched in goods or in honour. To whom recounting in order the tyrannis of Nero, namely his paring of 
“ Gallia.  France to the quick, to the utter destruction of so many men, the universal decay of so goodly a country, he exhorteth hem all to take arms, to secure themselves, to secure the Romans, and to free the whole world from so heavy a yoke. Or if, which the gods forbidden in so ●ood a cause, yet let us (quoth he) sell him our lives in the field with honour seeing we cannot possess them with safety. For another Prince (our broken state, and age void of virtue, not bearing a free common wealth) we ha●e here at hand a man of great birth, great wealth, and great forces, one t●at hath made honourable proof of himself, at home, and abroad, in all respects worthy the place, Galba Lieutenant of 
“ Hispania Tar●●●onensis.  Arragon. If you like of the ma, there remaineth then only we muster the country to the most that we m●y, without whose sword all talk of war is but vain, and this pernicious. His demands being all accorded by common consent, he levieth a ●ower, many men, & few soldiers, taken up on the sudden, not disciplined, ●ot trained to the order of service; he publisheth edicts diffaming the person & government of Nero. Then causing Galba to be proclaimed, he writes h●● a letter, now or else never, to declare himself in favour of mankind against that monster of nature, to furnish the body of an hundredth thousand French men in arms, and more if need were, of a head. The Sequani, Aedui, Aruerni, Remi, and the flower in a manner of France, were all of the party conferring men, horse, armour, money, and what else was requisite for service in field. Ruf●nus, Flavius, Asiaticus with others were appointed capt●ines, & Vienna seat of the war; whose next neighbours, & ancient enemy's, the Lugdunenses banded themselves against them, & the cause, or the ca●se for their sakes. Many conflicts between them, & skirmishes during the war, so thick, and so hotly pursued, that one might perceive much private choler pass under the shadow of public pretences. The Lingones likewise and Treveri, and some other cities, forsaking their fellows, linked themselves with the Legions confining. Three Legions, as before it is said, with their Aides, Verginius had in his charge; who seeing all France on a fire, and that now of force he must either rebel with the rest, or war with the rebels (for so they were styled till they prevailed) in private beholder, for public respects misliking of Nero, no admirer of Galba, with Vindex proceeding highly displeased, the example being unseen, that a province should be a Princemaker, thus unresolved, resolving this only, that he would not be resolved by others, determined to stand on his guard, and gathered his men about him in haste, valiant soldiers and expert in service, and likely to sway where they went.  
Of the other side the Lieutenant of Aquitania, against the troubles of France, requested the assistance of Galba his neighbour, who then at new Carthage kept a law day: but amne he perceived how that he had taken a wrong address. For Galba receiving the letters of Vindex, and being advertised that warrant was out f●r his death to the procurators, had debated the matter afresh with his fiends. Some unwilling to play their state at a cast, wished him to stay & attend to what head the humours in Rome new stirred would gather: as for the procurators they might be prevented, and warned is half armed To Titus Vinius, than Lieutenant of the Legion, and anon chief in favour with Galba, that course seemed unsafe. Armed indeed (quoth he●) for a while against a procurator or two. nay, put case we could hang up these few in our places, shall we live, do you think, for lack of a hangman? give us arms against Nero, & then we are armed. But perhaps, sith nothing is passed on our part, he may be persuaded to call in his sentence again. Even good Princes are jealous of sovereign points, and that string being touched, have a quick ear. They have bought it full dear which ig●orantlie have sat in their chair of estate, that have worn their diadem to keep it from wetting, or upon like occasion. Germanicus, as some here ma● remember, because one or two in the army had only a purpose to salute h●m Prince, was never well brooked, till by his own death he had paid the pr●ce of other men's rashness. Corbulo, even that Corbulo, which had quieted ●ermanie, subdued Armenia, broken the Parthian spirits, brought Arsaces' ●ne on his knees before Nero, after he had so highly deserved at his hands, i● cost him his life, that some men in secret thought him a man fit to succeed. We are, as they say, openly proclaimed, we have an army in field. shall he then repent it, that never repent but when he did well? Let him look that list for succours from Rome, where liberty is lost, fit men to free others. Galba and Vindex their sword and their armies must purchase our freedom. This opinion prevailing, as possible to prove, but of force to be followed, a day was appointed by Galba, therein to dispatch the freeing of slaves. The country came in at the day suspecting the matter, apt to receive any new impression. And Galba having placed of purpose, before his Tribunal, a many of images of great personages executed or banished in Nero's time, and fetched from exile a young nobleman, out of the next islands, to stand by his seat, his army about him, spoke in this wise. My fellow soldiers and friends, we are at this present assembled to enfranchise our bondmen, to bestow upon others that great benefit of liberty and freedom, which we ourselves, whom both nature and fortune hath freed, this long time have smallly enio●ed. The life I have led hitherto will sufficiently discharge me from any aspiring conceit, and mine own conscience beareth me witness, that I speak not upon any malice, or private respects. It grieves me to say: but it helps not to ●ide that which every man seethe. hath ever bondman under a cruel maste● passed a year of harder service, than we have done fourteen under Nero? ●hat kind of exaction hath he not proved to supply with extortion that which with shame he hath spent? what kind of cruelty hath he not practised? if we should conceal or seek to suppress it, these dumb stones would declare ●hem. Behold, poisoned his father and brother, abused & slain his own mother, murdered his wife, his master, & what else soever valiant or virtuous in Senate, in city, in province, without any difference of sex, or of age. I need not to speak of the sorrowful sighs & bitter tears of so many young gentlemen bereft of their fathers, so many wives rob of their husbands, so many great men deprived of their country, which cry vengeance upon such a Prince. 〈◊〉 Prince? nay, an incendiary, a singer, a fiddler, a stageplaier, a cart driver, a ●rier, no Prince, nay no man, that hath a man to his husband, & a man to his wife, but a monster of mankind; against whom what Vindex in France h●th already intended I am sure you do know, & I, for my part, am most sorry 〈◊〉 hear. The whole course of my former life hath been otherwise removed from ambition in court, from aiming too high: & this little that remains of my dries I could heartily wish were spent in more ease. But sith, I know not by wh●● my misfortune, some have imposed upon me a part, which I never meant to sustain, & least of all at this age, I will not refuse, if you also approve it, to sacrifice this old carcase of mine for the wealth of my country, not as Emperor, 〈◊〉 Augustus which sacred names I adore a far of, not daring to approach them, ●●t as— The speech was not finished, when the soldiers, & people, with one c●mon voice interrupting, saluted him Emperor. Galba commending their zeal to the good of the Empire, and accepting the substance refused the name, terming himself Lieutenant of the Senate and people of Rome. Next care was to muster more men, to make good the revolt. the country was priest, and soldiers came in of all hands. new Legions and Aids were enroled, and to help at a need, a ship of Alexandria, laden with armour, without master, without mariner, without passenger, arrived at the port: which accident, besides that the wreck came in in good season, increased to the cause reputation, as though against Nero the gods had furnished weapons from heaven. Then he ordained a counsel in form of a Senate elected out of the chiefest and gravest men of his train, and a guard of young gentlemen to watch and ward at his lodging, he publisheth edicts, & sends them abroad to every province, exhorting them all to take arms, & concur in common against the common enemy. Many revolted from Nero & came to the side: M. Saluius Otho with the first, then Lieutenant of 
“ Lusitania.  Portugal, bringing his jewels & plate, which Galba made into money.  
In high Germany, the soldiers considering the weakness of Nero; that France had already rebelled; that Spain made a Prince; that the rest of the cuntreies' were likely to follow, if not all for the same, yet all against Nero; viewing their own forces, and strength now united, which before lay dispersed in troops and in bands, strangers to Galba, and greatly disdaining that one simple Legion should impose them a Prince, finally concluded to make it their benefit, and bestow the Empire themselves. A fit man they needed not seek far off: Verginius Rufus the Lieutenant, though of a gentleman's house, and no higher, in strength of body, matters of action, and all other things excelled Galba. in birth what if Galba were better? Catulus the top of his kin fled dishonourably away in the Cimbrian war, where Marius, baselier borne than Verginius, worthily stuck to it, and saved the state. Hereupon they go, and break down tumultuously the images of Nero, salute Verginius Prince, inscribing his name in the banners. Verginius seeing the matter grow to a tumult, and being unable to resist their violence, showed to yield in some degree against Nero, but not for himself, much less any other named abroad. For his part he said he had no need of the place, which all men beside so greatly desired: nor was not to suffer, but such as by order of Senate should be appointed. that they were the men, to whom that election belonged, whose right he would surely maintain against whomsoever. The soldiers being in part thus appeased, he commands the inscription to be defaced, and with his whole army entereth France, pretending to war against Vindex. The city of Bezanson, which first refused to receive him, he straightway beseegeth. Vindex to secure the town and levy the siege, or bid him battle, if it might be no better, with twenty thousand men cometh against him. Lying encamped not far asunder, there passed letters between them: whereupon they secretly met and conferred together, none else being present of neither side. Their conclusion was friendly, doubtless to join against Nero: some thought, to set down Galba also; and it was not unlikely. Thus departing as friends, each to his camp, Vindex secure as in a quarrel already composed, and nothing attending less than the shock, meaning to enter the town, and repose his army, with all his men made towards the gates. The soldiers of Germany lying at the walls, and perceiving the army approach, marching, as it seemed, directly upon them, not privy to their General's purpose, or not willing to lose so fair an occasion, ran out without bidding, and falling upon them at unawares and in disarray, not able on a sudden to remedy the error, as men newly trained, and unexpert in war, slew them all in a manner, and spoiled the carriage. Vindex seeing the unlucky success of this unlooked for battle, having lost in a manner the flower of all France, & suspecting fraud of Verginius side, as though he meant to entrap him, and send him to Nero, ran himself upon his own sword. many coming after bestowed their blows upon the dead carcase, seeking a colour for praise or reward if Nero prevailed. After this slaughter, the soldiers pressed Verginius again to accept of the Empire, and embassages came almost from every quarter requiring the same, with assured promise of all possible assistance, if not, ready to return to Nero's obedience: but Verginius bewailing the heavy mishap of his unfortunate friend, rejecteth the speech, & marcheth forward in France. This end had julius Vindex, a man in the course of this action more virtuous than fortunate; who having no army provided, no legion, no soldier in charge, whiles others more able looked on, first entered the lists, challenging a Prince upholden with thirty legions, rooted in the Empire by four descents of ancestors, and fourteen years continuance of reign, not upon private despair to set in combustion the state, not to revenge disgrace or dishonour, not to establish his own sovereignty, things which have moved most men to attempt; but to redeem his country from tyranny and bondage, which only respect he regarded so much, that in respect he regarded nothing his own life or security. For when it was showed him, that Nero by public edict had prized his head at 
a That is, about fourscore thousand pound.  ten thousand thousand sesterces; Well, quoth he again, and he that kills Nero, and brings me his head, shall have mine in exchange. And though in this action fortune gave virtue the check, and by a strange accident, which man's wisdom could not foresee, overturned the enterprise, yet must we confess, that vindex first stirred the stone, which rolling along tumbled Nero out of his seat.  
Of Vindex revolt the first news came to Nero at Naples, about the twentieth of March: whereof he made show so lightly to set, that he would not vouchsafe once to intermit his accustomed pastimes and pleasures, but rather seemed to rejoice, and embrace the occasion, as falling out fittlie to convert to his coffers by the law of arms the spoil of so large and so wealthy a country: at supper also receiving more letters of fresher advise, and certainer danger, he wished them only ill chance, which thus by rebelling had troubled his drinking, and so for eight days he neither wrote letter, nor gave out order for any dispatch. At length through Vindex edicts, so thick and so biting, being awaked, he warned the Senate by letter to avenge his cause, and the common wealths, excusing his absence by reason of sickness. In Vindex edicts, supporting the rest patiently, one thing above all troubled him most, that his skill was impeached in playing: wherein he thought surely there was not his peer; eft 'zounds demanding of them about him, whether, without flattery, they knew any in that profession more skilful than him. by this then so manifest an untruth, in an art that he had so painfully laboured, so perfittlie learned, he willed them to esteem of the rest. The Senate, receiving the letters, flattering and fearing, adjudged Vindex a traitor, the self same men which soon after bestowed the like upon Nero. But urged by news upon news, at last in a fright he repaired to Rome: where not calling Senate, nor people together, but some principal men to the Palace at an unseasonable hour of the night, as to consult of urgent affairs, he showed them certain conceits, and new strange devices of music by water instruments, discoursing of the manner and difficulty of each, and that he had found out a way to make them sound both sweeter and louder, and shortly meant to produce them in stage, if Vindex would give him leisure to do it. But hearing that Galba and Spain had rebelled, he tore his clothes, beat his head, and would in no wise receive any comfort, till such time as the Senate by decree had declared Galba enemy to the state. Then resuming courage, and somewhat revived with some rumours out of Germany, he returned to his riot and careless licentious life, and putting Galba's servants in prison seized his goods and set them to sale. The like did Galba with Nero's in Spain, and found a great deal more ready chapmen.  
Anon as the tumult began, it is supposed credibly, that Nero had purposed to have made away all the governors of armies and provinces as being conspired against him; to murder all exiled persons, lest they should join themselves with the rebels; all French he could find in the City, as being friends to the cause; to poison the Senate in banquet; to set a fire the city, turning in wild beasts among them which endeavoured to stop the course of the flame. But setting apart the devise, not as disliking, being so suitable to his proceeding, but as despairing to bring it about, he determined a voyage in person, sending before in the mean season Petronius Turpilianus, and Rubrius Gallus with certain others against them. To furnish the journey his chief provision consisted in carriage for playing furniture, in concubines shorn and polled as men, armed with hatchet and target according to the Amazonian fashion. For mustering of men there were but few able enroled and most of them bondmen. Money was hardly and with much ado a little extorted. For whereas in time of civil sedition most need is of money, and a wise Prince will least grieve the subject with new imposition, as seeming to stand in some sort at his courtesy, and having to employ his body beside, Nero, in peace no storer for war, was forced then to offend, when he should in reason have sought to have won, and yet raised less with more opposition than ever, reputation now waning, a contrary faction being one foot. As for policies, and plots of war, he told his familiar friends, he had one most assured. Assoon as he entered the province, he would venture himself unarmed amongst them, and with silence and tears move them to compassion, and so they returning to former obedience without more ado, he would the next day merrily sing, in that merry company, sonnets of victory, which he willed to be composed out of hand against the time came.  
As Nero was thus busily occupied in making provision for the war against Galba and Vindex, letters were brought in at dinner of Verginius defection, and the rest of the armies. Whereupon in a desperate rage, he tore the letters, overturned the table, dashed two cups on the ground, which he dearly esteemed, and casting away all care of himself, notwithstanding the peril pressed no nearer, he called for poison, which he put up in a golden box, that his death at the least might be according to his estate, and so walked forth into the Seruilian gardens. From thence he sent of his trusty servants to Ostia to make ready the ships, purposing to have fled with his friends into Egypt, and there to have taken himself to his music to get him a living: sottishly supposing in Egypt an imaginary surety to himself by his music, when he could not live safely Emperor at Rome. To that purpose sounding the minds of the Tribunes and Centurions of the Guard, and finding them some to draw back, some flattlie refuse to go with him, one among others directly to tell him, that sure his best way were to make an end of himself, he was distracted into diverse opinions, casting about what course he should follow. flee to the Parthian, whom of late he had pleasured? to Galba, who peradventure might pity his estate? or were it else better in lamentable sort and mourning weed to go out abroad, and in the Place of common assembly, most humbly for that which was past demand pardon: or if he could not obtain it, that at least they would grant him the government of Egypt. This liked him best, and thereof he framed a speech, which afterwards was found in his papers: but fearing the people would pull him in pieces before he came to the Place, he differred the matter till the next morning.  
Nymphidius Sabinus and Sophonius Tigellinus were captains of the Guard, preferred by Nero from nothing to that honourable place, and now the first to forsake him. But Tigellinus, as a person infamous and generally hated, prevailed not much: Sabinus had the credit with the soldier. who affirming that Nero was already fled into Egypt, and promising donative in Galba's name 
* 234. lib 5 6d  of thirty thousand sesterces a man, and 
* 39 lib 1 3.d.  five thousand to the soldier abroad, much more than would or could be performed, easily wan them to leave him, who had as they thought already left them, and so to pronounce Galba Emperor, not upon any especial liking they had to the man above others, but whilst some doubted, some other denied, Galba pretending directly the suit, and no countersuiter appearing, they were content to accept him for Prince. Their fellows which warded that night foreseeing the issue, and coveting in this creation of the new Prince a part with the rest, left Nero a sleep alone in the garden. Who being awaked about midnight, understanding his guard was departed, leapt out of his bed, and sent about for his friends: from whom receiving no answer, he with a few went to their lodgings himself. The great Monarch of the world, adored erewhile as a god, attended upon and guarded by thousands of friends, of soldiers, of servants, now as a page knocking at doors findeth all shut against his unfortunate state. Thus in adversity destitute of aid, of counsel or comfort of friends, he returneth home, where finding his chamber rifled, the chamberlains fled, his box of poison removed away, he sought for Spicillus the 
“ Gladiator.  fencer or some of his sort, by whose hands he might be dispatched: and finding none, wanting alike both friends and foes, he ran desperately out, as though he would have thrown himself headlong into the Tiber▪ but his heart failing he repressed his pace, and thereupon requiring some secret place to recall his wits, and resume courage again, Phaon his freedman offered his house four miles of in the country, which Nero accepted; and so accompanied with four men only, Phaon▪ Epaphroditus, Sporus and Neophytus fleeth away, badly apparrailed, and worse mounted, covering his head, and hiding his face with a handkerchief. As he was in his way out of the City, approaching the camp of the Guard, he heard the soldiers shouting and wishing good luck unto Galba, and ill to himself. In riding along his horse starting aside his face was discovered, and he known and saluted by one of the Guard which met him by chance. Whereupon forsaking horse and high way, through bushes and briars he crept in at the last into a thicket of reeds on the backside of Phaons' ferme-house, who persuading Nero in the mean while to sit in a pit, out of the which sand had been digged, he refused the favour, denying to go alive under ground, and so cast himself down close in the reeds, till they had beaten a hole in the wall, through which Nero upon all four crept into the backside, casting himself upon a simple pallet in a back room.  
Whilst Nero thus lurcked, the Senate assembled in counsel declare him enemy of the state and punishable more maiorum, sending out to seek him and bring him alive. Concerning the choice of a new, although in their secret opinions Verginius deserved to resume the benefit which he had put into their hands, yet being not willing to enter into further troubles, and raise up a new civil war, without which Galba, who had already foreprized the place could not be set down, following the soldiers example they openly agreed all upon Galba. By this time they about Nero were instant upon him to rid himself quickly out of the contumelies and indignities, which anon he should be forced to endure. To whom yielding himself he commands to make ready for the funerals, weeping and wailing at every word, what great pity it was, that so good a minstrel should be so cast away. In the mean season, certain letters which were brought to Phaon from Rome he snatched away, and finding therein the Senate's decree demanded what more maiorum ment, for that piece of law he had never perused: understanding it was, that his neck should be locked in a fork, and himself whipped naked to death, having in horror so shameful an end, he took up two rapiers which he had brought with him, and trying their points how sharp they were, put them up again, desiring some of them to begin and show him the way to be manful; but desiring a virtuous example out of so vicious a school, a court so corrupt, he desired in vain. And now the horsemen sent by the Senate approached, which Nero perceiving, by fear encouraged ran himself thorough, Epaphroditus his Secretary at his request helping to dispatch him the sooner, for which service he was afterward put to death by Domitian: who thought it not meet to suffer any to live, which had in any sort lent his hand to the death of a Prince. Thus Nero, a Prince in life contemptible, and hateful in government, having thereby disarmed himself both of the love and fear of his subjects, ended his days the eightth of june in the one and thirtieth year of his age, and fourteenth of his Empire, at the first having ruled the state with reasonable liking, insomuch that trajan was wont to say, that even good Princes were short of Nero's five years: but after breaking forth into all infamous behaviour, and detestable oppressions and cruelties, and being withal a Prince weak in action, not of virtue sufficient to uphold his vices by might, he was at the length thus overthrown.  
Nero being slain, the people and Gentlemen, but principally the nobility, the principal object of tyranny, sacrificed to the gods and feasted for joy: some also aware Bonnets, as being newly enfranchised. The Senate assembled again decreeth thanks to Nymphidius in most exquisite manner, extolling his high wisdom and tender care over the state: confirmeth to Galba all princely prerogatives and imperial tiles; making thereof a public instrument, which the Consuls sent him in post: and moreover concludeth upon a solemn embassage of honourable personages with instructions, beside congratulations and complements, humbly to desire with speed his presence at Rome. Then was it proposed, that information might proceed against the accusers. The matter concerned some mighty men, which had lived in times passed by the loss of their neighbours, and touched somewhat a secret of state overthrowing and abolishing the instruments of the Empire. Notwithstanding their doings were so much detested, and the memory of their malice so fresh, that the order passed by voices in Senate, making them all, with the rest of the ministers of Nero's tyranny, punishable more maiorum: but was executed only against some base persons, which had gained but little, & done little harm: the principal malefactors broke thorough well enough and escaped the danger.  
While matters thus passed in France and at Rome, in Spain Galba's soldiers in part were in terms to forsake him, and hardly reclaimed. About the same time also a freedman of Nero had bestowed upon Galba a present of bondmen prepared for a practice: who according to their instructions watching opportunities, as Galba by a narrow passage entered the bath, using their tongues, when time was, for hands, and exhorting one another not to let slip the occasion, were suddenly apprehended, and being examined what occasion they meant, and put to the rack confessed the treason. Anon after these hazards so hardly escaped, the news came to Galba of Vindex death, and that upon so great a victory most men were willing Verginius should take the Empire upon him, or else would return to Nero again. Galba extremely afraid writes to Verginius, beseeching him most instantly to join in defence of the liberty and Empire of Rome: himself notwithstanding as destitute and forlorn, and weary of the world that went so against him, leaving Vinius Lieutenant in the army, retireth to Clunia, repenting of that he had done, and wishing again his private estate, as though in this case there were any mean between highest and nothing. Thus being distressed and anguisht in mind without any care of himself or the cause, in very good season comes Icelus his freedman from Rome in seven days thither, reporting that Nero being yet alive, but not to be found, the soldier, the Senate & people had pronounced Galba Prince, that strait thereupon Nero was said to be slain, but himself not believing it went to the place, saw him lie dead, and so came his way. Two days after Vinius came from the camp, declaring to him the particular points of the Senate's decree. Galba receiving the news with great joy, as greatly above expectation, privilegeth Icelus to wear gold rings, advanceth Vinius to chief place in credit about him: and laying aside the name of Lieutenant, assumeth the title of Caesar, preferreth Cornelius Laco to be captain of his guard, & judging his presence necessary to settle the state, giveth out order for his voyage to Rome with his army by land.  
Now at Rome Nymphidius making his count that Nero's fall was his only deed, that no recompense is sufficient for bestowing the diadem but the diadem, that Galba was old, & scarce could last out in a litter to Rome, not by degrees, but with a main course drew all to himself. The Guard in respect of their donative, were at his devotion, to be employed as he should direct them. The Lords of the Senate courted him daily, & seemed to depend wholly upon him. Whereupon usurping authority undue to his place, he commands by & by Tigellinus his companion to put off his sword and surcease from his office. The Consuls upon a displeasure, that they had sent the public patents not by his soldiers, nor signed with his seal, the curriers commission, he had once determined to have deprived. And laying the plot for himself he biddeth to banquet the principal men of the City: he sets under hand to put in the soldiers heads to present supplication to Galba, to establish Nymphidius captain for life without any fellow. To pleasure the people & get the good will of the commons, he permits them to vex & torment whom they could catch of Nero's crew. Spicillus the 
“ Gladiator.  fencer they tied under the images of Nero, trailed him along thorough the streets, and dispatched him in the Place of public assembly. Aponius an accuser, they overthrew, and drew carts laden with stones over his body, beside many other outraged and slain, and some, as it happeneth where the rain is let lose to the furious multitude, innocently: insomuch that in Senate a grave & honourable counsellor openly protested, that in short time there would be great cause to wish Nero again, as being more tolerable one tyrant then many, and better to live where nothing then there where all things were lawful. Thus Nimphidius, son to Nimphidia a libertine an old servant in court and Martianus a fencer, secretly aspired to the Empire, working in Rome by certain gracious women and Senators, and sending to Spain Gellianus one of his friends to espy the proceed and actions of Galba.  
Macer in Africa, the state being troubled, mustered men, and pretended for himself: but being for avarice and cruelty hated extremely, and finding no followers, could neither maintain it with strength nor leave it with safety. Galuia Crispinilla Nero's schoolmistress in matter of pleasure and lust, when Nero was dead, misdoubting mischances, sailed into Africa, by her advise Macer beset the sea coasts, and forbade any corn should be transported, meaning to famish the city of Rome. Fonteius Capito, Lieutenant of low Germany, some thought had a meaning also for himself. Certain it is that sitting in judgement, the party aggrieved appealing to Caesar, he skipped out of the seat where he sat, into a chair of estate set up on high, and then bade him tell on his tale before Caesar. But Fabius Valens, Lieutenant there of a Legion, then greatly befrending Galba's part, swore to him first he with his company, and the rest of the army followed the example. Verginius, the only concurrent of Galba in speech of the people, having overthrown Vindex and mastered France, notwithstanding his soldiers, after the death of Nero was known, pressed him again in such vehement sort, that one of the Tribunes drawing his sword willed him to accept of it or the Empire, persisted constantly in his first resolution: and receiving anon advise of the Senate's decree, himself most willingly, his soldiers hardly, & with much ado were persuaded, sith lower Germany had sworn to swear allegiance to Galba. The rest of the provinces without any difficulty accepted him all.  
Now Galba disposing as Prince the affairs of the Empire, fineth the cities of Spain, which were not so forward to further the cause, and some he dismantelleth: certain procurators and officers he putteth to death, their wives and their children, a cruelty practised no not by Nero, much less expected in Galba's beginnings. He directeth out warrant to Trebonius Garrucianus procurator of Africa to put Macer to death, dismiss the Legion lately mustered, and quiet the country: and appoints in Verginius place Hordeonius Flaccus Lieutenant in Germany. Then without coat-armour on back a sickly old man, himself & his men in warlike order march over the mountains. The cities of France that took part against Vindex he punisheth with loss of revenue and country: the rest were relieved, their tributes a quarter abated, themselves made citizens of Rome by means of their money, and Vinius; who carrying an ill mind, and serving in great place a weak master, made open sale of his Princes free graces and favours. At Narbon the ambassadors sent from the Senate met him in dutiful manner, whom Galba received courteously with friendly and familiar speeches, and feasted in sober sort all with his own, though otherwise he had plenty there of Nero's waiters and service sent by Nymphidius. But anon Vinius, which wholly possessed and governed the old man, counseled him to put of popularity, as not beseeming his place, to accept of Nero's provision, & to become royal in expense and service. Verginius having delivered the army to his successor met Galba on the way, received of him not as in displeasure, and yet with small honour so dangerous a point it is yea to have but only refused the Empire.  
At Gellianus return Nymphidius hearing that Laco was captain already, that Vinius had all the authority and credit, that his messenger was suspected and watched of all, not suffered to talk with the Prince in private, not once to approach to his person, was wonderfully moved in mind. Whereupon assembling the chief of the Guard, he showed them, that Galba was for his own part a good harmless old man, but misled by two persons much of Tigellinus making, Vinius and Laco: and therefore it were not amiss to send one or two in the name of the whole to make him remonstrance, that removing away those two from about him he should be more welcome, and better accepted. This speech seeming strange and absurd to prescribe to a Prince of those years, as it were to an infant, his counsel & servants, he taketh a contrary course, and writeth to Galba in terrifying manner, That the matters at Rome were doubtful and dangerous, that Macer in Africa had stayed the ships, the Legions of Germany stirred a new, the like was reported from jewrie and Syria. But perceiving that Galba gave to his tales small ear and less credit, and having the soldiers all well affected, he determined to prevent and give the attempt, notwithstanding that Clodius Celsus a sober wise man and one of his friends plainly protested, that in his opinion scarce any three persons in Rome would accept him for Emperor: but the rest skoffed it out, namely one Mithridates of Pontus, Perhaps, quoth he, Galba seems some body now to the Romans, whilst he is absent: but when they shall see that bald head, and riveled face, he will seem the very reproach and disgrace of the days in which he was Prince. And so they concluded at midnight following to bring Nymphidius into the camp and proclaim him Emperor. But when the evening was come Antonius Honoratus a principal Tribune assembling the soldiers under his charge, demanded what evil spirit had bereaved them of understanding, moving them so suddenly and without cause to change their allegiance. If Nero deserved it, what mother, what wife, had Galba then killed? or for what misdemeanour would they forsake Servius Galba to prefer a courtesans son? with whose blood they shoulder it were long if they would be directed by him, both revenge Nero's death, whom he first betrayed, and show themselves loyal to Galba against whom he intendeth: willing them lastly to reckon in reason what success might ten thousand attend against the consent of the Empire armed for Galba. His soldiers thus being persuaded, persuaded the rest all in a manner to remain in Galba's obedience. Whereupon a shout being made in the camp, Nymphidius supposing the soldiers had called him, or hasting to confirm the wavering, and prevent the tumult, went thither himself with torches and links, having learned without book an oration composed by Cingonius Varro, to pronounce there amongst them. But finding the gates of the camp made fast, and soldiers in arms on the walls, he seared the matter, and drawing near demanded what they meant, and by whose warrant they had put themselves so in arms. and when it was answered by all agreeably, that they knew not, nor would not accept other Prince beside Galba, Nymphidius finding the peril joined with them and wished also long life and prosperity to Galba Augustus, commanding his followers to do all the like. And so by the soldiers, which guarded the gates, being admitted with a few of his train, he was at his entry welcomed in with a dart hurled at him, which one Septinius bore of with a buckler. But seeing so many at the receipt with naked sword prepared against him, he fled, & being pursued was slain at the length in a soldiers cabin. The day following his body was laid out to view in an open place railed about.  
Galba being yet in his way & hearing of Nymphidius death commanded the rest of his favourers and complices to be executed: among which Mithridates of Pontus paid for his mirth, and Cingonius Varro who penned the oration. As Galba drew near to the City at the Miluian bridge the Mariners met him, whom, being by Nero taken from service by sea, & enrolled into a Legion, Galba had commanded to return to their former estate. But they being many in number, & loath to go back to the galleys again, beset the high way on both sides, demanding their Eagle & ensigns tumultuously, and so without order, that the Prince could neither be heard nor seen of the people making his entry: neither could he appease them by putting them over to another time of greater leisure and better audience, but taking differing as a kind of denying, seditiously they murmured & followed with outcries. And some of them also drew out their swords, as though they would obtain it by force, which by fair means they could not. Whereupon Galba commanding the horsemen to ride in amongst them slew of them being unarmed seven thousand, and of the residue allotted every tenth man to suffer, putting the rest close up in prison, which neverthesse's he after enlarged to his disadvantage.  
Now Galba, being with general applause and great good liking of the Empire placed in state, behaved himself under expectation. And though in most points he showed himself a virtuous Prince, yet were not his well doings so well accepted, as those disallowed which were otherwise. All persons unjustly exiled by Nero, as well of the nobility as meaner sort, with their children he mercifully restored again to their country and honour, though not to their wealth. contrarily Petronius Turpilianus, an ancient man and once Consul, without form of process or order of law, he commanded to die, being charged with no other crime, but only that he had been faithful to Nero and would not betray him as the rest did. Then was represented a plausible and grateful spectacle, Elius, Polycletus, Locusta, Patrobius, Petinus and others in fetters drawn thorough the City and publicly executed, as ministers of Nero in mischiefs, whereas Tigellinns the Master, not without notable incongruity, was by Galba protected. And notwithstanding the people in Theatres and all common assemblies ceased not importunately to demand his death, as an accomplishment of due and exemplary justice pleasing to God and to man, yet gold with Vinius and Vinius with Galba weighed so much, that not only he received undeserved protection, but also for his sake the people were rebuked by public edict. Whereupon Tigellinus solemnizing the feast of his deliverance Vinius rose from supper with Galba and went thither with Crispina his daughter to banquet, upon whom Tigellinus bestowed a courtesy of 
* That is, about eight thousand pound English.  a thousand thousand sesterces in ready money, and beside all the jewels and Carcanets of his principal minion which sat there at table, by estimation 
* Almost five thousand pound.  six hundredth thousand sesterces. Beside Tigellinus one Halotus of all Nero's instruments the most pernicious, was likewise by Galba protected, and preferred also to an honourable office. Now for dearness Galba was noted extremely, a vice though incident to age, yet doubtless in a Prince much misliked, and in a new Prince dangerous. To a certain musician which had wonderfully pleased he gave with his own hands out of his own purse 
* Three shillings English.  twenty sesterces: and to his steward at the making up of his books a reward from his table. But that which was most material of all, and prepared the way to his fall, was his hardness towards the soldiers: to whom large donative being promised in Galba's name, & requiring if not so much, yet so much at least as they were wont to receive, he wholly refused the suit, adding withal, That soldiers he took up in the muster, bought not in the market. A saying no doubt fit for a great Prince in a more virtuous age, but not so in those seasons for him, who suffered himself to be sold every hour, and abused to all purposes; to be governed by three pedagogues, Vinius & Laco his favourites, & Jcelus his man. To private men it is sufficient if themselves do no wrong: a Prince must provide that none do it about him; or else he may look when the first occasion is offered against him to be charged with all the whole reckoning together. To him that suffereth the injury, it matters not much who made the motion when he feeleth the hand that is heavy upon him. Thus Galba though innocent of much harm which passed under his name, yet because he permitted them to commit it, whom he ought to have bridled, or was ignorant of that which he ought to have known, lost reputation, and opened the way to his own destruction.  
FINIS.   


THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I The poem of Tacitus, wherein he professeth simple dealing without partiality.  
THE beginning of my work shall be at the year, 
The year of the City. 822  when Servius Galba was second time Consul with Titus Vinius. For the ancient story of the people of Rome, for 
a Tac. Ann. 1. veteris reip. prospera vel adversa, claris scriptoribus memorata sunt: temporibusque Augusti dicendis non defuere decora ingenia, donec gliscente adulatione deterrerentur.  seven hundredth and twenty years after the City was founded, many excellent men have delivered, with no less eloquence than liberty of speech: but when as after the battle at Actium, the whole sovereignty, as it was 
b Tac. 1. Ann. p. 220. Non aliud discordantis patriae remedium fuisse, quàm ut ab uno regeretur.  meet for the peace of the state, was conferred upon one, those worthy wits were no more to found, and withal the truth of the story was diversely weakened: partly because having no more part in the state they were ignorant of public affairs; and partly being led away with a lust to 
c Tiberij, Caijque & Claudij ac Neronis res, florentibus ipsi●, ●b metum falsae, postquam occiderant, recentibus odijs compositae sunt. Tac. 1. Ann.  flatter the Princes, or again to deface them. So between malice of the one side, and awëd partiality of the other, small regard there was taken by either, how posterity should be truly informed. But that endeavour, to please and win thanks, in a writer a man shall easily mislike, having in it the foul note of servility: detracting and envious carping, carrying a counterfeit show of liberty, oft findeth a good and gracious audience. Now for Galba, Otho, Vitellius, to me they are as unknown, for either benefit or wrong I have found at their hands. My first rising, I will not deny, was under Vespasian, my state bettered by Titus, and so further advanced by Domitian: but they which make profession of the simple truth, may not say aught of any man for love, or for hatred. Hereafter, if the gods spare me life, I purpose when I am old, to set down the story of Prince Nerva of sacred memory, and of the Emperor Trajan, a more plentiful and safe matter to deal in, where a man may think what he will, and say what he thinks: a rare felicity of the time.   

II. A general view of the whole history following.  
A WORK I take here in hand containing sundry changes, bloody battles, violent mutinies, 
a Chief referred to Domitian's time.  peace full of cruelty and peril: 
b Galba, Otho, Otho, Vitellius, Domitian.  four Emperors slain with sword, 
c The first between Otho and Vitellius. The second between Vitellius & Vespasian. The third of L. Antonius against Domitian.  three civil wars, foreign many more, and oft both at once: good success in the East, bad in the West: Illyricum troubled; the countries of Gallia wavering: Brittanny all conquered, not all retained: invasions of the Sarmatian & Suevian nation: the 
* Nobilitatus mutuis cladibus Dacus. The words seem to import civil dissensions: or mutuis for alternis.  Dacian giving and taking notable overthrows: the Parthians also almost in arms, abused by a counterfeit Nero. Now for Italy, it was afflicted with many miseries, some never heard of, some not of many years before, towns 
* Haustae sc. flamu: or generally 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in what sort soever.  burnt or overwhelmed: the most fruitful tract of Campania, and the city of Rome wasted by fire: the most ancient temples consumed to ashes: even the Capitol itself set on fire by the citizens own hands: the holy ceremonies profaned: great adulteries: the islands replenished with banished men: the cliffs stained with blood: & yet greater rage of cruelty in the city. 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: saith Xiphilinus of Nero, whom Domitian did match in all kind of tyranny.  to have been wealthy or nobly borne, was a capital crime; offices of honour likewise either to bear them, or forbear them; and virtue the ready broad way to most assured destruction. Neither were the wicked practices of the informers more odious, then was the recompense they obtained, some gained as spoils, Pontifical dignities and Consuls rooms: some other Procuratorships and inward credit, making havoc of all without any difference. The bondmen, upon hatred or fear, were alured to betray their own masters, the freedman his patron: and where enemies were wanting, one friend ruined another, And yet for all this, was not the age so utterly void of all good, but that it yielded some good examples. diverse wives were content to take such part as their banished husbands did: diverse mothers, as their children: some kinsfolks hardy: some sons in law faithful: some bondmen no rack could remove from being true to their masters: the death of some honourable men, and their last torments manfully borne, and to be matched with those of ancient times. Beside so manifold changes in human affairs, many prodigious sights were seen in heaven and earth; many forewarnings by thunders; many presages of things to come, some portending good luck, some bad; some ambiguous and doubtful, some plain and evident: such heavy and horrible calamities in the Roman estate, yielding proofs never more pregnant, that the gods are careful rather to revenge our wrongs, then provide for our safety. But before I enter into my purposed matter, I think good to rehearse first, what the state of the city was, how the soldiers were affected, in what terms the provinces stood, and what there was any where in the whole Empire sound or complaining: so shall we see the reasons and causes of things, not only the bare events, which are most commonly governed by fortune.   

III. The state of City and provinces at the beginning of the year, when Galba and Vinius entered their office.  
THE death of Nero, as it was at the first very joyfully received, so wrought it an one very diverse effects in the minds of the Senate at home, the people and Citty-souldier, and of all the Legions, and captains abroad, perceiving that secret of state disclosed, that a Prince might be made elsewhere then at Rome. The Lords of the Senate were glad, finding their liberty straightway put in practice, making indeed very bold with their Prince, as being new in state, and away: next were the principal Gentlemen as in degree, so in rejoicing; of the people the sounder sort, and such as were linked with great houses, the followers and freedmen of condemned and exiled persons were raised to hope: the base people nuzzled up in the 
* Circo ac Theatris.  Race and Theatres, together with the worst sort of bondmen, and those which having eaten their own lived only now upon Nero's dishonours, hung down the head, and listened for novelties. The City-soldiers possessed with the oath of allegiance so many descents 
a Tac. 14. Ann. Praetorianos toti Caesarum domui ob●trictos.  to the house of the Caesars, and to forsake Nero being wrought rather by art and cunning persuasion of others, then of their own motion, when they saw the donative, which was promised them in Galba's name, not to be performed, nor the like possibility and means of great desert, and great gain in peace, as in war; seeing also their thanks prevented by the Legions, who first proclaimed the new Prince: upon these and the like respects being prone to innovation; they were pricked forward by means of Nymphidius Sabinus their captain, who by treason aspired himself to the Empire. And though Nymphidius was in the very attempt suppressed, and the head cut off thereby of the treason; yet there remained many of the soldiers guilty of the fact, and hating him whom they had wronged. Moreover speeches were given out, noting the age and avarice of Galba. His severity, which was wont to be highly commended by 
a In this verse reported by Sueteonius: Disce miles militare; Galba est, non Gaetulicus. Galbae cap. 6.  the common voice of the soldier, was now displeasant to them, who were generally weary of the ancient discipline, and so trained up by Nero fourteen years, that now they loved their Emperors no less for their vices, than once they reverenced them for their virtues. And Galba had let fall a speech honourable indeed for the common wealth, but for himself dangerous, That soldiers he took up in the muster, bought not in the market; for the rest of his doings were not according. His two favourites, Titus Vinius, and Cornelius Laco, the one of all mortal men most unhonest, the other most unable, with the hatefulness of their lewd actions surcharged, and with the contempt of their insufficiency, utterly overthrew the freely old man. His journey to Rome was slow and bloody. for by his commandment Cingonius Varro Consul elect, and Petronius Turpilianus who 
b Anno urbis conditae. 814.  had been Consul, were both put to death: Cingonius, as an associate of Nymphidius, the other as one of Nero's 
c Against Galba. Zonaras.  captains: who, 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. in Galba, as it were translating this place.  howsoever they deserved it, dying as they did, not called, not heard, died as guiltless. His entry into the city, when as so many thousands of unarmed soldiers were put to the sword, seemed an unlucky beginning, and was had in horror, even of those which executed the slaughter. The city was full of extraordinary soldiers: Galba brought in the Spanish Legion, and there remained another, which Nero had gathered out of the navy, beside many companies out of the Legions of Germany, Britanny, and Illyricum, which Nero had selected, & sent before to the straits of the Caspian mountains, for the war intended with the Albans, and afterward called again to employ against Vindex: matter enough for innovation, though not greatly in favour of any one, yet ready prepared for him that would venture. By chance the news came together that Clodius Macer, & Fonteius Capito were slain. Macer without question had begun to work troubles in Africa, and was by Trebonius Garucianus the Procurator dispatched, by commandment from Galba: Capito in Germany attempting the like, Cornelius Aquinus and Fabius Valens Lieutenants of legions, slew without warrant. Some men were of opinion that Capito (though otherwise for extortion & vicious living very infamous) was nevertheless not guilty of treason: but that the Lieutenants having moved him to undertake the matter against Galba, & seeing they could not induce him, took a new course, 
a Crimen ac dolum: in another place, crimen ac mox insidias. p. 43. so that dolum compositum esse seemeth here to be equivalent to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  preferring accusation against him, & consequently killing him for the crime whereof themselves were the hatchers: & so Galba either upon a fickle disposition, or as being loath to search any deeper, did give allowance to that which was done how soever, sith it could not be undone: but surely both the executions were greatly misliked, as in a prince once in obloquy, do he well do he ill, all is ill taken. Now his freedmen being over mighty, made open sale of all matters: his bondmen greedy upon present advantage, and hasty, as being under a master that was old, and not like long to continue: in sum the faults in the new court being but the same and of the like nature, yet were not excused alike. the very age of Galba was matter of scorn and contempt to them that were used to Nero's fresh youth, comparing the princes, as the manner is of the common sort, in beauty, and comeliness of presence. And this was at Rome, as in such a variety, the state of men's minds. Now for the provinces abroad, of Spain Cluvius Rufus was Precedent, a person very eloquent, & for service in peace able, in war unexpert. The countries of Gallia, beside the memory of Vindex, were another way assured to Galba, being of late by him made citizens of Rome, and released of part of their tribute for the time to come; only the cities which lay nearest the armies of Germany, having not the like honour done, yea and some beside having part of their territory taken away, were aggrieved as well with their fellows benefits, as with their own wrongs. The soldiers of Germany (a perilous matter in so mighty armies) swollen with pride upon their late victory, and again, as having supported in some degree the contrary side, were perplexed with fear. they were slow in revolting from Nero: neither did Verginius declare himself at the first for Galba: whether he desired the Empire himself, or no, was a question: without question his soldiers made him a proffer. The death of Fonteius Capito even they 
b Those he meaneth, as I think, that had given out he was a trautour, or otherwise consented to ●i● death.  stomached, that could not justly complain: only there wanted an head, Verginius being sent for away under colour of friendship: whom when they saw not to be sent back, & moreover his doings 
c Atque, etiam reum est: not judicially, that I can find. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sayeth Plutar. p. 1505.  called in question, they took it all as their own case. The army of upper Germany made light reckoning of Hordeonius Flaccus their Lieutenant, a man aged, and gouty, without resolution, without authority, unable to rule a quieter company; now being in fury, and finding him weak to govern the bridle, they stirred and troubled the more. The legions of lower Germany were a while without a Lieutenant general, till at length Vitellius came, sent by Galba, the son of Vitellius which had been Censor, and thrice Consul: 
d Id satis videbatur: that is, to Galba to send him Lieutenant, or to the soldiers to have a liking to make him their Emperor, being so well borne.  that seemed sufficient. The army in Britanny was quiet; and in truth among all the legions, in all those civil troubles, none behaved themselves 
e And yet they joined themselves with Vitellius. p. 44. uliuncto Britannico exer citu Vitellius. etc.  more innocently: whether it was, that they were far of, and severed by sea, or that by continual exploits against the enemy, the malice of their humour was spent otherwise. Illyricum also stirred not, although the legions which Nero had called thence, while they lingered in Italy, had sent to Verginius to offer their service: but the armies being far asunder (a point most wholesome to keep soldiers in due faith and allegiance) could not join neither faults, nor forces together. The East as yet was calm. Licinius Mutianus with four legions ruled Syria, a man in the course of good and bad fortune famous alike: in his youth he had to his cost wound himself into the acquaintance of great men; anon wealth wearing away, his state decaying, suspecting also the displeasure of Claudius, he withdrew himself from Rome into Asia, then as near to the state of an exiled person, as after he was to the state of an Emperor: of riot, and industry; of courtesy and arrogancy; of good and ill parts strangely compounded: pleasures excessive, when his leisure served: when the case required, excellent virtues: openly praise worthy, his secret actions were ill spoken of: but generally with them under him, with them about him, with his companions in office, by divers allurements very gracious; and such a one as could more easily deliver the Empire to another, then obtain it himself. Flavius Vespasianus with three legions governed the jewish. war, appointed general by Nero; a man that wished to Galba but well, and never meant to attempt against him; for he had sent his son Titus to do him his duty, as an one in convenient place shall be declared. After the event we surely believed, that the Empire was by the secret course of fate, by signs and oracles foreappointed to Vespasian and his line. Egypt and the garrisons there the gentlemen of Rome ever since Augustus' time have ruled with 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sarabo. 17.  royal authority: for so it was thought expedient to bridle and 
* Domiretinere to keep them in awe, from gadding and seeking ●ide from abroad.  keep under a province of hard access, fruitful of grain, seditious, and variable through superstition and wantonness, not accustomed to obey any law, to agnize any magistrate. 
b Tiberius Alexander illustris eques Romanus. Tac. Ann 15.  Tiberius Alexander, a man borne in the country, was governor there. Africa and the legions there, Clodius Macer being slain, liked well enough of any Prince whatsoever, having had 
* Post experimentum domini minoris: petty Princes belike are harddest masters to their subjects, and of Macer Plut. reporteth that he was exercised 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  trial of a meaner master. The one Mauretania and 
c Tingitana & Caesaeriensis.  the other, Rhoetia, Noricum, Thracia, and the other countries ruled by Procurators, as they lay near to any of the armies, were swayed to like or dislike, as it liked their 
d Tacitus in this book: facili transitu ad proximos & validiores. p. 51.  betters that bordered about them. The provinces which were unfurnished of forces, and especially Italy itself, lying open to be subdued by any, were to become the prize of the war. And this was the state of the Roman Empire when Servius Galba second time Consul with Titus Vinius, began the year which was last to themselves, and last almost to the common wealth also.   

FOUR The adoption of Piso.  
SOME few days after the beginning of january, letters came out of Belgica from Pompeius Propinquus Procurator there, that the legions of upper Germany without respect of oath and duty demanded another Emperor; and that this their revolt might be the less heinously taken, had referred the choice thereof to the Senate, and people of Rome. These news hastened the purpose of Galba, who had already a good while before devised with himself, and with some near about him, concerning the adoption. No speech was for the time more common and current in the whole city, partly upon a licence and lust to talk of such matters, and partly because Galba was spent and feeble for age: upon judgement or love to the commonwealth very few, the most part upon secret hopes, as they favoured or followed this man or that, offered occasion to bring them in speech for the succession. And now Vinius was grown into great hatred; who, as he waxed daily more mighty, so daily more odious: for Galba with his too much facility increased and nourished the greedy and gaping desires of his friends never satisfied in so great means, and offending, as under a Prince weak of body, and light of belief, with less fear, and greater advantage. The whole power of the Prince was divided between Titus Vinius the Consul, and Cornelius Laco captain of the guard. Neither was Icelus the freedman inferior in favour with his master, who being privileged to wear gold rings, & made a gentleman, was commonly called by the name of Martianus. These three, otherwise disagreeing, and in points of less importance drawing every one a sundry way, in this consultation of choosing a successor were divided into two sides. Vinius was for Marcus Otho: Laco and Icelus agreed not so much upon any one, as upon any other. Neither did Galba much like of the party, suspecting the counsel of Vinius as partial, and grounded upon a marriage pretended between 
* Crispina.  his daughter being a widowr, and Otho an unmarried man; a matter wherewith the ears of the prince, by reason oftalecariers in court, were not unacquainted. I think also that Galba was touched in part with care of the common wealth, which might seem in vain transferred from Nero, if it were to be left upon Otho. for Otho had spent his tender years without 
a Parhici gestamen Othonis. Ivenal. Sat. 11  regard of his honour, his youth afterward in all dissolute disorder, in grace with Nero 
b Perlibertinam aulicam insinuatus Neroni facilè summum inter amicos locum tenuit, congruentiâ morum. Suet. Oth. c. 2.  through emulation of vice: & therefore Nero had left in his custody, as with one that was 
c Delapso Nerone in amorem Actae, assumpto in conscientiam Othone etc. Ann. 13.  privy to his lusts, Poppaea Sabina his principal minion, till he had dispatched his hands of Octavia his wife: soon after upon an apprehension of jealousy, he sent him 
d At Senecaes' entreating: Plutar. p. 1503. Ann. 13. Deijcitur familiaritate sueta, post congressu & comitatu Otho, & postremò ne in urbe aemulatus ageres, provinciae ●usitantae praeficitur: ubi usque ad civilia arma non expriore infamia, sed integrè, sanctéque egit, proca otij & potestatis temperan. tior.  away into Lusitania, coulorably to be Lieutenant there. Otho having governed the province with all courtesy, & being the first that came in to Galba, & therewith a man of action, & of those which were present during the war of greatest account, readily conceived hope of adoption, and daily took himself better of assured, being well favoured of most of the soldiers, and greatly beloved of Nero's court, as one like to their late master. But Galba after the news of the Germane rebellion, although of Vitellius as yet he understood no certainty, being doubtful to what issue this violent proceeding of the armies would grow, and reposing no trust in the city-souldier, proceedeth to declare a successor, the only stay, as he supposed, of his estate. And calling to him beside Vinius and Laco, Marius Celsus consul elect, & Ducenius Geminus 
* Praefectus urbis.  Provost of the city, after some speech used of his age, 
a Sueton. c. 17. somewhat differing from Tacitus writeth, Pisonem repentè è media salutantium turba apprehendit, filiuque appellani, in castra perduxit.  he commandeth Piso Licinianus to be sent for, either upon his own choice, or as some have reported, at the instance of Laco: who cunningly preferred him as a mere stranger to himself, whereas indeed they had in Rubellius Plautus' house, had long acquaintance together, & the good opinion which went generally of Piso, gave credit to his counsel. Piso was son to Marcus Crassus, and Scribonia, nobly borne on both sides; in countenance and presence after the ancient sort, rightly to judge, severe; but to them which interpreted all to the worst, seeming too sour. That quality of his, the more it was by some men, careful in that behalf, misdoubted and feared, the better it pleased the man, who was to adopt him. So Galba taking Piso by the hand, is said to have spoken in this manner.  
" If I should as a private man only, by an act of the Curiae, and assent of the Priests, as the manner is, adopt you, it would be both an honour for me, to take into my family the progeny of Marcus Crassus and Pompey, and a glory for you, to adjoin the honourable increase of the Sulpitian and Lutatian houses to your own nobility. But now being by the consent of gods and men called to the Empire, I am moved by your rare towardness, and the love I bear to my country, to offer unto you, without your trouble, the Prince's place, that, for which our ancestors have contended in arms, which by arms myself have obtained: following herein the example of Augustus, who placed in estate next to himself, first Marcellus his sister's son, afterward Agrippa his son in law, than his daughter's sons, and lastly his wives son Tiberius Nero. But Augustus, as it seemeth, sought a successor in his family, and I 
b To this saying alluded, as it may seem, Dagalaiphus master of the horse to Valentinian the Emperor, who being demanded in counsel by his master, what partner he were best to assume of the Empire, answered briefly, Si tu●● amas habes f●airem, si temp alium quaere. Marcellin. lib. 26. pag. 1719.  in the common wealth. Not that I lack some near me in blood, or companions in arms, whom I could respect: but neither did I by ambition attain to the Empire, & of my judgement herein may be proof, not only mine own friends passed over, but yours also. A brother you have, noble alike, in years before you, well worthy of this honour, were not you the more worthy. Your years are such, as are settled from the affections of youth, and so spent, as no thing past needeth excuse. Hitherto you have tasted only of adverse fortune: prosperity searcheth more deeply the mind; for miseries are borne with patience, felicity corrupteth. Integrity, friendship, round and free dealing, the principal gifts of the mind, you for your part, no doubt will retain as heretofore; but in others towards you, in respect of your degree, you shall find it to be otherwise: flattery will break in, and pleasing speeches, and the most pestilent poison of all true meaning, private respects for private advantage. We two this day common plainly together, others rather talk with our estate, than our persons: for indeed to persuade a Prince that which is meet, is a point of some pain; to flatter any Prince whatsoever, needeth small endeavour. If this vast body of the Empire could stand without governor, balanced in due proportion and order, the free common wealth might worthily have taken beginning from me: but now it is come long ago to that pass, that neither mine age can benefit the people of Rome any way more, then in finding them a good successor, nor your youth, then in yielding them a good Prince. Under Tiberius, Caius, & Claudius, we have been as it were, the inheritance of one family: it will be instead of liberty, that we begin to succeed by election: and now the julian and Claudian lines be spent, adoption will still find out of the best: for to be descended of Princes, is a matter of mere fortune, and so is esteemed: in adoptions our judgement is most incorrupt, and seldomest abused; and if we will choose of the fittest, the voice of the most will point us our man. Set Nero before your eyes, whom, being descended of so many Caesars, his own infamous life, and untolerable cruelty cast out of state, not Vindex with an unarmed province, nor I with 
a To wit sexta. Tac. 5. Histor. principem Galbam sext legionis autoritate factum. p. 210.  one Legion: neither was there before a precedent of any Prince by public sentence deposed. We, that came in, not by descent, but called in by war and opinion of desert, how honourably soever we carry ourselves, yet shall we be sure to have our enuyours. And yet be not dismayed, if in this troubled and shaken estate of the world, one Legion or two be not yet settled: I myself found not all so sure at the first: and when this adoption shall be heard of abroad, I shall cease to seem an old man, the only exception they take now against me. Nero shall doubtless be miss, and wished always among the lewd sort; you and I must provide, lest good men also do wish him again. To admonish you longer is not for this time, and all mine intent is fully performed, if I have, as I hope, chosen aright. The surest and shortest rule to sort out good from evil, is to weigh what yourself would under another Prince have allowed or blamed: for you have not here, as in kingdoms, a certain race borne to soverainety, and the rest to be slaves; but you are to govern a people, which cannot bear, neither bondage, nor liberty mere without mixture.  
These words and the like Galba used as 
a That is, Galba by way of instruction: the rest flattering and fawning.  creating a Prince, but the rest that were present, spoke as to a Prince already created. Piso is said to have uttered no motion, as of a mind either troubled or excessive in joy, neither then nor afterward when every man's eyes were fixed upon him. His speech to his father, and sovereign was respective, and reverent; concerning himself very modest: in countenance and gesture not changed, showing himself rather 
b Tac. 3. Hist. p. 127. de junio Blaeso. Nullius repentini honoris, adeò non principatus appetens, us parum effugeret, quin dignus crederetur.  able to furnish the place, then desirous. Then consultation was had, where the adoption should be pronounced; 
* Pro ●ostris, that is, unto the people assembled inconcione.  before the people, in the Senate, or in the camp. the camp was preferred, to honour the soldier thereby, whose good will and favour, as it was by money and crouching not to be bought, so got by good means would not be contemned. In the mean season Public expectation, which suffereth not any great secret long to be secret, had, as it were, beset the Palace about: and the fame finding an issue, was afterward by suppressing increased. The tenth of january fell out to be stormy, with great thunder, lightnings, & extraordinary weather. That being of ancient time observed as cause to break up assemblies, stayed not Galba from going to the camp, contemning such things as casual, or because that which by fate is allotted, though sometime foreshowed, is never avoided. There in full assembly of the soldiers with brevity princelike he pronounceth, that he adopteth Piso, following the example of Augustus of sacred memory, and according to that militare fashion, where each man maketh choice of his fellow. And lest the German rebellion should, if it were concealed, be deemed the greater, he showeth them purposely, that the fourth and eighteenth legion misled by a few mutinous persons had erred in words only, and terms, & shortly would be reclaimed: and so concluded his speech, bestowing upon them neither eloquence nor money. The Tribunes notwithstanding, and Centurions, and soldiers which stood near about him, returned a plausible answer: the rest of the company were silent, and sad, as having lost now their donative in war, which they had used of duty in peace to receive. It is very certain, their hearts in mind as in body, and his freedmen and servants, the nearest about him, being brought up in more licence then usually in a private man's house, laid before him, who greedily gaped after such baits, the court of Nero and riotous living, wives at will of his own, and of other men's, with such like pleasures of Princes, as his own proper good, if he durst seize upon them; if not, upbraiding them to him, as left unto others. The Astrologers also urged him forward, assuring by their star-learning great changes at hand, and a year of advancement for Otho: a kind of people to Princes unfaithful, to hopers deceitful, that in our commonwealth shall be always forbidden, and always retained. Many of that profession were employed by Poppaea in her secret affairs, the badst instruments a 
a Principale matrimonium, i. uxor principis as Tacitus speaketh also, 11. Annal. At Claudius, matrimonij sui ignarus, lasciviam populi severis edictis increpuit: that is, ignorant of his wives behaviour at home.  Prince's wife can use: of which number Ptolemaeus, who followed Otho into Spain, promised he should overlive Nero: and so by the event having won credit, persuaded him further, by conjecture alone, & speech of people comparing the years of Galba and Otho, that he should be assumed to the Empire: but Otho embraced it as foretold by art, and by the forewarning of fate; as the humour is of most men to believe that soonest, which they least understand, or know what it meaneth. Neither was Ptolemaeus behind for his part, persuading him now to the point, in that kind of fact, which in a mind so desirous is soon apprehended. But whether it came in his mind on the sudden or no, to commit this foul act, that is not certainly known: certain it is, that long before that, he had by all possible means practised the favour and goodwill of the soldier, either upon the hope of succession, or as preparing the way to his treason: in journeying, in marching, in warding, calling by name such as were of greatest continuance, and terming them mates, upon the remembrance of living together in Nero's train; with some renewing acquaintance; some calling for, & relieving their needs with his purse, & his countenance; inserting withal now & then complaints, & glancing at Galba with speeches of doubtful construction, or what otherway he could bethink him to, stur up, and alter the vulgar sort. The travails in journeying, the straightness of provision, the hard hand held over them were much misliked of the soldiers: for whereas before they were wont to visit the lakes of Campania, and towns of Achaia at their ease upon shipboard, now it seemed sore to troth all a foot over the Pyrenees & Alps, and huge long viages at small ease in their armour. The soldiers minds being thus already incensed, Mevius Pudens an acquaintance of Tigellinus, ministered matter to inflame them further; who alluring some unstaid heads, or such as were needy of money, & desperate upon new desires, by little and little proceeded so far, that so oft as Galba was feasted at Othoes, under pretence of a banquet-benevolence, he distributed to each man of the cohort which waited, 
a Aureum unum saith Plutarch, and Suetonius, that is, 15. ● 7. ᵈ ob. Now this cohort or band consisted of a thousand soldiers; so that his whole liberality that way cost him at one dinner 781.li. 5.s.  an hundredth sesterces. which, as being a 
* Publicam, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  public largesse, Otho strengthened with secret rewards to particular persons: so confident a corrupter, that whereas Cocceius Proculus a 
“ Spiculator.  bilman of the Guard had a suit with his neighbour about a small parcel of ground, which lay doubtful between them, Otho with his own money bought the neighbours whole ground, and freely bestowed it upon him: such was the insufficiency of Laco the captain, grossly to oversee not only close practices, but even those dealings, which all the whole world espied beside. But at that time Otho appointed Onomastus one of his freedmen for master workman to contrive the treason, who bringing Barbius Proculus the watch-worde-carier of the billmen, and Veturius a Centurion's lieutenant anon to his master, after that Otho by sundry speeches, and much private conference, perceived them to be crafty, and bold, fit for his purpose, he jades them with rewards in hand, but much more with promises to come; giving them money to assay the minds of more of their fellows: and so two common soldiers took upon them to transfer the Empire of the people of Rome, and accordingly performed it indeed. Few were by them made privy to the principal purpose, and they by diverse devices incited the hovering minds of the rest; drawing into the association the chief of the soldiers preferred by Nymphidius, as being suspect to the present estate; the meaner sort, and the rest, by means of the anger and displeasure conceived upon despair of their donative so often differred: some also there were, whom the memory of Nero, and desire of former licence did move: in general all were afraid they should find a change in the service. This contagion infected also the Legions, and Aids, whose faith was weakened already, when as they heard their fellows of Germany had left their allegiance. And so ready were the bad to rebel, yea the good to dissemble, that upon the fourteenth of january, they had determined, as Otho returned from supper to have taken him up by the way, 
a Suet. Oth. c. 6 yieldeth another reason: obstitit respectus cohortis quae tunc excubabat, ne oneraretur invidia, quòd eiusdem station & Caius fuerat occisus, & desertus Nero. Medium quoque tempus religio, & Mathematici exemerunt.  had they not feared such casual chances, as night might have bred; and by reason the soldiers were lodged scatteringly throughout the whole town; and that drunken men would a great deal more hardly agree; not for any care of common wealth, which they purposed, when they were sober, to pollute with the blood of their Prince; but least in the dark by error it might chance, that in steed of Otho some other man should be offered to the 
b For before be had said, that multiè Germania & Illyrico electi remained in Rome.  Pannonian and Germane soldiers, and so be accepted for Emperor, the most part of them not knowing Otho by sight. Many signs of treason even now as it were discovering itself, were suppressed by the conspirators: some other in Galba's hearing Laco the captain put away with a jest; a man little seen in soldiers affections, and of any advise, were it never so excellent, whereof himself was not author, an enemy, and against the skilful obstinately contentious. The fifteenth of january as Galba was sacrificing before Apollo's temple, Vmbricius the Priest, by view of unprosperous entrails, foreshoweth dangers at hand, and a home enemy in Othoes' audience (for he was the next man) who contrarily construed it as good luck on his side, and happy success in his affairs. Anon after Onomastus bringeth in word, that the master carpenter, and those which had undertaken the work at a price, stayed for his coming: for that was the watchword agreed between them, to signify that now the soldiers were drawing together, and the conspiracy ripe. Otho feigning an answer to such as demanded the cause of his departure, that he had certain old tenements to buy, which he suspected were ruinous, and therefore would have them viewed before, 
* innixus liberto  following his servants direction, went through Tiberius' house into the Velabrum, and thence to the golden Milliarium under the temple of Saturnus. There three and twenty 
“ Spiculatores  billmen attending his coming salute him Emperor: and as he stood amazed, trembling for fear at their fewness, they snatch him up hastily into a chair, and with their sword drawn carry him away. As they went forward toward the camp, about so many more soldiers joined themselves, some acquainted indeed with the cause, but most for the wonder and strangeness: part with shouts, and drawn swords, part holding their peace, meaning so to proceed, as the event should direct them. julius Martialis warded as Tribune that day in the camp: who being either terrified with the greatness of so sudden a treason, or else fearing the camp was further corrupted, & death, if he should make show of resistance, gave most men to misdeem by his dealing, that he was somewhat of counsel with the case. The rest likewise of the Tribunes and Centurions preferred present security before duty with danger: and generally after that manner were their minds and affections inclined, that into so horrible a treason few only durst enter, more wished it so, and all were contented to suffer it to pass. Galba in the mean while ignorant of all which had passed, was busily occupied about his devotion, importuning the gods now of another man's Empire, when as suddenly word was brought, that a Senator, they witted not well who, was carried to the camp; and straightways that it was Otho. Anon flocked thither out of all quarters, 
*  quisque obvus fuerat, sc. Othoni, or Othonianis, as I think.  as they happened to meet him, some making the fear more than it was, some less, not forgetting even then to fall to their flattering biace. The matter being consulted upon, it was thought convenient, to sound the mind of the cohort, which warded in the Palace, not by Galba himself, whose authority was to be reserved entire for greater exploits, but by Piso: who calling them before the stairs of the house, used this speech. " It is now, fellow-soldiers, six days, since that I was, not knowing what might after befall, and whether this name were to be wished, or feared, adopted Caesar: with what success to our house, or to the common wealth, that lies in your hands▪ not that I am, for mine own particular, afraid of any heavy chance that can happen: froward fortune I have proved with the most; and the good I do take to bring no less danger: but my father's case, the Senates, and the whole Empires I lament, if this day of force we must either kill or be killed; a hard choice for any good man. In the last troubles these comforts we had: the city was kept clean without any bloodshed; the state passed over without any discord; order was taken as it seemed, sufficient, by declaring a successor, that hereafter alto there should be no new occasion of war. I will not extol and magnify here mine ancient house, or modest behaviour; neither in the comparison with Otho, need we to reckon up virtues: his vices wherein alone he triumphs, have ruined the state even then, when he was but a friend of the Emperors. By his gesture and gate should he deserve to be Prince, or by that womanish attire he weareth? they are foully deceived, whom riot deceives with show of liberality. to cast away & consume well may he be learned; to give in good order he hath not the skill: bodily pleasures & banqueting, wanton dalliance with women, these be the points which now he proposeth himself; these he accounteth the prerogatives of Princes; whereof the lust & pleasure shall be only his own, the shame & ignominy redoundeth to all: for never any man yet used the Empire well, which he got by ill means. The consent of the world made Galba Emperor, & Galba by your consent made me. If the weal public, the Senate, the people, be frivolous names, & no substance; yet for your own interest provide, fellow-soldiers, that the raskallest sort be no Emperour-makers. The legions abroad have sometime mutined against their generals; that hath been heard of: your truth & good name bathe remained as yet to this day untouched: & Nero also forsook you, not you Nero. Shall less than thirty renegats & traitors, whom none would permit to choose their Centurion, or Tribune, dispose of the Empire? do you allow the example? do you wink at their crime, & so make it your own? the provinces will usurp the like licence, & the end of these treasons will fall to our share, the end of those wars unto yours. Nether is there more gotten by murdering your Prince, then by keeping your hands innocent & clean: as well shall you receive of us a donative for truth, as of others for treason. The 
“ Spiculatores  billmen being slipped away, the rest of the cohort seeming to be moved with his words, more of fear, as it happeneth in tumults, & yet with some reason, make ready their ensigns, which afterward men supposed was done for a colour & fraud. Marius Celsus also was sent to the selected soldiers of the Illyrian army, encamped in Vipsanius cloister: & commandment was given to Amulius Serenus, & Domitius Sabinus, which had been 
* Primipilares.  leaders of the principal ensign, to fetch forth the Germane soldiers 
* è Libertatis ●trio.  out of the court of Liberty. The legion of mariners Galba disinherited, as being incensed against him for the slaughter of their fellows at his first entry. Cerius Severus, Subrius Dexter, and Pompeius Longinus Tribunes were sent to the Praetorian camp, to try whether the sedition might now at the beginning, and before it were grown to a ripeness, by better advise be assuaged. Subrius & Cerius with threats, & menacing were put by the soldiers to silence: upon Longinus they lay violent hands, and disarm him, because he had come to that place not by order of service, but by extraordinary favour of Galba; a man faithful to his Prince, & therefore of rebels worse liked. The legion of mariners without any stay joined themselves to them of the guard: the selected of the Illy riam army, with darts bend upon him, drive Celsus away: the Germane ensigns 
a Surtonius somewhat otherwise, c. 20. omnes qui accer serentur, sprevere nuntium, excepta Germanicorum vexillatione Hi ob recens meritum, quò se aegros & in validos magnopere sovisset, in auxili um advolavere: sed seriùs, itinere devio per ignorantiam locorum retardati.  were long in suspense, being as yet feeble in body, but in mind well affected, for that being sent by Nero before to Alexandria, at their return tired & sick with so long a cut they were by Galba carefully cherished. Now was all the common people, & bondmen withal assembled into the Palace, requiring with tumultuous cries, as if they were to demand in the stage or Race a pastime, that Otho might be pulled in pieces, & those other traitors exiled; not upon judgement or any true meaning; for the self-same day with as vehement instance they would be as ready to demand the otherway: but only upon a received custom to flatter the Prince whatsoever he be, framing acclamations at pleasure, and vainly endeavouring to show their good wills. In the mean season Galba was distracted with two divers opinions. Titus Vinius thought best to stay within doors, to oppose the bondmen against them, to fortify the passages, & not to go forth to men in their fury: that he should give a space for the bad to repent for the good to consent: that treasons prevail on the sudden, good counsels gather forces by leisure: & lastly if he would, or reason required it, than might he well go, as now, to anon: but to come in again, if he chanced to repent him, were likely to lie in the will of another. The rest were all of a contrary mind: that it was the much better way, to cut of delays with all possible speed, before the conspiracy of few, as yet with out force, took further increase: that even Otho himself would tremble for fear, who being conveyed privily away, & brought in among those which knew not the matter, through slothful delaying, & trifling the time, learns now at his leisure to counterfeit the Prince. what? would they expect till Otho having composed the camp, & set all in order, should invade the Place of public assembly, & as Galba peeped but of a hole, under his nose enter the Capitol; whilst he, like a goodly trim captain, with his courageous friends, so they may be in covert, kept close within doors, & shut up the gates, meaning belike to attend the siege there? much help might one hope for at bondmen's hands, if the agreement of so great a multitude, and their first indignation, which is always the hottest, were suffered to cool. that therefore the party dishonourable was also more dangerous: or if needs they must die, then better to meet and encounter the danger: that would at least breed Otho more envy, and were withal most for their honour. As Vinius replied against the opinion, Laco, at the instigation of Icelus, persisting in private displeasures to the overthrow of the public estate, beginneth to charge him with menacing and threats: and Galba without any longer delay gave himself wholly to follow their counsel, which had the fairer show in appearance. yet first was Piso sent to the camp, as being a youngman of great name and gracious, fresh in men's favour, and enemy to Vinius, either because he was so, or that Vinius ilwillers did wish it to be so; and it is thought rather he was so indeed. Piso was scant gone abroad, when firsl a flying rumour without author was spread, that Otho was slain in the camp: anon, as in great lies it falls out, some affirmed they were present, and saw it; a report which men partly rejoicing, & partly not curious, easily believed. Many supposed this rumour was framed, and increased by some of Othoes' men, being now shuffled in with the rest, & giving out untruly good news of purpose to allure Galba out of his hold. But upon the report howsoever, not only the people and simpler sort clap hands, and declare immoderately their affections. but most of the gentlemen, and Senators without temporising, as being now freed of fear, break open the gates, rush into the Palace, press forward to Galba, protesting how sorry they were, the revenge of his quarrel was thus prevented by others; the greatest cowards, & such as in danger dared the jest, as trial made proof, being most excessive in words, and hardy of tongue. Thus whilst all affirmed, and no body knew, Galba yielding to an untruth so generally soothed, 
a Purposing only, as Plutarch reporteth, to show himself abroad to the people, and do his sacrifice to the gods for his deliverance, as making no doubt but that Otho was dead. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but in the end he found himself bidden to another banquet.  puts on 
* Thoracem. Sueton. Lorican linteam.  a breastplate, & being not able for body nor age to sustain the press which came in upon him, was lifted up in a chair. In the Palace julius Atticus met him, one of the 
“ Spiculatores  billmen, holding out a bloody sword in his hand, with which he cried aloud, he had slain Otho. My friend, quoth Galba, who bade thee? a man of rare virtue to keep in awe a licentious soldier, whom neither threats could terrify, nor flattering speeches corrupt and abuse.  
By this time the soldiers were wholly agreed, with so great fervency favouring Otho, that not content to assist him in companies with their bodies, they cast a ring about him with banners, as he stood 
* Medium inter signa. i. medium inter milites subsignanos.  in the midst of the ensigns in the Tribunal, in which a little before the image of Galba was planted in gold, not suffering the Tribunes or Centurions to approach, yea and further the common soldier bidding beware of officers. All the whole camp resounded with clamours, with tumult, with mutual encouragement: none of those different chantings of dull flattery practised among the popular: but as they espied any soldier coming, they would take him by the hand, embrace him in their armour, set him fast by them, begin him the oath, recommending sometime their Emperor to the soldiers, and sometime the soldiers to their Emperor. Neither was Otho slack for his part to stretch forth his hands, to bow himself to every mean person, 
* jacere oscula. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xiphilinus.  to throw kisses abroad, and what servile crouching else not for an Empire! When the whole legion of mariners had sworn allegiance, trusting now to his strength, and supposing it requisite to incense them in common, whom as yet he had only incited in several, standing upon the rampire of the camp, he gins in this manner. " I am come here, as you see, to your presence, my loving companions: but what I am, that cannot I tell. A private man I will not be termed, being named Prince by you; nor Prince well I cannot, whilst yet another possesseth the place: your name also, whether traitors, or true subjects, shallbe likewise in doubt, till it be decided what manner of man you have in your camp, an Emperor of the people of Rome, or an enemy. Do you not hear how my death, and your punishment are both 
b For so Tacitus sayeth a little before: dissonus clamor plebis & servitiorum, caedem Othonis & coniuratorum exilium poscentium.  required at once? so evident it is, that we can neither perish nor be safe, but jointly together: & perhaps Galba, according to the measure of his discretion, hath promised it already, as one that could find in his heart, unasked, unrequired, to murder so many thousands of most innocent citizens. A horror pierceth my heart, as oft as I call to remembrance the dismal entry, and that only conquest of his, when he did in sight of the city command to be slain the tenth person of those, which upon their humble request he had received into his protection. Such was his unproes; perous entry: and what glorious fact brought he beside to commend him withal to the Prince's place, saving the slaughter of Obultronius Sabinus and Cornelius Marcellus in Spain, of Betuus Chilo in France, of Fonteius Capito in Germany, of Clodius Macer in Africa, of Cingonius in the way, Turpilianus in the city, Nymphidius in the camp? nay, what province is there, what camp any where, that he hath not, as he pretends, amended and corrected, but in truth with cruelty misused & stained with blood? Those things which other men accounted heinous faults, he terms them gentle remedies: cruelty he cloaks with the name of severity; and wretched covetousness he termeth provident sparing; your stripes & indignities ancient discipline. Since the death of Nero it is scarce seven months, & yet hath one Icelus already raked more together, than all that rabble, Polycletus, Vatinius, 
a Elius was left by Nero, at his pilgrimage into Achaia, as his vicegerent in Rome with absolute authority; and with him Polycletus: which two as Xiphilinus witnesseth, p. 191. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of Vatinius TAcitus maketh mention. 15. Ann. p. 523. Vatinius inter faedissima eius audae ostenta fuit, Sutrinae tabernae alumnus, corpore detorto, facetijs scurrilibus primò in contumelias assumptus, deinde optimi cuiusque ariminatione ●ò usque valuit, ut gratia, pecunia, vi nocendi etiam malis prae mineret.  Elius, and their fellows have done in so many years. And certainly with less covetousness, and more respect would Titus Vinius have raged, if himself had been Emperor: now he oppresseth us as vassals, & holdeth us vile as strangers: the only wealth of that man were enough for the donative, which daily is cast in your teeth, but never paid to your purses. And lest we might hope to better our estate, at the lest when Galba were gone, he hath fetched out of exile one, that in cruelty & covetousness he judged likest himself. you saw, fellow-soldiers, by that notable storm, that even the gods much abhorred that untoward adoption. The Senate, the people are of the same mind: your part now only remaineth: your valour and virtue is looked for: you are the men who add strength to good causes: without you, be the attempt never so worthy, it shall never take any worthy effect. I desire you not to a war, I call you not to any dangerous exploit: the soldiers be all of our side, and that one unarmed cohort, which waits upon Galba, endeavours not now to defend him against us, but rather detains him from scaping out from us: when you shall come in their view, when they shall see my ensign, this will be their only contention who shall in my behalf do greatest service. No delay in that enterprise is to be used, which never is commended, before it be 
b Suetonius c. 6. addeth: Add conciliandor pollicitationibus militum animos nihil magis proconcione testatus est, quàm id demùm se habitururm, quod sibi illi reliquissens.  ended. Then commanded the armoury to be opened: arms by and by were taken contrary to custom, and order of service, where the Praetorian and legionary man is severed by his different cognisance: with helmets and targets they mingle themselves among the Aide-soldiers: no Centurion nor Tribune encouraging them, they become captain and encourager, each man to himself; and that which chiefly encouraged the bad, the good were discouraged, & quite out of heart. Now Piso being scared away with the noise, as the sedition grew fuller and hotter, with shouts resounding even into the city, by this time had joined himself to Galba again, who was in the mean season issued out of the Palace, and come near to the Place of public assembly. Marius Celsus likewise had brought an heavy answer again: whereupon some thought it expedient to retire into the Palace again, some rather to possess themselves of the Capitol, some other to take the Rostra: but the most did only impugn the opinions of others; and as often it chanceth in counsels crossed with evil success, that way was commonly judged the best, whereof the time was forepast. It is reported that Laco, unwitting to Galba, had a meaning to have slain Titus Vinius, hoping belike by his death to mitigate the soldiers, or mistrusting he was confederate with Otho, or else upon private displeasure: the time & the place bred scruple in the matter: for when men are set in a kill, it is not so easy to stop when you list; and many other accidents stayed the purpose; fearful messages, the slippings away of his friends, their courages being all quailed, even of those which cheerfully at first made most ostentation of loyalty and stoutness. Galba was driven to and fro with the crowd of the company, as it waved up and down. The standing in 
* Basilicae at templa: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut.  temples and churches on every side were taken to view this 
* lugubri prospectu, for prospectui. Tacitus 2. Hist. 93. Luxu & saginae mancipatus. Plutarch turneth this place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  sorrowful sight: the people all mute, with countenances amazed, & listening ears; no tumult, no quietness; such a silence as argued great fear, and great anger: notwithstanding it was carried to Otho, that the common people were a putting in arms: whereupon he 
a For he himself remained still in the camp. Suet. Oth. c. 6, while this tragedy was a playing; a circumstance which in reason Tacitus should not have toched so lightly.  commanded his men to march in all speed, and prevent the danger. So the Roman soldiers, as if they had gone to pull Vologeses or Pacorus out of the throne anciently possessed by Arsaces' line, and not to murdre their own Emperor unarmed, & aged, dispersing the people, trampling the Senate under foot, 
b Equites. ●iso p●ccul Galba, 〈…〉 Sue●. ●. 19  set spurs to their horses, & fiercely in arms rush into the Place of assembly: neither did the sight of the Capitol, nor reverence of the temples about, nor the Prince's past and to come, terrify them from committing that abominable act; whereof the next successor is the revenger. The enseigne-bearer of Galba's cohort, Atilius Vergilio by report, assoon as he saw a far of the armed men, marching in array, plucked down the image of Galba, & dashed it against the pavement. by that it did plainly appear, that all the soldiers were wholly for Otho. The people unbidden make away in all haste, leaving the Place of assembly void, or if any seemed to linger they were drawn upon by the soldiers. At Lacus Curtius Galba was tumbled out of his chair to the ground, through the fearfulness of them which bore it. His last words are diversely by diverse reported, as they admired or hated the man: some say, he humbly demanded, what ill he had ever deserved, requesting only a few days respite to pay their donative. The most do agree, that he offered stoutly his neck, to do their pleasure, and strike, if it seemed so good to the common wealth: it mattered not much to the murderers what he did say. The very man that slew him is not certainly known: some say Terentius Euocatus; others Lecanius: the more received opinion is, that Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth legion, pierced his throat with a sword: his arms and legs (
a Thorace, or Loricae lintea: suprà.  for his breast was armed) others did miserably mangle and hew: many stabs, upon a savage and beastly cruelty, were bestowed upon the headless carcase. Next after Galba, they assailed Vinius, of whom likewise there is question, whether the present fear wasted his speech, or else that he cried aloud, They had no commandment from Otho to kill him: which, whether he feigned for fear, or confessed as associate of the conspiracy, the same of his lewd life doth make it more probable he was guilty of the treason, whereof he was 
b Tacitus supra. Galbam, Titus Vinius deterrimus morta lium, odio flagitiorum onerabat.  cause. At the first wound in his ham he tumbled down before the temple of Diws julius, and after by julius Carus, a legionary soldier, was thrust through the sides. A worthy man that day our age did afford, 
c Both Plutarch and Xiphilinus writ that not Piso, but Galba was protected by Densus.  Sempronius Denfus a centurion of the cohort which guarded Galba, & by him appointed to wait upon Piso, who 
d Plut. noteth that he first feared them with the vine rod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  with his rapier drawn encountering the armed men, & upbraiding to them their disloyalty, partly by deeds, and partly by words turning the blows upon his own head, gave Piso, although he were wounded, time and space to escape away. Piso recovering the temple of Vesta, & being received by the sextens compassion, & hid in his cabin, not by the reverence of sanctuary, or sacred ceremonies of the holy goddess, but only by hiding himself, differred imminent death, when as strait there came thither, by Othoes' express commandment, hotly bend by name for his blood, Sulpicius Florus, one of the British cohortes, lately by Galba made citizen of Rome, and Statius Murcus a 
“ Spiculator.  bilman: of these two was Piso drawn out, and slain in the gates of the temple. No man's death did Otho so joyfully take; no head did he view and review so infatiably: whether it was that then first of all his mind was at ease, and free to rejoice, lightened of all manner burden and care; or that the remembrance of majesty in Galba, of acquaintance in Vinius, had struck a kind of horror into his unmerciful mind: marry for Piso, his enemy and concurrent, he thought he might justly with all reason rejoice at his ruin. Their heads were planted upon spears, and carried among the ensigns of the cohortes, near the Standard 
a Of what Legion? of the mariners as I think: for other legion I find none in this action: & they received Aquilam & signa at Othoes hand, as it may seem by Tacitus p. 57 l vlt. of Galba they demanded it indeed at his entry, but they were paid with other money for their pains.  of the Legion, striving to show their bloody hands, they which had slain them, they which were present, some truly, some falsely, all making their vaunt, as of a goodly and memorable act. More than a hundredth and twenty supplications, put up for some good service that day, were afterward found by Vitellius, who caused the men to be all sought out, and slain, not in honour of Galba, but upon a tradition received among Princes as an assurance of their present estate, and a mean of revenge afterward. Now the Senate and people were no more the same men: they run all by heaps to the camp, contending and shouldering who should get foremost, defacing Galba, extolling the soldiers judgement, kissing Othoes' hand, and the less they meant it in heart, doing so much the more in outward appearance. Neither did Otho reject any one though coming single, moderating with speeches and countenance the greedy, and menacing disposition of the soldiers; who demanded to the slaughter Marius Celsus Consul elect, and to the last faithful to Galba, offended with his sufficiency and innocency as capital crimes. A quarrel was sought apparently to sack, and massacre, and to overthrow personages of honour: but 
b Plutarch p. 1511. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Othoes' authority was not sufficiently grounded as yet to prohibit a mischief, well might he command one: so making semblance of anger, he wills them to put him in prison; that he would show at leisure exemplary justice upon him, and so delivered him from present destruction. All things beside were ordered according as the soldiers appointed. They elected captains of the Guard Plotius Firmus in time past a common soldier, and then captain of the watch, and in Galba's life a favourer of Otho: to him they adjoin Licinius Proculus, a near and inward acquaintance of Otho, and therefore suspected to have been a furtherer of his proceed. Flavius Sabinus they ordained Provost of the city, following therein the judgement of Nero, under whom he had obtained before the said charge, most men in so doing respecting Vespasian his brother. With great instance was it demanded that the fees of vacations usually given to the Centurions might be remitted: for the common soldier paid them as an annual pension; whereby some in companies, part wandering by licence abroad, or in the camp made no dainty to bear any burden, nor took any care how they gained, till they had wherewith to pay the Centurion, by robbing and spoiling, or servile ministries redeeming their ease. Further the soldier which had any wealth was sure to be tired with travail and stripes till he bought out his immunity; and when the poor wretch had consumed his substance, and wasted his body with sloth, he returned to his band unlusty, and beggarly, whereas he was active and wealthy before: and so likewise another and another corrupted with like licence, and brought to like beggary, were carried to mutinies, dissensions, and civil wars in the end. But Otho lest by gratifying the soldier he should alien the Centurion's minds, promised to pay out of his own coffers the yearly vacations; a thing no doubt very profitable, and by good Princes succeeding established for a perpetual order. Laco confined in show into an island, was murdered by Euocatus, whom Otho had sent before for the purpose. Upon Martianus Icelus, as being a freedman, open execution was done. The day being thus consumed in mischiefs, the last of all ills was the rejoicing. The citty-Praetor calleth the Senate to counsel: the rest of the magistrates contend to exceed in flattery: the lords of the Senate run thither in haste: 
a By Suet c. 7. it appeareth that Otho was present in Senate. Vergen te iam die ingressut enatum (Otho) positaque brevi ratione, quasi raptus de publico, & susci pere imperium vicoactus, gestu rusque cmmuni onnium arbitrio, Palatium petiit.  to Otho is awarded tribunitial authority, and the name of Augustus, with all other Princely prerogatives, and titles, each man endeavouring to abolish the opprobrious speeches, and reviling terms which they had indifferently used against him, which nevertheless he seemed not much to remember; whether he purposed to pardon the offences, or differe the punishment, by reason of the short time he ruled, could not be seen. Otho, the Place of assembly being yet imbrued with blood, was carried thorough the dead bodies, as they lay slain, first to the Capitol, and thence to the Palace, giving permission to bury, and burn the carcases. Piso was by his wife Verania, and Scribonianus his brother; Titus Vinius by his daughter Crispina, composed and laid in grave; having first sought out 
b Crispina paid for her father's ten thousand sesterces: that is, 78. li 2 ᶜ 6. ᵈ Plutarch. 1511  and redeemed their heads, which the murderers had kept to be sold. Piso was when he died one and thirty years old, of better fame than fortune: his brother Magnus was slain by Claudius, and Crassus by Nero: himself lived a great while in exile, and four days a Prince, adopted in haste before his elder brother, with this only advantage, that he was thereby the first made away. Titus Vinius lived forty seven years, not all after one sort: his father was of a Praetorian house; his mother's father one of the 
* è proscriptis. s● ab Octavio, Antonio, Leido, triumuiriss reip. perdendae.  proscriptes. At his first service in war he became infamous: his Lieutenant general Caluisius Sabinus wife, carried with an unwomanly desire to view the site of the camp; and having in soldiers attire wanton perused the watch, and other campe-offices, in the very 
* Principia the place in the camp where the standard and ensigns are pitched.  Principia forfeited her honour; and the man accused of the fact was Titus Vinius: whereupon by commandment of Caius the Emperor he was imprisoned, and anon through change of times being enlarged he passed thorough offices of honour without touch; first Praetor, than Lieutenant of a Legion with good commendation: afterward he stained himself with a servile crime, conveying away a golden cup from Claudius' board; whereupon the day following Claudius made him alone of all his guests to be served in 
* fictilibus.  earthen: notwithstanding being Proconsul of Gallia Narbonensis he governed the country with great severity and sincereness: anon by reason of credit with Galba being drawn to the place of dangerous downfall, he was bold, crafty, active, and as he listed to bend his mind, mischievous or industruous in equal degree. The testament of Titus Vinius his wealth made void; Piso's, his poverty ratified. Galba's body long neglected, and in the dark despitefully entreated, Argius his steward, one of his principal bondmen, 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch. p. 1511.  buried with small ceremony in his private gardens. His head by the 
* lixae, qui extra ordinem & sine armis exorcitum sequuntur questus gratia. Polybius, Festus  followers and 
* calones, milium. servi; so called, because they carried clubs after their masters, which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Servius. Festus.  rascals of the camp, mangled and stabbed was found the day after before Patrobius tomb, a freedman of Nero, whom Galba had executed, and so was put with his body burned before. This end had Servius Galba, having lived seventy three years, and outlived five Princes in great prosperity; happier under the Empire of others then in his own: his house of ancient nobility, and great wealth: himself a man of a middle disposition, rather vicelesse, then greatly virtuous; neither neglecting his fame, nor yet ambitiously careful of it: of other men's money not greedy, sparing of his own, of the common a niggard: bearing with his favourites and freedmen, without reprehension, when they were good; if they were bad, to his own shame ignorant of their ill doings: but his honourable birth, and the dangerous times covered the matter, entitling that wisdom, which in truth was but sloth: in his flourishing age greatly renowned for service in 
a Dio lib. 60. p. 460. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which was the first year of Claudius' Empire) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Germany: Africa he ruled as Pruconsull with great moderation: and growing in years, the nearer Spain uprightly & well: seeming more than a private man, whilst he was private, and by 
b Ausonius. Spem frustrate senex, privatus ssptra mereri Visus er imperio proditus inferior. Fama tibi me lior inveni sed iuctior ordo est, Complacuisse de hinc, displicuisse priùs.  all men's opinions capable of the Empire, had he never been Emperor.   

VIII. After the death of Galba, the news growing hotter of Vitellius and the Germane revolt, how the City stood. affected between him and Otho.  
THE city thus terrified, and having in horror both the heinousness of the late fact, and the old conditions of Otho, was put in a further fear, by the news of Vitellius revolt, which were in Galba's time suppressed, that men should believe no more had rebelled, save the army of upper Germany alone. But then seeing two of all mortal men the most detestable creatures, in slothfulness, incontinency, and wasteful life, fatally elect, as it were, to ruin the Empire, not only the Senators and Gentlemen, who had some part and care of the state, but the 
c Tac. p. 58. Vulgus, & magnitudine nimia curarum expers populus: and yet expers not in all circumstances, as here may b● seen, not of all common cares: Plebscui unica ex rep. annonae cura. saith Tacitus elsewhere.  commons also openly began to wail and lament. Their talk was no more of the fresh and bleeding examples of the late murdering peace: but of civil wars recorded in ancient story, of the city so oft surprised by her own citizens, Italy wasted, the provinces spoiled; of Pharsalia, Phillippi, Perusia, Mutina, 
d At Phatfalia Caesar overthrew Pompey: an. ur. conditae 7●6. at Phillippi Octavius and Antonius overcane Brutus and Cassiu●: an. v. c 712. in the Perusin war Octavius took arms against L. Antonius and Fulvia. Anno 713. at Mutina the Consuls Hirtius & Pa●sa fought with M Antonius. an. 710  famous names of common calamities. The world was subverted almost, even when good men strove for the state: notwithstanding there remained when Caius julius, there remained when Caesar Augustus was conqueror, the form of an Empire. If Pompey had prevailed; if Brutus, the populare state would have stood: now whether for Otho, or for Vitellius should they go to the temples! that both prayers were impious alike, both vows alike detestable, between two, in the war of whom this alone you might know, that he which should win, would be 
e For admitting them before equal in vices, the victory itself would corrupt the winner: vi●toria etiam egregios duces insolescere, saith Tacitus elsewhere.  worse than before. Some secretly wished Vespasian with the Eastern armies; and as he was more liked then either of the other, so did they greatly mislike to multiply wars and calamities: and again Vespasian was not altogether without exception; the only Prince before his time, which changed to the better.   

IX. The revolt of the armies of both Germanies, and rising of Vitellius.  
NOW will I set down the beginning & causes of Vitellius commotion. After that julius Vindex with all his host was slain, the army growing insolent with spoil & glory, as having obtained, without pain and danger, a most rich conquest, loved much better exploits and fight, 
* praemia: as the sack or spoil of a city or couet●ie. donatives, or any other extraordinary librality.  rewards and booties, then ordinary pay they had passed before a long, fruitless, and hard service there, partly through the 
* ingenio loci coeliq. 2. Hist. p. 97. Germanicae hiberna coelo, ac laboribus ●dura.  quality of the soil, and climate, and partly through the straightness of discipline, which in time of peace being rigorously observed, by civil wars is utterly dissolved; corrupters being ready at hand on both sides, and fugitives scaping as then without punishment. Men, armour, horses they had sufficient for use, and ornament too: but before the 
a Against Vindex.  war they had no further acquaintance together, but with the men of their own troops, and companies: the armies lay severed 
b And so remained, for aught I know, in the war against Vindex, where only the upper army was present, by the testimony of all writers, and Tacitus himself in many places.  in several provinces, then against Vindex the Legions being assembled in one, and having proved themselves and the forces of Gallia, sought now a fresh occasion of wars, and new troubles, not terming 
c To wit, them of Gallia, with whom they had sought.  them as they were wont, friends and allies, but enemies and conquered persons. The tract of Gallia, which lies upon Rhine, having followed before the soldiers side, auanced themselves then with the foremost to instigate the armies against the Galbians: for so now they called them, disdaining the name of Vindex as stale. Thus being incensed against the Sequani and Hedui, and so further, as the towns were in wealth, they conceived in hope sacking of cities, wasting of countries, rifling of houses, irritated next after covetousness and presumption, principal vices of them which be stronger, by the perverseness of them of Gallia foolishly bragging, that Galba had released a fourth part of their tribute, and 
* publicè. i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the primores of Gallia had obtained the privilege before Claudius' time. 1. Ann p. a 11. privores Galli● fa●d●ra & 〈…〉 secu●●.  generally made them citizens of Rome in despite of the army. Moreover it was given out craftily, and rashly believed, that in the Legions every tenth man was allotted to die, and the ablest men of the Centurions should be cassed: from every quarter heinous rumours, sinister reports from Rome, the colony of Lions discontented, and as it were a nursery of tales by reason of their constant affection to Nero: but greatest matter to forge out a lie, and win it credit, the camp itself did yield upon hatred, fear, security also, when they had measured their own ability. Aulus Vitellius entering the year before about the first of December into lower Germany, with great care and diligence had visited and surveyed the standing camps of the Legions: many he restored to their rooms, to their fame, & honour, most part to win favour, and some upon judgement; undoing that with integrity, which Fonteius Capito upon bribery & lucre had done displacing, or placing for money in degrees of service: neither were his doings accepted after the measure of an ordinary Lieutenant general, but in a far higher degree. And as among the severer sort Vitellius was thought base & demisse, so his favourers termed it courtesy and goodness, because without measure or judgement he gave out his own, lashed out other men's, construing vices for virtues 
* aviditate imperandi.  upon an extreme desire of the Empire. Many in both armies there were, as modest and quiet men, so likewise bad & valiant; by name among other Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens 
a Valens in lower Germany where Vitellius: and Caecina in higher, where Hordeonius Flaccus was Lieutenant general.  Lieutenants of Legions, in appetites immoderate, & singularly rash, Valens offended with Galba, as being not recompensed according to his deserts for discovering Verginius doubtful proceeding, & the oppressing of Capitoes' conspiracy, ceased not to urge & incite Vitellius; laying open before him the soldiers fervent good will; the honourable report that went everywher of his doings: as for Hordeonius Flaccus that silly man could hinder but little, that Britanny would join, the Germane Aids follow him, that the provinces were nor assured; in fine that the old man was Emperor of courtesy and quickly would lose it; let Vitellius only but open his bosom, make towards, & receive in good fortune, as she offered herself: that Verginius indeed had good cause to be doubtful, being only of a Gentleman's house, his father having not borne office; the place was above his capacity, if he had undertaken it, & then refusing it, he was out of danger: that contrariwise Vitellius father had been thrice Consul, Censor, 
* collegium Caesaris. Suceon. Vitellio. c. 2. l., Vitellius imperatoris pater. cum Claudio principe duos or dinarios consulatus censuramque gessis.  colleague with the Emperor: that these qualities in the father took long ago from the son the security of a private person, & put upon him the dignity of a Prince. His dull spirits were moved with these speeches rather to desire than to hope. But in upper Germany Caecina a comply young man, of body big, & mind insatiable, quick of speech, of gate stately, had marvelously won the goodwill of the soldier. This youngman Galba promoted to govern a legion, for that being Questor in Baetica, he came with out stay to his side: by and by being convicted to have dealt false with the common treasure, he was by Galba's commandment indited of purloining: Caecina taking heavily the disgrace, determined to trouble the state, & with the calamities of the common wealth to cover and close up his own private wounds. Neither in the army wanted there seeds of sedition: for they all had been present in field against Vindex, and could not be brought to swear unto Galba, before they did know that Nero was slain; & were also in taking the oath prevented by the ensigns of low Germany. again the Treveri, Lingones, and those other cities, which Galba had pinched with heavy edicts, or with loss of territory, lay near to the standing camps of the Legions: whereupon grew seditious conferences, and the soldier by conversation with the countryman more corrupted, and by 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xiphilinus. 202.  a reason of the good will borne to Verginius to be employed for any other man. The Lingones according to their accustomed manner had sent gifts to the Legions 
b 2. Hist. p. 63. Centurionem Sisennam dextras, concodiae insignia, Syriaci exercitus nomine, ad Praetorianos ferentem, varijs artibus aggressus est.  Right-hands in token of mutual love and hospitality. their messengers purposely with sad cheer and heavy countenance, in the Principia, in the soldiers cabins, lament and bewail, sometime the wrong done to themselves, sometime the honour done to their neighbours, and perceiving their talk had so ready an audience, they passed on further, incensing their minds, and bewailing the hard hap even of the army itself, their dangers, & contumelies. The matter thus growing toward a sedition, Hordeonius Flaccus commandeth the messengers to get them away; and that their departure might be the more secret, he commands them to avoid the camp in the night season. Thereupon a suspicion and grievous rumour arose, the most part affirming they were made away: and that without doubt, unless they provide for themselves the more surely, it would come to pass that those of the soldiers which were of most courage, and most misliked the present estate, should likewise by night, unawares to the rest, be secretly murdered. Upon this the Legions privily conspire, & covenant together: the Ayde-soldier was made also of the party, whom at first they suspected, as though with his cohortes & wings environing them he meant them a mischief; but a none he appeared more earned than any, as the bad agree better to broach a new war, then in peace to keep concord one with another. Notwithstanding the Legions of lower Germany, the first day of januarie, swore their solemn allegiance to Galba, with much ado, & slow coming forward, some sew in the first ranks yielding a weak applause; the rest standing mute, each looking his neighbour should dare, as it is the nature of men, to follow with speed that, which they are otherwise of themselves loath to begin: but even the Legions were diversely minded, the first and the fift rebelliously affected, so that some cast stones at Galba's images: the fifteenth and sixteenth murmuring and threatening, and daring no further, stood waiting for others to show them the way. In higher army the fourth Legion and the eighteenth, wintering both in one 
* At Magnoiaown.  place, the very first day of january broke the images of Galba in pieces; the fourth very resolutely, the eighteenth after some little stay, anon by common consent: and lest they might seem to have shaken of the obedience of the Empire, they swore 
a Statimque (sayeth Suet. c. 16.) legationem ad Praetorianos cum mandatis destinaverunt; displicere imperatorem in Hispania factum, eligerem ipsi, quem cuncti ex ercitus comprobarent. But the embassage, as it may seem, upon the revolt to Vitellius was revoked.  To the Senate and people of Rome, a style long ago overworn; no Lieutenant, no Tribune labouring for Galba, yea some, as in tumults it happeneth, troubling more: nevertheless no man presumed to make any solemn oration assembly-wise, or out of Tribunal; for as yet they had none to bestow their benefit upon. Hordeonius Flaccus Lieutenant general stood by 
b Yet was he left by Vitellius Lieutenant of both Germanies. 2. Hist. afterward he favoured Vespasians side, and lastly was slain by his own soldiers. 4. Tistoriarum.  and looked on, while this pageant was playing, not daring neither to restrain the rebellious, nor stay the doubtful, nor encourage the good; a timorous slug, and innocent, as being a coward. Four Centurions of the eighteenth Legion, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens, Romilius Marcellus, and Calpurnius Repentinus, endeavouring to save and protect the images of Galba, with the soldiers violence were carried away, bound and laid up: neither did there roman any more in any of them all any spark of faith, or allegiance, no memory of the 
c Which they had sworn to Galba, pressed thereto by Verginius after Nero's decease.  oath before given; but as in seditions it happeneth, as the most part went so did they all go. The same day at night the 
* Aquilifer.  Standerd-bearer of the fourth Legion brings word to Vitellius, as he sat at banquet in Coleyn, that the fourth & eighteenth Legion had broken down the images of Galba, & sworn to the Senate and people of Rome. That oath seemed frivolous and void: wherefore it was thought Good 
* occupare mutantem fortunam, is peradventure properly to catch first hold, or put you self in sure possession of fortune wavering, and now standing in doubt, where she might best bestow herself.  to use the opportunity, and proffer them a Prince. Thereupon Vitellius dispatcheth in post to the Legions, & Lieutenants of his own province, advertising them that the higher army was revolted from Galba: wherefore either fight they must against the revolters, or if they liked better of peace, and concord, set up an Emperor: and with less danger they might take a Prince, then seek one. The first Legion lay nearest, and Fabius Valens Lieutenant, of all the rest the forwardest man: who, the very day after, with the horsemen of his Legion, and of the Aids, entering Coleyn, 
a Sueron Vitel. c. 8. somewhat otherwise: vix dum mense wis acto, neque dici, neque temporis habita ratione, ac iam vispere, subitò à militib. è cubiculo raptus, ita vs erat in vest domestica Imperator est consalulatus, circumlatusque per celeberrimos vitos. Plutarch saith it was at midday. p. 1506.  solemnly saluted Vitellius Emperor. The rest of the Legions of the same province strove who should be foremost to follow the example: and the higher army, laying aside those glorious titles, and goodly to show, of the Senate and people of Rome, the third of january roundly come over to Vitellius side: a man might easily perceive that the other two days they meant nothing less, than a free commonwealth. They of Coleyn, the Treveri, and Lingones, were not inferior to the soldiers in forwardness, offering aids, horses, armour, money, as they were able in body, wealth, or wit. and not only the principal men of the colonies and camps, which presently had wealth at will, and upon the victory hoped for great matters; but also the 
* manipuli; i manipulares, in opposition to primores castrorum.  bands and common soldier, upon an instinct and heat of affection, and covetous humour, gave up their money, & in steed of money their 
* balteos. Varro lib. 4 de ling. Lat. Balteum, cingulum è corio bullatum, usually trimmed with silver or gold. Spartianus Hadriano. p. 804. vestem humillimam frequenter, & sine auro balteum sumebat.  belts, their trappings, the silver trimming of their harnish. Vitellius having greatly commended their cheerful willingness, committeth the offices of court, commonly supplied by freedmen, to Gentlemen of Rome; and pays the vacations to the Centurions out of his coffers. The soldiers cruelty demanding many to death he doth oft condescend unto: sometimes he deceives them with show of emprisoning. 
b He that wrote the first news to Galba of the Germane rebellion supra.  Pompeius Propinquus, Procurator of Belgica, was strait put to death: julius Burdo admiral of the Germane navy he saved by sleight. the whole army was incensed against him, as first an entiser of Fonteius Capito to rebel, and then a great helper to make him away: well beloved was Capito, and gladly remembered; and in that raging and bloodthirsty company a man might openly kill whom he list, marry pardon or save but by policy he could not: so Burdo was presently had into prison, and after the victory, the soldiers malice being appeased, enlarged again. In the mean time Crispinus the Centurion was yielded unto them, as an 
* ut piaculum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  expiatory sacrifice, who had imbrued his hands with Capitoes' blood, and therefore more in the eye of the soldier, & of less account 
a For it might be his own case.  with Vitellius. Next after was julius Civilis, a man of great might, & credit among the Batavians, delivered from danger; lest by his death that fierce nation should become foes. Moreover in the state of the Lingones there lay of Batavians eight cohorts, the Aides of the fourteenth Legion, but then by means of the troublesone times they were departed away, of no small moment to sway the whole cause as they happened to favour the one or the other. The four centurions before mentioned, Nonius, Donatius, Romilius & Calpurnius, Vitellius commanded to be executed, being attainted of truth; a most heinous crime among rebels. Then came to the side Valerius Asiaticus Lieutenant of Belgica, to whom anon after Vitellius married his daughter; & junius Bloesus Governor of Gallia Lugdunensis with the Italian Legion, and Taurin wing encamped at Lions. The Rhoetian soldier without any stay joined himself. In Britanny also the matter went clear. 
b 2 Hist. p. 90. vita Agric. pag. 591.  Trebellius Maximus was Lieutenant general there, contemned & hated of the army for his niggardly sparing & polling: and Roscius Coelius Lieutenant of the twentieth legion inflamed them further against him, his ancient enemy, but now by occasion of civil dissensions they were fallen out further, & broke into more heinous terms: Trebellius objecting to Coelius and charging him with factious behaviour, & dissolving of discipline: Coelius again that Trebellius had spoiled & beggared the legions: but in the mean time, the lieutenants thus jarring, the modesty of the army was marred; the discord at length growing so great, that Trebellius being railed away by the Aids also, in cohorts and wings sorting themselves to Coelius side, was glad to give place being forsaken, & flee to Vitellius. The province although the lieutenant general was absent, remained in quiet, the Lieutenants of the Legions supplying the charge, in right of equal authority; but Coelius indeed bare the most stroke, because he was of most boldness. Now that the British host was adjoined, Vitellius growing strong in men and money, ordains for the war two sundry Generals, and two sundry ways for the Generals to pass. Fabius Valens was willed to allure by fair means, or if they refused, to waste and destroy the countries of Gallia, and so by the Cottian Alps to enter by force into Italy. Caecina was commanded a shorter passage, by the Penine Alps to make his descent. Valens had under his conduct the choice men of the lower army, and the fift Legion with cohorts & wings, 
c This number of forty thousand far exceeding the number of a Legion in any age was made up by gelding the other Legions of that province, yet leaving unto them their standard and their name, and by Auxiliaries of the Germans: as it appeareth by the words of Tacitus.  forty thousand armed men. Out of higher Germany Caecina led thirty thousand, the flower and strength whereof consisted in the one & twentieth Legion. Moreover they had both assigned unto them 
d Not only of the French side, but ● Trans rhenanis; and such, I think, were principally meant in this place.  Aides of the Germans; out of whom Vitellius, who was to follow with the main weight of the war, furnished up his army also. Strange was the difference between the army and their Emperor▪ the soldier was instant, demanding arms whilst they of Gallia stood in a fear, whilst Spain in a doubt: as for the winter, that was no let, nor such like excuses receveable, only in idle & peaceable times: that Italy must out of hand be invaded, the city surprised; that nought is more safe than speed in civil dissension, where dispatch is more needful than long consultation: on the other side Vitellius, a man of nothing, playing the Prince before hand in rioting and prodigal banquets, drunk at noonday, & heavy with surfeit; but the soldiers forwardness & fervency fully supplied the place of the leader, as if he were present in person, encouraging, or terrifiing the valiant or dastard. When all was in order ready to march, they call to sound the remove, increasing Vitellius style with the name of Germanicus: for Caesar, even after the victory, 
e In perpetuum saith Suet. Vitelli. c. 8. but Tacit. 3. Hist. teacheth us otherwise. Quin & Caesarem dici se voluit aspernatus antea.  he refused to be called.   

X How Fabius Valens guided his charge of forty thousand fight men from Coleyn to the Cottian Alps.  
THE very day of removing there appeared a lucky sign to Fabius Valens, & the army which he led to the war, an eagle softly flying before, as the army marched, as it were to note out the way; & for a great space the soldiers so shouted for joy, and the bird passed on without fear so assuredly, that is was reputed an undoubted token of great & prosperous success. The state of Triers, as friends, they passed thorough with all security. At Divodurun a town of the Mediomatrici, although they were with all kind of courtesy received, a sudden fear came upon them, & the alarm was given to sack the poor innocent city, not for the pray, or desire of spoil, but upon a fury, and rage, and causes not known, and therefore the remedies harder to find: till at length, being pacified by Valens entreating, they held their hands from razing the city: notwithstanding about four thousand men were slain. This accident struck such a terror into them of Gallia, that always after, as the camp was a coming, whole cities with their officers and humble supplications went out for to meet them, with women & children down on their knees along the way side; & generally all means by the which men assuage their enemy's anger; though war they had none, yet then were they forced to purchase their peace. Valens in the 
a Sueton. Vitellio c. 9 saith that Vitellius heard the news of Galba's death before Valens departed.  city of the Leuci received the news, that Galba was slain, and Otho in place: the soldier was neither gladder, nor sadder, having nothing but war in his mind: the French thereby were 
b For as long as Galbatheir benefactor lived, they were loath any way, but enforced to aid Vitellius but now hating a like Otho, and Vitellius, and fearing but the one, it was great reason to make the most countenance thither, whence they feared most present danger.  resolved; Otho and Vitellius they hated alike, and Vitellius they feared beside. The next city, was that of the Lingones, sure to the side: being entertained there courteously, they requited it with modest behaviour: but the joy lasted not long through the disorder of those cohorts, which being departed, as before I have said, from the fourteenth legion, Fabius Valens had joined to his army▪ hard words grew at the first, then quarreling between the Batavians, and Legionaries: and as the rest of the soldiers suited on sides, it had welny come to a hot fray, had not Valens in time, by punishing a few, reclaimed the Batavians, who had now forgotten their duty. Against the Hedui was sought, but in vain, some occasion of war: being willed to bring in both money and armour, they brought also victuals for nothing. That which the Hedui did upon fear, the same did the Lugdunenses for joy, nevertheless the Italian Legion and Taurin wing were taken away. The eighteenth cohort it was thought convenient to leave there at Lions in the accustomed standing camp. Manlius Valens Lieutenant of the Italian Legion, although he had well deserved of the side, was not in any credit with Vitellius: Fabius by secret sinister reports had defaced him unwitting, in outward speech commending him, that he might be at more unawares circumvented. The ancient hart-burning 
c The discord, as it may seem was founded upon this ground. The first inhabiters of Lions, had been driven by force out of Vienna, and therefore were justly to hate them, as injust usurpers of that which was theirs.  between them of Lions, and them of Vienna, was by the late war freshly revived: much hurt was done on both sides, 
d Municipalem aemulationem bellis civilibus miscentes, as Tacitus writeth 3. Hist. of Capua and Putcoli.  so often and in so cruel sort, that a man might easily see, they fought not alone for Nero and Galba: and Galba by occasion of displeasure had confiscated the revenues of the Lugdunenses; contrariwise much honoured them of Vienna: whereupon grew emulation and envy, and inseparable hatred between them, whom one river separated. Upon these causes, the Lugdunenses incited the soldiers severally to the subversion of the Viennenses; showing unto them how they had besieged Lions, furthered Vindex attempts, mustered of late Legions for Galba: and having so placed in the first show the causes why justly they were to be hated; then they suggest to the soldiers mind, what a rich and wealthy pray they might get: & so from secret exhorting proceeding to public requests, they besought them to go and revenge so many wrongs, to raze the seat-towne of the French war: that there was nothing else but strangers and enemies: contrariwise themselves a Roman colony, and part of the army, their companions in wealth and in woe: and if fortune should chance to disfavour, they prayed not to leave, & abandon their friends, to the mercy of their mortal and merciless enemies. With these speeches & many such like they had wrought and incensed the soldier so, that even the Lieutenants, and Captains of the the side did scantly think it a possible matter to quench their choler; when they of Vienna in very good season, foreseeing their danger, with sacred veles and infules afore them, as the army marched, embracing their armour, their knees, their feet, mollified the soldiers minds: beside, Valens bestowed upon them 
a That is, 46. ●. 10. ᵈ ob. and so for 40000. (for so many he had beside the eight cohorts of Batavians, the legio Italica, and ala Taurina) 93750.li.  three hundredth sesterces a man. Then was the antiquity & dignity of the colony respected: then were the words of Fabius, commending unto them the lives, & welfare of the Viennenses, patiently heard: being fined notwithstanding to forfeit their public munition, each man according to his ability with private provision helped the soldier. But the report went constantly that Fabius favour was bought with a large sum of money: the man, a great while needy & poor, becoming now rich on the sudden, cloaked not well the change of his fortune; exercising excessively the lusts & desires which long poverty had kindled; & of a beggarly youngman a prodigal old. Afterward the army marched on slowly thorough the territory of the Allobroges, & the Vocontij, the General setting to sale the length of his journeys, & places of lodging; bargaining shame lesly with the owners of the grounds, & magistrates of the cities, & that in such threatening manner, that he offered to set Lucus, a free town of the Vocontij, on fire, till he was appeased with money: where matter of money was wanting, there payment was made with women and such like pleasures. And so at the last they came to the Alps.   

XI The journey of Caecina from Coleyn with thirty thousand men thorough the Penine Alps into Italy.  
CAECINA gained more spoil, & shed more blood. The Helvetians (a 
b Livy, lib. 21. fol. 131. seemeth to call them Semigermanos. Quae ad Peninum ferunt itinera obsepta gentibus Semigermanis fuerunt.  of Gallia anciently in name for warlike men, and after for the memory of their renown) having not heard of Galba's death, & refusing to be at Vitellius devotion, had exasperated his froward & troublesome disposition. The war was commenced from the soldiers rage by a coulorable casting in prison, to be sent for into the Capitol: his meaning was, by pardoning so noble a man, so odious to the side, to purchase a name of merciful dealing. Celsus being called, constantly confessed the whole accusation of faithfulness unto Galba, affirming that Princes were not to mislike such examples: and Otho, not as remitting a fault, but admitting the defence as just and virtuous, straight way put him in place nearest about him, and anon in the war appointed him one of his principal leaders; lest lying aloof as a pardoned enemy, he might peradventure suspect the breach were but badly made up: and Celsus, fatally favouring the losing side, persisted unfortunately faithful for Otho also. The saving of Celsus, an act which rejoiced the chief of the city, and was to the common sort plausible, even of the soldier was not misliked, admiring that virtue, with which they were displeased erewhile.   

XIII. Tigellinus put to death. Crispinilla escapeth.  
LIKE joy was conceived upon causes unlike, when Tigellinus death was obtained. Sophonius Tigellinus was a man by birth obscure, a beastly boy, & a vicious old man: who having attained the captain's place of the watch, & the Guard, & other rewards due unto virtue by vices (because it was the more expedite way) exercised in those places cruelty, and avarice, & other lewd qualities incident to 
* virilia seclera, in opposition to foela pueritia. for all vices are not incident to all ages.  riper years, corrupting Nero to all kind of mischief; some things attempting unwitting to him, & at last a traitor, & backslider from him: whereupon both the ill & well willers of Nero, upon 
a The ill willers hating him as Nero's chief instrument of all wickedness; the well-willers as one that had left, and betrayed his master.  divers respects, cried out importunately to make him away. In Galba's time the credit, & might of Titus Vinius did protect him, who pretended that Tigellinus before had saved his daughter, as indeed he had done, not upon any merciful mind, as having murdered so many, but only projecting for time to come a plot to escape: for the lewdest men misdoubting the present, & fearing a change, prepare before hand private friends to set and oppose against public hatred: whereupon it groweth that no care is taken of innocent life, but only a care to pass without punishment. But now for Vinius sake he fared the worse, to his own ancient hatefulness the others late envy being adjoined: insomuch that the people running by heaps to the Palace, and Places of common assembly, and where the commons are most in their kingdom, to the Race & Theatres, ceased not seditiously to molest, till such time as message of death 
a Plutarch. Othone p. 1514. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  was sent to Tigellinus being at the baths of 
b A place of ordinary repair for pleasure & health. Tac. 12. Ann. p. 446. In tanta mole curarum Claudius valetudine adversa corripitur, refovendisque viribus mollitie coeli & salubritate aquarum Sinuessam pergit.  Sinuessa, where, wallowing among his concubines, dallying and kissing, and using unhonest delays, he cut his own throat at length with a razor, fouling his infamous life a slow and dishonest departing. About the same time Galuia Crispinilla was likewise required to the slaughter; but the Prince, although with some obloquy, shifting it off, saved her life: one which had been in her time schoolmistress of Nero's lusts; and after his death had sailed into Africa to incite Clodius Macer to war, and evidently endeavoured to famish the city of Rome: afterward the married a Consul, and had the goodwill, and good word of all the whole city, unhurt and untouched whilst Galba, Otho, and Vitellius lived; and after their times mighty in money, and because the was childless; good helps in all worlds both good and bad.   

XIIII. Of the letters, messages, and practices that passed between the sides.  
IN the mean time Otho sent to Vitellius many 
c Suet Othone. c 8. Otho per internuncios & literas consortem imperij generumque se Vtellie obtulit.  letters spiced with womanish persuasions, and 
d The like conditions offered by Flavius Sabinus in Vespasians name were accepted by Vitellius as much as in him lay, had not his friends disturbed the bargain. 3. Hist. p. 139.  offering him money and countenance, and what place of rest he would choose to pass therein his prodigal life: Vitellius quit him again with the like; at the first in mild terms, with fond and uncomely dissembling on both sides: afterward in scolding manner, objecting each to the other vicious life, and villainous acts: neither amiss. Otho revoking the Embassage which Galba had sent, sendeth a new in the name of the Senate to both the Germane armies, the Italian Legion, and companies which remained at Lions. The Ambassadors that went stayed with Vitellius, being as it seemed quickly entreated, and willingly withholden. Those of the Guard, which Otho had assigned 
e For in truth they were sent to practise the legians.  in show to attend upon the Ambassadors, were turned home again, not suffered to have conference with the Legions: Fabius Valens sendeth withal a packet in the name of the Germane army to the Praetorian, and Vrban cohorts, extolling the strength of the side, and offering amity; blaming them beside, in that they did convert upon Otho the title of the Empire, whereof Vitellius had so 
f For Vitellius was greeted Emperor the second of Innuary, and Othothe fifteenth.  long before the rightful possession. So were they with threats and promises doubly assayed, as being in war not able to stand, in peace not likely to lose: notwithstanding the Praetorians persisted for Otho. Plots also were laid for privy attempts: Otho sent some into Germany, to practise against Vitellius person, and Vitellius to Rome against Othoes. both miss of their purpose: the Vitellianists miss the punishment, scaping unspyed, as in so great a multitude of men, where no body knoweth nor marketh another: but Othoes' men, among such as knew each other, were quickly bewrayed, as strangers. Moreover Vitellius wrote letters to Titianus Othoes brother, threatening the death of him and his son, is his mother and children took any harm: and so 
a To wit, of Vitellius & Titianus.  both the houses continued entire; for fear peradventure in Othoes' time, but Vitellius being conqueror, and without such a bridle, carried away the undoubted commendation of clemency.   

XV How the provinces declared themselves in favour or disfavour of the sides.  
THE first advertisement which put Otho in courage was out of Illyricum, that the Legions of Dalmatia, Pannonia and Moesia had sworn unto him: the like was reported of Spain, and Clwius Rufus by public edict solemnly praised; and by and by it was certified that Spain had revolted to Vitellius. Aquitania likewise, though having received the oath to Otho tendered by julius Cordus, remained not long in obedience: fidelity or love bore no where sway: by fear and force they changed to and fro. The same fear brought to Vitellius the province of Narbon, a gentle passage, and easily made, unto the nearer & stronger. The provinces which were far of, & all the armies severed by sea, remained at Othoes' devotion, not for love to the side, but the name of the city, & show of the Senate did greatly countenance, & credit the cause: and he had first possessed their minder, as being the former in speech. In jury Vespasian swore his army to Otho, & Mucianus the Legions in Syria: Egypt likewise and Eastward the provinces were all possessed in his name: Africa also in his obedience, they of Carthage being most forward; not expecting the Proconsul Vipsianius Apronianus authority Crescens a freedman of Nero (for he was in those bad times become a part of public affairs) had feasted the people for joy of the new Emperor, and the people hastened many things disorderly. The rest of the cities followed the example of Carthage.   

XVI Otho bestoweth offices: restoreth the banished: relieveth the provinces, and erecteth the images of Poppaea his old love.  
THE armies and provinces being thus distracted, for Vitellius it was needful, if he would be Prince, to win it in field. Otho as in time of great peace disposed the affairs of the Empire, some according to the dignity of the state, & most otherwise, hasting and shuffling up as present necessity forced. And first he declareth himself & Titianus his brother, Consuls till the kalends of March: the next two months were assigned to Verginius, to please in some part the Germane army: with Verginius he joineth Poppaeus Vopiscus, under the colour of old acquaintance, most thought it was done to honour the Viennenses: the rest of the Consuls, as they were by Nero or Galba appointed, remained unchanged; Coelius Sabinus and Flavius Sabinus till july; Arius Antoninus, and Marius Celsus till September: whose offices Vitellius also after the victory confirmed unto them. The Pontifical dignities & Augurs rooms Otho bestowed upon ancient men, such as had borne already great office, completely to perfect all points of their honour: and young noblemen, lately returned from exile, he friendly remembered with their fathers, & grandfather places among the Priests. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Bloesus and Sevinus Promptinus, in Claudius and Nero's time condemned for polling the provinces, were restored again to their places in Senate. It pleased them which granted the pardon to change the true name, & term that, which indeed was extortion and bribery, crime of Majesty and treason; an accusation so hateful, that in respect of it even good laws were not observed. By the same way of bounty he sought to win the cities & provinces; granting to the Hispalienses and Emeritenses a new supply of families; making 
a It is indeed somewhat heart to believe, that Otho should confer such a benefit upon the Lingones in France (for other I know not) the chiefest) favourers of Vitellius cause, his only concurrent in the matter of the Empire.  all the Lingones citizens of Rome; upon the province of Baetica bestowing in pure gift the towns of the Moors; new liberties upon Cappadocia, and new upon Africa, more for a show then for to continue. Among these things which the necessity of the present affairs, and cares at hand made passable good, Otho even then not unmindful of his old loves, by an order of Senate, caused the images of Poppaea to be erected again. It was also supposed he had a purpose to celebrate the memory of Nero, in hope to allure the hearts of the commons: and some there were which set out the images of Nero; yea and certain days the people and soldier, in their acclamations to Otho, as though they merit to enable and honour him more, cried TO NERO OTHO: he notwithstanding held it in suspense, ashamed to acknowledge, or afraid to forbid it.   

XVII. The Rhoxolani a people of Sarmatia vanquished, and slain by the soldiers of Moesia.  
men's minds being set upon civil wars, external matters were lightly regarded: by reason whereof the Rhoxolani a people of Sarmatia, having the winter before slain two cohorts, ventured more boldly to invade Moesia. Their former exploit, and conceit of themselves had assembled nine thousand horse, more minding the spoil, then provided to fight: whereupon the 
* tertia legio: peradventure it was written by Tacitus, tres legiones: for so many Legions were at this present in Moesia and the Lieutenants of all the three Legions were honoured with Consular ornaments, and therefore present in the action; and in all likelihood with the Legions under their charge.  third Legion with the Aids assailed them suddenly as they were straggled and careless. The Romans had all things fitted for fight: the Sarmatians being scattered, or through greediness of spoil heavily charged, their horses being tired by reason of their burdens and slippery ways, as if their hands had been tied behind them, were hewed in pieces. It is wonder to see how all the Sarmatians valour is as it were out of themselves: to fight afoot no nation so cowardly, on horseback by troops they are hardly resisted: but then the weather being wet, and the frost somewhat thawed, neither their staves, nor long twohanded sword served in steed, through the sliding of their horses, and great weight of their cataphracts; a kind of harnish, that Princes and noblemen use, composed of iron plates or stiff bend-lether, which as against blows is sure and of proof, so if one be borne down by the force of the enemy it maketh him unable to rise up again: beside they sunk into the snow being deep, and not able to bear: contrarily the Roman soldier in his easy 
* lorica.  corselet nimble and light, a far of with a 
* missili pilo.  dart, or with lance charging upon them, and with a light sword near at hand, the case so requiring, gored so long the unarmed Sarmatian (for it is not their manner to ward with their buckler) till at length a few which remained fled to the marshes: in the one place the mortalnesse, in the other the misery of their wounds wasted them all. When this was by certain advise understood at Rome, Marcus Aponius Lieutenant general of Moesia was honoured with a triumphal image, Fuluius Aurelius, 
a In the 2. and 4. book he is still named Tertius Julianus.  Titius julianus, and Numisius Lupus Lieutenants of the Legions with Consular ornaments; Otho rejoicing, & drawing the glory to himself, as if he also were fortunate in war; and had by his leaders and armies enlarged the Empire.   

XVIII A mutinee of the Gard-souldiers.  
ABOUT the same time upon a small sparkle a flame of sedition arose, from whence no danger was feared, to the destruction almost of the city. Otho had commanded the seventeenth cohort to be called from Ostia to Rome, and charge was committed to Varius Crispinus, one of the Praetorian Tribunes, to furnish it with armour. Which that he might do at more ease, and without interruption, the camp being quiet, at the shutting of the evening he opened the armoury, and commanded the carts of the cohorts to be laden. The time wrought suspicion, the cause bred a crime; the affecting of quietness proved to a tumult; 
a Odyss. ●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  and weapons seen among drunken persons stirred up a desire in them to be doing. The soldiers mutin and charge the Centurions and Tribunes with treason, affirming they purposed to put in arms the Senate, and Senators men against Otho; some upon ignorance, and overcome with drink, the worst seeking occasion to spoil, the common sort (as it is commonly seen) desirous of novelty howsoever: and as for the better and sounder part, the darkness did not permit them to show their obedience. And first they murder Crispinus the Tribune, & the 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut.  severest of the Centurions repugning to their seditious attempts: then taking arms, and drawing their sword, on horseback they make 
c Suet. Othone. c. 8. cum arma in castris sub nocton promerentur, insidias quidam suspicati tumul tum excitaverunt, ac repentè omnes nullo certo duce in palatium cucurrerunt, caedem senatus flagitante●. repulsisque tribunorum, qui inhibere tentabant, nonnullis, & occisi●, sicut erant cruenti ubinam Jmperator esset requirentes perruperunt in triclinium usque, nec nisi viso destiterunt.  toward the town, and the Palace. Otho that night had the 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plu  principal men and women of the city at banquet: who standing amazed and misdoubting what it might be, a casual rage of the soldiers, or a practice of the Emperor; whether were more danger to stay and be taken, or to flee and disperse; sometime make show of stoutness, sometime bewrayed their fear, still casting an eye upon Othoes' countenance, who, as it falls out where minds yield to suspicion, did fear, and was feared. And fearing no less for the Senators sakes then for his own person, he both sent by and by the captains of the Guard to appease in some sort the soldiers anger, and 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut.  willed his guests to get them away in all possible speed. Then might one have seen magistrates every where cast down the marks of their office, eschewing the multitude of followers and servants, old men and women in dark without torch creep this way and that, few to their own houses, most to their friends, and meanest clientes where they lest would be looked for. The soldiers furiously break open the gates of the Palace, and thrust into the banqueting place, rudely requiring a sight of Otho, having wounded a Tribune julius Martialis, and Vitellius Saturninus 
* Praefectus legionis: a kind of speech which I do not remember in Tacitus elsewhere.  Lieutenant of a Legion, as they endeavoured to withstand their violence. On every side arms and threats, sometime against the Centurions, and Tribunes, sometime against the whole Senate, frantic upon a blind fear, and because they could not name any one to the slaughter, demanding licence indifferently against all the Senate; till such time as Otho standing upon his dining bed, contrary to the majesty of an Emperor, with tears and humble requests, at last, though hardly, refrained their rage: & so they returned to the camp unwilling, though after so much harm done. The next day, as if the town had been taken, the houses were shut, small stirring in streets, the people all sad, the soldiers hanging their heads, with many heavy looks and little repentance. Licinius Proculus and Plotius Firmus the captains dealt with the soldiers by bands, in gentle or rough sort, each after his nature: the conclusion was this, that they should receive 
a That is, 39.li. 1. ˢ 3.d.  five thousand sesterces a man. Then Otho boldly entered the camp: the Centurions & Tribunes come round about him, and casting away the marks of their degrees, desire dismission from so unsafe a service. The soldiers perceived the meaning, & framing themselves to obedience, require unbidden the authors of the sedition to death. Otho, although things were in such a confusion, & the soldiers so diversly minded (the best requiring a remedy for the present disorder; the common sort, and more part, who liked seditions, and corrupt government, being more easily brought by troubles and spoiling to make civil war) and withal remembering that a state gotten by lewd means cannot be retained at first with sudden modesty, and ancient gravity; nevertheless carefully considering the danger of the city and Senate, at last he spoke in this wise. " My fellow-soldiers, I am not come hither to incite you to love me, and less to exhort you to virtue & valour; for of both you have great store & too much: but I come to request a moderation of your valour, and a mean in your love toward me. No hatred it was, no desire to have (which things have set many armies at discord) no danger you feared and meant to avoid, but a tender care, and excessive affection it was toward me, more zealous than considerate, which bred and excited the yeasternights' trouble: for oft the causes of things being good, yet where judgement is wanting, pernicious ends do often ensue. We are going to war. what? is it expedient that all messengers have open audience, that all matters be handled in presence of all? the nature of warring will not endure it, the swift sliding away of occasions permitteth it not. I tell you it is as behooveful that the soldiers should be ignorant of some things, as know other some. The authority of Captains, the rigour of discipline is of that nature, that many things must be only commanded and simply bidden by the Centurions and Tribunes. If when things are bidden every one may demand, and question the matter, obedience failing, government withal will fall to the ground: or shall there at midnight likewise the alarm be given? shall a lost and drunken companion or two (for I cannot believe they were more which madded in the last uproar) shall they dare to imbrue their hands in a Tribunes & Centurion's blood? rush into their emperors pavilion? you did indeed the same for my sake: but yet in the dark, in such a confusion, occasion might also have served against me. If Vitellius & his adherents had choice to dispose our minds as they listed, what else would they wish but sedition & discord? that the soldier should not obey his Centurion, the Centurion his Tribune, footmen and horse confusedly should run to their ruin. Surely fellow-soldiers by duly obeying, not curiously scanning the captains commandments, is all good soldiery & militare matters maintained: & that army in danger is always most, valiant, which before the danger is most quiet of al. Be you only well armed, and valiantly minded, to advise and direct your valour leave that to me. The fault was of few: the punishment shall be only of two: contend you the rest, to abolish & raze out of memory that dismal night's work: such bloody words against the Senate, 
* audeas.  let never any army once dare for to speak. The head of the Empire, the ornament of all provinces, no not the very Germane themselves, whom Vitellius specially raiseth against us, durst ever have demanded to death: & shall the children of Italy then, & the true Roman race require to murder that honourable order, through whose glorious brightness we dim and disgrace the obscure baseness of Vitellius faction? Vitellius hath indeed some countries at commandment, he hath a certain counterfeit of an army: but the Senate is of our side; and therefore the state is of our side, traitors of theirs. What? do you think this goodly fair city consisteth in houses and stones put together? these are dumb and dead things, they may decay, they may be repaired again, as it chanceth: the eternity of the state, the peace of the world, your well-doing and mine, is founded upon the safety of the Senate. The father and builder of our city did 
* ●●spicato.  first by the god's approbation ordain and institute this worthy assembly; from the kings to the Princes never discontinued: then as we have taken it from our progenitors, so let us deliver it to our successors. The Senate is the seminary of Princes, and you of the Senate. The oration thus framed to bite and to please the soldiers minds, and the moderate severity used withal (for only on two justice was done) were gratefully accepted; and they for the present composed, which hardly could have been duly corrected. Yet was not the city thoroughly quiet: weapons clashed, and to show it seemed a season of war; the soldiers in common ceasing to trouble, but dispersed in houses in disguised apparel, maligning all those whom nobility, or wealth, or some other special excellency had made the matter of talk.   

XIX Rome full of ielosies: the difficulty that was to carry a man's self evenlie in the City and Senate.  
IT was also supposed by many that some of Vitellius men were come to the city to spy out and learn how the sides were affected: whereupon all grew full of ielosies, and scarce were the secret closerts free from fear: and abroad worst of all, where according to the occurrentes which came they turned, and shaped courage and countenance, fearing to seem, when matters went doubtful, distrustful; or when they went well, not enough to rejoice: specially in Senate, there was the hardness indeed to bear a man's self evenly in so nice and ticklish a case: silence would be construed for contumacy; free speech had quickly in jealousy; and flattering Otho would soon smell out, having passed from private estate, and used the trade so lately himself. Wherefore they were forced to toss and turn in & out their sentences, to wrest them this way and that, calling Vitellius parricide and traitor; the wiser sort spending upon him some few ordinary railing terms, some touching him nearer with viler matters, and matters of truth; but then above all times, when for the great noise they lest could be heard, or when otherwise the most spoke at once, or else by tumultuous heaping of words confounding their own disorderly tale.   

XX Certain prodigious things which happened in Italy and Rome before the war.  
MOREOVER diverse miracles vowched by sundry persons terrified the minds of men. In the entry of the Capitol the reins of the coach whereon the image of Victory stood were let slip: out of juno's cell started up a ghost taller than any man: the image of julius of sacred memory in the Island of Tiber turned itself from the West to the East in a day which was clear and without any earthquake: in Tuscany an ox spoke: ugly monsters were borne of beasts, and many other like prodigious things were reported, by the old world observed even in peace, but now not talked on, but in times of danger. But the principal terror for the time to come joined with present damage was 
a Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plinius. lib. 3. c. 5. Quinimo vates intelligitur (Tiberinus amnis) potiùs ac monitor, auctu semper religiosus veriùs, quam saeu●s.  the sudden swelling of Tiber, which waxing hugely broke down the Sublician bridge, and by the ruins of it being dammed, reculing again, overflowed not only the low and plain places of Rome, but those also which seemed safe from such casualties. Many were carried away as they walked in the streets, more intercepted in shops and lodgings: 
b Which penury grew by reason of the rising of the river. Plutarch. p. 1516. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  dearth of victuals, and no ways of winning, bred a famine among the poor people: the foundations of the 
c Insulae dicuntur propriè, quae non iungun●ur communib. parietibus cum vicinis; circuituque publico aut privato cinguntur; a similitudine viz. earum terrarum, quae fluminib. ac mari eminent, suntque in salo positae. Festus.  isles, which the water by washing against them had weakened, after the river returned became ruinous: and assoon as that peril was over past, the 
d Primo egressu inundationib. Tiberis retardatus (Otho) ad vicesimum etiam lapidem ruina aedificiorum praeclusam vian offendit. Suetonius Othone. cap 8.  stopping by casual, or natural causes, of Campus Martius and the Flaminian way, by which the army should pass, at that time when Otho prepared to march, was construed for an ominous sign of calamities to ensue.   

XXI The provision of Otho for the war.  
OTHO having 
e lustratâ urbe.  hallowed the city, consulting how to manage the war, and seeing the Penine & Cottian Alps, and the other passages of France stopped by Vitellius armies, determined to invade Gallia Narbonensis with a strong navy and 
f partibus fida, not because the new made Legionaries went with the navy (for surely the most remained with Otho p 65, 18. 68, 10. 70, 24.) but rather for that the other classiarij, which were kept still in the galleys, conceived good hope of preferment by the favour which Otho bestowed on their fellows.  sure to his side: for he had enroled for Legionary soldiers the remnant of those which were slain at the Miluian bridge, whom Galba had cruelly 
g yet were they lose at his death to do him a mischief, and made a Legion, as appeareth before, so that the benefit of enrolling them was not Othoes, as it might seem by this place, but Galba's.  laid in prison; and the 
h Scilices, they that remained still at sea-service.  rest of their fellows conceived thereby good hope of honourabler service hereafter. With the navy he shipped Citty-cohortes, and many Garde-souldiers, for a strength and support to the army, and for a counsel and guard to the generals. The general charge of this viage was committed to Antonius Novellius, and Suedius Clemens (
* Primipilarib. i. qui primos pilos duxissent: as Consularis, qui Consul extitisses.  which had been chief Centurions) and AEmilius Pacensis, to whom Otho had restored his Tribuneshippe, which Galba had taken away: Oscus his freedman was Admiral of the viage, being willed to watch how loyally honester men behaved themselves. Of the footmen and horse 
a Othoes' captains in this war were six or seven: paulinus, Celsus, Gallus, Proculus, named here by Tacitus, Spurinna, & Macer in the story p. 65. and Titianus his brother sent for afterward. p. 71.  Suetonius paulinus, Marius Celsus, and Annius Gallus were appointed governors: but his special affiance 
b Profecto Brixellum Othone, honour imperij penes Titianum fratrem, vis ac potesta● penes Proculum praefectum. Celsus & paulinus cum prudentia eorum nemo uteretur, inani nomine ducum alienae culpae praetendebantur. Tac. 2. Hist. p. 78.  was in Licinius Proculus captain of the Guard, who being a man serviceable enough in citty-soldiery, but raw in the field, cavilling and carping at the grave authority of paulinus, the courageous quickness of Celsus, the considerate discretenesse of Gallus, as each was in virtue, by lewdness and craft (a matter not uneasy) bore it away from good men, and modest. About the same time 
c Slain afterward by Vitellius commandment. 2. Hist. p. 86.  Cornelius Dolabella was confined to Aquinum, without either straight or close keeping, for no matter of crime, but only as an eyesore for his ancient house and kindred with Galba. Then Otho commanded many of the magistrates, and a great part of those which had been Consuls, to be in a readiness for the voyage, not as to employ them in any charge in the war, but to accompany him only: among other Lucius Vitellius also in like sort with the rest, neither as brother of an Emperor, nor as brother of an enemy. Hereupon the cares of the city revived: no state was void of fear or of danger: the chief of the Senate weak for age, and with long rest unlusty; the nobility slothful, and having forgotten the wars; the gentlemen ignorant in service: the more they all sought to cover & hide it, the more they in sight bewrayed their fear. On the other side some upon a foolish vain glory bought them brave armour and goodly great horses; some riotous provision for banquets and allurements of lusts, as instruments of war. The wiser sort were woe to see the quietness of the weale-publicke perturbed: the witless, and not able to see into sequels, were puffed up with vain hope: and many a good man, bankrupt in peace, now in the troubles showed most gallant, then being safest, when the state was unsafest. The common people, who for their huge greatness taketh no care of public affairs, began now to feel by little and little the smarts of the war, perceiving the money was turned all to the soldiers use, and victuals to grow more dear in the market; which evils in Vindex commotion had nothing worn the commons so bare: the city was then out of danger, and the war in the province, which being fought between the Legions and them of France might seem in a sort external and foreign. For since the time that D. Augustus ordered the Empire, the people of Rome fought a far off; the care and the credit belonged to one: under Tiberius and Caius men feared alone the miseries of peace: 
a Lieutenant of Dalmatia. Dio. lib. 60. pag. 463.  Scribonianus attempts against Claudius were begun and dashed in a moment: Nero was rather by news, and by rumours, then by force of arms cast out of state: but now the Legions, the navies, and that which seldom else hath been seen, the Guard and citty-souldier were brought to the field; the East, and the West, and whatsoever was on both sides behind; matter for a long war, 
b Tac. 2. Histor. p. 78. Quod singulis velut ictibus transacta sunt bella, ignavia principum factum est.  if other captains had warred. Some persuaded Otho, as he was now ready to march, to stay yet a while, making a scruple that the holy shields called Ancilia were as yet not laid up again: but he could not abide to hear of delays, which had been, he said, Nero's destruction; and Caecina having already passed the Alps called him forward. The fourteenth of March recommending the commonwealth to the Lords in Senate, he granted to the persons restored from exile the residue of Nero's confiscations, such as were not as yet come to his coffers: a gift most reasonable and in show very great, but in effect fruitless by reason of the hasty exaction. By and by assembling the people he magnifieth the majesty of the city, the consent of the Senate and people of Rome in favour of his side, modestly touching the contrary faction, and blaming the Legions rather for ignorance, than rashness, without any mention at all of Vitellius; whether it was of his own temperateness, or that else he which penned the oration fearing the worst, did of purpose forbear to revile: for as in militare matters he followed the advise of Suetonius paulinus and Marius Celsus, so in civil he was thought to use Galerius Trachalus wisdom: and some there were, which would seem to know the manner of phrase, notorious by reason of his often pleading, large and sounding, and framed to fill the ears of the people. The commons after their flattering fashion received the speech with cries and acclamations without either measure or truth, contending to pass one another in applause and wishes, as if it had been to Caesar the Dictator, or the Emperor Augustus; neither for fear nor for love, but only upon a delight in servility (
* ut in familijs, i. inter servitia; in opposition to plebs ingenua. 4. Ann. p. 344. lin. 14.  as in private families) every man provoked by some private cause, no man regarding the public dishonour. 
a Otho departed from Rome, saith Suetonius, die quo cultores deûm matris lamentari & plangere incipiunt, that is, the seven and twentieth of March according to Marcellinus.  Otho departing away commended the quiet estate of the city, and cares of the Empire to Saluius Titianus his brother.    

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I Titus Vespasianus sailing toward Rome, hearing of Galba's death at Corinth, returneth into Syria. The disposition of the Eastern armies.  
NOW fortune in a contrary coast of the world prepared cause, and laid the foundation for a new 
a For the Empire of the Flavian family.  Empire: which put up in sundry regions, and according to the different government, became 
b Acceptable & prosperous in the persons of Vespasian & Titus: hateful & pernicious in the person of Domitian.  acceptable or hateful to the state, and to the Princes themselves prosperous, or pernicious. Titus Vespasianus being sent by his father from jewry, before Galba was slain, gave forth as 
c josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4. c. 29. addeth further, that Titus was sent to understand Galba's pleasure concerning the jewish matters, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  cause of his voyage the doing of duty to the new Prince, and suing for office, whereunto he was now by his years enabled & ripe; but the common sort, ready to make and devise, had cast abroad, that he was sent for to be 
d Suet. Tito. c. 5. Galba mox tenente remp. missus ad gratulandum (Titus) quaqua iret convertit homines, quasi adoptionis gratia arcesseretur.  declared successor. The age of Galba and lack of issue, and that intemperate humour of the city, to name many till one be appointed, gave occasion & ministered matter to the speech: the towardliness of Titus increased the report, as being a person capable of any dignity were it never so great: the comeliness also of his countenance with a certain majesty, the prosperous proceed of his father in jewry, prophecies and oracles; and lastly, whenas the minds of men were once inclined to believe, even common accidents were reputed 
* loco ominum etiam fortuna.  ominous, and helped to further the same. At Corinth a city of Achaia he received certain advertisement, that Galba was slain, and some also were there, who assured that Vitellius was in arms, and doubtless would proceed to make war. Whereupon being perplexed in mind, calling some few of his friends, he weigheth the reasons on both sides in counsel: if he should proceed in his journey to Rome it were but a thanckelesse office, being first undertaken to honour another: & beside he should remain as an hostage to Vitellius or Otho: if return back again, the winner without question would be offended, but yet in some tolerable sort, seeing the victory as yet rested uncertain, and the father afterward applying himself to the side, the son would find an easy excuse: or if his father took upon him the state, then care not to offend were to be forgotten, where open hostility must be proclaimed. With these and the like discourses was Titus distracted between fear and hope, till hope at the length prevailed. Some men supposed the vehement love he bore to Berenice the Queen did alter his course: and in truth his youthly affections were settled somewhat that way, notwithstanding in no such degree, that it was any hindrance to his honourable actions: his youthful years he passed in pleasures licentiously, of better behaviour Emperor than 
a Suet. Tito, c. 1. Privatus, atque●tiam sub patre principe, ne odio quidem, nedum vituperatione publica caruit.  emperors son. So coasting along by Achaia and Asia thorough the seas 
* laeva maris, for laevas maris parts, or laeva maris littora; those parts or coasts of the Mediterran sea which are on the left hand in sailing from Corinth to Syria.  on the left hand, he sailed to Rhodes and Cypress, and thence by the main sea into Syria. Touching at Cypress he had a desire to go visit the temple of Venus at Paphos, so much spoken of both there and abroad. It shall not be long summarily to set down the beginning of that devotion, the site of the temple, and shape of the goddess: for she is not elsewhere purtraited so. The ancient tradition is, that the temple was founded by 
b This opinion Tacitus himself seemeth to follow. 3. Ann. p. 324 Exin Cyprij tribus delubris (ius As●li petebant) quorum v●tustissimum Paphiae Veneri auctor Aerias posuisset  king Aerias, which some affirm is the name of the goddess: a later opinion holdeth, that king 
c Father to Cyprus, of whom some say the Island took denomination. Eustathius in Dionys. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Cinaras did consecrate the temple, and that the goddess, being conceived of the sea, arrived there: but the skill and art of Haruspicine was borrowed abroad, brought in by Thamyras the 
d Of the Cilicians skill that way read Tully de Divinatione, and others.  Cilician; and so it was accorded between them, that the government of the ceremonies should belong equally to the posterity of both families: anon it seemed absurd, that the blood royal should not have any prerogative above the foreign; whereupon the strangers gave place in the science, which they themselves had induced; and so the Priesthood remained alone in Cinaras' line. Beasts for sacrifice, as every man liked to vow, only of the male kind were chosen: the fibres of kids are esteemed of certainest credit: to power blood on the altar is not permitted: prayers and pure fire are the incense for the altars, which are not within 
e Eustathius in Odyss. Θ. speaking of the altar of Venus in Paphos: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  any covert, and yet never wet 
f The like is reported by Polybius lib. 16. p. 268. and believed by others: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  with the weather. The image of the goddess is not of human shape, but a figure rising continually round, from a larger bottom to a small top, in 
g or spire fashion.  conical fashion: the reason thereof is not known. When Titus had viewed the riches of the place, the offerings & liberalities of Princes, & what else soever the Greekish nation, delighting in antiquities, fabulously fathereth up on times out of mind, he proposed demand first as touching his viage by sea: & when it was answered, that the way was open & passage prosperous, then causing many beasts to be sacrificed, he inquired covertly concerning himself. Sostratus (for so was the name of the priest) seeing the entrails fortunate & agreeing, & perceiving the Goddess to give assent to his great deseignes, at that present time made a short & ordinary answer; & anon requiring a secreter conference he opened to him his whole fortune to come. Thus Titus increased in courage, returned again 
a remaining then in Caesarea the head town of Judaea. Joseph. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. cap. 29.  to his father, bringing great comfort to the minds of the armies, & provinces that were suspensed & doubtful. Vespasian had vanquished the jews, & made in a manner an end of the war, it only remained to oppugn jerusalem; an enterprise of difficulty and hardness, more through the nature of the people, & the obstinate persisting in their superstition, then for any strength or ability they had to bear out the siege. Vespasian, as before we have said, had three Legions trained in war, & Mutianus four governed in peace, from whom notwithstanding emulation, & the glory of the army adjoining, drove away sloth; & as the one thorough labour with danger grew stronger & more able of body, so the other became more lusty & fresh by rest undisturbed, & peaceable labour: both had Auxiliary cohorts & wings, both fleets & kings at commandment; both renowned alike upon causes unlike: Vespasian a vigilant warrior, marching the foremost, choosing place for commodious encamping, night & day giving out direction & order where it was needful, & the case so requiring manfully fight with hand; of diet not dainty, appareled as the common soldier, or not much otherwise; in all respects, set avarice aside, comparable to the commanders of ancient times: Mutianus contrariwise excessive in wealth and expenses, in all things exceeding the measure of private estate; in speech the abler man, very expert in the direction and foresight of civil affairs: a well sorted medley of princely qualities, if taking away the vices of both, the virtues alone were laid together. But the one being Lieutenant of jewry, the other of Syria, countries confining, through emulation and envy certain ielosies were between them: notwithstanding upon Nero's decease, they laid grudges aside, and conferred counsels in common, first by friends interposed, then by mediation of Titus, the principal assurance of true reconcilement; who being a person by nature and art framed to wind in with Mucianus also, induced them both to surcease from such hurtful contentions, with consideration of their common utility: the Tribunes, Centurions, and common soldier, by labour or licence, by virtues or pleasures, according to their several inclinations, were drawn to the party. Before Titus coming both the armies had sworn allegiance to Otho, the news of his being in state, as the custom is in such great matters, being brought in great post, and civil wars ripening by leisure, into which the East, that had a long time been quiet and peaceable, than first of all began for to enter, for in time past the most mighty and puissant civil wars, beginning in Italy and Gallia, were undertaken with the power and strength of the West; and they which maintained them in the East, as Pompey, Cassius, Brutus, Antonius, ended always unfortunately, and Syria and jewrie more often heard tell of then saw any Caesars: the Legions had never mutined, only sometimes were led out to brave the Parthian, speeding not always alike: and during the last civil war, when the world was shaken elsewhere, among them was assured tranquillity; then faith toward Galba. But after it was publicly known, that Otho and Vitellius went about with impious arms to pray upon the Roman estate, the soldiers began to storm, that others received the favours of Princes, & they served continually as slaves▪ from thence they grew to consideration of their own forces: seven Legions they saw at hand, and two provinces, Syria & jewry, with a huge multitude of Ayde-soldiers: then Egypt adjoining with two Legions, & on the other side Cappadocia & Pontus, & the strength which lay encamped against the Armenians: Asia and the rest of the provinces, plentiful of money, and of men not unfurnished: all the islands of that sea, and the sea itself 
a Or lying out of the way from Vitellius and Othoes strength. seclusum.  shut up and yielding security in the mean season to prepare for the war. The forwardness of the soldiers was not unknown to the Generals: nevertheless it was thought expedient to attend the issue of the other war then being on foot, sith doubtless mutual jealousies, between the conquering and conquered party, would never suffer any sound and perfect intelligence between them: neither mattered it much whom fortune should favour, Vitellius or Otho: even singular commanders by prosperity would grow insolent, much less might good proof be expected of these, whom discord, sluggishness and riot would ruin; whereof the war would overthrow the one, & the victory the other, both of them through their own vices and faults. So till occasion should serve, the open taking of arms was differred by Vespasian and Mucianus, having entered but lately into these communications, whereas the rest had conferred thereof long before; the better sort upon love to the common wealth, the rest, some alured with the sweetness of spoil, some pricked thereto by reason of their doubtful and decayed estate at home: so the good and the bad, upon causes unlike, with like affection ardently all desired the war.   

TWO A counterfeit Nero oppressed in the isle of Cythnus.  
ABOUT the same time a false alarm was given to Achaia and Asia, as if Nero were approaching: for the report going diversely concerning his death, many gave out untruly that he was alive, and many believed it. The adventures and attempts of the rest of those counterfeits we shall hereafter declare, in the process of this work. Now at that time a bondman of Pontus, or, as others have written, a 
* libertinus.  libertine of Italy, skilful in instrument and voice, and thereupon, beside some resemblance in countenance, being more fit to deceive, adjoining unto him certain fugitive and beggarly vagabond persons induced by great promises, taketh the sea: and being by violence of weather driven into the isle of Cythnus, he associated to him certain soldiers which passed that way out of the East, commanding the rest to be slain which refused; and spoiling the merchants armed those of the slaves which seemed most puissant of body. Moreover he assayed by sundry devices to practise the Centurion Sisenna, who carried in the name of the Syrian army to the soldiers of the Guard, Right-Handes in token of concord: until such time as Sisenna for fear, and suspecting violence, left the island and fled secretly away. Thereupon the terror was dispersed abroad, and the matter growing famous many lent their ears willingly thereto, upon desire of change, and dislike of the present. Thus reputation daily growing to the cause, it was by a matter of mere chance wholly overthrown. Galba had granted the government of the provinces of Galatia and Pamphylia to Calpurnius Asprenas: to waft him were allotted two galleys out of the navy at Misenum, with the which he arrived at the isle of Cythnus. Upon his arrival the masters of the galleys were summoned to come unto Nero: who at their coming composing himself to heaviness, and requiring, as their late master at his soldiers hands, their faithful assistance and service, prayed them to set him aland in Syria or Egypt. The masters, partly persuaded or else fraudulently, answered that first they would talk with the soldiers, and so having prepared their minds would return: but the whole was truly reported to Asprenas, by whose persuasion his ship was forced and taken, and he, whatsoever he were, slain. His body was carried into Asia, and thence brought to Rome, wondered at for the eyes, and hair, and sternness of countenance.   

III Annius Faustus, after much ado and some stir in the Senate, condemned of promoting.  
IN a dissentious state, and through the often change of Princes, waving between licence and liberty, even small matters were not shut up, without great ado. Vibius Crispus, a man for money, might, and wit, accounted rather among the great men than the good, called to his answer in Senate Annius Faustus a Gentleman, who had made profession in Nero's time of accusing: for immediately upon the election of Galba the Senators had ordered, that the causes of the accusers should be heard and examined; an order diversely construed and drawn, and as against a weak defendant in force, so against a mighty too weak. Beside Crispus employed the terror of his greatness, and the uttermost of his might, particularly to overthrow him, as the accuser of his brother, and had drawn a great part of the Senate into that opinion, to require him to be executed, being neither defended nor heard: contrarily others favouring the defendant, so much the more because the plaintiff seemed too mighty, were of opinion, that a time should be granted, the crimes specified, and the man, though culpable and odious, should notwithstanding not be excluded from common right of being heard in his justifications. Which opinion prevailed at the first, and so the hearing of the matter was some few days put over: but in the end Faustus was condemned, albeit not with that general assent of all parts that his lewd conditions deserved: some men disliking, not that the crime was so punished, but that it was done at his suit, 
a Tac 4. Hist. p. 175. in oratione Curtij Montani, and the page following, where you shall find him sorted with Eprius Marcellus.  whom they well remembered to have exercised himself the same profession with gain.   

IIII The power of Otho by land.  
THE beginning of the war was prosperous on Othoes' side. for at his commandment the Legions marched 
b And so out of Moesia likewise the Legions marched, but came no further than Aquileia. Tacit. pag. 99  out of Dalmatia and Pannonia, being in number four, out of which two thousand men were sent before, the Legions followed after with competent journeys; the seventh lately gathered by Galba, the rest ancient, the eleventh and thirteenth, and the fourteenth greatly renowned for their service in repressing 
c The story is at large in Tacitus 14. Ann. p. 494. and in the life of Agricola. p. 591.  the British rebellion; and Nero had increased their glory, 
d For his intended expedition ad portas Caspias, as I think, and upon the revolt of Vindex retaining them still in Italy.  choosing them out as the most special men: whereupon they remained long faithful to Nero, and were great favourers of Othoes' proceed. But these Legions the more strength and forces they carried with them, the more confident they were, and consequently the slower in coming forward: the 
e Perchance meaning of the two thousand mentioned before, perchance & rather of other beside.  Auxiliary cohorts and wings came before, the corpse of the Legions followed after. Moreover the city itself furnished good store of soldiers: five Paetorian cohortes, and certain cornets of horesemen, the first Legion, & beside two thousand 
“ Gladiatores.  fencers; a base supply, but in 
f Pompey in the civil war against Caesar intended the like: but being advised by his friends, used them not, Caesar de bello civili, lib. 3. ca 4  civil wars used even by severe commanders. Annius Gallus with 
g Of Vestricius Spurinna see Pliny. li. 4. ep. 1. & 10. & 2. ep. 7.  Vestricius Spurinna were appointed to lead this power, and sent before hand to put themselves in possession of the 
h Howsoever it was in the determination, in the execution, we find none guarding the river, but the gladiatores  banks of the Po: because their first determination had failed, seeing Caecina had already passed the Alps, whom they hoped might have been kept within Gallia. Upon Othoes person a choice company of 
“ Spiculatores  spearmen attended, accompanied with the rest of the Praetorian cohorts, and the old soldiers of the Guard, beside an excessive number of those which had served at sea. His viage was with diligence and speed as appertained, not wastefully spent in riot and pleasures: himself with his iron brigandine, marching before the ensigns on foot, not decked, not trimmed, but soldier like, & unlike the name that went of him.   

V The actions of Othoes' fleet.  
NOW fortune seemed to smile upon Otho and favour his proceed; for the greater part of Italy, by reason of his navy at sea, was possessed in his name, even to the entry of the 
* Alps maritimae.  sea-Alpes. of the Tungrian cohorts, having long maintained the skirmish, were forced at length to yield up their lives: even to Othoes men the victory cost blood, of whom diverse unadvisedly following were intercepted by the horsemen turning upon them. And so, as if a mutual suspension of arms had been concluded upon, with covenant on the one side that the fleet, on the other that the horsemen should not attempt any sudden invasion, the Vitellianists retired to Antipolis a freetowne of Gallia Narbonensis, the Othonians to Albingaunum a colony of Liguria interior.   

VII. The estate of Corsica and Sardinia, and the rest of the islands thereabout.  
THE reputation of Othoes victorious fleet easily held Corsica, Sardinia, and the rest of the islands thereabout in Othoes' obedience. But Corsica almost was ruined by the rashness of Decimus Pacarius the Procurator; who entered into an action, which in so great a preparation for war, could nothing avail to effecting the principal purpose, & yet served well enough to work his destruction. For upon hatred against Otho, he determined with the strength of the island, to aid Vitellius; an aid vain and to no purpose even if it had succeeded. Whereupon calling the principal men of the island, he declareth his meaning, and commandeth Claudius Phirrhicus master of the galleys there, and Quinctius Certus a gentleman of Rome, to be slain, who opposed themselves against his proceed: by the death of whom the rest that were present being terrified swore allegiance to Vitellius, and consequently the inferior sort partly upon ignorance, and partly to bear them company which did it for fear. But whenas Pacarius began to take muster, to tyre those rude people in training and other militare duties, they waxing weary of that unwonted labour fell to recount their own weakness: that it was but an island, which they inhabited: that Germany and the Legionary power was far of: and that even they were wasted and spoiled by the fleet, whom both cohorts and wings did protect. whereupon their minds suddenly fell away, and so they conspired against him, not by way of open rebellion, but by privy attempt against his person. for which purpose choosing out a fit opportunity, as he was in the bath naked & without help, the multitude that followed him being departed away, they slew him and his company, and carried the heads of them, as of traitors, to Otho: by whom notwithstanding they were not rewarded, as also not punished by Vitellius, in so great confusion and disorder of the state, passing among greater crimes; and shadowed with other more heinous offences.   

VIII. Certain small actions of the Syllan wing in Italy before Caecinaes' entry.  
NOw the Syllan wing, as before we have showed, had opened the passage into Italy, and drawn the war over the mountains, the country favouring not Otho, neither yet upon any special fancy to Vitellius; but as men whom long peace had broken to all kind of slavery, they were easily possessed by the first comer, and not curious to side with the better. The whole country and cities lying between the Po and the Alps, the most flourishing part of all Italy, was held by Vitellius soldiers: for the 
a 1. Hist. p. 48. quia praesidio alae unius latissima pars Italiae defendi nequibat, praemissae Gallorum, Lusitanorum, Britannorumque cohortes, & Germanorum vexilla.  cohorts which Caecina had sent before him were now already come in. At Cremona a cohort of Pannonians was taken, & between Placentia and Ticinum an hundredth horse intercepted, and a thousand sea-soldiers: by which success Vitellius men being animated could now not be stopped by bank nor by river. Moreover the inhabitants of Batavia & beyond the Rhine were inflamed the more even by the very 
b Disdaining that the Po should stay them who were accustomed to swim, horse and man, over the great river of Rhine, and others at home in their country. Tac. 4. Hist. p. 158. Batavi praecipuo nandi studio arma equosue retinentes integris turmis Rhenum perrumpere.  sight of the Po; which they passed over against Placentia, and taking some of the enemies spies so terrified the rest, that being afraid they falsely reported Caecina was come with his whole army. Spurinna, who then was within Placentia, certainly knew that Caecina was not yet come, and if he did come, was certainly resolved to keep his men within their defences, and not to hazard three Praetorian cohortes, and a thousand Vexillaries, with a few horse, against an army of old and approved warriors: but 
c Plutarch writeth, that the soldiers had almost slain Spurinna: but spared no manner of railing and contumelious speech, calling him traitor, and a manifest marrer of his Prince's affairs. some also being drunk went in the night to his pavilion, demanding to furnish them with money for their journey, which they meant to undertake to the Prince at Brixellum to preferie accusation against him for his traitorous dealing.  the unruly soldiers and unskilful of service snatching up their ensigns & banners rushed forward, and as the captain endeavoured to stay them they bent their weapons upon him, not respecting their Centurions & Tribunes, who commended the captains circumspectness, but the soldiers cried FOR OTHO, & stuck not more over to affirm that Caecina was sent for under hand. Spurinna yielded to follow their folly, by force at the first, afterward making show as if he were willing that his counsels might carry more credit, if it happened hereafter the sedition to cool. When they were in the sight of the Po, & the night approached, order was given, that the camp should be entrenched and staked. That labour strange and unusual to the city-souldier abated their fierceness. Then they of the elder sort began to see their own error, and correct their credulity; to lay-open the fear, & the danger, if in those champion countries Caecina should with his army environ them being as it were but an hand full: & now they began throughout all the whole camp to use modest & dutiful speeches, and by means of the Centurions & Tribunes, who insinuated themselves into their companies, to commend the wisdom of the captain, in that he had chosen out, for the strength and seat of the war, a colony of that power & that wealth; & lastly Spurinna himself, not by untimely exprobrating their fault, but by reason convincing it, wan them to his opinion, and leaving some behind for scouts brought back the rest into Placentia less mutinous than before, and more at commandment. The walls were made stronger, the number of bulwarks & towers increased, and provision made not only of armour, but of subjection and love of obeying; the only point which lacked in that side, whenas otherwise they had of valour sufficient.   

IX. Caecina cometh into Jtalie, and lieth before Placentia in vain.  
BUT Caecina, as if he had left on the other side of the mountains cruelty and licentiousness behind him, marched thorough Italy with all modesty, he & his companies. His kind of attire the free cities and colonies construed as a sign of pride, because he gave audience to men which came gowned himself being in his short soldiers cote of changeable colour, and wearing withal breeches after the French barbarous fashion: and as though they had been interessed thereby, they were grieved also to see his wife Salonina riding upon a goodly palfrey with a rich furniture of purple, albeit no man were wronged therein: such is the nature of man, and so deeply is the quality rooted in us, straightly to look into the late prosperity of others with an envious eye, and to require a moderation of fortune, no where so much, as in those we have seen in an equal degree with ourselves. Caecina having passed the Po, and assayed by parlays, and promises to weaken the loyalty of Othoes men, being quit with the like on their part, seeing that the plausible names of peace and concord had often been spent between them in vain, converted his counsels and cares to the besieging of Placentia in most terrible manner; knowing right well, that as the beginning of the war should succeed, so for the rest reputation would follow. But the first days work was conducted rather by fury, then according to skill meet for men of so long experience in service: without cover or defence they ventured rashly under the walls, their bodies surcharged with meat and with wine. In that assault the Amphitheatre, a piece of most curious workmanship standing without the walls, was burned, set on fire either by the besiegers as they hurledbrands and balls of wildfire against the besieged: or by the besieged as they hurled again. The townsmen being jealous, & prone to suspicions, believed that matter was ministered to the fire upon malice, by certain neighbour colonies, upon emulation & envy, because no piece of work in all Italy was of that capacity beside: by what chance soever it happened, whilst further danger was feared, it passed not greatly regarded; when all peril was past, as if no greater misfortune could have befallen, than it was much sorrowed for & lamented: but in the end Caecina was repulsed with loss of many of his men, & the night following was spent on both sides in new preparations. The Vitellianists make provision of plutei, crates, & vineae, instruments to undermine the walls, & protect those which were to give the assault: the Othonians of timber logs & great weights ofstones, and lead, and brass, to break thorough the works and overwhelm the adversaries. Both parties were pricked 
a With shame to be overcome, & glory of overcoming.  with shame, and with glory, and several encouragements were used; the one side exalting the Legions and strength of the Germane army, the other magnifying the honour of the city-service, & of the Praetorian cohorts: the one reviling the soldier within as sluggish, and resty, and effeminated in the Race & Threatres, & the other rebuking the enemy without as a foreigner and stranger: assuming withal into part of the praise and dispraise the persons of Otho and Vitellius, afoording indeed more plentifully matter of reproach then of just commendation. The day was scarcely yet sprung, when as the walls were replenished with men at defence, the fields did glister with armour & soldiers; the Legionary 
* densum legionum agmen: and yet Caecina had but one Legion, namely unacivicesima Rapax, as I take it.  with their thick and close ranks, the Auxiliary lose and dispersed, they attempt with arrows and stones a far of to disfurnish the highest parts of the walls, if any place were neglected or decayed by age thither they make nearer approaches: Othoes men from above, with more peyze and certainty, hurl darts upon the Germane cohortes, which rashly came under with a hideous note, & according to their country manner, with bodies naked, shaking their targets over their shoulders. The Legionary soldier, covered with plutei and crates, undermineth the walls, raiseth up mounts, & endeavoureth to wrest open the gates: of the contrary side the Praetorian soldiers having millstones of huge weight placed for the purpose, with fearful noise roll them down upon the enemy: part which came under were overwhelmed, part wounded with darts, and slain or mangled: and so as in a confusion & fear, the slaughter increasing below, & consequently their fierceness above, the Vitellianists retired with decay of reputation to the side; and Caecina upon the infamy and shame of this siege so rashly attempted, lest he should seem to sit still in the same ground scorned and to no purpose, passeth the Po back again with purpose to go to Cremona. As he departed away Turullius 
a For the sullet satisfaction of the reader, it had been convenient to have declared whether they fled from Spurinna, or Gallus, or some other, and by what occasion they were then in that place.  Cerealis with many of the mariners revolted unto him, and julius 
a For the sullet satisfaction of the reader, it had been convenient to have declared whether they fled from Spurinna, or Gallus, or some other, and by what occasion they were then in that place.  Briganticus with a few horse: julius was by birth a Batavian and captain of a wing, the other, having served as a principal Centurion in Germany, was easily won to Caecinaes' side. Spurinna, upon knowledge had what way the enemy took, certifieth Annius Gallus by letters, that Placentia was defended, what had passed, & what Caecina intended to do. Gallus, mistrusting lest those few cohortes within could not endure a long siege, and the force of the Germane army, was bringing the first Legion to secure the town: but when he received advise, that Caecina was repulsed, and going to Cremona, he stayeth the Legion 
b Perhaps to receive the Legions coming out of Dalmatia, and Pannonia, which, if any where at all, came and joined themselves with Gallus, conducted perchance by paulinus and Celsus.  at Bebriacum being hardly withholden from mutining, because he would not lead them to fight. 
c Bebryacum (saith the scholiast upon Juvenal: for so he writeth it) vicus est a Cremona vicesimo lapide.  Bebriacum is a village between Verona and Cremona notorious and infortunate for two Roman calamities.   

X. Macer skirmisheth with the Vitellianists. Otho, suspecting the rest of his captains, committeth the conduct of the war to Titianus his brother.  
ABOUT the same time, not far from Cremona, Martius Macer had a luckily day against the Vitellianists. For Macer being a man of courage & forward put the 
“ Gladiatores  fencers in boats & landed them suddenly on the other side of the Po. There the Auxiliaries of the Vitellianists were distressed, and the rest fleeing to Cremona, those which remained behind slain: but the winners were nor permitted further to follow the chase, lest the enemies strengthened with new supply should turn head against them, & alter the fortune of the battle. That fact bred jealousy in Othoes' men misinterpreting all that was done howsoever sinisterly, who eagerly as each was in courage most dastard, most lavish in tongue, so sought they by divers misconstruing criminations to put in disgrace Annius Gallus, & Suetonius paulinus, & Marius Celsus, for them also had Otho made Commanders. The principal firebrands of sedition & discord were the murderers of Galba, who being transported by fear, & the guiltiness of their own conscience, disturbed & troubled all good course of proceeding; sometimes breaking openly out into mutinous speeches, & sometimes by secret advertisements to Otho: who giving credit lightly to every base person, and standing in fear of the good, trembled and quaked, a man in prosperity uncertainly carried, and governing himself in adversity better. So he sent for Titianus his brother, and made him his Lieutenant general in the war.   

XI. paulinus and Celsus give Caecina an overthrow.  
IN the mean season under the conduct of paulinus and Celsus a notable overthrow was given. Caecinaes' attempts all falling to nothing, and the reputation of his army now waning, much grieved his mind: he had been repulsed from Placentia; his Auxiliaries lately slain; and when as the discoverers met one another, in those ordinary bicker rather then material he commonly went to the worse: whereupon when Fabius Valens approached, lest the whole honour of the war should fall upon him, he hasted with greater speed then good counsel, to recover his glory. About twelve miles from Cremona, at a place called Castores, he placeth secretly in the woods, joining upon the high way, of his best Auxiliary soldiers, commanding the horsemen to go out further, & so having begun the skirmish to give back & retire, drawing on the enemy to follow in the heat of the chase, until the ambush should rise: that purpose was bewrayed to Othoes' commanders. paulinus was General of the foot, & Celsus of the horse. The Vexillaries of the thirteenth Legion, four Auxiliary cohorts, & five hundredth horse were placed in the left battle; in the middle three Praetorian cohorts, ranked straightly together, kept their standing upon the high way: in the right battle the first Legion marched, accompanied with two Vexillary cohorts, & five hundredth horse: & out of the Praetorian & Auxiliaries were led a thousand horse, for an over measure if fortune happened to go on their side, or otherwise a supply, if they should be distressed. Before the joining the Vitellianists turned their backs, & Celsus, understanding the fraud, repressed his men. The ambush rising up rashly, as Celsus gave ground, followed so far till they were circumvented themselves: for on the sides were the cohorts, & the Legion to meet them in face, & the horsemen suddenly ranging out had enclosed their backs. Suetonius paulinus at the first delayed some time to give to his footmen the sign of the battle: for being a person naturally slow, & one who liked much better wary courses with reason, then happy by chase, he commanded the ditches first to be filled, the field to be made open and easy of passage, the battalions to be displayed, supposing it seasonable enough to begin then to overcome others, when as order was taken they could not be overcome themselves. By means of that delay space was given to Vitellius men to flee into the vines, where, by reason of the branches wrapped and knit one in another, it was troublesome to follow: and a little wood adjoined which covered them; out of which they issued eftsoons & slew the foremost of the Praetorian horsemen. there 
a King of what country? and how came he thither? and what became of him afterward? great persons in a story require, in my opinion, a more exact and particular description.  king Epiphanes, fight valiantly on Othoes' side, was wounded. By that time Othoes footmen pressed forward, and bore down by main force the enemy's host, turning to flight even those also which came for to secure. for Caecina sent not for his cohortes together, but one after another: which thing in the fight augmented the terror: for the fear of them that fled carried away the succours, which came dispersedly, and never so many at once, as to restore the battle. In the camp also a mutinee arose, because they were fetched so scatteringly, and julius Gratus the Camp-master was put in prison, as though in favour of his brother, who served under Otho, he intended some treason; whereas the Othonians had, on the other side, committed to ward julius Fronto his brother, a Tribune, upon colour of the same crime. But in truth every where the fear was so great, in those which fled, in those which met them, in the field and at the camp, that unless Suetonius paulinus had sounded the retrayt, not suffering his men to follow the victory, it was commonly talked on both sides, that Caecina might have been destroyed with his whole army. paulinus pretended that he was afeard, lest, beside so much travail and so great a journey, the Vitellian soldier should have issued forth of their camp fresh against his men being tired, no supply remaining behind, if it fortuned them to have been defeated. Some few approved that reason of the General, but most men condemned the fact, and blamed him for it.   

XII. The description of a mutinee which happened in Valens camp. Valens cometh into Jtalie and joineth his power with Caecinaes'.  
THIS overthrow did not so much daunt the Vitellianists, as it reduced them to a more modest behaviour, not only in Caecinaes' camp, who cast the fault on the soldier more ready to mutin then fight; but the army of Fabius Valens also (for now he was come to Ticinum) laying aside contempt of the enemy, and desirous to recover their glory, began to show to their General a more reverent and orderly obedience. For before a great and hot mutinee had happened out, which I will now set down from the beginning, albeit not in his proper time, because it was not convenient to interrupt the course of Caecinaes' actions. The cohortes of Batavians, which in the war of Nero were departed from the fourteenth Legion, and in their return toward Britanny, hearing of Vitellius attempt in the country of Lingones, had joined themselves, 
a 1. Hist. p. 43. and 45.  as before we have showed, to Fabius Valens, began to wax proud and insolent, vaunting and braving as they came to the tents of any of the Legions, that they were the men which had overruled the fourteenth Legion, bereaved Nero of Italy: that in their hands alone lay all the fortune and whole success of this war. That seemed contumelious to the soldier, and highly displeased the General, the discipline being by their wranglings and brawlings corrupted. At the last Valens, by their insolent behaviour suspecting perfidiousness also, receiving advise, that the wing of the Treveri and Tungrians were beaten by Othoes' fleet, and that the province of Narbon was in some danger of invasion, partly upon a care to defend his friends and allies, and partly upon militare policy to disperse these Batavians so mutinously affected, and of so great strength if they remained together, commanded part of the cohorts to go and relieve them. Which thing when it was heard and noised abroad, the Auxiliaries mourned, the 
b It seemeth strange, that the Legions should be displeased with the departure of those, whose insolent and contumelious behaviour they could not abide, if Tacitus say true not past six lines before.  Legions stomached, lamenting they should be deprived in such a time of so main an assistance of such valiant men: what? should those so experienced, and conquerors in so many wars, whenas the enemies were within view, be sent away, as it were, out of the field? if the province were a matter of more consequence than the city of Rome and safety of the state, why did they not all follow thither? but if the accomplishment of the victory, the strength and stay of the cause consisted in Italy, what reason then to break off, as it were, the soundest and strongest limbs from the body? upon these and the like presumptuous speeches, whenas Valens by sending his sergeants among them, went about to correct their seditious behaviour, they offered violence to himself, threw stones, and forcing him to flee, followed after; and crying, that the spoil of France, the gold of Vienna, and the price of their labours was by him embezeled, and hid, they spoilt his carriage, they pierced and searched his pavilions, and the very ground itself with their lances and darts: for Valens himself in a bondemans' apparel lay unknown in the tent of an undercaptaine of horsemen. Then Alphenus Varus the camp-master, perceiving the heat of the mutinee past, and the soldiers by little and little to grow colder, adjoineth a policy thereunto: forbidding the Centurions to meddle with searching and perusing the watch, and omitting to sound the trumpet, by which the soldier is called to his charge. Whereupon they stood all amazed, looking one on another, astonished and dismayed to see themselves thus without head, or direction: and so with silence and patience, and lastly with tears and entreaty besought pardon of their offence. But whenas Valens came forth above all expectation alive, weeping and badly attired, then was there joy and compassion, and a general favouring of the man: and changing their former affections into gladness, as the common sort is in both without measure, they carried him in the midst of the Standards and ensigns, with praises and gratulations, to the Tribunal. Valens, using a profitable and discreet moderation, required not any one to be executed for this transgression; only in words reproved some few, lest if he dissembled the whole, he should be suspected the more: knowing right well that in civil wars the soldiers have a vantage over the General, and are more bold to commit disorders, than the General may be to correct them. As they were entrenching at Ticinum, word was brought of Caecinaes' overthrow, and the sedition was almost renewed again, as though by fraud and delays of Valens they had been kept back, and come short of the battle. Whereupon refusing to rest any longer, without staying for their General they march forward, running before their ensigns, and hastening the enseigne-bearers: and so in all speed join with Caecina. Valens was also disliked and generally blamed in the army of Caecina: who pretended themselves to be aggrieved, that they were left, being so far inferior in number, as a pray to the whole power of the enemies; highly extolling withal the strength of the other army, partly to excuse themselves, and partly to flatter their fellows, lest as conquered and cowardly persons they should be despised of them: and albeit Valens had more forces, almost double number of Legions and Aides to the other, yet were the goodwilles of the soldiers more inclining to Caecina, beside courtesy, wherein he excelled the other, by reason also of his flourishing age, and tallness of stature, and upon a certain vain favour of men. Hereupon there grew emulation between the two generals. Caecina contemned the other, as a lewd person of life and criminally noted: Valens scoffed at him as being proud and vainglorious: but reserving their hatred in secret they joined openly both in the common cause, by many letters, without respect of pardon, objecting to Otho his infamous life; whereas the generals of Othoes side, notwithstanding the argument yielded that way most plentiful matter, abstained from all reviling speeches against Vitellius: and in truth before their ends, which on Othoes' side was most commendable, of Vitellius most ignominious, the drowsy pleasures of Vitellius were feared less, than the hot burning lusts of Otho: and beside, the death of Galba had made Otho more terrible, and more odious: contrarily no man charged Vitellius with beginning the war. Vitellius in excess & bellicheere was an enemy to himself: Otho in riot, cruelty, audaciousness, reputed more dangerous to the state.   

XIII. Otho determineth to commit the matter to the hazard of a battle, and retireth himself to Brixellum.  
THE forces of Caecina and Valens being joined together, the Vitellianists refused not any longer to end the cause in a main battle. Otho proposed the matter in council, whether way were more expedient, to prolong the war, or else to put it by and by to the fortune of a field. Then Suetonius paulinus, esteemed the most expert man of that age in militare affairs, supposing it agreeable to his fame & renown, to discourse of the whole manner of proceeding in this war, stood up, & declared his opinion to be; that making of haste was profitable for the enemy, and delaying for them. that all the host of Vitellius was come, certain small forces remaining behind, which could not conveniently be removed from the bank of the Rhine, for fear of invasion of those fierce nations: especially France standing also in some terms of rebellion: the soldier in Britanny had his hands full of the enemy there, and was also stopped by the sea: that Spain had no great store of soldiers: the province of Narbon was frighted, by reason of the late invasion by sea, and the overthrow which they received; and that portion of Italy beyond the Po, now in the possession of the enemy, was wasted with the passage of their army, and having no help by sea, and by land shut in with the Alps, could not be relieved from abroad: so that they could nowhere have corn for their men, and an host without provision could not be entertained. Now the Germans, which of all the enemies were most terrible, having foggy and waterish bodies, would not, if the war were prolonged to the summer, be able to endure the change of the soil, and the aure. that many armies whose fury at the first rush could not be resisted, by delays & wearying out were brought unto nothing. Contrariwise they had all things themselves, well stored and well assured unto them: Pannonia, Moesia, Dalmatia, the east, with their armies, whole and untouched; Italy, and Rome the queen of the world, the Senate and people, titles never darkened, though sometimes overshadowed: wealth private and public, and infinite masses of money, which in civil dissensions is of greater force than the sword: the bodies of their soldiers were accustomed to Italy, or to other hot countries: the river of Po lay 
a Not at Bebriacum, where the consultation was holden, but he meaneth if they should, as he wished, retire with their power in Cispadanam, and there stand upon their defence.  before them as a defence: their cities were safely manned & walled: & by the holding out of Placentia it was clear to be seen, that none through distress or despair would yield to the enemy: and therefore in his opinion he was to protract the war. That within few days the fourteenth Legion would be come, a Legion of great reputation, with the forces of Moesia: then might he deliberate again, and, if it were liked to hazard the battle, fight with more power and greater advantage. Marius Celsus approved the opinion of paulinus, and certain which were sent to Annius Gallus (who was hurt with a fall of his horse a few days before) to demand his advise, brought word that he also was of the same judgement. But Otho was willing to bring it to a battle: his brother Titianus and Proculus captain of the Guard, hastening upon ignorance and lack of skill, protested, that fortune and all the gods, with the godhead of Otho, favoured the counsels, and would without question prosper the enterprise: descending to this gross kind of flattery, lest any should dare to cross their opinion. After they had concluded to fight, a new doubt arose, whether it were better, that the Emperor should withdraw himself, or else be present in the field in person: the self-same men taking also herein a wrong course, without any more opposition of paulinus and Celsus, lest they should seem to hazard their Prince too venturously, persuaded him to retire to Brixellum; and so being exempt from the doubtful events of the field, to reserve himself for the main chance of the state. That day was the beginning of ruin to Othoes' side. For with him a valiant company of Praetorian cohorts, of 
“ Spiculatores  spearemen and horse departed away: and the rest which remained behind were quite out of heart, as having no confidence in their Generals: and Otho, whom only the soldiers trusted, because he trusted none else but the soldiers, had not perfitly settled the Generals in their charges, but left their authorities at large and uncertain.   

XIIII. A skirmish between the Vitellianists and Macer with his fencers upon the Po.  
ALL that was said or done was carried by & by to the Vitellian side, fugitives swarming as in civil wars, and the spies, upon desire to search out & discover other men's counsels, disclosing their own. Caecina and Valens lay still, quietly attending while the enemy should by his own rashness miscarry, meaning in lieu of wisdom to use the vantage of other men's folly. And so beginning a bridge, lest their soldiers should be made worse with too much idleness and ease, as if they had meant to have passed the Po, and forced a band of 
“ Gladiatores.  fencers encamped on the other side, they commanded boats to be placed cross the river, with their heads up the stream, in equal and convenient distances, and joined them strongly together with planks, casting anchors also to make the bridge steady & firm: but the cable ropes were not tied short, but played at length, that when the river should rise, the whole frame likewise might rise without hurting. Upon the end of the bridge a tower was planted, reaching to the uttermost boat, that out of it they might with their engines and shot displace, and drive away the enemies: the Othonians also upon the bank had builded a tower, and did hurl stones and fire. In the middle of the river there was an island, into possession whereof the fencers sought to put themselves by boat, but the Germans by swimming prevented them; and when Macer saw a competent number of them arrived there, embarking of his best fencers, he putteth over to assail them: but neither were the fencers of the like courage in fight to the soldiers, neither could they, tottering out of their boats, aim so certain a blow, as the other steadily standing did from the land: and whenas through sundry step aside upon fear the rowers and soldiers, which stood at defence, were confusedly mingled together and put in disorder, the Germane soldiers leaping courageously into the shallow, and hanging at the tails of the boats, either clambered up to the hatches, or by main strength overturned the boats into the water. All which things passing after this sort in the view 
a The one lay at Bebriacum, and the other by all conjecture at Cremona, twenty miles asunder.  of both the armies, as they were matter of great joy to the Vitellianists, so to the contrary side they gave occasion to hate & detest him, who was author and cause of the loss. And the skirmish was ended indeed by flight and the breaking away of the boats which remained; but Macer was required to the slaughter: & when they had wounded him with a dart a far of, they ran in with their swords drawn to dispatch him, had not the Tribunes and Centurions come in to protect him. A little afterward Vestricius Spurinna by Othoes' commandment, leaving a small garrison at Placentia, with his cohortes came to secure them: and anon Otho sent Flavius Sabinus Consul elect to command Macers companies, the soldiers being glad at the change of captains, and the captains, by reason of so many mutinies, unwilling to enter into so dangerous a service.   

XV. That it is nothing probable, that in so corrupt an age, the soldier. would of their own accord have surceased from civil war, and by common consent, and advise of the Senate, deposing these two bad, have chosen a third good Prince.  
IN some writers I find it recorded, that the armies, either having in horror the war, or loathing both Princes, whose shames and dishonours were daily divulged more notoriously abroad, consulted among themselves to surcease the contention, and that either they by common consent should choose a new Prince, or refer it over to the senates appointment: and that therefore the Generals of Othoes side, 
a Plutarch p. 1523. attributeth it to Celsus not so probably.  namely paulinus, had counseled to delay and protract, hoping it would fall upon him, as being the most ancient Consulare, a famous Commander, and one that in the wars of Britanny had won great glory and name. For my part, although I could be induced to grant that some few peradventure secretly wished quietness in steed of discord, and for two most lewd and wicked, one good and innocent Prince; so I cannot be brought to believe, that paulinus being so wise a man would ever hope in a most corrupt age for such moderation in the common sort, that whenas for desire of war they had troubled the peace of the state, now for love of peace they would abandon the war: or that armies in tongue and conditions so different, could condescend to so great an agreement: or that the Lieutenants and Generals, which for the most part were persons drowned in riot, beggarly and guilty of most heinous crimes, would ever have suffered any Prince but one polluted with the like vices, and of their own creation, and therefore wholly obnoxious to them. That ancient desire of dominion and rule engrafted now long ago in men's hearts, grew up and shot out with the greatness of the Empire. For whilst our dominions were straight, an equality was easily maintained: but after we had subdued the world, destroyed all cities, or kings which stood in our light, or might work our annoyance; whenas we had leisure to seek after wealth void of peril, there arose first hot contentions between the nobility and commons: sometimes factious Tribunes carried it away: sometimes the Consuls held a hard hand & prevailed: and in the city and Place of assembly, some little skirmishes, & commencements as it were of civil wars, were attempted. Anon after Caius Marius one of the meanest of the commonalty, and Lucius Silvius the cruelest of all the nobility, by force of arms overthrowing the free estate, induced an absolute government. After whom Cneius Pompeius succeeded, somewhat 
a Salustius apud Suetonium lib. de claris Grammaticis. Pompeius' oris probi, animique inverecundi.  secreter, but nothing better: and after that time never was other question debated by arms, but who should be sovereign Prince of the state. The Legions in Pharsalia and Philippi, consisting of citizens, were not so moderately minded: much less may we think the armies of Otho and Vitellius would, of their own accord, have laid down their weapons. The gods were no less incensed against us: men were no less mad and furiously minded: the same vices reigning amongst us have induced the like dissensions & discords. That the wars were decided, and ended as it were each at one stroke, we are to attribute it to the cowardliness and faint-heartedness of the Princes, and not to the peaceableness of the armies. But the recounting of the dispositions and manners, of present & ancient times, hath carried me out of the way. Now I return to the order of the story.   

XVI. The great battle at Bebriacum: wherein Othoes' side was overthrown.  
WHen Otho was gone to Brixellum, Titianus his brother carried the countenance and title of General; Proculus captain of the Guard the power and authority: paulinus and Celsus, whenas no man employed their wisdom & skill, were captains only for namesake and to be entitled to other men's faults: the Tribunes and Centurions, seeing the better contemned, & the worst sort in credit, were doubtful of the event: the soldier notwithding was full of courage and heart, yet such as had rather construe then execute his General's commandments. It was resolved, that the camp should remove forward, and sit down in a place four miles of from Bebriacum, so without reason and skill, that although it was spring time of the year, and so many rivers about them, yet were they distressed for water. There it was disputed whether the battle were to be given or not. For Otho by letters required to hasten the matter: the soldiers desired their Prince's presence in field: many were of opinion to send for the companies which lay on the other side of the Po. Neither can it so easily be discerned what had been best to have done, as that it was the worst which they did: undertaking to go to the confluence of the rivers of Po and Olium bookful sixteen miles from that place (a competent journey for an army to march, and much too great for them which went to a battle) directly against the advise of paulinus and Celsus; who held it unsafe to hazard the soldier, tired with the journey, and heavy laden with carriage, against an enemy, that would not fail, being lightly appointed, and having come scarce four miles, to charge upon them either as they marched in disarray, or else at their sitting down as they dispersed themselves to fortify the camp. But Titianus and Proculus, whenas they were overcome by reason fled to authority, by virtue of their office commanding the contrary: and indeed there was come a 
a Great personages in those days had usually certain African or Numidian horsemen to lead their train, or for other sudden dispatches. Seneca in epistolis.  Numidian horseman in post from Otho with a sharp message, in the which, as one that could not abide delays, and impatient to linger in hope, he checked the Generals for their slackness, commanding them forthwith to put it to a field. The same day as Caecina was busily occupied about making the bridge, two Tribunes of Praetorian cohorts came thither, demanding to speak with him: and being upon the point to give audience, & make answer unto them, the skowts came running in haste, signifying the enemy was at hand: whereupon the parley broke of, & so it remained uncertain what they intended, whether to lay a train for Caecina, or to betray their own fellows, or else some other honest devise. Caecina having dismissed the Tribunes, riding back to the camp, found the sign of the battle already given by Valens commandment, and the soldiers in arms. Whilst the Legions cast lots concerning their order in marching to the field, the horsemen issuing out charged, & were beaten back very strangely, by Othoes' men being fewer in number, even into the trenches, had not the Italian Legion manfully drawn their swords, and by fear forced them to return and make head upon the enemy again. The Vitellian Legions were ordered and put in array without tumult or fear: for the bushes and thickets took a way the sight of the enemy, albeit he were near. Contrarily in Othoes' army the Generals with fear were put out of their skill; the soldiers neither loved nor trusted their Generals; the wagons and idle followers of the camp troubled the works of the soldiers, being confusedly mingled amongst them; & the high way deeply ditched on both sides was too narrow for an army, though marching without fear of the enemy: some stood about, some sought their ensigns, on every side there was a confused noise of men running & crying: and as each was guided by boldness or fear, so pressed he forward into the first ranks, or retired into the last. Their minds being in this sort stricken with a sudden terror, a falsely surmised joy abated their fierceness: for some there were which untruly gave out, that the army was revolted from Vitellius. That rumour whether it was dispersed abroad by Vitellius spies, or rose otherwise among Othoes' men, whether by fraud or chance, it is not certainly known: but howsoever, thereupon the Othonians laying aside all edge to fight, in steed thereof proffered after a friendly sort to salute them, but were with unfriendly murmur entertained again: which salutation gave cause to many of their own side, that were ignorant of the rumour, to fear treason. Then the host of the enemies in good array, superior both in number & strength, charged upon them: the Othonians, although in disarray, fewer and weary, yet valiantly received the charge. And as in places troubled with trees and vines the fight was not every where after one manner: but here near at hand, and there a far of: sometime in squadron, sometime in triangle figure: upon the height of the way joining foot to foot, and bearing down with body to body, and buckler to buckler: omitting the use of the dart, and with sword and hatchets unbuckeling and breaking helmets and corcelets: and the sides knowing one another, and being seen of their companions, each contended to show virtue and valour, as if upon their manhood had depended the event of the whole war. It fortuned, that in open field between the Po & the high way, two Legions met and fought together; for Vitellius the one and twentieth surnamed Rapax, a Legion anciently renowned, of Othoes' part the first called Adiutrix, one never before brought to the battle, but presuming greatly of herself, & greedy, as in her first service, of honour. They of the first Legion, beating to ground the 
* stratis unaetnicesimanorum principijs. Plutarch in this place taketh principia for the forward, p. 1523. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  ensigns of the one & twentieth, took away the standard by force: whereupon the Legion incensed with grief both put them of the first in branle slaying Orphidius Benignus the Lieutenant, & also took many ensigns & banners from them. On the other side the thirteenth Legion was forced by them of the fifth: and certain of the fourteenth hemmed in with multitudes of enemies that came in upon them. And whereas the Generals of Othoes side had left the field and were fled already away, Caecina and Valens yet strengthened their side with fresh supply: and beside a new succour came in of 
a Camp-master in Valens host, p. 73. and now upon Caecinaes' calling away lest to keep play with the gladiatores of Othoes side, as it seemeth.  Alphenus Varus with his Batavians, after he had discomfited the band of the fencers, who passing the water by boats were slain by the adversary cohorts in the very river itself. So being victorious they invaded the flank of the enemies: and when once the middle battle was forced, the Othonians broke and fled 
b Being twenty miles of by our reckoning, or according to Plutarch 150 stadia, which is about 19 miles.  toward Bebriacum. The way was long and almost stopped up with dead carcases, the slaughter being the greater for that in civil wars there is no profit to be made of the prisoners. Suetonius paulinus and Licinius Proculus took sundry ways & shunned the camp: Vedius Aquila Lieutenant of the thirteenth Legion, supposing all other ways unsafe, through unadvised fear put himself into the danger of the furious soldier. For entering into the camp a 
c It is very questionable how in one day an army could go 16. miles, join battle, break, and fleeing away 20. miles of could come thither a great while before night about mid-Aprill.  great while before it was night, he was exclaimed upon & railed at on every side, with clamours of the most seditious and cowardly persons: who forbearing to use neither tongues nor hands, reviled him as a fugitive and traitor, not upon any specialty they could charge him withal, but after the manner of the common sort, each man laying his own shames upon others. Titianus and Celsus returned not before night, which served them to good purpose. for the watch was now set, and the soldiers fury appeased by the help of Annius Gallus: who partly by entreaty and advise, partly by his credit and authority, persuaded them not to heap misery upon misery, and beside the loss of the battle to seek the spoil one of another: that whether the war were now at an end, or else it would please them to resume it, the only means to relieve the conquered side consisted in their agreeing together. And indeed the rest were out of courage and comfort: only the Garde-souldiers stormed, affirming they were overcome not by manhood but treason: and that the Vitellian side had bought the victory dearly with their blood, their horsemen being repulsed, & the standard of a Legion taken away, that there yet remained in store many soldiers beyond the Po attending on Otho: the Legions of Moesia were coming at hand, & that a great part of the army had stayed behind at Bebriacum and never presented themselves to the battle: that surely these at the lest had not been overcome: and if so needs it must be, they should with more honour die in the field. Upon these and the like cogitations sometimes growing desperate, and sometimes yielding to fear, through consideration of their own forlorn estate, they were incited more often to rage's then to relent. The Vitellian army lodged five miles from Bebriacum, the generals not daring that day to attempt the enemy's camp: and beside a voluntary yielding was hoped for: where albeit they could not entrench, as men that went out lightly appointed and only to fight, yet their weapons in hand, and the victory they lately obtained, was a sufficient defence. The day following those of Othoes' men which had made show of most courage, repenting and yielding, the whole army with one accord sent an Embassage to the Vitellianists. The Vitellian Generals without any question granted them peace: only the Ambassadors were stayed there for a season, which bred a scruple in the minds of the other, not knowing whether they had obtained as yet or not their request: but anon the Embassage returning, the camp was set open. Then both the conquered and conquerors, breaking out into weeping, with a woeful joyfulness, detested the misery of civil dissensions: and meeting in the same tents, some comforted their brethren, some their friends which were wounded. Hopes and rewards were doubtful and in expectation alone: burials and mournings were certain and sure before hand: neither was there any so void of mischance, that had not to mourn for some body's death. The body of Orphidius the Lieutenant was sought out, and buried with accustomed solemnity, & some few beside by their friends: the rest of the common sort were left on the ground.   

XVII. Otho understanding of the overthrow at Bebriacum killeth himself. The soldiers about him, when they could not induce Verginius to undertake the place, yield themselves to the Vitellianists.  
IN the mean while Otho at Brixellum waited for the news of the battle without all passion of fear, and certainly resolved what he would do. And first an uncertain report of ill tidings was muttered without head or advow; then they which fled out of the battle came and declared that all was certainly lost. The soldiers ardent affection was such, that they stayed not for any comfort or encouragement from their Emperor, but contrariwise they comforted him, bidding him to be of good cheer: that there was yet new forces remaining, and that they would hazard all perils and suffer all extremities for his sake: neither was it flattery; but in unfeigned good meaning, upon a certain instinct and fury, they mightily desired to go to the field, to set up the side and recover their losses again. They which stood a far off held up their hands and besought him: the nearest embraced his knees, especially Plotius Firmus captain of the Guard, who besought him often and instantly not to forsake his so well deserving soldiers, so loving and faithful an army; averring that it was greater magnanimity to endure then to relinquish when fortune doth cross: that stout men and valiant even against fortune do rely upon hope, whereas the cowardly dastards are hastily drawn by fear to despair. As Otho seemed by his countenance to yield to these speeches, or else to reject them, so were there diversely showtinges for joy, or 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Plu. p. 1526. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  groanings for sorrow. And not only the Praetorians, the most addicted and partial soldiers to Otho, but those also which were sent before out of Moesia affirmed, that the army which was expected would alike obstinately maintain the quarrel: and that the Legions already were come to Aquileia; so that without all question a cruel and bloody war might have been renewed of doubtful event to the one side and to the other. But Otho altogether alien from any purpose of war, " To hazard, quoth he, this virtue and valour of yours to needless dangers, I account it too dear a price of my life. The more hope you do show, if I listed to live, the more commendation will be of my death, as being voluntary and not by constraint. Fortune & I have had good experience the one of the other: & nothing the less for that my time hath been short: I tell you, it is harder to moderate a man's self in felicity, the which he looketh not long to enjoy. The civil war began on Vitellius party, and thence grew the first occasion to contend with arms for the Empire: but to contend no oftener but once, I for my part am purposed to give the example. And hereby let posterity judge and esteem of Otho. Through my benefit Vitellius shall enjoy his brother, his wife, and his children: I seek no revenge, I have no need of such comforts. others have kept longer the Empire, but let it be said, that none hath ever so valiantly left it. Shall I suffer so much Roman blood again to be spilled, and the common wealth deprived of so worthy armies? Let this mind accompany me to my grave, and so surely it shall, that you for your parts would have died for my sake: but tarry you and live, and let not me be any longer a hindrance to your obtaining of pardon, nor you to my determination and purpose. To speak more of dying, or to use many words in that argument, I take to proceed of a cowardly courage. This take for a principal proof of my resoluteness, that I complain not of any. For to blame gods or men is their property that gladly would live. After these words and the like, in courteous language, according to their age or degree, he required the young men, and desired the old to get them quickly away and go to the winner; lest by slacking the time they provoked his further displeasure: rebuking eftsoons the unseasonable weepings of those about him, without any show of alteration in countenance, or sign of fear in his speech. Then he commanded those which departed to be furnished of wagons and barges; burned all books and letters containing any matter notably in favour of himself or disfavour of Vitellius, and distributed money sparingly, and not as one that should die. Then he called unto him Saluius Cocceianus his brother's son, being in the prime of his youth, and seeing him sore afraid & weeping, he comforted him, notwithstanding the case touched nearer himself, commending his kindness and natural affection, and reprehending his timorousness. What? were it possible, that Vitellius should be so hard hearted, and cruelly minded, as not to do him that one pleasure, whereas he had preserved for him his whole house without harm? that at least by this hasty dispatch of himself he deserved that some courtesy should be showed his kindred: especially having forborn, for the love of his country, to seek his last and uttermost remedy; not upon extreme despair, but then, whenas his army with instance demanded to bring it to a battle again. but, he said, for his part he had gotten renown enough for himself, and nobility for his posterity, after the julian, Claudian, and Seruian families, having first of all men brought into a house of no great continuance the honour of having an Emperor: and therefore he willed him with good courage to live and go on, neither forgetting at any time that Otho was his uncle, nor yet too much remembering the same. After these things he willed all to departed and give place, and gave himself a while to his rest: but a sudden tumult interrupted the course of his last cares, word being brought in of the disordered & outrageous behaviour of the soldiers; who threatened to kill all those which went away, but were most eagerly bend against Verginius, whose house being shut they beset round about. Whereupon Otho went out, & having rebuked the principal mutins, returning again spent the time in talking & comforting them which departed, until they were all safely conveyed away. When it grew toward night, he quenched his thirst with a cup of cold water, than two rapiers were brought in: and after he had tried their points he put the one under his pillow: and having certain knowledge that his friends were already gone, he passed the night in good rest, and as it is said not without sleep: assoon as it was day he ran himself through the breast with the rapier. upon his groaning, as he was dying his freed and bondmen, with Plotius Firmus captain of the Guard, entered in, and found but only one wound. The funerals were hastened with all speed, for he had most earnestly besought and entreated to dispatch them, lest his head peradventure should have been cut off, and contumeliously used: the Praetorian cohorts carried the bier, with praises and tears, kissing his wound and his hands. At the funeral-fire some of the soldiers slew themselves, not upon crime, nor for fear, but for the great love they bore to their Prince, and to imitate so honourable an example: and afterwards at Bebriacum, Placentia, and in other camps many did the like: a tomb also they 
a At Brixellum, Plut. 1529.  erected for Otho with little cost and solemnity, and therefore the liker to stand. In this manner Otho ended his days in the seven and thirtieth year of his age. He was 
b But borne at Rome.  originally descended from Ferrentium: his father was Consul, his grandfather Praetor: his mother's blood 
c Suetonius c. 1. calleth her solendidissima faemina.  somewhat disparaging, but yet not base: in his tender age and youth such as we have showed: one, that by two acts, the one most detestable, the other most praisewoorthy, deserved with posterity good fame, in as great measure as he did ill. As to heap together fabulous matter, and delight the reader's minds with tales devised at pleasure, I would account a thing little agreeable to the gravity of my purposed work, so on the other side I dare not to detract all credit, from things which are commonly spoken, and delivered. The same day that the armies fought at Bebriacum, the inhabitants of Regium Lepidi report, that a strange bird was seen sitting in a grove much frequented: and that she could not be feared or driven away, by the resorting of men to the place, or of birds flying about her, until such time as Otho slew himself: then she vanished out of sight; and that conferring the times, they found the beginning and end of the miracle to agree precisely with Othoes' decease. At his funerals the soldiers through sorrow and grief raised a new tumult, neither was there now any to stay them. And setting upon Verginius manacingly they besought him, sometime to take the Empire himself, sometime to be their spokesman to Caecina and Valens: 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Plut. p 1529. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  but Verginius, as they were breaking into the house, deceived them, slipping out privily at the back gate. So Rubrius Gallus carried the supplication of the cohorts, which were at Brixellum, and straightways obtained their pardon. Flavius Sabinus also came, with the 
b of Gladiatores.  companies which he commanded, and yielded himself to the winner.   

XVIII. The peril wherein the Senators stood which were left at Mutina, upon the news of the overthrow at Bebriacum.  
WHEN the war was everywhere at an end, a great part of the Senate, which accompanied Otho from Rome, and afterward stayed by order at Mutina, incurred extreme danger. For when word was brought thither of the overthrow, the soldiers rejected the news as false: and supposing the Senate to be enemy to Otho, they observed their speeches, interpreting their countenances, and external behaviour to the worst; not abstaining at the last from reviling, and contumelious terms, and apparently seeking an occasion to begin a massacre: whereas the Senators had beside to stand in fear another way, lest they should seem not forward enough to like of Vitellius victory, with whom now all the world was gone. Thus trembling, and between both being doubtful how to carry themselves, they meet together, none daring to follow any private direction, but associating himself with the multitude, presuming thereby of greater security. As they were in this perplexity, the 
c Ordo Mutinēsi●●i. Decuriones Mutinensium, as it were the common council of the town.  council of Mutina increased their cares, offering them armour and money, and styling them at every word, very unseasonably, Lords of the Senate. In that assembly arose a hot contention. Licinius Caecina inveighed against Eprius Marcellus, for that he seemed to speak ambiguously concerning the present estate, whereas in truth neither did the other Senators plainly open their minds: but Caecina picked out Marcellus among the rest, as a man exposed to envy, and odious for his late trade of accusing, to the end that himself being lately risen, and newly come into the Senate, might become renowned and known, by entering into enmity with great persons. But by the moderation of the better sort interposing themselves the matter was pacified: & so they went all back to Bononia, there to deliberate anew, hoping withal in the mean season to receive more advertisements. At Bononia they set in several ways several people to inquire news of the passengers which latelyest came from those quarters: by whom a freedman of Othoes being demanded the cause of his coming away, he answered, that he had brought with him his masters 
a After he had dismissed all the senators, (saith Suetonius c. 10.) secreto captato binos codicillos exaravit ad sororem consolatorios: sed & ad Messalinam Neronis, quam matrimonio destinaverat, commendans reliquias suas & memoriam: and some thing to Vitellius also, saith Zonoras', in favour of his friends.  last charge: that indeed he had left him alive, but without any care, save only of posterity, and having renounced all delights of this present life: hereupon they grew into admiration of him, and were ashamed to ask any further: and now all wholly declared themselves for Vitellius. His brother L. Vitellius was present at their consultations, and already offered himself to be fawned upon, when suddenly Cenus, a freedeman of Nero's, with a loud and desperate lie amazed them all, affirming that upon the arrival of the fourteenth Legion, the forces which were at Brixellum being joined thereto, the fortune of the sides was changed, and the conquerors were overthrown. The cause of devising the rumour was, that the commissions of Otho for posts, which began not to be regarded, might through so gladsome a message be revived again. And so Cenus passed indeed in post to the city, but within few days after by Vitellius commandment was executed. but the peril of the Senators was augmented thereby. for Othoes' soldiers believed the news to be true: and that which made their cause worse was, that they were departed from Mutina, and so the side seemed discountenanced & forsaken, as it were, by the council of state. Neither did they after that time consult any more in common: every man sought to provide for himself, until such time as letters sent from Fabius Valens, and the death of Otho, the more praise worthy the sooner heard of, put them out of fear.   

XIX. The estate of affairs at Rome: and the insolences committed by the Vitellian soldiers after the victory.  
BUT at Rome all was quiet, without any trouble or fear. the 
a Cerealia began the 12. of April, and ended the 19 so that after the death of Otho at Brixellum heard of at Rome Cereales ludi ex morespectabantur, the day of his death, albeit the news came in post could hardly be so late as the 18. of April, & not possibly so late as the 19  plays of Ceres were solemnly kept according to the custom: & when certain word was brought into the Theatre that Otho was dead, and that Flavius Sabinus Provost of the city had sworn all the soldiers in the city to Vitellius, in sign of joy the people clapped their hands & gave applause unto Vitellius. Then they carried the images of Galba with boughs of laurel & flowers about the temples, heaping up together in manner of a tomb garlands and coronets about Lacus Curtius, which place Galba at his death had imbrued with his blood. In the Senate all titles & honours usually conferred upon other Princes by occasions, & after they had reigned many years, were straightways decreed to Vitellius: and withal praises concluded upon for the Germane armies, with solemn thanks for their good service; and an Embassage sent to congratulate. Letters also were read; written by Fabius Valens to the Consuls, in a style humble enough: yet Caecinaes' modesty was better accepted in that he wrote not at all. But Italy was now more grievously vexed, and cruelly handled then during the war. The Vitellian soldiers dispersed in the free towns and colonies peeled and spoiled, polluted & ravished without any difference of right or wrong, holy or profane; but only following their ravenous and insolent humour, or else by money bought out to forbear: & some there were that counterfeiting themselves to be soldiers slew their particular enemies. The soldiers also themselves were skilled in the country, and designed out the well stored grounds, & well moneyed masters to pray upon, or if resistance were made, to destroy them; the General's being obnoxious & not daring to prohibit it: Caecina was less covetous & more possessed with vainglory: Valens was for bribery and polling infamous, and therefore a winker also at other men's faults. so many footmen and horse, so great violences, damages and injuries, especially the state of Italy being already greatly impoverished before, were hardly abidden.   

XX. Vitellius voyage from Germany to Lions, and his actions there.  
IN the mean season Vitellius, ignorant of his own victory, made preparation as for a war new to begin, and carried with him beside eight thousand soldiers of Britanny, the strength which remained of the Germane army: few old soldiers were left in the standing camps, but new men levied in haste out of France to uphold the names of the Legions remaining behind: and the charge of the militare affairs there was committed to Hordeonius Flaccus. When Vitellius had marched some few days journey, he understood of the good success at Bebriacum; then that Otho was dead & the war finished: whereupon calling an assembly he highly extolleth the valiantness of the soldiers. 
a Primo imperij die, saith Suetonius. c. 12. contrary to the circumstances of this place.  After the speech, his army instantly requested him to create Asiaticus his freedman a Gentleman of Rome: which shameful flattery he then rebuked; and soon after upon a fickleness of wit, that which he had openly refused, he privily bestowed in banquet, and honoured with rings Asiaticus, a base abject slave, and one seeking to rise by ill means. About the same time message was brought that Albinus procurator of both Mauretanies was slain, and the countries had sided themselves with Vitellius. Lucceius Albinus was by Nero set over Mauretania Caesariensis, and Galba annexed the administration of Tingitana; so that he had forces of good moment under his charge: 18. cohorts, five wings, and an infinite number of Moors not unfit for the war, as men that usually lived of stealing & harrowing their neighbours. When Galba was slain he followed the party of Otho, and not contenting himself with Africa, had a purpose for Spain, being disjoined from it by a narrow straight. Hereupon Cluvius Rufus was afraid, and commanded the tenth Legion to approach to the shore, as if he meant to have shipped over: sending before certain Centurions to induce the minds of the Moors to favour Vitellius: neither was it hard to effect. For the fame of the Germane army was great throughout all the provinces, and beside a report was spread, that Albinus contemning the name of a Procurator, had usurped a royal diadem, & the name of 
b The last king of Mauretania, subdued by Caesar. anno urb. cond. 708.  juba. So their minds being changed, thereupon they went and slew Asinius Pollio captain of a wing, one of Albinus faithfullest friends, & Festus and Scipio two captains of cohorts: Albinus himself as he went by sea from Tingitana to Mauretania Caesariensis was slain as he landed, and his wife withal, who voluntarily offered herself to the slaughter. These things and all else that was done Vitellius passed over without due examination, as his manner was with a short audience to turn each striving to excel other, induced some unthrifty young men to the like dishonour. Now Vitellius upon the coming of his brother, & certain schoolmasters of tyranny creeping into the court, waxing prouder & fiercer, commanded Dolabella, whom, as before we remembered, Otho had confined to Aquinum, upon this occasion to be slain. Dolabella, hearing that Otho was dead, was returned to Rome: whereof Plautius Varus once Praetor, one of Dolabellaes' most inward friends, accused him before Flavius Sabinus the Provost of the city, as if he had broken prison, to the end to make offer of himself for a head to the conquered faction: adding moreover, that to that purpose he had felt the cohort, which was in garrison at Ostia: but having no one proof of any of these so great crimes, he began to repent of his wicked deed, & sought pardon, but too late, after the fact. As Flavius Sabinus was in doubt how to proceed, in a matter of that weight, Triaria the wife of Lucius Vitellius, fierce and cruel above the ordinary of that sex, terrified him; warning him not to affect the commendation of clemency by the peril of his Prince. Sabinus a man of his own nature of a mild disposition, but when he was put in a fear easy to be changed, and fearing to make another man's danger his own, lest he should seem to have helped him up, as he was falling pushed him forward. So Vitellius, partly upon fear, and partly upon an old grudge, because Dolabella had taken Petronia to wife strait upon her divorce from him, called him by letters to him: and commanding to avoid the beaten Flaminian way, and carry him by Interamna, he gave commission to murder him there. that seemed too long to him who had the commission: & therefore in an inn by the way, as Dolabella rested himself on the ground, he cut his throat, to the great infamy of the new government, whereof this was the first proof. This kind of behaviour of Triaria was the more odious, by setting against it the modesty of her next neighbour Galeria the Emperor's wife, heaping not sorrows upon the sorrowful, and the rare virtue of Sextilia his mother, a woman of the ancient sort: who is also reported to have said at the reading of her sons first letters, that a Vitellius was borne by her & not a Germanicus: neither did she afterwards through any allurements of fortune, or courting of the city, participate any thing else of her sons estate, save only the smarts of her house when it fell.   

XXI. Vitellius voyage from Lions into Jtalie by Turin, Pavia, Cremona, Bebriacum, and so to Bononia, and the actions which happened in the mean way.  
AS Vitellius was departed from Lions, Marcus Cluvius Rufus leaving his charge in Spain overtaketh him, carrying joy and gratulation in countenance, but heaviness in heart, knowing that he had been shot at, and matter put up against him. Hilarius the emperors freedman had articled against him, that hearing of Vitellius and Othoes contention for the Empire, he had endeavoured to erect a sovereignty of his own, and assure to himself the possession of Spain: and therefore had named in the beginning of his 
* Diplomata; which although granted and sealed by the governors of the provinces, yet the style was, as from the Prince, and in the Prince's name were the commissions directed.  commissions no Prince: certain points also of his orations he picked out, and construed as tending to the defacing of Vitellius, and making himself populare. But the credit of Cluvius prevailed so far, that Vitellius contrarily commanded his man to be punished, and assumed Cluvius into his train; suffering him withal to enjoy Spain, which he governed still notwithstanding his absence, according to the precedent of 
a Tac. 4. Ann. p, 387.  Lucius Arruntius, whom Tiberius Caesar retained for fear, but Vitellius kept Cluvius upon no such jealousy. Trebellius Maximus had not the like favour: he fled out of Britanny, because the soldiers were incensed against him; and Vectius Bolanus was sent in his place.  
Of all matters present that vexed Vitellius most, to see the vanquished Legions retain their stomachs unuanquisht: being dispersed thorough Italy together with the winners, in all speeches they showed themselves affected as enemies, and namely the fourteenth Legion; who carried the greatest stomach of them all, denying that ever they were overcome: that in the battle at Bebriacum the Vexillaries only were put to flight, the strength of the Legion being not present. Wherefore it was thought expedient to send them back into Britanny, from whence they were called by Nero; and in the mean time, that they and the cohorts of Batavians should quarter together, by reason of the ancient jarring between them. Neither could they, having both weapons in hand and hating each other so deadly, agree long together. At Turin as one of the Batavians quarrelled with an artificer, as having cozened him, and a Legionary soldier took his part, and defended him as being his host, their companions sorting themselves each to their fellow, from bitter words passed to blows: and a bloody battle had been fought, had not two Praetorian cohorts taken the Legionaries part, and so much increased their strength, that the Batavians were forced for fear to give over. Upon which accident Vitellius commanded to unite to his train the Batavians, as wellwillers to the cause, and to send the Legion away and conduct it over the Graian Alps, by the way that miss Vienna; for they of Vienna also were had in a jealousy. That night the Legion removed, fires being left here and there negligently unput out, part of Turin was burnt: which damage, as many other bad effects of that war, greater calamities of other cities did utterly blot and put out of remembrance. The Legion having passed the Alps, some of the most seditious among them carried their ensigns toward Vienna: but by the consent of the better sort they were stayed; and so the Legion was transported into Britanny. The next fear that Vitellius had, was of the 
a Suetonius Vitellio c. 10. reporteth the same and no more: quicquid Praetoriarum cohortium fuit, uno exauctoravit edicto. but by the new enrolment described in Tacitus. p. 104. it may seem that urbanae cohortes were also dismissed.  Praetorian cohorts. And first they were separated: then in good sort & 
b Missio alia honesta, alia ignominiosa, honesta ex valetudine, ex stipendijs confectis, and in the free state, as I think, pro haereditate adeunda, pro honoribus petendis, etc.  courteously cassed, with commandment to deliver up their armour to their Tribunes; and so they remained until such time as the war was begun by Vespasian: then they resumed arms and were the strength of the Flavian side. Of the other Legions the first surnamed Classica was sent into Spain, that by peace and rest it might wax tractable: the eleventh and seventh were returned to their standing camps: the thirteenth set 
c For some short time, & so sent home again into Pannonia: for there we find it again in the beginning of the revolt of Illyricum from Vitellius, p. 100  a work to build Amphytheatres: for Caecina at Cremona, and Valens at Bononia made preparation to set forth a show of fencers; Vitellius being never so intentively addicted to serious affairs, that he would forget his pastimes and pleasures. And thus with good moderation he set them asunder. In the winning side a mutinee arose upon a sporting beginning, but that the number of them which were slain made it a matter of earnest, and the whole war more odious. Vitellius was in Ticinum at banquet, and with him Verginius. The Lieutenants and Tribunes are frugal 
d Tempestiui● convivijs delectantur. convivia tempestina those, which to make the work the longer, are begun before the ordinary hour.  or riotous, according to the Prince's dispositions: in like sort the soldier severe or dissolute: in Vitellius train all was disorderly and full of drunkenness, more like to wakes and the feasts of Bacchus, 
e Read Suet. Vitellio c. 10.  then to a camp where discipline should be. It happened that two soldiers, one of the fift Legion, another a French Auxiliary, upon a jollity challenged one another to wrestle: and whenas the Legionary was thrown, the French man insulting over him, and they which looked on dividing themselves into sides, the Legionary soldiers taking themselves to their weapons made havoc of the Auxiliaries, and slew two cohorts of them. The remedy of this tumult was another tumult. dust and glistering of armour was seen a far off: and suddenly it was noised in the army, that the fourteenth Legion was returned with intention to fight: but it was their own riereward; which being perceived, that care was ended. In the mean season, as one of Verginius servants by chance came by, the soldiers charge and accuse him, that he was set to kill Vitellius, & rush thereupon into the banqueting place requiring the death of Verginius. No man doubted of Verginius innocency, no not Vitellius himself, although otherwise very suspicious and fearful: and notwithstanding they demanded the death of so honourable a parsonage, and one which had once been their General, yet were they hardly appeased. Neither was there any man so oft shot at as Verginius in all seditions and mutinous assemblies: the admiration and fame of the man remained amongst them; but they hated him deadly, because he had contemned their offer. The day following Vitellius gave audience to the Senate's Embassage, which he willed there to attend him; & going from thence to the camp, he spoke to the soldiers, commending their dutiful disposition, and tender carefulness over his person: but the Auxiliaries fretted and fumed to see the Legionaries grown to that height of insolency, and no punishment inflicted upon them. Whereupon the cohorts of Batavians, lest they should attempt some desperate act, were sent back again into Germany, the course of affairs fatally tending to minister matter, as well 
a Raised by Civilis & the Batavians, and continued by the rebellion of the French, Tac. Hist. 4. & 5  to a foreign war, as to a civil. The French Auxiliaries also were turned home to their countries; an excessive number, and strait at the first reuoult assumed by Vitellius into the cause, for an idle complement of the war. Now to the end that the treasure and revenues of the Empire, though minished and wasted, might suffice for his excessive and prodigal donations, he commandeth to lessen the number of soldiers in the Legions and Aids, forbidding supplies to be made, and offering dismissions indifferently: which action of his proved pernicious to the state, and unpleasant to the soldiers. For fewer now bare the same burdens; and perils and labours came thicker about; and their strength was wasted with riotous life by reason of such abundance, contrary to the ancient discipline and usage of our forefathers, under whom the Roman estate was governed and stood, by virtue better than money. From thence Vitellius turned to Cremona: and when he had seen Caecinaes' plays, he was desirous to go to Bebriacum and view the place with his eyes of the late victory. The spectacle was ugly and grisly to behold: within forty days after the battle, bodies 
a Xiphilinus. p. 205 writeth that in the battles about Cremona on both sides 40000. men were slain. Tacitus, following the precept of Sallust, never ●. most seldom setteth down the number.  torn a pieces, mangled limbs, figures of horses and men putrefied, the ground imbrued with corruption and blood, the country miserably wasted, the trees and corn trodden down and spoiled: that also was a point of inhumanity that they of Cremona had strewed the way with roses and bay, erected altars, and sacrificed thereon 
b And not new in the Roman Princes, if Suetonius deceive not in Galba c. 18. per omne iter dextrâ sinistrâque oppidatim victimae caedebantur.  as the manner is to kings passing by: which things, albeit they pleased them presently, turned afterwards to their ruin. Caecina and Valens were by, and showed the places of the conflict: from this place the Legions went out and charged: from hence the horsemen arose: from thence the Auxiliaries closed about. Now the Tribunes and captains extolling each his own prowess, with many a lie mingled some truths, or made of the truth more than it was. The common soldiers also with clamour and joy step out of the way, call to remembrance the ground they had traversed, behold and wonder at the heaps of armour, and bodies: and some there were whom the changeable fortune of human affairs moved to pity and tears. But Vitellius as a man without all compassion turned not away his eyes, nor had 
c Suetonius Vitellio. c. 10. addeth further, ut campos in quib. pugnatum est adijs, abhorrentes quosdam cadaverum tabem, detestabili voce confirmare cusus est, optimèolere occisum hostem, & meliùs civem.  not in horror to see so many thousands of unburied citizens: but contrariwise jocund, and ignorant of his own lot which followed so nearly, he maketh a solemn sacrifice to the gods of the place. After these things Fabius Valens at Bononia maketh a show of fencers: to the setting out whereof, furniture was fetched from Rome: and the nearer Vitellius came to the city, the more dissolute & corrupt was he & his company, stage players associating themselves to the train, 
d 3. Hist. p. 727. of Fabius Valens, multo, ac molli concubinarum spadonumque agmine.  and droves of eunuchs, and the rest of the buffoons of Nero's court. For Vitellius was an admirer also of Nero himself, and was wont to attend 
e Read Suet. c. 4  and follow him as he did sing, not by compulsion as many a good man, but selling his honour to nourish his riot and feed his belly, to which he had wholly enthralled himself. Now that Valens & Caecina might obtain some void months that year to be Consuls in, certain others 
* coarctati aliarum consulatus some indeed were stricken out: but every one, as it may seem, accomplished his ordinary time of two months. see the annotation upon the first book.  were abridged of their time: M. Macer was passed over because he had been a captain of Othoes side: Valerius Marinus whom Galba appointed was put over to another time, not upon any dislike, but because he was of a soft nature, and would gently put up a wrong. Pedanius Costa was omitted being disliked of the Prince, because he had attempted against Nero, and pricked Verginius forward: but Vitellius alleged other causes; and according to the servile custom of that time great thanks were given him beside.   

XXII. One Geta a bondman counterfeiting himself to be Scribonianus Camerinus, and associating others unto him, was taken, brought to Vitellius and hanged.  
ABOUT the same time a certain fable, believed at first, and running without controlment at the beginning, ended within a few days. A certain man counterfeited himself to be Scribonianus Camerinus, and that he had lain in Nero's time for fear secret in Histria, because there the vassals and possessions of the old Crassis, and the affection toward the name did remain. so certain lewd persons being assumed to furnish the play, the credulous common people, & some of the soldiers, upon ignorance of the truth, or else desirous of troubles, began to associate themselves unto him apace: but their captain was entrapped anon and brought before Vitellius, and being examined what manner of man he was, whenas they found no truth in his answers, and that he was owned by his master by name and quality Geta a fugitive bondman, he was executed after the manner of slaves.   

XXIII. Vespasian sweareth to Vitellius: then taketh upon himself the Empire in Jewrie.  
IT is scarcely credible, how greatly Vitellius grew in pride and slothfulness, whenas the soldiers sent for that purpose brought word out of Syria and jewry, that the East had sworn allegiance unto him. For Vespasian, albeit only upon a flying report without any certain author, was in every man's mouth, and commonly spoken of, and oftentimes as he was named Vitellius would startle. Then he & his army, as being without any concurrent in cruelty, in lust, in oppression, broke out into barbarous and foreign behaviour. But Vespasian in the mean season laying his plot for the war, entered into consideration of the forces both near and far of. His own soldiers were so ready in his behalf, that when he began them the oath and wished all prosperity to Vitellius, the soldiers answered with silence, without either good wish or good word. Mutianus was not alien from Vespasian, and toward Titus very well affected. Alexander the governor of Egypt had entered into the confederacy. The third Legion, because it was transferred out of Syria into Moesia, Vespasian reckoned as his own: and the rest of the Illyrian Legions it was hoped would follow. For the insolent behaviour of the soldiers which came from Vitellius, with their proud gestures and looks, and rude speeches, despising all others as base and inferiors, had wonderfully offended all the armies beside. But to enter into so weighty a war was a point not so quickly resolved upon: and Vespasian albeit he hoped the best, forecast sometimes the worst in his mind: what a day would that be for him, in the which he should commit to the mercy of the war himself of threescore years of age, and his two sons in the flower of their youth? that in private attempts a man might proceed & stop where he listed; but to them which desired the Empire there was no middle course, between the estate of a Prince and the death of a traitor. Furthermore he laid before him the puissance of the Germane army; a matter well known unto him 
a Viro militari. for Vespasian before he was sent into jewry had been Lieutenant of a Legion in Germany, them in Britanny, where he fought 30. battles, took above 20. towns, and adjoined the isle of Wight to the obedience of the Roman Empire, whereupon he received triumphalia ornamenta. Suet. Vesp. c. 4.  being a martial man: that his Legions had never made trial all of themselves in a civil war, whereas they of Vitellius had been conquerors therein: and the conquered party abounded more in complaints then in forces and strength. Moreover that in civil dissensions the faith of the soldier was fleeting: and that there was peril to be feared from every particular man. For what would cohorts and wings avail, if one or two, to attain the reward proposed by the otherside, would desperately venture to kill him? so Scribonianus was slain under Claudius, and so his murderer Volaginius of a common soldier was preferred to the highest places of service. that it was a more easy matter to incite all in general, them to beware of everyone in particular. As he seemed to waver moved with these fears, both the other Lieutenants with the rest of his friends sought to confirm him, and Mutianus after many and secret conferences, now also in open council spoke to him in this wise. " All men, which are to enter into great and important actions, aught to weigh with themselves, whether that which is undertaken be profitable to the common wealth, honourable for themselves, and easy to be effected, or at least not greatly difficult: withal the party that persuadeth unto it is to be considered, whether beside bare words and advise he adjoin his own peril thereto, yea or no: and if fortune do favour the attempt to whom the principal glory accrueth. I call you Vespasian to the taking of the Empire, a matter as much for the safeguard of the common wealth, as for your own honour. Next after the gods it is in your hand to attain it: and fear not as though I said it to flatter: it is more near a disgrace then a praise to be chosen after Vitellius. We rise not against Augustus, a man of that deep insight, not against the wary old age of Tiberius, nor against the house of Caius, or Claudius, or Nero rooted by so many descents in the Empire: you gave place also to the ancientness of Galba's house: to sleep any longer and abandon the state to be in this sort polluted & ruined, were a sloth & cowardice, yea although to live in that slavery were as safe for you, as it is dishonourable; which indeed is not so. The time is already 
* Abijs iam & transuectum est tempus quo posses videri concupisse. confugeindum est ad imperium.  gone and forepast when you might seem to have for ambition desired the Empire: the Empire must now be your sanctuary & refuge. Have you forgotten how Corbulo was murdered? a man of greater lineage than we are, I grant: & so was Nero likewise then Vitellius. He that is feared is always noble enough in his conceit that doth fear: and that a Prince may be made by the soldiers abroad, Vitellius himself hath showed the way; a man otherwise which never served in field, never attained to any militare renown but preferred only upon a dislike of Galba, and now so disliked himself, that Otho, whom he overcame, not by strategeme or strength, but by his own hasty casting away of himself, is become a notable Prince & much wished for: whereas Vitellius in the mean time disperseth the Legions, disarmeth the cohorts, and ministereth daily new matter of war. His own soldier if he had any courage or edge, it is dulled and worn away, in tippling and brotheling houses, and following the Prince's example. You have out of jewry, Syria and Egypt nine complete Legions in readiness, not wasted by war, nor corrupted with mutinies; but a soldier confirmed with practice and use, and heartened with happy exploits against foreign enemies. We have navies, wings and cohortes to strengthen our cause, and kings beside most faithful unto us: and that which is above all, your own experience and skill. Of myself I will not say much: this only that I am not inferior to Caecina and Valens: disdain not Mutianus for a helper, because you have him not a competitor: I prefer myself before Vitellius, and you before me. Your house is beautified with triumphal ornaments, and adorned with two goodly young men, the one already 
a About twenty seven years old.  capable of the Empire, and in his first service renowned among the armies of Germany also: it were absurd for me not to yield up the Empire to him, whose son I would surely adopt if myself were Emperor. Now as concerning the reward and the peril, they shall not be equally parted between us. For if we do overcome, I shall have that honour which you will afford me: the danger and peril shallbe alike to us both; or as it is better, rule you these armies here, and commit over to me the war and uncertain events of the field. The conquered side liveth this day under better discipline, than the conquerors; anger and hatred, and desire of revenge inflaming them to valour, whereas the other through pride & breach of discipline wax dullish & blunt: whose secret & swelling wounds the war of itself will open and disclose. neither do I repose myself more upon your vigilant, frugal and discreet dealing, then upon the sluggish, doltish, and cruel proceeding of Vitellius. And beside all this our cause is more justifiable in war then in peace: for they which deliberate to rebel, have rebelled. After the oration of Mutianus the rest came more boldly about him, exhorting and persuading him, and laying before him the oracles and prophecies, and the favourable aspects of the heavens: neither was Vespasian void of that kind of superstition. For afterward when he was Emperor, he had openly about him one Seleucus an ginger, to foretell and direct his affairs. Moreover certain old and ominous presages came to his remembrance. A notable 
b Suet. Vespasiano. c. 5.  tall cypress tree was in his ground, which suddenly fell downs, & the day following rose up again upon the same root and flourished, growing higher and better spread then before. That thing by the consent of the Haruspices foreshowed great and prosperous matters: who assured him, when he was very young, of most high and honourable preferment. But at the first the 
c Quem gessit, saith Suetonius, per duos novissimos annimenses, about the later end of Claudius' time.  consulship, and triumphal ornaments, and the glory of the jewish victory seemed to have fulfilled the prophecy: when he had attained to them, he believed then the Empire was portended therehy. Between jewry & Syria lieth the mount Carmelus, and so the god also is called, to whom according to the custom anciently received an altar is erected, and all devoutness and reverence showed, but without either image of temple. As Vespasian sacrificed there, fraught with secret hopes in his head, Basilides the priest often viewing and marking the entrails, 
a Suet. Vesp. c. 5. apud Judaeam Carmeli dei oraculum consulentem (Vespasianum) ita confirmavere sorts, ut quicquid cogitaret volueretque animo, quamtumlibet magnum, id esse perventurum pollicerentur.  Whatsoever it is, quoth he, o Vespasian which thou intendest, whether it be to build a house, or to enlarge thy possessions, or to increase the number of servants, it shall be effected: the gods do grant thee a great room, large limits, and many men. These dark speeches were straightways noted and published, & now by the common voice of the people applied and construed: neither was there any thing more vulgar in every man's mouth, and especially in his own audience; as to them which depend upon hopes, such kinds of speeches are most used. From this conference they departed with full resolution, Mutianus to Antiochia, and Vespasian to Caesarea, the one being the head town of Syria, the other of judaea. 
b Suet. Vesp. c. 6. saith the matter was first broached and begun by the Jllyrian army.  The matter was first published, and Vespasian named Emperor at Alexandria by Tiberius Alexander, who made the most hast, and ministered the soldiers their oath upon the first day of julie, which day afterward was reputed and celebrated as the first day of his reign, although his own army of jewry began not before the 
* 5 to. Nonas. Suet. 5 to. Jdus, which is the eleventh day.  third of the same month: and then in his presence they swore with such affection & heat, that they did not attend the coming of Titus his son out of Syria, who was a messenger of all matters between Mutianus & his father. The 
c The soldiers affection toward Vespasian, and the manner and circumstances of his assuming the Empire are well set down by josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4. c. 36. (who was present at the action) with some particularities not touched by Tacitus here, noted by Egesippus also li. 4. c. 27. if it be the ancient Egesippus, and not rather an extract of Josephus.  violence of the soldier overruled the whole action: for no assembly being called; the Legions not met together; the time and place not agreed of, nor the man determined upon, a point in that case of most difficulty, that should speak the first word: hope and fear, reason and chance, diversly distracted their minds. Matters standing in these terms, as Vespasian came out of his chamber, a few soldiers after the wont manner stood on a row, as to salute their General, but they saluted him Emperor: then the rest ran to, & heaped upon him the names of Caesar and Augustus, & all titles of sovereign powered. His conceits rose from apprehension of fear to the consideration of his fortune, notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of pride or arrogancy, nor change in so great a change; but being amazed at the sudden sight of so great a multitude, assoon as he had recovered his spirits he spoke unto them soldier like: and being received with a joyful applause, he sent word to Mutianus of the success. Mutianus at Antiochia receiving the message which he looked for, called the soldiers to the oath for Vespasian, which they most willingly accepted. Then he went to the Theatre, where the manner of that town is to meet and consult: and made a speech unto them, as they flocked and fawned about him, in their own language, as he was a man competently eloquent in the Greek tongue also; and one that had the art to make the most show of whatsoever he spoke or did. But above all, that incensed principally both the province and the army, which Mutianus affirmed, that Vitellius had determined to transfer the Germane Legions into Syria, a rich and quiet service; and of the contrary side to remove the Syrian Legions into Germany, a hard and cold country, and a place of great pains: for both they of the province liked well of the soldiers company, to whom they were enured, & with whom many of them were linked in affinity & kindred, and the soldiers likewise loved the place of their settled camps, as their own homes, being grown familiar with them, by reason of their long service there. Before the fifteenth of july all Syria had received the same oath. Moreover Sohemus with his kingdom adjoined himself to the cause, a man of good forces; and Antiochus of wealth of long gathering, and of all the subject kings the richest. Agrippa also, upon secret advertisements from his friends, departed 
a He came out of jewry with Titus when he was sent by his father to Galba: and when Titus upon the message of Galba●s death returned back again from Corinth, Agrippa notwithstanding, saith josephus li. 4. c. 29 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut apud novum principem locaret gratiam, saith our common Hegesippus. lib. 4. c. 21.  from Rome unawares to Vitellius, and sailed hastily home: and likewise the queen Berenice with all her might furthered the side, a queen in the flower of her beauty and youth, and well beloved of the old Vespasian also, in respect of the great and rich gifts which she gave. All the provinces which bordered on the sea, as far as Asia and Achaia, and all the inlandes to Pontus & Armenia, received the oath: but the Lieutenants thereof were without armies, for as yet Cappadocia had no Legions assigned.   

XXIIII. The preparation of Vespasian and his side for the war.  
BERYTUS was elected for the place of their principal consultations. Thither Mutianus with the Lieutenants & Tribunes repaired, & the chiefest of the Centurions and soldiers, & certain choice persons out of the jewish army. So many footmen & horsemen together, & so great preparations of kings striving to exceed one another made show of a Prince's estate. The first provision for war was to levy more men, and revoke the old soldiers which were discharged: certain strong cities were appointed out to make armour therein: at Antioch gold and silver was coined: and in all these several works great speed and diligence used by the means of good overseers. Vespasian also would go in his own person and encourage them, inciting the good by praise, the slow by example rather than correction, more ready to conceal the vices of his friends then the virtues: many he rewarded with captains and procurators places, many he advanced to be Senators, excellent men and of great virtue, and which afterwards attained to highest degrees, although in some fortune supplied the want of good qualities. As for donatives to the soldier, neither did Mutianus in his first oration make any mention but sparingly thereof, nor Vespasian make any offer of greater in civil war, than others were wont in peace; a man notable and firm against these lavishing to soldiers, and therefore having his army better in order. Moreover Ambassadors were sent to the kings of Parthia and Armenia to conclude a surceance of arms, lest whilst the Legions were intentive upon the civil war, those nations should assault the frontiers behind. It was agreed that Titus should prosecute the jewish war, and Vespasian should put himself in possession of the 
a Claustra Aegypti. josephus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 4. c. 37. openeth this matter at large of the necessity of the country to the vittailing of Italy, of the strength on every side, and hardness of access either by land or by sea, and especially of the dangerousness of the haven at Alexandria a very particular description. nevertheless Vespasian, after this consultation at Berytus, according to Josephus c. 4, went to Antiochia before he went into Egypt.  strength of Egypt. Against Vitellius it was thought sufficient to send a part of the host, and Mutianus to lead them, and the name of Vespasian, and the favour of fate, which findeth or maketh a way through all lets. Then letters were written to all the Lieutenants and armies, and order given out to invite the Praetorian soldiers, which hated Vitellius, upon promise of restitution to their places. Mutianus with an army not encumbered with carriage, bearing himself rather as the emperors fellow then as a servant marched forward, not very slowly, lest he should seem for fear to delay, nor yet very hastily, but gave time for the fame of the action to grow; knowing that his strength was not much, and that men believe always greater matters of things which are absent: but there followed a great troop, the sixth Legion, and thirteen thousand Vexillaries. The fleet he commanded to pass out of Pontus and meet him at Byzantium, being half in a mind to leave Moesia, and with his horsemen and footmen directly to go to Dyrrhachium, and withal with his ships of war to shut up the sea toward Italy, leaving Achaia and Asia behind him in safety; which, unless they were guarded with sufficient power, being without armies would lie open to Vitellius, and that by that means Vitellius himself would stand in doubt what part of Italy to protect, if at one instant Brundisium and Tarentum, and the coasts of Lucania and Calabria should be infested by enemy fleets. Thus the 
a Having set forward Mutianus in his way, here he returneth again to talk of the preparation somewhat disorderly, and peradventure to draw in that saying of Mutianus, Pecunias esse belli civilis nervo●.  provinces were busily occupied in provision of ships, men, and armour; but the greatest difficulty was to get money: which Mutianus affirming to be the sinews of civil war, respected not law or equity in judgements, but only what way to procure masses of money. Crimes were daily devised, against men of most wealth, and they spoiled: which manner of dealing being of itself grievous and intolerable, but in some sort excusable by the necessity of the war, remained also in peace afterward. For Vespasian himself, albeit at the beginning of his Empire he was not so obstinately bend to obtain unreasonable matters, yet upon his continual prosperity, and taught by ill masters, he took forth a bad lesson, and used it boldly. With his own purse also Mutianus furthered the war, conferring privately that, which he would in more ample measure repay himself out of the common. The rest following his example in contributing of money, few or none had the grace to receive it again with the like vantage.   

XXV. The armies in Moesia, Pannonia and Dalmatia adhere to Vespasian.  
THE affairs of Vespasian were in the mean season hastened forward by the Illyrian armies affection toward the side. The third Legion gave example to the other two Legions of Moesia: the seventh surnamed Claudiana, and the eighth, being well-willers of Otho, albeit they were not present at the battle, but only come forward 
b Suet. Vesp. c. 6 writeth that not the 3. Legions, but 2000 out of the 3. Legions can forward to Aquileiat no doubt erroneously.  to Aquileia; at which place misusing the messengers that brought word of Othoes overthrow, and tearing the banners wherein Vitellius name was inscribed, and lastly taking a sum of money by violence and parting it amongst them, they showed themselves open enemies to the cause. Whereupon they feared displeasure, and upon fear devised, that this kind of dealing, which to Vitellius must have needed a long and solemn excuse, might to Vespasian be set up and reckoned as a favour and benefit. So the three Moesian Legions, thus concurring in one, by letters invited the Pannonian army to the cause, or if they refused, prepared to force them. In that tumult Aponius Saturninus Lieutenant general of Moesia endeavoured to commit a most wicked act, sending a Centurion to murder Tertius julianus Lieutenant of the seventh Legion, upon private grudges, pretending the public cause of the sides. julianus understanding of the danger, & taking guides skilful in the country, fled by the deserts of Moesia, beyond the mount Hemus, and afterward was not present in the civil war of the one side or other: protracting the journey he took to Vespasian by diverse delays, and as the occurrences were, making less speed or more. But in Pannonia the thirteenth Legion, and seventh surnamed Galbiana, retaining the anger and grief of the lost at Bebriacum, without any stay joined themselves to Vespasian, at the incitement principally of Antonius Primus, a man attainted in law, & in Nero's time 
c Tacitus 14. Ann. p. 497.  convicted of forgery, but among other miseries of war and a troubled state he recovered his place in the Senate, and by Galba was made Lieutenant of the seventh Legion. He was supposed to have written diverse letters to Otho, offering his service for a captain to the side; of whom being not regarded, he was not that war in any employment: but when as Vitellius state began to decay, following Vespasian he added great weight to the cause, being a man valiant of his hands, of a ready utterance, a cunning craftesmaster to make others odious, in dissensions & mutinies powerable, a violent spoiler, a wasteful spender, in time of peace & quiet government insupportable, in war not to be contemned. The Moesian and Pannonian armies, being thus joined together, drew anon the Dalmatian soldier, albeit the lieutenants general stirred nothing at al. Titus Flavianus was general of Pannonia, and Pompeius Sullanus of Dalmatia, two wealthy old men: but there was in the country Cornelius Fuscus the Procurator, a man in the principal strength of his age, and of noble birth; who in his first years upon desire of ease, had renounced his place in Senate, and afterward being captain of his colony in favour of Galba, by that means attained a Procuratorship. This man, entering into the cause for Vespasian, became a principal firebrand of the war, seeming to delight not so much in the rewards of perils, as in the perils themselves, and in steed of certainties, wherewith he was anciently endued, choosing new and doubtful uncertainties. So he assayeth to shake and stir up whatsoever there was any where discontented, writing into Britanny to the fourteenth Legion, into Spain to the first, because they both had stood against Vitellius for Otho: letters also were sent abroad into France: and so in one moment there broke a great and mighty war out, the Illyrian armies thus plainly revolting, and the rest inclining to follow, where fortune should favour.   

XXVI. Vitellius maketh his entry into Rome.  
WHILST these things were a working in the provinces, by Vespasian and his adherents, Vitellius growing every day more contemptible and slothful, staying upon every place of pleasure in town and country, with his troublesome train marched toward the city. Threescore thousand armed men were in the company licentiously given, of lackeys and horse-keepers a greater number; with infinite vittailers and followers of the camp, the most dissolute of all others: beside the trains of so many Lieutenants and so many friends, out of all compass of obedience, yea although the governors had been men of great austerity and strictness. Moreover the Senators and gentlemen charged the train, who came out of the city to meet him, some for fear, some for flattery, the rest and so all one after another for company, lest they should seem to stay behind when others did go. Thither resorted also of the base sort certain well known to Vitellius by means of unhonest services, which in time passed they had done him, as buffoons, stage players and chariot drivers; with which kind of reproachful acquaintance he was delighted wonderfully. Neither were the colonies only or free towns impoverished by purveying of victuals for so huge a company; but the husbandmen themselves, & fields, the corn being now ripe, were spoiled and wasted as an enemy country. Many and cruel murders were committed by the soldiers among themselves, by reason of the jarring which continued between the Legions and Aids, ever since the stir at Ticinum: against the pezantes, or any third party they agreed but too well: but the greatest slaughter was seven miles from the city. At that place Vitellius distributed to his soldiers, according to the fashion of fencer's diet, to every of them meat already dressed: and the common people, that came out of the city to see it, had dispersed themselves throughout the whole camp. As the soldiers gave no heed to such matters, certain pleasants, after a kind of homely jesting, cut away secretly their belts, and spoiled them thereof; ask in jybing manner, whether they were girded or no. The soldiers stomach, not used to bear words of disgrace, could not digest that scorn: but with their sword revenged themselves upon the people which was without weapon: among others the father of one of the soldiers was slain as he accompanied his son: upon which accident perceived and noised abroad they refrained from shedding of innocent blood. Notwithstanding in Rome the terror was great, by reason of the soldiers running and gadding thither before. The Place of common assembly they repaired specially to, coveting to behold the place where Galba was slain: whenas they themselves were a spectacle no less horrible, with hides of wild beasts about their backs, & huge massy javelins in their hands, falling to quarreling, and from quarreling to blows and their weapon, whenas through their own lack of skill they did not avoid the press of the people, or chanced to fall by means of the slippery stones, or justling of others. The Tribunes also and other captains in terrible sort, with multitudes of armed men, went squaring and jetting the streets. Vitellius himself riding from the Miluian bridge upon a goodly courser with his coat armour on back, and girded soldier like, putting the Senate and people before him, had welny made his entry 
a Suetonius c. 11 saith plainly he did so: urbem ad classicum introiit, paludatus ferroque succinctus inter signa atque vexilla, sagulatis comitibus, ac detectis commilitonum armis. for this seemeth to have been the manner of entering a town taken by force. Josephus. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c. 35 describeth also this entry.  as into a town taken by foce; but being advised otherwise by his friends he laid aside his militare attire, and taking his robes marched with his men in peaceable manner. The Standards of four Legions were marshaled in front, and so many banners about them out of other Legions: then the ensigns of twelve wings: next to whom were the ranks of footmen, and behind them the horse, and lastly four and thirty cohorts distinguished according to the names of the nations they were of, or kinds of weapons they used. Before the standard marched the Campe-masters & Tribunes and principal Centurions in white garments, the other Centurions each with his own band glistering all in armour, living: and lastly without any care at all of their own health many quartered in the pestilent places of the Vatican, whereupon the death of many common persons ensued: and the Germans & Frenchmen lying by the Tiber, and being otherwise subject to diseases, utterly overthrew the state of their body, with too much swimming in the river, and impatience of heat. Moreover the citty-souldiery was through undiscreetnesse or ambition corrupted. Sixteen Praetorian cohorts and four urban were enroled, containing a thousand men a piece. In preferring to those rooms Valens presumed to bear greater stroke, as being the worthier man, and having redeemed Caecina himself out of peril: and in truth by his coming the side was revived, and with so happy a battle he canceled the hard opinion of his slow coming forward: and all the soldiers of low Germany followed Valens and depended wholly upon him: upon which causes it is supposed that Caecinaes' faith began first to be fleeting. Notwithstanding Vitellius yielded not so much to the captains, but that he yielded much more to the soldiers pleasures: every one chose his own place of service: were he never so unworthy, if he liked it better he was deputed to the city service: again those which were fit were suffered, if they listed to remain in their former estate among the Legionary or Auxiliary soldiers: which diverse were willing to do being molested with sicknesses, and not able to endure the heat of the country. Notwithstanding the Legions and Aids were drawn of their principal strength, and the beauty of the Praetorian camp blemished, by this confusion rather than choice of twenty thousand out of the whole army. As Vitellius was making a solemn speech, the soldiers required Asiaticus, and Flavius, and Rufinus, captains of France to be executed, because they had taken arms in Vindex behalf: neither did Vitellius restrain such speeches, besides that he was a man of weak resistance by nature, knowing also that the day of his donative was at hand, and the money wanting. Wherefore he granted liberally all other requests to the soldier: and to supply that defect the freedmen of the former Princes were commanded to contribute, according to the number of their bondmen: whereas Vitellius without other care, save only to waste and consume, builded up stables for chariot drivers, filled the Race with spectacles of fencers and wild beasts, and as in greatest abundance cast money most idly away. Furthermore Caecina and Valens with great preparation, and such as before that time was never seen, celebrated the birth day of Vitellius, with shows 
“ Gladiatores  of fencers in every street throughout the whole city. One thing much grieved the good, as it cheered the bad, that Vitellius erected altars in Campus Martius, & there celebrated solemnly the 
a Suet. c. 11 & ne cui dubium foret quod exemplar regendae reip. elige●et, me dio campo Martio, adhibita publicorum sacerdorum f●●quentia, inferias Neronidedit.  exequys of Nero. the beasts for the sacrifice were publicly slain and burnt: the Augustales put to the fire: which order of priests Tiberius Caesar consecrated to the julian family, as Romulus did another the like to king Tatius. It was not yet fully four months since the victory, and 
b Read Suet. Vitellio. c. 12.  Asiaticus Vitellius freedeman had fully done as much harm, as ever had any Polycletus, or Patrobius, or whatsoever most odious name in former courts. No man in that court sought to rise by virtue or ableness: the only way to credit was with prodigal banquets, and sumptuous cheer to satiate the unsatiable appetites of Vitellius; who contenting himself to enjoy the present, and caring not any further, is thought in so few months to have wasted 
c That is, according to our positions, seven millions thirty one thousand two hundredth and fifty pound sterling.  nine hundredth millions of sesterces: a great and a miserable city, which in the same year supported an Otho and a Vitellius; and that which is more insupportable, a Vinius, a Fabius, an Icelus, and an Asiaticus, in great variety of most ignominious sorts, until such time as Mutianus and 
d Eprlut Marcellus, a great orator, an instrument of Nero against Thrasea and others, and generally in favour with all the Princes, under whom he lived, as a smother of their actions. read Tac. 16. Ann. 2. & 4. Hist. etc.  Marcellus, and rather other men than other manners succeeded in place.   

XXVIII. The preparation of Vitellius against Vespasian.  
THE revolt of the third Legion was first of all other certified to Vitellius by letters, written by Aponius Saturninus, before that he also associated himself to Vespasians side. But neither did Aponius write all, as a man affrighted with the suddenness thereof, and beside the friends of Vitellius flatteringly sought to extenuate and lessen the matter: that it was but a mutince of one Legion alone; a matter of no moment, seeing all other armies remained in obedience. After the same style Vitellius also spoke to the soldiers, inveighing against the lately cassed Praetorians, by whom he affirmed false rumours were spread, and that there was no danger of civil war, suppressing the name of Vespasian, and setting underhand soldiers abroad in the town to restrain the speeches of the common people: which thing was a principal means to nourish the fame. Nevertheless he sent for Aids out of Germany and Britanny, and the Spain's, coldly and dissembling the necessity: the Lieutenants and provinces on their parts used the like coldness again. Hordeonius Flaccus Lieutenant of Germany suspecting already the revolt of Batavia, had a war of his own to care and provide for. Vectius Bolanus governed in Britanny, a country never so in quiet, that he could conveniently spare any number of soldiers: and beside neither of them were greatly fast to the side. Out of the Spain's also small haste was made: at that time there was no Lieutenant general there, but only the Lieutenants of three Legions, of equal authority; who as in Vitellius prosperity they would have contended who should have been foremost, so now in his declining estate they equally drew back. In Africa the Legion and cohorts levied by Clodius Macer, and straightways dismissed by Galba, began by Vitellius commandment to resume their service again: and withal the whole youth of the province voluntarily gave in their names to be soldiers: for Vitellius had governed as Proconsul there with good integrity and liking, Vespasian with as much infamy and hatred of the country; and accordingly our allies presumed, they would carry themselves in the Empire: but the trial was otherwise. And at the beginning Valerius Festus the Lieutenant furthered faithfully the endeavours of those of the province: but anon he faltered, in letters and edicts openly pretending Vitellius, and with secret messages entertaining Vespasian; meaning to defend the one side, or the other, according as they should happen to prosper. Some Centurions and soldiers were taken in Rhoetia and France with letters and edicts of Vespasian about them, and being sent to Vitellius were slain: but more escaped passing undiscovered by the secretness of friends, or by their own shifting. So the preparations of Vitellius were known abroad: Vespasians purposes were for the most part unknown, partly through the negligence of Vitellius, and partly because the Pannonian Alps were kept with garrison, which stayed all messengers: and at sea the Etesians blew, a good wind to sail eastward, and contrary from thence.   

XXIX. The setting forth of Caecina against the Jllyrian armies, and the beginnings of his treason.  
AT length Vitellius terrified with the breaking in of the enemies upon the frontiers of Italy, and fearful messages from every quarter, commandeth Caecina and Valens to make ready for the war. Caecina was sent before, but Valens stayed behind by reason of his weakness in body, being lately recovered of a dangerous sickness. Now the Germane army going out of the city made a far other show than it did at the entry. No quickness appeared in their bodies, no courage in their minds; marching slowly and thinnely: the armour decayed, the horses unlusty: the soldier impatient of the sun, the dust, and the weather; and the more dull to sustain travel, the apt to mutin. And beside, the qualities of Caecina wrought no small prejudice to the cause: his ambitious and populare proceeding, an old fault of his: a sluggish and dull disposition, lately sprung up: whether it were that too much favour of fortune turned his edge & caused him to degenerate to riotous life, or that intending even then treason in his mind, he thought it good policy by that means to weaken the valour and force of the army. Many have believed that Caecinaes' mind was shaken and altered first by a practice of 
a Brother to Vespasian and Provost of Rome.  Flavius Sabinus, Rubrius Gallus carrying the message between them, and promising that Vespasian should ratify all covenants made and agreed in case of revolt: and withal he was put in remembrance of the hatred and emulation between Valens and him, and that seeing he had not like part in Vitellius, he should do wisely to purchase credit and might with the new Prince. Caecina taking his leave of Vitellius, and dismissed from his presence with great honour, sent part of his horsemen before to put themselves in Cremona. Strait after the Vexillaries followed of the 
b Read fifteenth, one of the four Legions of low Germany. for the 14 was sent away into Britanny p. 90. as enemy to Vitellius cause.  fourteenth and of the sixteenth Legion: then the fifth Legion and the eighteenth Legion: and lastly the one and twentieth surnamed Rapax, and the first called Italica with the Vexillaries of the three British Legions, and the choice of the Aides. When Caecina was gone, Fabius Valens wrote to the army, which before belonged to his charge, to stay for him in the way: that so it was agreed between him and Caecina: who being present, and therefore of greater authority, falsely alleged, that upon later advise that purpose was changed, to the end that resistance might be made with the whole forces united against the enemies coming. So the Legions were commanded to make speed to Cremona, and part to go to Hostilia. Caecina himself turned out of the way to Ravenna, upon pretence to give direction to the navy: and so to Padova, where secretly the treason was contrived between Lucilius Bassus and him. For Lucilius Bassus after the captaineshippe of a wing, being made Admiral of both the fleets at Ravenna and Misenum, because he was not by and by created captain of the Guard, revenged his unjust anger with wicked disloyalty: neither can it be certainly known, whether he drew Caecina into the action, or the same vile mind induced them both, as it happeneth often lewd persons to be of like conditions. The histories written of this war, under Vespasian and his children, have delivered false and flattering causes, as that desire of peace and love of the common wealth moved them thereto. To me it seemeth, beside the inconstant disposition of the men, and the small account of their faith, which once being falsed to Galba, afterward they never respected; that upon emulation and envy that others should go before them in the Prince's favour, they compassed the destruction of the Prince himself. When Caecina had overtaken the Legions, he sought by sundry subtle practices to weaken the good wills of the Centurions, and of the soldiers which were obstinately bend for Vitellius: Bassus attempting the like found not the like opposition, the navy being easily induced to change their loyalty, upon the memory of their late service for Otho.    

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. The consultation of the Flavian captains, at Petovio in Pannonia, concerning the manner of proceeding in the war. Sextilius Felix sent into Noricum.  
WITH better fortune and faith the Flavian captains conducted their warlike affairs, assembling in council at Petovio, the standing camp of the thirteenth Legion. There was it debated, whether it were safer to stand upon their defence, and fortify themselves by 
a It seemeth they were stopped before. li. 2. p. 106 Deinde Pannonicae Alpes praesidijs insessae nuntios retinebant● but perhaps it was but only so far as to stay the posts from passing that way, not to guard it against an army of men.  stopping the passage of the Pannonian Alps, until their whole forces behind were come forward; or else were it more manful and resolutely done, to march on and fight for the winning of Italy. They which persuaded to stay for more succour, & protract the war, amplified the same and force of the Germane Legions, & further, that Vitellius had also brought with him the flower and strength of the army of Britanny: that their own Legions were both fewer in number, & lately beaten; & though they spoke biggely, yet the party overcome retained the less courage. But in the mean while if the Alps were possessed Mutianus would shortly come on with the power of the East: and Vespasian beside had at will sea and navies, and the goodwill of the provinces, sufficient furniture for a new war if need were: so by staying a little this advantage would grow, that new forces would come, and the old not diminish. To this 
b Lieutenant of the seventh Legion surnamed Galbiana.  Antonius Primus (who was the chiefest inciter of the war) replied; That speed was the thing that might most help them, & most hinder Vitellius. As for the victory they lately obtained, they were grown more in careless sloth, than courage thereby: not keeping in camps as men of war, always ready to fight, but lying in the good towns of Italy, loitering and disporting themselves, feared of none save only their hosts: and the hardlier kept and fiercer they were before, now giving themselves the more greedily over to enjoy their unaccustomed pleasures. Moreover the 
* theatrum & circus.  theaters & places of sports, & other delights of the city, had effeminated their minds, or diseases utterly wasted their bodies: but if respite were given, through warlike exercises they would recover their strength: & beside, Germany was not far of, from whence they might be supplied with new forces, and Britanny but a small step beyond: France and Spain were hard at hand to furnish them of men, horses, and money: beside Italy itself, & the wealth of the world in Rome, all wholly at their disposition. And if they list to begin & assail us, they have (quoth he) at commandment two navies, & the whole Illyrian sea free: what will it then profit us to keep the straits of the mountains? or what can it avail us to differre the war till another summer? & whence shall we have money and victuals in the mean time? nay rather why take we not this opportunity present, since the Pannonian Legions, thinking themselves rather beguiled then beaten, are so instant & earnest to have their revenge, & the armies of Moesia are yet entire & unfoiled? if the number of soldiers be reckoned rather than the names of Legions, our side hath more strength & much less disorder; & the very shame of the late overthrow hath greatly amended our discipline: & yet our horsemen even then were not defeated, but contrarily scattered Vitellius troops, albeit the main battle went against us. Two wings of Pannonia and Moesia were able at that time to break thorough the enemy: now the ensigns of sixteen wings united together, with their stamping & sound, & the very dust of their feet, will doubtless be able to cover and overwhelm both the horses and horsemen of our enemies, who have now almost forgotten to fight. For my part (if I may be permitted) as I am the first to give the advise, so I will be the first to execute the same. You, whose condition gives you free choice of either, lie still & keep your Legions at home: some few 
* Expeditae co●ortes, that is, without carriages, absque impedimentis.  light cohorts shall serve my turn: assoon as the war is begun, you shall hear that Vitellius state will decline, & then you will take pleasure to follow and tread in the steps of my victory. This and more to the like purpose Antonius uttered with burning eyes & fierce shrill voice, that he might be heard further (for some of the Centurions, and of the soldiers also had intruded themselves into the council:) & the speech moved greatly even the wariest amongst them & doubtfullest to enter into danger. But the common soldier and the rest magnified him, as the only man of courage, & the only captain; despising the cold and sluggish proceed of the other. This good opinion he first won through a speech he made in the assembly, when Vespasians letters were first openly red, in the which he did not (as the most of the rest) deliver his mind in doubtful & ambiguous terms with a meaning to interpret them afterward as he should see best for his purpose, but seemed directly & resolutely to enter into the cause, & therefore was a great deal better liked of the soldiers, as one that made his fortune common with theirs both in the danger & honour of the attempt. Next after him Cornelius Fuscus the Procurator was of chief authority amongst them. For he likewise was wont to inveigh bitterly against Vitellius, & thereby had left to himself no hope of pardon if the enterprise failed. Titus 
a Lieutenant general of Pannonia.  Ampius Flavianus, both by nature and by reason of his age being slow in proceeding, gave occasion to the soldiers of suspicion, as if he had respected his affinity with Vitellius: and because he had withdrawn himself out of the camp when the Legions began first to revolt, & afterward came again of his own accord, it was thought he did it to seek some opportunity of treason. For indeed Flavianus had once relinquished his province of Pannonia, and retired himself out of danger into Italy; and afterward by desire of novelty was brought to take upon him his government again, and become a meddler in civil wars, through the persuasion principally of Cornelius Fuscus; not that there was any great need of Flavianus abilities, but that the name and countenance of a Lieutenant general might give reputation to the side, that was then but in rising. Then letters were written to Aponius Saturninus Lieutenant general of Moesia, to make haste, and back their passage into Italy with his army. And lest the provinces, by this removing away of the Legions, might lie open to the spoil of the barbarous nations confining, the principal men of the Sarmatae jazyges, and heads of the country were assumed into the service, who made offer also of the common sort, and great troops of horsemen, which is their sole strength, but the offer was not accepted, lest amidst our dissensions they should attempt any thing prejudicial to the state of the Empire, or else upon better wages, without respect of honour or faith, pass to the enemy. Sido and Italicus anciently devoted to the Roman name, kings of the Suevians, a nation both more faithful and more obedient, were drawn to the party. Garrisons also were laid on the side against Rhoetia which held for Vitellius, being governed by Porcius Septinius the procurator, a most faithful servant unto him. So Sextilius Felix was sent with the Aurian wing, and eight cohortes, and the youth of the country of Noricum, to plant himself against him along the bank of the river Enus which divideth Rhoetia and Noricum asunder: where they remained skirmishing one with another, whilst in the mean time the main matter was decided elsewhere.   

II. Antonius Primus marcheth forward, and having taken Aquileia, Opitergium, Altinum, Padova, Este, settleth his main camp at Verona.  
NOW Antonius taking with him certain Vexillaries out of the cohorts, and part of the horsemen, marched on toward Italy, accompanied with Arrius Varus a valiant warrior rather than a virtuous man: which glory he gained by his service and good success in Armenia under Corbulo: whom notwithstanding he was supposed secretly to have discredited with Nero. Whereupon by such sinister means growing in favour he attained a principal Centurion's place: which though ill gotten was at the present to his great contentation, but afterward turned to his ruin. Antonius and Varus in passing took Aquileia, and the country thereabouts, and proceeding forward were at Opitergium and Altinum joyfully received. At Altinum a garrison was left against the fleet of Ravenna, of the revolt whereof they had not as yet received any intelligence: and marching forward they adjoined Padova and Este to the side. Where advertisement was given that three Vitellian cohortes and the Scribonian wing lay at Forum Alieni, having there made a bridge over the river. It was concluded to take the occasion, and to set upon them as they lay negligently and carelessly; for that circumstance also was certified: and so accordingly they came upon them at the dawning of the day, and surprised them being for the most part unarmed. They were willed before hand, that after some slaughter at the beginning, they should seek to induce the rest with fear to change their allegiance; and some there were which yielded themselves at the first: but the greater part fled over the river, and breaking the bridge cut off the passage from the enemy pursuing. This victory being divulged, and the first attempts of the Flavianists having succeeded so prosperously, two Legions, the seventh surnamed Galbiana, and the thirteenth called Gemina 
a And Titus Ampius Flavianus Lieutenant general of Pannonia.  with Vedius Aquila Lieutenant thereof, came to Padova cheerfully, and full of courage. There some few days were spent in reposing the army, and Minucius justus camp-master of the seventh Legion was saved from the fury of the soldier, and sent to Vespasian, because his government was straighter and more severe, than the nature of a civil war would support. At what time also Antonius supposing it a plausible action, and for the credit of the side, if Galba's government should seem to be liked, gave commandment thorough out all the free towns, that the images of Galba, which upon change of times and dissension in state, had been broken down, should be restored a new: a thing very long and greatly desired, and therefore interpreted gloriously in the highest degree. Then was it proposed and disputed, what place were best to be chosen, for seat as it were of the war. Verona seemed fittest, the country about it being champion, and commodious for horsemen, wherein consisted their principal strength: and beside to dispossess Vitellius of a town of such wealth and importance, would both be commodious and bring reputation to the cause. In the passage thitherward they took Vicenza a thing of itself not greatly material, as being a town of small forces; howbeit because Caecina was borne there it seemed a matter of consequence; when men began to recount, how that the General of the contrary part had lost his own country and home: but the getting of Verona was worth the pains taking. For both the side was relieved with their wealth, and the example was a good precedent to others: and the army lying there opportunely in the way, between Germany and Vitellius powers, did shut up the Rhoetian and julian Alps, and cut of all hope of passage for the Germans that way. All which proceeding was either unknown to Vespasian, or expressly forbidden by him: his commandment was to march no further than Aquileia, and there to expect Mutianus; adding also a reason thereof, that seeing Egypt, the garners of the city, the revenues and tributes of the richest provinces were in his hands, Vitellius army might through lack of pay and victual be constrained to yield. To the same purpose also Mutianus advised them often by letters, alleging what a glory it would be to obtain a victory without blood, and whereof no mourning ensued, with such other pretences; whereas he did it indeed upon ambition, and coveting to reserve the whole renown of the war for himself: but by reason of the great distances counsels came after the facts. Antonius having thus seated himself in Verona issued forth on the sudden, and gave the alarm to the enemy, where trying their manhood together in a light skirmish they departed on even hand. Anon Caecina encamped himself between Hostilia, a village of the territory of Verona, and the marshes of the river Tartarus, in a safe and defensible place; his back being guarded with the river, and the flanks with marshes: who if he had meant truth, having all his master's power under his hand, might with great facility either have surprised two simple Legions (the army of Moesia as yet being not joined) or at least beaten them back, and forced them to flee, and with shame forsake Italy. But Caecina omitted traitorously all advantages, which at the first were offered, spending the time in trifling delays, and rebuking them by epistles, whom with like facility he might have repulsed with arms: until by messengers passing between the bargain was driven, and the covenants for his treason agreed upon. In the mean time Aponius Saturninus came with the seventh Legion surnamed Claudiana: the Legion was governed by Vipsanius Messalla a Tribune, a man nobly descended, and of noble qualities himself, the only virtuous man and without note, that entered into that action. To this army, nothing comparable to his own (for as yet there were but three Legions) Caecina sent letters, blaming their rashness, that being once overcome they durst put themselves again into arms: and withal he extolled the valour of the Germane army; of Vitellius making small mention and in common terms only, without any reproachful word against Vespasian at all: in sum writing nothing that might either corrupt the enemy or terrify him. The captains of the Flavian army, omitting to speak of their former misfortune, returned answer concerning Vespasian in haughty and glorious terms, showing themselves very confident in their cause and secure of the event; reviling Vitellius as enemies, and bragging of the Moesian army, as being hitherto never overthrown; seeking 
* Praesumpsere parteis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  moreover to weaken the faith, and win the good will of the contrary side, by putting the Centurions and Tribunes in hope of retaining their places, and favours which Vitellius had bestowed upon them, and exhorting Caecina himself in plain terms to revolt. Both the letters were solemnly read to the Flavian soldiers: which thing increased not a little their courage and confidence; seeing Caecina to write humbly, as fearing to offend Vespasian, and their generals contemptuously, as it were, insulting over Vitellius.   

III. Amutinee of the Pannonian soldier against Flavianus their General, and another of the Moesian against Saturninus likewise theirs.  
SHORTLY afterward the third and eighth Legion came; the one commanded by Dillius Aponianus, the other by Numisius Lupus: whereupon they began to make show of their forces, & determined to cast up a 
* Vallum militare, in opposition to vallum rusticum, or fossa agrestis.  militare trench about the town of Verona. By chance it fell to the Galbian Legion to work in the forepart of the trench toward the enemy, & some of their own horsemen appearing in sight a far of caused a vain fear, as if it had been the Vitellian power. By & by they laid hold on their weapons, & their blood being stirred sought to discharge their choler and rage upon Flavianus, accusing him of treason without either proof or probability: but the man was before odious unto them, and therefore his death was now violently required. They cried out against him that he was allied with Vitellius, that he had been a traitor 
a These particularities are not declared, as in my opinion they ought to have been, in the former story: seeing here they are thought worthy the remembrance.  to Otho, & intercepted their donative. No answer would be heard, albeit he be sought them holding up his hands in most humble manner; lying for the most part prostrate upon the ground, with his garments rend, weeping and sobbing pitifully: which kind of behaviour provoked their rage the more, as if this his overgreat fear had certainly argued a guilty conscience. Saturninus endeavouring to speak in his defence was still interrupted by the soldiers outcries: and the rest likewise were rejected with noise and clamour: only to Antonius they were content to give ear; for he was both eloquent & skilful to please a multitude, and beside of most authority amongst them. When the sedition waxed hot, and passed from words and ill speeches to weapons and blows, he commanded Flavianus to be laid in chains. The soldier perceived the 
b So Vitellius saved Julius Burdo. 1. Hist. p. 45. and Otho Celsus. p. 36.  sleight, & breaking thorough those that guarded the Tribunal, they were at the point to have slain Flavianus: but Antonius opposed himself with his sword drawn, protesting that if they would not desist, he would either die by their hands, or by his own: and withal desired the assistance by name of all that he knew, or were of note otherwise for their degrees and places in service. Then turning himself to the 
* Conversus ad signa & bellorum deos, that is, ad signa which the Roman soldiers adored as Gods.  ensigns and gods of war, he besought them to send such fury, such discord, into the minds of their enemies rather: till at length the sedition growing cold, and the day being spent, the soldiers slipped away each to his lodging. Flavianus departed away the same night, and meeting with letters from Vespasian was delivered from danger: but the Legions, as it were tainted with a contagious infection, stayed not there, but banded themselves in like mutinous manner against Aponius Saturninus, Lieutenant general of the Moesian army, upon the coming abroad of certain letters, which he was supposed to have written to Vitellius: and their fury was so much the more hard to appease, because it began, not as the former toward the evening, when they were tired before with labouring, but at the noon time of the day. As in times past soldiers strove to pass one another in modesty and virtue, so then the contention was to excel in unruliness and insolency; the Moesian soldier being loath to use less violence in seeking the death of Saturninus their General, than the Pannonian were of Flavianus before: the Moesian soldiers alleged that they had helped the Pannonians to prosecute their revenge, and the Pannonian soldier, as if the sedition of others would acquit them, were glad to see the like fault committed again. So agreeing together in this determination they went to the gardens where Saturninus lodged. It was neither Antonius, nor Aponianus, nor Messalla, that saved him out of their fury, though they did what they could, but the secretness of the place where he was hid, lying close in the furnaces of certain baths, which by chance were unoccupied; and so privily he conveyed himself to Padova, putting away his sergeants, and living as a private person. The Lieutenants general being thus removed, Antonius had the whole government and direction of both the armies; his companions the Lieutenants of the Legions easily yielding to him, and the soldiers fancying him above others: and some were of opinion, that both the mutinies were raised by his procurement, to the end that he alone might enjoy the whole benefit of the war.   

FOUR The revolt of Lucilius Bassus the Admiral, and of the fleet at Ravenna. The treason of Caecina general of the army by land.  
OF Vitellius side also matters were no less disquiet, the dissension being more dangerous, as proceeding not of soldiers ielosies, but of the treason of the Generals. Lucilius Bassus, Admiral of the navy at Ravenna, had won to the Flavian side the minds of his soldiers, being somewhat inclinable thereto of themselves, because the most of them were of Dalmatia and Pannonia, which countries held for Vespasian. The time for accomplishing the treason was appointed in the night, that whilst the rest knew nothing of the matter, they only of the conspiracy might assemble themselves in the Principia. Bassus either for shame, or doubt what would be the issue, kept himself within his house. The captains of the galleys in the mean time with great tumult broke down Vitellius images: and some few which resisted being put to the sword, the rest of the multitude upon desire of change was easily induced to favour Vespasian. Then Lucilius coming abroad avowed the whole fact as done by his authority, and the navy in his place made choice of Cornelius Fuscus for Admiral; who came with speed thither: and Bassus was conveyed by ship to Hadria, as it were under honourable arrest, and by Mennius Rufinus captain of a wing being in garrison there put in bands; but soon after enlarged at the coming of Hormus Vespasians freedman, who was also in this war counted among the Generals of that side. Now Caecina, assoon as the revolt of the navy was published abroad, assembled 
a This revolt of Caecina is described in the like manner by Josephus, libro quarto, capite quadragesimo primo.  the chief of the Centurions, & some of the soldiers, the rest being dispersed & busied in their ordinary militare duties, into the Principia, purposely choosing the most secret corner of the camp. There he greatly extolled the valour of Vespasian, & the strength of the side, declaring also that the navy was already revolted, the only support of Vitellius provision: that France and Spain were turned against him: that in the city there was nothing to be trusted unto; and generally aggravating all to the worst against the person and state of Vitellius. Whereupon some that were privy to the plot beginning to swear to Vespasian, the rest amazed at the strangeness of the matter followed the example: immediately Vitellius images were broken down, & messengers sent to Antonius to declare what had passed. But assoon as this revolt was bruited thorough out the camp, & the soldiers coming into the Principia saw Vespasians name set up, & Vitellius images cast under foot, they were mute at the first, than all at once they broke out with indignation. Is then the glory and fame of the Germane armies now come to this? that without battle or any blow stricken they should thus bind their own hands, and yield up their weapons? for else what power was there of the other side to compel them? only the Legions which before they had overcome, and yet the flower & strength of them absent, to wit, the 
a Prima Adiunix sent into Spain, and Quartadecimae into Britanny.  first and fourteenth, which yet they had likewise overthrown in the same field with the rest: & all be like to this end, that so many thousands of valiant soldiers should afterwards, like a drove of bondslaves, be bestowed as a present upon Antonius an 
b Tempore Neronis saith Tacitus, 2. Hist. pag 100 falsi damnatus, and so perhaps exiled.  exiled person: as though eight Legions were to be the dependence of one navy▪ but so was the pleasure of Bassus and Caecina, after they had rob the Prince of his houses and gardens, and treasure, to bereave him also of his soldiers, albeit never touched nor wounded, and so to make them contemptible and vile, even to the Flavianists also. for what could they say being required an account of their prosperity and adversity? To this effect every one by himself and all together crying out, as grief and anger wrought in their minds, the fift Legion being most forward, they set up Vitellius images again, and laying hold upon Caecina put him in fetters, and appointed Fabius Fabulus Lieutenant of the fift Legion, and Cassius Longus the camp-master Generals in his place: killing certain galley-soldiers, which by chance arrived there in il hour, though utterly ignorant and innocent of that which had passed. Then leaving their 
c Jnter Hostiliam & paludes Tartari fluminis.  camp, and breaking the bridge they returned to Hostilia, and from thence to Cremona to join with the first Legion called Italica, and the one and twentieth surnamed Rapax, which Caecina had sent before, with part of his horsemen, to put themselves in Cremona.   

V The skirmish of the Flavian and Vitellian horsemen between Bebriacum and Cremona.  
WHEN Antonius had understanding hereof, he determined whilst the enemies were at dissension, and their forces not joined together, to use his advantage and assail them, before either the Generals could ground their authority, or the soldiers frame themselves to a new obedience, or the Legions recover courage by uniting together. He guessed that Fabius Valens was already come out of Rome, and would make great haste, assoon as he heard of Caecinaes' treason: and Fabius was known to be a man faithful to Vitellius, and not unskilful in service: besides a great power of Germans was feared by the way of Rhaetia, & Vitellius had sent for Aids out of Britanny, France & Spain: enough to have maintained a mighty and puissant war, had not Antonius upon doubt thereof hastened the battle, and before hand obtained the victory. So with his whole host he removed from Verona, and the second night sat down at Bebriacum. The next day employing his Legions in fortifying the camp, he sent out his Auxiliary cohorts into the territory of Cremona, to the end that the soldiers, under colour of providing necessaries, might be enured and fleshed 
a That is, in spoils growing by reason of civil wars  in civil spoil. He to safe conduct the foragers advanced himself with four thousand horse eight miles forward from Bebriacum: and the skowts in the mean time, as the manner is, pricked on further. About the 
b That is, as we account, eleven of the clock, or there about.  fift hour of the day one came riding in post, to give intelligence that the enemies were hard at hand, that some few marched before, but the noise and trampling of the whole army on every side was clearly to be heard. Whilst Antonius was deliberating what was to be done, Arius Varus, desirous to do some piece of service, broke out with certain of the forwardest horsemen, & made the Vitellianists recoil, and slew some few: for by and by more of their fellows coming to help, fortune changed, and they that were most forward before in pursuing, were now left last in the flight. This haste was against Antonius' will, who supposed the event would be such as it was: but seeing it could not be undone he encouraged his men to fight valiantly: and dividing his troops in two parts, left a lane in the middle to receive in Varus with his horsemen▪ word also was sent back to the Legions to arm, and the alarm was given to those that were foraging abroad, that every man should leave of spoiling, and repair with all speed the next way to the fight. Now by this time Varus in a great fear was retired within his own troops, and induced thither a general terror▪ the wounded and unwounded were beaten in together, and greatly distressed through their own fear, and the straightness of the ways. In all which confusion and tumult Antonius omitted no part either of a resolute General, or valiant soldier, encouraging those that were dismayed, staying them that shrunk; where most need was, whence any hope appeared, there busying himself, with direction, hand and speech, in the view of the enemy, in the sight of his own men, growing at the last to that heat, that with his lance he ran thorough a guidon bearer who was fleeing away, and taking his guidon turned it against the face of the enemy: whereat for very shame there stayed about an hundredth horse. That which principally helped was the quality of the place, the 
* Arctiore illic via: and yet a little before he saith Angustijs viarum conflictabantur.  way being there somewhat narrow, and the bridge broken of the river that ran behind them, whose unknown channel and steep banks stopped their further flight. That constraint or chance recovered the field that wellnigh was lost. For knitting themselves strongly together, with thick and close ranks, they received the Vitellian soldiers coming on loosely without any order. Which thing the less it was looked for, amazed them the more. Whereupon Antonius finding them yielding pressed the more instantly upon them, overthrowing all that came in his way: and withal the rest as their inclinations were, some fell to spoiling and catching, some to take armour and horses: even they which before were broken, and scattered abroad in the fields, hearing the joyful cry of their fellows, returned then back to take part of the victory. About four miles from Cremona, the ensigns of two Legions, Rapax and Italica, appeared, having marched so far upon the success of their horsemen at the beginning: but when fortune turned, they were so far to seek, as that they neither did open their ranks, & receive their distressed fellows within them, nor yet went forward to assail the enemy tired already with fightting and following so far. Thus being by chance overcome, they found in adversity the lack of a leader, which in their jollity they cared not for. As the Legions stood wavering in terms of breaking, the Flavian horsemen charged upon them: and Vipsanius Messalla the Tribune was at their heels with the Moesian Aides, who in militare renown, albeit lately enroled, were nothing inferior to the Legionary soldiers. So horsemen and footmen mingled together did easily break the Vitellian Legions, and the town of Cremona lying so near gave them less mind to resist, and more hope to escape: neither did Antonius press any further, considering the travail and wounds, which both his horsemen and horses had taken, in so dangerous a skirmish, albeit the end went on his side. Toward the shutting in of the evening the whole power of the Flavian army arrived: who assoon as they trod among the heaps of dead bodies, in the fresh steps of so late a slaughter, as if the whole war had been ended, cried to lead on out of hand to Cremona, and take by surrendre or force those conquered persons. These gay speeches were in their mouths and openly pretended, but secretly every one cast thus with himself; That a town seated in the plain might be won easily at a push; that their courage would as well serve them to enter in the night, and their liberty to spoil would then be much greater: but if they attended till day, then would there come supplications and entreaties for peace, and so for their labour and hurts they should carry away the vain smokes of clemency and glory, and such other titular matters, but the wealth and riches of the town would cleave to the captains and Lieutenants fingers: that the spoil of a city taken by force fell to the soldiers, but of a city surrendered always to the captains alone. Hereupon the persuasions of the Tribunes & Centurions, as persons suspect, were rejected: and because no man's speech should be heard, they rattled their weapons, threatening if no man would lead them beside, to guide & conduct themselves. Then Antonius insinuating himself among the common soldiers, after he had with the sight of his person, & reverence of his place, procured silence, protested unto them, that his meaning was not in any sort to defraud so well deserving soldiers, either of honour or reward▪ notwithstanding the captains and soldiers duties were of different nature: a soldier ought to be fierce and desirous to fight, but in captains a wary foresight & deliberate kind of proceeding is rather commended▪ and more often times profiteth and helpeth he by protracting, then venturing rashly. For his part as he had to his power with weapons and hand furthered the victory, so would he likewise help now with direction and counsel, peculiar qualities to a General, and the place he sustained. And surely if they list but a little consider, the dangerousness of the enterprise was very apparent. it was now night, the situation of the town was unknown, within nothing but enemies, and every cornerfit for an ambush: nay if the gates were wide open, yet were it not safe for to enter, no not in the day time, but upon good discovery before hand, and assurance that all coasts were clear. what? would they begin an assault when they could not discern the best place of approach, nor the height of the walls, whether it were best to attempt them by discharging of shot a far of, or by engines at hand, or by mine? then turning himself to particular persons he demanded of them severally, whether they had brought their 
* secures & dolabraes.  hatchets & axes with them, & all other tools necessary for an assault: & when they denied, What, quoth he, then, are any men's hands in the world of that force, and strength to break down walls with javelins and swords? what if it fall out that we must of necessity raise mounts, cover ourselves with hurdles and frames of board? shall we not then be forced to stand like good silly fools gazing & gaping at the height of their towers, & the strength of their fortifications? nay rather let us stay for one night, and fetch hither in the mean time our engines & instruments of battery, and so carry the victory surely before us. And herewith he dispatched the 
* calmness & ●ixa.  servants & followers of the camp, and the freshest of his horsemen to Bebriacum, to bring victuals from thence, and all other necessary provision.   

VI The great battle at Cremona between the Flavianists and the Vitellianists. Cremona sacked and burnt.  
THE soldier discontented thereat & repining, was growing toward a mutinee, whenas their horsemen having scoured to the very walls of Cremona took certain stragglers of the town, by whose confession it was understood, that six Vitellian Legions, and the whole power that lay at Hostilia, hearing of the defeat of their fellows, had marched thirty miles that very day, and prepared themselves to fight, and would by and by be upon them. That terror opened their minds, which before were closed against all their General's good counsel, and so he commanded the third Legion to make stand upon the 
“ or ridge.  causey of the Post-humian way: fast by it on the left hand stood the seventh surnamed Galbiana in a plain field: then the seventh called Claudiana having before it a 
* agrestis fossa.  common ditch for a kind of defence, as the place chanced to yield: on the right hand stood the eightth Legion in an open ground: then the thirteenth in a thicket somewhat disunited by reason of bushes and shrubs. In this sort stood the standards & ensigns of the Legions, but the soldiers were blended together, as it chanced in the dark. The band of Praetorians stood next to the third Legion, the Auxiliary cohorts were placed in the wings, and the horsemen guarded the flanks, and rearward: Sido and Italicus the Suevians with the choice of their country men served in the forward. On the other side, the Vitellian army, whose best course doubtless had been to have taken some rest at Cremona, and refreshed themselves with food and sleep, and so the next day to have given the onset upon their enemies, starved with hunger and cold, for lack of a leader and want of direction, about the third hour of the night dashed themselves upon the Flavian army, who stood now in array strongly prepared to receive them. The order and standing of the Vitellian army I dare not for certain avouch, being doubtless disordered through anger and darkness. Some affirm that the fourth Legion called Macedonica stood 
* in dextro cornu.  in the right wing: the fift & fifteenth Legions, with certain companies out of three British Legions, the ninth, second, & twentieth filled up the middle battle; the left wing consisting of the tenth Legion, the two & twentieth & the first: the soldiers of Rapax and Italica dispersed themselves thorough out all: the horsemen and Aides chose their own standing. The fight continued all night very doubtful & cruel, with great mortality sometime on the one side, & sometime on the other: courage or strength availed little in the dark, where the eye could not discern a friend from an enemy. On both sides was the same kind of armour & weapons: by many mutual questions each knew others watchword: the banners also were mingled together, as it happened a band to take any from the enemy and carry them to and fro. The seventh Legion lately levied by Galba was pressed most hardly: six of her principal Centurions were slain, and some ensigns taken away, the standard itself was hardly defended by Attilius Verus the chief Centurion; who with great slaughter of the enemy, and his own death in the end, notwithstanding saved his charge. The Flavianists thus going to the worse, Antonius reinforced & strengthened the battle by sending for the Praetorian soldiers, who assoon as they undertook the fight repulsed the enemy at the first, and anon were repulsed themselves. For the Vitellianists had brought their engines of war, which before were dispersed and discharged against bushes and trees, without any hurt to the enemy, and placed them upon the causey of the high way to have an open passage and free scope to shoot out; among the rest a 
a Balista, saith Veg●tius li. 4. c. 22, ●●●nibus nervin●●●hordisque tendi●●●, quae qu●●● proli●io ●a brach●●● tha●●●●, ●ani● spicula l●ngiùs ●●n●●tti●, & si juxta arte●● m●chanicam temperour, & 〈◊〉 ex●r●●ta●● 〈…〉 ●ui mensur●m 〈◊〉 v●tecolleg●●nt, 〈◊〉 pene●●● q●●d●●que pere●ss●●●●●. 〈◊〉 the fall of 〈◊〉 Balista drew with it a great part of the wall of the camp at Cr●●●●●  Balista of a wonderful greatness, belonging to the sixteenth Legion, shooting out huge and mighty stones galled them sore, and had made a far greater havoc amongst them, had not two soldiers undertaken an honourable exploit, and taking up targets among the dead bodies gone unknown, and cut the cords and weights of the engine: whereupon they were by and by cut in pieces, and so their names are not known; of the fact there is no question. Now the battle continued doubtful, and fortune indifferent to both sides, till at far in the night the moon rose and discoveted the armies, though in deceitful sort, and more in favour of the Flavian side, because she was at their backs: by means whereof both the shadows of the men and horses stretched along toward the enemies, and so the arrows and darts of the Vitellianists, being falsely bestowed upon shadows, fell short of the bodies; whereas contrarily by reason of the moon shining against them, the Vitellian soldiers were easily hit unawares with the blows of the other, discharging as it were out of covert. Antonius assoon as he could discern his own company, and be likewise discerned of them, began to inflame them severally, some with shame and rebuke, others with praise and encouragements, all with hope and large promises; demanding of the Pannonian Legions for what purpose they had now resumed arms? if to wipe away the blot of their late ignominy, here was the field where they might reintegrate themselves in their honour again Then turning to the Moesian soldiers he challenged them as authors and beginners of the war, adding that in vain they ha● dared the Vitellianists with words and threats, if now they durst not abide their hands and looks. And after this and the like sort he spoke to all whom he met: but most at large to those of the third Legion, putting them in remembrance both of their late and ancient victories; how under the conduct of Marcus Antonius they had overthrown the Parthians, under Corbulo the Armenians, and of late the Sarmatians, then directing his speech to the Praetorians in great anger: As for you disgraded soldiers (quoth he) it you win not here, what other general, or what other camp shall receive you? Yonder lo, there be your ensigns and weapons, and present death if you lose, for you have spent already your shame. Great crying and noise there was on every side, when as the third Legion, as the manner in Syria is, with a great shout saluted the sun rising: upon which accident, or by the General's policy, a general rumour was spread thorough the host, that Mutianus was come, and the armies had met and saluted each other. Whereupon as supplied with new forces, they pressed forward and gave a fresh onset, the Vitellian ranks growing now thinner, as being without all direction, and banding together or disbanding as their own courage or fear did induce them. When Antonius felt them weak in the shock, and yielding under his hand, with a company firmly compacted he charged and disordered them. The ranks once loosed brake, & could not be reunited by reason of the carriages and engines, which hindered the matter. The conquerors hotly pursuing the chase dispersed themselves along the high way. The slaughter was the more famous, because in the same it happened the son to kill his own father: the thing and the names of the persons I will set down, as Vipsanius Messalla hath reported it. julius Mansuetus borne in Spain, and called to serve in the Legion surnamed Rapax, left a son at home under years, who growing afterward to man's state, and being enroled by Galba into the seventh Legion, by mere misfortune here met and encountered with his own father; and having wounded him deadly, going about to rifle him, came into knowledge of him, & was likewise known by him again. Whereupon embracing the corpse, which now was without sense or life, with tears & lamentable voice he be sought his father's ghost, not to impute this impiety unto him, nor abhor and detest him as a parricide: that it was the public act of the cause: and what a small portion was one soldier of these civil wars? And withal he took up the body, made a pit in the ground, and performed his last duty toward his father. This was perceived by them which were next, and then by more also: in the end the fame of this strange chance went thorough the whole army, & much complaining there was, & detestation of so cruel, and wicked a war: and yet they continued nothing the less to kill and to spoil both kinsmen and friends, and even their brethren also. they talk what a wicked fact was committed, and in the mean time commit it themselves. Whenas they came to Cremona, there appeared a new and no small piece of work yet behind. For in the war against Otho the Germane soldiers had cast their camp about the walls of Cremona, & about their camp rampires & trenches, which they had now lately augmented. At the sight whereof the Flavianists were at a stop, the General's being doubtful what to appoint. to begin the assault the army being tired with the travail both of the day & the night, were a difficult matter, & having no place of retiring at hand dangerous too: to return to Bebriacum were intolerable pain, the way being so long, & beside, all they had done would be lost, and the victory made void: to sit down & entrench, that also were a thing full of danger, & to be feared, lest the enemies being so near should sally out, & breed some disorder as they were dispersed, & busy at their work. But above all these respects the Generals stood in most fear of their own soldiers, who would sooner abide any danger, than any delay: all that tended to safety was unsavoury; in precipitation was their hope; the greedy desire of the spoil made all kill, wounding, shedding their blood to be matters of nothing. To this resolution therefore Antonius finally inclining, commanded to environ the trenches with soldiers round about. And first they fought aloof with arrows & stones on both sides, but with disadvantage to the Flavian part, upon whom the enemy discharged from above: then approaching nearer he distributed to the Legions the trenches & gates, appointing to each their several quarter, to the end the labour being thus divided, the difference between the valiant & the coward might be perceived, & mutual emulation of honour should excite them to virtue. The third & 
a Galbiana.  seventh Legion were assigned the quarter next to the way, which leads from Bebriacum: the eightth & seventh surnamed Claudiana took up the trenches on the right hand: the thirteenth was carried with a fury to the gate toward Brescia. After this they paused a while, till they had fetched out of the fields thereabout, some of them 
b ligones.  spades & 
c dolabrae.  axes, some others 
d Falces. Vegetitius lib. 4. c. 14. Falx, trabs ad●●nco praefixa ferro, ut de mu●o extrahat lapides. but here perchance it was but some common hook.  hooks & ladders. Then with a strong target fence over their heads they came under the walls, & were received by those that understood that kind of service, as having benetrained up in the same school, who rolled down huge stones upon it, & forced the frame to stagger & fleet, them followed & searched into it with javelins & spears, till the connexion of targets being dissolved & broken, they slew or maimed the men. Upon so great slaughter the Flavianists were almost at a stay, had not the captains perceiving the soldiers to be tired, and all other encouragements prevail but a little, showed unto them the town of Cremona, as the price of their victory. Whether this was Hormus devise, as Messalla reporteth, or Caius Plinius be rather to be believed, who casteth the fault upon Antonius, I cannot easily determine; this only, that whether Antonius or Hormus were author of this most bad part, it was not unsuitable to neither of their former infamous lives, & behaviours. But hereupon no danger of limb or life could stay the Flavian soldiers, from breaking down the trenches, & beating open the gates, even with their shoulders; and some climbing up by a double target fence took hold on their enemy's weapons, & caught them by the arms: so the wounded & not wounded, the half dead & dying, came down tumbling together, and perished some after one fashion, and some after another, representing all diversities of deaths. The seventh & third Legion fought most bravely, & gave the sharpest assault, & Antonius the General himself, with the choose men of the Auxiliary soldiers, had bended his forces that way. The Vitellianists perceiving themselves not able to sustain any longer the force, & fury of men so obstinately bend, & that whatsoever they cast down upon them slid away upon the target fence, without doing any harm, resolved to roll down at the last a great 
* balista.  engine upon them as they approached: which indeed for the present overwhelmed those that were under, but withal in falling it drew the battlements with it, & uppermost part of the rampire: & at the same time a tower adjoining being battered with stones fell down. At which breach as the seventh Legion assayed to enter, in a pointed battle, the third Legion in the mean season broke down the gate with their swords and axes. It is agreed upon by all writers, that the first man which entered the trench was Caius Volusius, a soldier of the third Legion, who presently going to the rampire tumbled down all that resisted, and advancing himself in sight proclaimed the camp was taken: and as the Vitellianists were now beginning to faint, and leap down from the rampire, the rest broke in. All the space between the trenches and the town was filled with dead bodies. And there again appeared a new work, and another labour: the walls of the city were high, the towers all of stone, the bars of the gates of iron, the soldier ready with weapon in hand on the walls, the townsmen many and sure to Vitellius; beside a great number of strangers assembled out of all places of Italy thither, by occasion of a fair usually holden there at that time. But that as it was a help to the defendants in respect of the multitude, so was it a provocation to the assailants in respect of the spoil. Antonius commanded to take fire and burn certain most goodly buildings, standing without the walls, if peradventure the townsmen upon the loss of their substance would be induced to yield. The houses that were near to the walls, and exceeded them in height, he replenished with the valiantest soldiers he had; who with blocks of timber, & tiles, & firebrands, bet away the defendants from the walls: by this time also, the Legions had cast themselves into a target fence, & others shot stones, & arrows against them on the walls. Then the Vitellianists hearts began by little and little to fail them, and every man as he was first in degree was likewise the first to yield unto fortune, lest if Cremona also should be taken there would be no hope of pardon remaining, the whole wrath of the winners being like to turn not upon the poor and beggarly soldier, but upon the Tribunes and Centurions, by whose death some gain might be gotten: contrarily the common soldier not searching into sequels, and in less danger by reason of his baseness, persisted still for Vitellius: and wandering in the streets, or hiding themselves in houses would not sue for peace, even then whenas they had left off to make war. So the principal men of degree in the army razed Vitellius name, and defaced his images, and losing Caecina, who then was in bands, desired him to become intercessor in their behalf. As he made dainty to do it, and bore himself proudly against them, they besought him instantly even with tears (a misery of all miseries, so many valiant men to implore the aid of a disdainful traitor) and then hung out over the walls their 
* Velamenta & infulat.  sacred veles and infules, in sign of submission. Whereupon Antonius commanding his men to surcease all hostility, they brought out their ensigns and standards: the Vitellian Legions followed; a heavy company, unarmed, and casting their eyes to the ground. the Flavianists closed about them, and first outraged them in speeches, and seemed to threaten violence unto them: but when they saw them not moved thereat, but patiently to endure all indignities, according to the circumstance of their present fortune, they began to call to remembrance, that even those were the self-same men, that had a little before at Bebriacum used their victory moderately. But when Caecina came forth as a Consul in his robes, with his sergeants before him making way thorough the press, the conquering soldiers lost all manner of patience, objecting unto him his pride, and his cruelty; yea and his treason too: so hateful are vices even where they are profitable. But Antonius interposed himself, and sent him safely guarded away to Vespasian. In the mean season the people of the town, among so many armed men, were greatly annoyed, and they scaped nearly of a general massacre, had not the captains entreated, & somewhat appeased the soldiers wrath. Antonius calling a full assembly made a solemn oration, speaking in glorious terms to the soldiers of his own side, & in courteous to those of the other, concerning Cremona ambiguously. The army was doubtless earnestly bend to the destruction and sack of the city, beside a natural desire of spoil, upon an old conceived displeasure against them: for in the war of Otho also they were thought to have bestedde and helped Vitellius side; and afterwards the thirteenth Legion being left there to build an amphitheatre (as commonly these townsmen are naturally malapert) they had jested & scoffed at them many other circumstances made their case also the harder, as that Caecina had in that town exhibited his show of 
“ Gladiatores  fencers in honour of Vitellius victory: that it was chosen now the second time for the seatetowne of the war: that they had helped the Vitellian army with victuals: that some women were found slain, which for extreme love to the side had come out to the battle: and not least because the fair time had filled the town, being otherwise wealthy, with show of more wealth. And thus stood the soldiers for their part affected. As concerning the Commanders, the behaviours of the rest were not much marked: Antonius by reason of his fortune and his fame was principally eyed: who assoon as he entered the town went presently to the bath to wash of the blood, & finding it somewhat too cool, let fall a word which was quickly taken up, that ere long it would be made hotter. This base jest turned the whole blame upon him, as if he had given thereby a watchword to set Cremona on fire, which to say the truth was burning already. Forty thousand armed men were broken in, and of servants and followers of the camp both a greater number, and a great deal more disordered in all kind of licentious and cruel demeanour: neither age, nor honourable calling could warrant any from violence, but without respect of either they abused their bodies in villainous manner, and slew them indifferently. Aged men and old women, nought worth to be sold, they haled in a jollity for pastime and sport: if any maid of competent years, or beautiful youngman fell amongst them, in striving who should carry them away, they pulled them asunder & tore them in pieces; and thereupon growing in choler turned to kill one another. Whenas any had gotten and carried away for himself money, or the gold and jewels out of the temples, being met by a stronger, he left behind him both his life and his booty: some contemning that which they found ready and open, compelled the owners with torture and stripes, to confess and yield up their hidden riches, and treasures buried under the ground. The soldiers walked with firebrands in their hands, which assoon as they had emptied the goods, they hurled in a sport and wantonness into the void houses, and empty temples. And as in an army diverse in language and manners, compounded of Romans, confederates, and strangers, their lusts and desires were diverse, and something held lawful by one, something by another, and nothing unlawful to all. Four whole days Cremona ministered matter to sack and to burn: and all things beside both holy & profane being consumed into ashes, the temple of 
a The goddess of ill savours.  Mephitis without the walls remained untouched, either because it stood out of the way, or by reason of some divine virtue of the goddess. This end had the city of Cremona, two hundredth eighty & six years after the foundation. It was built in the 
b In the year of the City 536. and the first year of the second Punic war  year that Tiberius Sempronius & Publius Cornelius were Consuls, when Hannibal was about to come into Italy, for a bulwark against the Frenchmen beyond the Po, and if any other power should break in by the Alps. So by reason of the number of inhabitants, commodity of rivers, fertility of the soil annexed, & affinities contracted with other people, it grew up & flourished, in foreign wars untouched, unfortunate in civil. Antonius' ashamed of this foul act, which daily grew more & more odious, made proclamation, that no man should keep any citizen of Cremona as his lawful prisoner: and all Italy with one general consent refusing to buy any of them for slaves marred the soldiers market: who thereupon began to murder their prisoners. Which being once known, their friends & kinsfolks secretly came & ransomed them. In short time after the rest of the people returned to Cremona. The public places and temples were re-edified at the charges of the townsmen, and upon Vespasians special encouragement. For the present, the ground being infected with the noisomeness of the dead carcases, suffered not the Flavian army to dwell long upon the ruins of the razed city. So they removed three miles of, and there reduced the Vitellianists, being disbanded, and trembling for fear, every soldier under his colours, and anon afterward sent them away into Illyricum, lest during the time of the troubles they should fortune to work innovation. Into Britanny and Spain messengers were sent with the news of the success: and for a proof of their victory, into France they sent julius Calenus a Tribune, and into Germany Alpinus Montanus captain of a cohort, because Alpinus was of Triers, and Calenus an Aeduan, and both had followed Vitellius side: and withal they kept and fortified the passages of the Alps with garrisons, fearing the descent of the Germans that way in favour of Vitellius.   

VII. Fabius Valens setteth forward. Vitellius blockish behaviour. The death of Junius Bloesus.  
BUT Vitellius, having within few days after Caecinaes' departure set forth Fabius Valens also to the war, as if nothing else were now to be done, laid aside all care of affairs, and betook himself to his riotous life. He made no provision of armour, confirmed not the soldiers with comfortable speeches, or militare exercises; he conversed not in public in the face of the people (like those sluggish creatures, which if you supply with food lie carelessly stretched along) lurking in arbours and places of pleasure, he had cast of all memory alike, of past, present, and to come. Thus wallowing in sloth, and languishing in the groves of Aricia, the heavy news came unto him of the treason of Lucilius Bassus, and of the revolt of the navy at Ravenna: soon after the sorrowful tidings mixed with some joy concerning Caecina came, both that he had revolted, and that he was put in bands by the army. His blockish and dull disposition apprehended more the joy then the care, insomuch that with great triumph he made his return unto the city, and there in a solemn assembly commended, and highly extolled the dutiful affection of the soldiers. Then he commanded Publius Sabinus captain of the Guard, because he was inward with Caecina, to be committed, substituting Alphenus Varus in his room: immediately going to the Senate he made there a stately and magnifical oration unto them, and was requited of them again with all kinds of exquisite flatteries. Then proceeded a heavy sentence against Caecina, 
a In amplifying the great bountifulness of Vitellius, toward a man in all respects so unworthy as Caecina, they uttered indeed their own grief, that so lewd a person should be so highly preferred, and yet seemed to complain in Vitellius behalf.  pronounced first by Lucius Vitellius, and so by the rest of the Senate in order: who as in the Prince's behalf uttering their own grief aggravated his fact with terms of affected indignation, That a Consul should betray the common wealth, a General his sovereign lord, and a man so greatly advanced in riches and honour his sole advancer and maker; without any touch at all or injurious speech against any of the Flavian captains, but only blaming the error, and oversight of the armies: and for Vespasians proceed, with great caution touching that string, and always sparing his name. Then Roscius Regulus presented petition, and by humble suit obtained, a ridiculous thing both to give and to take, the Consulship for one only day which remained behind of Caecinaes' time, and so the last day of October he entered and resigned his office. It was observed by men skilful that way, that never before was there any such substitution seen, but either upon error in the creation, or an express law for that purpose enacted. For 
b Of whom that jest of Tully is remembered: Quàm vigilan ●em habemus consulem, qui toto consulatus sui tempore sommum oculis non vidit.  Caninius Rebilus had likewise been Consul for one day alone, at the time when Caius Caesar was dictator, 
“ Or, who being beholding to many, had many to pleasure.  and the service of many in the civil war required much speed in rewarding. About the same time the death of junius Bloesus was openly known and much talked of abroad: the circumstances whereof, as we have received them are these. Vitellius lying sick of a grievous disease in the Seruilian gardens, chanced to espy in a turret not far of many lights burning in the night season, and demanding the cause, they about him made answer, that in Caecina Tuscus house there was a solemn feast, & much company met, whereof junius Bloesus was the principal guest; amplifying the sumptuousness of the entertainment, & the mirth, & the wanton solacing themselves, and such other matters far above truth: yea and some stuck not directly to accuse Tuscus himself and others; but aggravated most against Bloesus, that had so good leisure and lust in the Prince's sickness, to banquet and pass the time so merrily away. When they found Vitellius humour once sharpened, and it was clear to them, that see deeply into Prince's dislikes, that Bloesus might be overthrown, the promoting and prosecuting against him was committed to Lucius Vitellius: who upon a sinister emulation malicing Bloesus (because he was so famous a man, and himself by desert so infamous) entered into the emperors chamber, and taking his little son in his arms fell down at his feet. When his brother demanded the cause of this his confusion, I come not (quoth he) for any fear or care of mine own, but my humble suit is, & these tears are shed in your own behalf, and your children's. In vain do we stand in fear of Vespasian, whom so many Legions as we have of our side, so many provinces of valour and trust, and so great and infinite distance by sea and land doth withhold and keep of: we had more need to take heed of an enemy at home in our bosom, who vaunts of the 
a By reason of both which names he might claim to be lineally descended of Octavia, sister to Augustus Caesar, as by their pedigree it may appear.  Junii and 
a By reason of both which names he might claim to be lineally descended of Octavia, sister to Augustus Caesar, as by their pedigree it may appear.  Antoniuses for his progenitors, and maketh all demonstrations of courtesy and bountifulness toward the soldiers, as one descended of the imperial blood: that way all men's minds begin now to bend, whilst your majesty in the mean time, careless of the estate both of your friends & foes, nourisheth a concurrent, that taketh delight, out of his banqueting house to behold his Prince's sickness & griefs. Vouchsafe, I beseech you, for his unseasonable mirth, to render him a sad & sorrowful night, whereby he may both know and feel, that Vitellius liveth and ruleth, and if aught should befall him but good, hath a son to leave in his place. Vitellius standing in dread between the fear of differing, and the open avowing so wicked a fact, lest the one might breed his destruction, the other procure great envy and slander, finally resolved to attempt it by poison: the suspicion whereof was strongly confirmed, by his going in great joy to visit Bloesus as he lay a dying; and moreover a most savage speech of his was overheard, wherein he vaunted (for I will report his own very words) that he had fed his eyes in beholding his enemy's death. Bloesus besides his honourable birth and courtly conditions, was loyal and fast to Vitellius. For before Vespasian put up, whenas matters were yet entire, being solicited by Caecina and the chieffest of the side, who began now to wax weary of Vitellius, he stiffly resisted; a man of upright conversation, not turbulent, not desirous of hasty rising, and so far from ambitious aspiring to the Empire, that in many men's opinions he was esteemed not unworthy of it.   

VIII. The proceed of Fabius Valens, and his taking.  
IN the mean season Fabius Valens marching forward, more slowly than was convenient in going to war, with a great and effeminate train of concubines and eunuchs, was advertised in post of the treason of Lucilius Bassus, with the loss of the navy at Ravenna: and if he had followed with expedition his purposed journey, he might either have prevented Caecinaes' falling away, or overtaken the Legions before the battle was given. And some persuaded him to take a few of his trustiest friends, and so avoiding Ravenna by secret by-ways to go in all speed to Hostilia, or Cremona: others were of opinion to send for the Praetorian cohorts out of the city, and so by strong hand to make passage. But Valens using delay, to the great hurt of the cause, spent the times of action in consultation: and then rejecting both the advises, and taking a middle course, which in cases of danger and doubt of all is the worst, he neither was venturous enough with the one, nor provident enough with the other, but only wrote letters to Vitellius for some supply. Whereupon 
a Of Praetorians it should seem: and yet p. 134. we find 14 more Praetorian, and there were but 16. in all. 2. Hist. p. 104.  three cohorts were sent with the British wing, a number neither fit to pass secret withal, nor sufficient to break thorough by force. But Valens even then, amidst so great danger, abstained not from his old untemperate living; but was defamed, and noted to take by force his lewd pleasures, and pollute his host's houses, wheresoever he came, with adulteries and other unlawful lusts: he had both might and money, great means to induce; and the last lusts of fortune beginning to fall, now at the farewell showed themselves most outrageous. When the horsemen and footmen were come, than appeared the weakness and fault of that counsel. For neither could he with so small a company, though they had been most trusty, pass thorough the enemies, neither yet were they fast and trusty indeed: but for a while shame, and the reverence of their General being present, restrained them, bonds of no long continuance with men greedy of dangers, and careless of credit: upon fear whereof Valens sending the cohorts before to Ariminum, and appointing the wing to guard them behind, with a few in his company, whom adversity had not altered, turned aside into Vmbria, and from thence into Etruria. Where understanding the event of the battle at Cremona, he entered into a notable determination, and if it had succeeded, of great consequence; To betake himself to the sea, and setting on land in some part of the province of Narbon, to raise France and the nations of Germany, and so stir up a new war. Assoon as Valens was gone, Cornelius Fuscus came with an army upon them at Ariminum, and bestowing his ships not far from the town forced the soldiers for fear to yield, and made himself master of the plain of Vmbria, and the country of Picenum all along the seaside: and so all Italy on the one side of the Apennine mountains was under the subjection of Vespasian, and on the other side under Vitellius. Valens having embarked himself in the bay of Pisa was driven by the violence of the sea, or contrary winds, into the port of Hercules Monoecus. Not far from thence Marcus Maturus procurator of the sea Alps remained, a man very faithful and constant in Vitellius cause, notwithstanding all thereabout had declared themselves for the contrary side; who entertaining Valens with all kind of courtesy, and warning him, not rashly to enter into the province of Narbon, with this admonition struck a terror into his mind, and withal the rest of the company began to faint for fear, and stagger in their allegiance. For Valerius Paulinus a 
a Belike in Gallia Narbonensi.  procurator, a valiant soldier, and a friend of Vespasians before his advancement, had sworn the cities round about unto him, and gathering all those, which being 
b Mont, as I take it, of Othoes' old Praetorian soldiers only other dismissed by Vitellius I find not: & mention is made by & by expressly of the Praetorians  dismissed by Vitellius of their own accord resumed arms, kept the colony of Forum julij, being the key of the sea, with a garrison: his dealing therein carrying the more credit, because he was borne in that town, and was highly esteemed among the Praetorian soldiers, whose Tribune sometimes he had been; and the townsmen also upon favour to their cuntreyman, and hope of greatness hereafter, endeavoured to further the side. This strong preparation being reported in the amplest sort to the Vitellianists, who already were wavering in mind, Fabius Valens retired in all speed to the ships, accompanied only with four 
“ Spiculatores  Spearemen, three of his friends, and as many Centurions: Maturus and the rest were at their liberty to stay behind, if it liked them, and swear to Vespasian. But as the sea was safer to Valens then the shore, or towns, so floating thereon unresolved, and seeing rather what to shun then what to follow, he was at the length by contrary weather cast upon the Stoechades islands, upon the coast of Marseils; from whence Paulinus sending out of his ships fetched him in.   

IX. The estate of the provinces abroad upon the troubles in Jtalie.  
AS SOON as Valens was taken, all the provinces turned themselves to Vespasians side, the matter beginning in Spain at the first Legion surnamed Adiutrix; which upon the memory of Otho was enemy to Vitellius, and drew with it the tenth and sixth Legion also. Neither did the provinces of France make any stay. And for Britanny, the great favour and reputation in warlike affairs, that Vespasian had gotten being Lieutenant there of the second Legion under Claudius, did easily win that Legion unto him, albeit not without some stir of the rest, whereof many Centurions and soldiers, who had been advanced by Vitellius, were unwilling to change the Prince, whom they had proved already. By means of which dissension and continual rumours of civil wars, the Britan's took heart and rebelled, through the procurement 
a è Iugan●●n civitate. 12. An nalium.  of Venusius; who beside a natural fierceness of courage, and hatred of the Roman name, was incensed particularly, by a private unkindness between him and the queen Carthismandua. Carthismandua was queen of the brigants, of high and noble lineage, who upon the delivery of king Caratacus, whom she took by 
b ●2. Annal. p. 432.  fraud, and sent to furnish and set out the triumph of Claudius, wan favour with the Romans, and greatly increased her strength: whereupon ensued wealth, and of wealth and prosperity riotous and incontinent life: insomuch that casting off Venusius, who was her husband, she joined herself in marriage with Vellocatus his harnish bearer, and crowned him king: which fact was the overthrow immediately of her house. The good will of the country went generally upon the lawful husband: but the queen's untemperate affections were peremptory and violent in maintaining her minion. Whereupon Venusius by the help of his other friends, and the revolt of the brigants, made war upon Carthismandua, and brought her into great extremities: then praying aid at our hands, our cohortes and wings were sent to defend her, which after sundry skirmishes with diverse event, delivered her person out of peril, but the kingdom remained to Venusius, and the war unto us. About the same time our affairs in Germany, through the insufficiency of our captains, and seditiousnesse of our Legions, foreign force assailing us, and our allies betraying us, were reduced to those desperate terms, that we stood in danger of losing the country: but that war together with the causes, and particular events thereof (for it continued long) I 
a lib. 4.  will hereafter declare. The Dacians also stirred, a nation never loving us, and as then, our army being withdrawn out of Moesia, not fearing us neither. When the first alterations and troubles began, they held themselves quiet, and looked but on: but whenas they perceived Italy to be all in arms, and between the sides every where open hostility, forcing the standing camps of the cohorts and wings, they put themselves in possession of both the banks of Danubius, and were now at the point to have razed the camps of the Legions, had not Mutianus, having knowledge before of the victory at Cremona, opposed the sixth Legion against them, lest two foreign powers should have broken in at one time, the Germans & Dacians, from two diverse coasts. As often heretofore, so now specially fortune was favourable to the Romans, bringing Mutianus with the power of the East to arrive there at that instant; and that in the mean time the matter was so dispatched at Cremona. Mutianus departing away left Fonteius Agrippa, who had been one year Proconsul of Asia, Lieutenant general in Moesia; assigning him sufficient forces out of the Vitellian Legions, whom it was thought a point both of policy and peace to disperse abroad in the provinces, and keep occupied in foreign war. Neither were other nations at quiet. In Pontus a barbarous bondman, which sometime had been Admiral of the king's navy, raised up a sudden war in the country: his name was Anicetus a freedman of the late king Polemo, sometime of great credit and power, and now since the kingdom was 
b In Nero's time.  reduced into a province displeased and grieved with the change. Whereupon having associated unto him in Vitellius name the nations that dwell upon Pontus, alluring the poor and neediest sort with hope of booty and spoil, he became in short time Commander of competent forces; with which he suddenly invaded and broke into Trapezus, a very ancient city built by the Grecians, in the uttermost borders of Pontus: where a cohort was slain, which in time past was in the service there of the king, but being afterward made citizens of Rome, had taken ensigns and armour after our manner, retaining the slothfulness and dissolute life of the Greeks' notwithstanding. He burned also the navy there, doing his pleasure on that sea, which as then was ungarded, by reason that Mutianus had given order for the best of the galleys, and all the soldiers to meet him at Byzantium: upon occasion whereof the barbarous people also of the country ranged abroad, and rob without fear of check or controlment; building them boats on the sudden, which they call 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo lib. 11.  Camerae, of narrow sides and broad bottoms, wrought and joined together without any brass or iron, and when the sea goeth high, as the waves rise they raise also the sides of the vessel with boards, until they close and cover it above like a house, and so the boats tumble up and down in the middle of the waves, having a prow alike on both sides, & ready to row either way without any danger, as it shall fall out for their purpose. These things moved Vespasian to assign unto those parts some Vexillary soldiers out of the Legions, and Virdius Geminus for captain, a man of good proof in service: who setting upon the enemies being in disarray, and dispersed in seeking of spoil, drove them to their boats, and then causing some galleys to be built in haste, pursued and overtook Anicetus in the mouth of the river Cohibus, being there under the protection of the king of the Sedochezi, whom he had won by money & gifts to undertake his defence. And indeed at first the king threatened to protect his suppliant with force of arms: but whenas he saw himself put to the choice, to accept either reward for yielding him, or war in defending him, as an unconstant and disloyal barbarian, upon composition he surrendered Anicetus to die, & delivered the fugitives, & so an end was made of that servile war. Vespasian being joyful upon the obtaining of this victory, all things succeeding unto him above his own wish, was certified soon after being in Egypt of the battle at Cremona, which caused him to make the more haste to Alexandria, that seeing Vitellius army was defeated and broken, he might press also with hunger the city of Rome, standing altogether upon foreign provision. For so likewise he made preparation to invade Africa, situate on the same coast, both by sea and land, meaning to cut off the two storehouses of corn from the enemy, and so procure famine, whereof consequently dissension would grow.   

X. Antonius Primus marcheth from Cremona to Fanum Fortunae. his taring with Mutianus.  
WHILST in these general alterations, thorough out the whole world, the state thus altered & passed, Antonius Primus leaving Cremona, left also his former care of well carrying himself, supposing the war to be at an end, and no difficulty in that which remained: or else peradventure prosperity, in a man of that disposition, discovered the secret and inward faults of his mind, as covetousness and pride, and other vices that were suppressed before. Italy he harried as a conquered country: the Legions with all kind of courtesy he sought to assure to himself: in sum by all speeches and deeds he made the way to his own greatness. And to give the soldier the more his own will, and leave him the bridle at large, of his mere motion he granted unto the Legions the choice of Centurions in their rooms that were slain: by which kind of election the busiest and troublesomest fellows were chosen; and generally the soldier was not governed by the direction of his captain, but the captain drawn by the violence of the soldier. After these points tending to faction and corrupting of discipline, he converted himself to the pray, nothing dreading Mutianus at hand, which was a more heinous offence, then to have contemned Vespasian himself. Nevertheless the army marched on, without carriages, because the winter was near, and the fields overflown with the Po. The ensigns and standards of the conquering Legions, and the aged or impotent soldiers, with many sound also, were left at Verona. It seemed sufficient, now the war was in so good a forwardness, to take only the cohorts and wings, and certain chosen men out of the Legions▪ unto this company the eleventh Legion also adjoined themselves, who at the first had made some delay, but seeing the good success of their fellows were sorry it was their ill hap to be absent: with it there came also six thousand Dalmatians newly levied. Poppaeus Silvanus was Lieutenant general: but the whole direction of matters rested in Annius Bassus Lieutenant of the Legion, who with great industry and quietness disposed of all that was to be done, and under colour of obedience governed Silvanus peaceably, being a man of no action in militare service, and trifling out the times of doing in talking. To this power were adjoined the best of the mariners at Ravenna requiring Legionary service, and in their rooms the Dalmatians were sent to serve at sea. At Fanum Fortunae the army and the leaders were at a stop, being in doubt concerning their principal purpose, because they had heard the Praetorian cohorts were already set forth out of Rome, and presumed that the passages of the Apennine hills were fortified and guarded against them. But that which caused most fear was want of provision, in a country wasted and consumed by war, and the seditious cries of the soldiers demanding 
* Clavarìum, a donative to buy them caligares clavi; as Calcearium in Suetonius Vespasiano. cap. 8. to buy them shoes.  Clavarium (which is the name of a donative) of them who had neither provided money nor corn: and the too much haste of the soldiers hindered greatly, whilst that which in due order might have been taken and served somewhile, was in a moment spoiled in snatching. It is reported by most credible writers, that among the winners there was such a contempt of common honesty, and such unnatural dealings against all laws human and divine, that a common soldier among the horsemen was not ashamed, openly to profess, that he had slain his own brother in the last battle, & to require recompense for the same at the captains hands: who neither willing to reward the fact in regard of common humanity, nor daring to punish it in respect of the nature of the present war, differred the matter, pretending that he had deserved much more, than they were presently able to give: how it was ended I find not recorded; notwithstanding in former civil wars I find the like to have happened. For in the battle fought against Cinna at janiculum, one of Pompey's soldiers slew his own brother, and when he saw what he had done, slew himself also, as Sisenna reporteth: so much have our ancestors exceeded us, not only in glory of their virtues, but in grief for their faults. These and the like drawn out of ancient history it shall not be amiss to remember, where the place and matter requires to set down either 
* exempla recti, aut solatia mali.  examples of that which is good, or comforts for that which is bad. Now Antonius and the Flavian captains being at Fanum, thought it expedient to send some horsemen before, and search all the coast of Vmbria, to find some easy and gentle passage over the Apennine: and withal they determined to send for the standards and ensigns, and all the soldiers that remained at Verona, and to replenish the Po and the sea with store of provision. There were of the Commanders which sought all means to delay: for Antonius was 
* nimius iam Antonius.  grown now too intolerable, and 
* certiora de Mutiano sperabantur.  better hope was conceived of Mutianus: who being inwardly vexed that the victory was so speedily gotten, and fearing unless he were present at the taking of Rome at the least, he should have no part neither of the war, nor the honour, wrote unto Primus and Varus ambiguously, sometime persuading to follow with instance, & sometime discoursing of the profitableness of delaying; framing his speech in such sort, that if things fell out ill, he would clearly disclaim them, if well, he might take them upon him: but to Plotius Griphus, whom Vespasian had lately made Senator and Lieutenant of a Legion, and the rest of his trusty friends he gave plain direction to stay till his coming: all which persons returned unto him a plausible answer, and greatly blamed the heady proceeding of Primus and Varus. Those letters Mutianus sent to Vespasian, and so procured that Antonius devices and doings were not accepted according to his expectation. Which thing Antonius took very impatiently, and imputed the fault thereof unto Mutianus, by whose calumniations he conceived his dangers had grown: neither did he forbear to use hard speeches against him, as a man of an intemperate tongue, and not accustomed to acknowledge any superior. He wrote also letters unto Vespasian in a more haughty and arrogant style, than beseemed a subject to his Prince, with secret glances and nips at Mutianus: That it was Antonius and no body else, who first put in arms the Legions of Pannonia, and brought them into the field: that by his procurement and working the captains of Moesia were first stirred up to the war: by his resoluteness the Alps were passed, Italy possessed, and the aid of the Rhoetians and Germane nations cut of: then, that Vitellius Legions being at discord and dispersed the vantage was spied, and they overthrown first by a furious charge of horsemen, afterward by a power of footmen for a whole day & a night together; that was indeed the bravest point of the service, and his only doing: as for the mishap of Cremona, it was a mischance of war; and that the deciding of other civil dissensions in former ages had cost the common wealth much dearer, even the subversion of many great towns. that he served his Prince not with sending of messages and writing of letters, but with his person and weapon in hand: neither did he envy or hinder their glory, that in the mean time had quieted Moesia: they regarded the peace of Moesia, and he the conservation and safety of Italy. by his persuasions France and Spain, the most puissant parts of the Empire, were joined to the side: but all his pains and travail were in vain, if they alone should reap the rewards, which had no part in the peril. Mutianus was advertised of all this proceeding, and there upon ensued great enmity, which Antonius prosecuted simply and soldier like, but Mutianus closely, and therefore the more irreconcilably.   

XI. Vitellius proceed and behaviour after the loss at Cremona. The revolt of the navy at Misenum.  
BUT Vitellius having received so great a blow at Cremona, concealing the news, and foolishly dissembling the matter, differred the remedies of his evils, not the evils themselves. For if he would have plainly confessed it, and taken advise thereupon, he had both hope and strength enough and too much remaining: but whenas contrarily he feigned that all went on his side, by that untruth he marred his own case, and cut of from himself all means of recovery. In his presence there was no mention of war, but a wonderful silence that way: in the city all speeches of it were forbidden, which caused the more: and they, which if it had been lawful would have talked nothing but truth, being restrained gave out much more than it was. The captains also of the Flavian side helped to increase the fame, carrying Vitellius spies, as they chanced to take them, round about the camp, to see and view the strength of their victorious army, and so dismissing them back to their master. All which at their return Vitellius, after secret examination had, commanded to be made away. But above all other the 
a Suetonius Othone. c. 10. Xiphilinus. p. 205. and after him Zonaras, reporteth this in the story of Otho, in the former war, with some small difference of circumstances.  constancy and resoluteness of the Centurion julius Agrestis was most notable; who after much speech tending to incite Vitellius to virtue in vain, at the length obtained that himself might be sent to view the forces of the enemy, and see what had passed at Cremona. For the performing whereof he sought no corners, but addressed himself directly to Antonius, and openly professing what charge he had from his Prince, and what was his intent, he required he might be permitted to take a perfect survey of all things. so some were sent with him, which showed him the place where the battle was fought, the ruins of Cremona, the conquered Legions. Agrestis went home again, and making relation, whenas Vitellius would not believe his report, but charged him with untruth, and further that he was hired thereto: Seeing then (quoth Agrestis) no mean proof will serve, and neither my life nor my death can now stand you in any other steed, I will give you an assurance which you may believe; and so departing from him, he sealed his sayings voluntarily with his blood. Some writ that he was slain by Vitellius commandment, but of his fidelity and constancy they report the same. Now Vitellius being as it were awaked out of sleep, commanded julius Priscus and Alphenus Varus with fourteen Praetorian cohorts, and all the wings of the horsemen to keep the straights of the Apennine. after them followed a Legion of Seamen; a power both for number and goodness of men and horses sufficient (if another had been General) to make war offensive, not only to stand upon their defence. The rest of the cohorts were committed to Lucius Vitellius his brother to guard the city withal. Himself abating nothing of his wont riot, and hasty through distrust, huddled up the election of officers, wherein he declared Consuls for 
a Suetonius Vitellio. c. 11. comitia in decem annos ordina vit seque perpetuum, consulem.  many years to come. Moreover new treaties and more gracious were concluded with our allies, and the right of Latium conferred upon strangers. To some he released their tributes, to others he granted immunities, without all care of posterity mangling and maiming the Empire. But the common sort accepted these favours that seemed so great, and the foolishest bought them with money, which wise men accounted but void, being such as could neither be given nor taken with the safety of the state. At the last through the instant request of his army lying in Mevania, with a great train of Senators assumed, partly upon suit and most upon fear, he repaired to the camp irresolute of himself, and obnoxious to unfaithful counsels. As he was speaking to his soldiers in public assembly, it fell out so many unlucky birds to fly over his head (a monstrous matter) that the day was overcast, as it were with a black cloud: and another no less ominous and of evil presage, that a bull which was appointed to be sacrificed, broke away from the altars, overturned the furniture of the ceremony, and was knocked down far of from the accustomed place. But the greatest monster was Vitellius himself, a Prince without skill in the profession of arms, and devoid of direction and counsel, demanding eftsoons of others in what order to march, what diligence was requisite in making discoveries, what mean was to be observed in urging, or delaying the war, and upon every flying report apparently fearful in countenance, and trembling in gate, and beside all this most commonly drunken. At the length growing weary of the camp, and understanding of the revolt of the navy at Misenum, he returned to Rome, ever fearing most the blow that came last, and careless in the mean time of the main chance. For whereas it had been a course most clear in reason, and evident in sight, to have passed the Apennine with his army, which then was in heart and strength, and so to have assailed the enemies almost consumed with hunger and cold, he on the other side fell to 
a Taking some with him to Rome, but principally in that he sent away with his brother, as appeareth anon, six cohorts & five hundredth horse into Campania out of this army.  dispersing his forces, and so abandoned his best and faithfullest soldiers, whom he left thereby to the enemy's mercy, and delivered them as it were into their hands; contrary to the opinion of the most expert Centurions, who disliked greatly the disuniting, and if their advise had been asked, would have told plainly their mind: but Vitellius inwardest friends hindered them from access, the Prince's ears being so framed, that he accounted all sharp that was wholesome, & liked of nothing but that which was presently pleasant, and afterwards hurtful. But the navy at Misenum (so much the audaciousness even of one single man in civil dissensions may work) was brought to revolt by the means of Claudius Faventinus, a Centurion ignominiously cassed by Galba, who counterfeiting letters from Vespasian, with hope of reward induced them to change their allegiance. The Admiral thereof was Claudius Apollinaris, a man that neither constantly kept his fidelity, nor stoutly maintained his treason: and Apinius Tiro, who had been Praetor, and was then by chance at Minturnae, offered himself for a head to them which revolted; by whose means the colonies and free towns were drawn to the side, the Puteolani showing themselves most forward that way. But Capua on the other side, persisted firm to Vitellius: whereupon there passed, under colour of the public cause, much private choler between the two towns. To the pacification of these troubles Vitellius chose out Claudius julianus (who had lately been Admiral of the navy at Misenum, and governed himself in that charge with great mildness) as the meetest man to appease the soldiers minds; assigning unto him a power of one cittie-cohort, and the 
“ Gladiatores  fencers which were under his charge. Assoon as the camps approached the one to the other, julianus without any great stay turned to Vespasians side, and so jointly they took Tarracian, a place of great strength in regard of the walls and situation, if the men within had been faithful and good. Upon knowledge whereof Vitellius leaving part of his forces at Narnia, with the captains of his Guard, sent his brother Lucius Vitellius away with six cohorts and five hundredth horse, to manage the war of Campania. Himself being greatly perplexed in mind was yet somewhat revived with the earnest goodwill of the soldiers, and clamours of the town people requiring armour and weapons; whom being nought else but a cowardly company, whose boldness never went beyond words, he called by the false title of armies and Legions. At the persuasion of his freedmen (for of his friends the greatest men were least trusty) he commanded the tribes to be called, and swore them which gave in their names: too many presenting themselves, he divided the charge of the muster between the two Consuls, and assessed the Senators at a certain number of bondmen, and quantity of silver. The Gentlemen of Rome made offer both of their service and money, even the Libertini requiring of their own motion they might be admitted to do also the like. This counterfeit forwardness made the offices, that were done for fear, be thought to proceed of goodwill. And indeed many pitied not so much the man, as the place he sustained: & Vitellius himself ceased not by his countenance, speech & tears to provoke compassion and pity, promising largely, & (as the nature is of men in great fear) without measure. Moreover he took then upon him (which he had refused before) the style of 
a Suetonius Vitellio cap. 8. seemeth to say otherwise. cognomen Germanici delatum ab universis cupidè recepit, Augusti distulit, Caesaris in perpetuum recusavit.  Caesar, upon some superstitious conceit of the name, and because in a time of fear, the counsels of wise men, and prattle of the people are heard & respected alike. But as all actions entered into upon heat without consideration are strongest in the beginning, and afterward fade and decay, so here the Senators began by little and little to shrink, and the Gentlemen likewise; at the first with some respect and in Vitellius absence, but afterward more openly, being afraid and pensive for the danger which was like to ensue; till in the end Vitellius seeing the attempt not feasible, for shame was contented, not to demand that he could not obtain.   

XII. The Flavianists pass over the Apennine. the Vitellianists at Narnia yield themselves. the death of Fabius Valens.  
AS the possessing of Mevania by the Vitellianists had wrought great terror in Italy, seeing another war as it were sprung up a fresh by that means, so of the contrary side the departure of Vitellius in so fearful manner procured great credit, and good to the Flavian cause. For presently thereupon the Samnites, and Peligni, and Marsi revolted; and upon emulation that Campania had prevented them, to recompense their slackness, as men newly come to a new master, showed extreme diligence in furthering the service. But in passing the Apennine the army by the foulness of the winter weather was greatly distressed, and marching with all liberty and quietness could hardly wrestle out of the snow, so that it was clear to be seen, what danger they must needs have sustained, if fortune, to which the Flavian captains were more often beholding, then to their good guiding and skill, had not turned Vitellius back home again. In the mountains Petilius Cerealis met them, who in clownish apparel through knowledge of the country had escaped Vitellius hands. Cerealis was of near affinity with Vespasian, & of some name for matters of war, and therefore was assumed among the Leaders. Many writ that Flavius Sabinus and Domitian might also have easily escaped, and certain it is, that diverse messengers sent by Antonius by sundry cunning sleights came to their speech, pointing the place, and offering them means for their safety: but Sabinus alleged that his crazy body was not to undertake a matter of that pains, and such an audacious attempt. Domitian would gladly have ventured, but he feared the keepers whom Vitellius had set about him, although they offered to accompany him in his escape, lest peradventure it had been a snare to entrap him: and indeed Vitellius himself, in regard of his own kinsfolks, intended no cruelty against Domitian. When the Flavian captains were come to Carsula, they stayed there a few days to repose their army, till their Legionary power should overtake them: and the place of the camp in itself was delightful, with a large goodly prospect, and very safe for the provision of victuals, having so many of the wealthiest cities, as it were store houses behind them. And beside they were in some hope that the Vitellianists, which were not distant above ten miles, would fall to some parley, and so from a parley to a revolt: which thing the soldiers could not abide to hear of, but desired an end rather by conquest, then by peace: even their own Legions they were unwilling to stay for, loath to have more fellows in the spoil, when they needed none in the danger. But Antonius calling them publicly together, showed unto them, that Vitellius had yet some forces remaining, wavering perhaps and unconstant if they might have time to consult, but of fierce stomach if they were driven to despair: that the beginnings of civil wars were to be permitted to fortunes deciding, but the accomplishment of the victory was to be governed by reason and wisdom: that the navy of Misenum, and the most flourishing country of Campania were already revolted, and there remained nothing of all the world unto Vitellius, save only so much as lay between Tarracina and Narnia: and surely they had won honour sufficient in the battle at Cremona, and blame too much by destroying the town. therefore they should not now desire to take Rome, but rather to save it: their reward would be greater, and their glory most great, if they wrought the safety of the Senate and people of Rome without bloodshed. With these and other like speeches their minds were mollified, and soon after the Legions came. The Vitellian cohortes terrified with the same of the army so much increased, began to waver, no man animating them to the war, but many to revolt, who desired to make a present of their bands and cornets unto the conqueror, to purchase favour hereafter; and gave also advertisement, that fast thereby at Interamna was a garrison of four hundredth horse. Whereupon immediately Varus was dispatched with a band of men lightly appointed, and slew some few that made resistance: but the most part laid down their weapons, and yielded themselves to his mercy: some fled to the camp at Narnia, and filled all there full of fear and terror, extolling above truth the forces and valour of the enemies, to diminish their own dishonour in losing their fort. Neither was there any punishment for offences among the Vitellianists; on the other side the rewards were apparent of those that revolted: so that from thence forth the contention was, who should be most traitor, and daily some of the Tribunes and Centurions fled to the enemy: for the common soldier was obstinately bend for Vitellius, until Priscus and Alphenus generals forsaking the camp upon fear, and returning to Vitellius, discharged the rest from all blame of treason. About the same time Fabius Valens was put to death in the prison at Urbine. His head was openly showed to the Vitellian cohortes to put them out of all hope: for before they believed that he was escaped into Germany, and putting in arms both old and new soldiers there: but when they saw he was dead they began to despair. The Flavian army also took a wonderful conceit as if his death were undoubtedly the end of the war. Valens was borne at Anagnia, of a gentleman's house, lose in conditions, and not without grace in seeking by wanton jests the name of a pleasant conceit. In the games of Iwenalia in Nero's time he 
* Mimos actitavit.  played a part, first as it were by compulsion, then voluntarily, with more dexterity than credit. Being created Lieutenant of a Legion he both sought to prefer Verginius to the Empire, and then to discredit him. Fonteius Capito his Lieutenant general, either because he was entered into treason, or because he could not induce him to treason, he murdered and made away. A traitor he was no doubt to Galba, and true to Vitellius, a virtue in him so much the more eminent, because so many others were false. Now the Vitellian soldiers seeing all their hope cut off, going to yield themselves to the contrary part, even in that also had a care of their honour, and came down into the plain under Narnia under their ensigns and banners displayed: the Flavian army stood armed with their weapons bend, as in battle, in thick ranks along the way side. So the Vitellianists were received into the middle, and being so enclosed about, Antonius entertained them with comfortable and gracious words, and appointed some of them to abide at Narnia, and some at Interamna, leaving some of his own Legions withal, without molestation to them if they were quiet, and yet of force sufficient to repress them if they rebelled.   

XIII. Vitellius upon composition with Flavius Sabinus Vespasians brother offereth to resign up the Empire. Sabinus by the soldiers is driven into the Capitol, and there besieged. The Capitol is burnt: Sabinus taken and slain.  
DURING their abode at Carsula, Antonius and Varus sent continual messages unto Vitellius, offering him, if he would surcease arms, and yield himself and his children to Vespasians mercy, life, money, and what secret place he would choose of Campania to retire himself into: to the same effect Mutianus wrote also unto him: and Vitellius oftentimes gave ear thereunto, entering into speech about the number of his servants, and the choice of the place. So great a senselessness had possessed his mind, that if other men had not remembered, that he had been once Prince, and therefore was not to look for security in private estate, he himself would have quickly forgotten it. But the principal men at Rome secretly incited Flavius Sabinus being Provost of the city, to put himself into the cause, and undertake part of the victory and of the honour: making remonstrance unto him, that the city cohortes was his own peculiar soldier, the cohortes of the Watchmen would questionless take his part, and their own retinue of bondmen should be at his disposition, beside the fortune of the side, and the easy course of proceeding they find, that be in train of winning. that he should not yield the honour of the action to Antonius and Varus: that Vitellius had but few cohorts in number, and those discouraged and trembling at the evil news that came out of all quarters: the common people was fickle & changeable; & if Sabinus would present himself for a head, they would use the same flattering terms for Vespasian, which now they did to the other. as for Vitellius he was a man not able to govern himself in prosperity, much less sufficient to wield and wind out of his declining estate: that the honour of finishing the war would be his, who first should take possession of the city; and so were it fit in all congruity, both for Sabinus to reserve the Empire to his brother, and for Vespasian to esteem of all other men's service secondarily to Sabinus. These warlike speeches made but a slender impression in his feeble old mind, and some did secretly suspect and charge him, that through envy and emulation he sought rather to hinder his brother's good fortune. For Flavius Sabinus was the elder brother, and exceeded Vespasian both in riches and authority, whiles they were both private men, and was thought to have saved his credit, and kept him from breaking, by lending him money, but taking in mortgage his house and lands for repayment thereof: whereupon albeit in outward show they continued friends, yet some secret jealousies were feared between them. But the better interpretation was, that being a mild man he abhorred from slaughter and blood, and therefore treated diverse times with Vitellius of a peaceable composing of matters upon conditions. And after diverse meetings at his house, at the last a capitulation was concluded upon (as the fame went) in the temple of Apollo, only two persons, Clwius Rufus and Silius Italicus, being 
a Salutem sibi & millies HS. a Flavio Sabino Vespasiani fratre pepigit, saith Suet. Vitel. capit. 15. that is. 78 1250. li.  witnesses of their words: their countenances were noted a far off by the beholders: Vitellius seemed abject and base, Sabinus not insulting, but pitying rather. And if Vitellius could as easily have persuaded his friends, as he was ready to yield himself, Vespasians army had entered the city without bloodshed: but the loyal & faithful servants of Vitellius flatly rejected all speech of peace and conditions, declaring the danger and dishonour thereof, & that the performance consisted only in the winners good pleasure. Nay, said they, Vespasian will not be so confident, as to suffer Vitellius to live, though in a private estate: or if he would, yet your very own soldiers and friends will not abide it: and so through their pity your life shall come in danger. You are old, and therefore for your part, as one that hath had his fill of both fortunes, are content to accept of conditions; but what title and state shall your little son Germanicus have? now they offer money, servants, and the pleasant places of Campania to solace you in: but when Vespasian shall once be settled in the Empire, neither he, nor his friends, nor his soldiers will think themselves safe, while so great a concurrent doth live. Even Fabius Valens, whom they had in prison, and reserved in store if aught should go wrong, was too heavy for them to endure: much less are we to think, that Antonius and Fuscus, and the chief flower of the side Mutianus, will otherwise deal with Vitellius, then to make him away. Caesar left not Pompey alive, nor Augustus Antonius: unless perhaps Vespasian carry a braver mind, the meanest among many of your father's followers and clients, when he was fellow in office with Claudius the Emperor. nay rather as it beseemeth you being son of a thrice Consul and Censor, as it becometh so many honourable titles of your most noble house, let despair at the least arm you to courage and boldness. The soldiers persist still for you: the good will of the people continueth yet very fervent: in sum no greater harm can happen, then that which we run into voluntarily die we must if we be overcome, and die we shall if we yield: the difference only is this, whether we should end our lives virtuously and with honour, or with shame and perpetual reproach. But Vitellius ears were stopped against all manful counsels: his mind was overcome with care and pity, lest with too long resisting he should leave the conqueror less merciful to his wife and his children. A 
a Sueton, Vitell. c. 14. Suspectus & in mortem matris fuit, qua si aegrae praeberi cibum prohibuisses, vaticinante Catta muliere, cui velut ora culo acquiescebat, ita demùm firmiter ac diutissimè imperaturum, si superstes parenti extitisset. Alij tradunt ipsam, taedio praesentium, & imminentium metu, venenum a filio impetrasse haud sanè difficulter.  mother also he had of great years, but she died some few days before, very seasonably not to see the ruin of her house, having gained nothing by her sons preferment, but sorrow and a good name. Upon the eighteenth day of December, hearing of the revolt of the Legion and cohorts at Narnia, he departed out of the Palace in mourning weed, with his servants all sad and weeping about him, and withal in a small 
* Lecticula.  chair was carried his little young son, as it were to his burial. The people in passing used their accustomed flatteries, being as then out of season: the soldier kept silence, but seemed to carry wrath in his countenance: neither was there any man so senseless, or unmindful of human instability, which was not moved with that sight. An 
b Suetonius Vitellio. c. 15. somewhat otherwise.  Emperor of Rome, a little before Lord of the whole world, to abandom the seat of his state, & thorough the people, the city to go out of the Empire! The like was never seen, never heard of before. Sudden violence oppressed Caesar the Dictator, & secret conspiracy Caius: night & the obscure corner of a country house covered Nero's flight: Piso & Galba died as it were in the field: but Vitellius in the assembly of his own people, amidst his own soldiers, women also looking out of their windows, after he had uttered some few whom he had with falsehood beguiled, nor against Vespasians young son (for what would the death of an old man & one child avail?) but let him go out & encounter the Legions, and there try the main matter: other things would follow the event of that battle. To this charge Vitellius in great fear made answer, with some words in excuse of himself, & laying the blame upon his soldiers, whose too much vehemency, his modesty, he said, was unable to bridle; & withal advised Martialis to convey himself out of the house by a privy way, lest the soldiers should murdre him as a negotiatour of the peace, which they so greatly detested: and indeed Vitellius was now but a cipher, neither able to command nor forbid, not Prince in effect, but only matter of war. Martialis was scarce returned into the Capitol, whenas the Vitellian soldiers, in a great fury were also at hand, without any leader or captain, but every man of his own head: leaving with speed the Forum and temples upon it behind them, they set themselves in array & marched up the hill, even to the first gate of the Capitol. There were in old time certain open galleries upon the side of the cliff, on the right hand as a man goeth up: from the tops whereof the defendants with stones and tiles bet the Vitellianists down, who had in their hands nothing but sword, and to stay while engines & shot were fetched seemed lost time: wherefore they took firebrands and hurled them into the uttermost gallery, and following the fire were at the point to have entered the gate of the Capitol being half burned, had not Sabinus plucked down all the images and glorious monuments of our progenitors, and in the entrance of the gate made as it were a countermure of them. Then they assayed to make their entry on the other side of the Capitol by Lucus Asy li, and by the Stairs of a hundredth steps, in the ascent to Rupes Tarpeia. At both these places the assault came unlooked for, but the nearer & hotter was that by the Asylum: neither could they be stopped from climbing up by the buildings that touched together, which as in a time of long peace were raised to the height of the floor of the Capitol. Here it is doubted whether the assailers fired those buildings, or (as the more received opinion is) the defendants thereby to repulse them which pressed forward, & were come so far on: but how soever it was, the fire there beginning, from thence ran along to the galleries that joined to the temples; then the Eagles which bore up the 
a Or the lover. sustinentes fastigium Aquilae. peradventure so called because they were carved to the likeness of Eagles.  roof being of old dry timber drew and maintained the flame. And so the Capitol, the gates being shut, no man defending it, no man attempting to spoil it, was burned to ashes; the most lamentable mischance, and detestable fact, that ever befell the people of Rome since the city was founded: especially no foreign enemy invading, & the gods most plentifully pouring their benefits upon us, if our own evil conditions would have permitted us to enjoy them: the seat of the 
a The foundation of it, according to Dionysius lib. 3. p. 149. and lib. 4. p. 190. was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  great god jupiter founded by our ancestors with the approbation of the gods, as a pledge of the Empire, which neither Porsenna when the city was yielded, nor the Frenchmen when they took it, could hurt, thus to be destroyed by the fury of our own Princes! It was once also burned before in a 
b In bello civili Syllano, anno urbis conditae 671. Scipione & Norbano Coss. Appian. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 192, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  civil war, but by private malice: now it was publicly besieged, and publicly burned: & that not in honourable defence of our country, which might somewhat lighten the loss, but in the ambitious upholding of partialities & sides. The Capitol was 
c Dionysius. l. 3. p. 149. Livy lib. 1. folio. 9 & 12.  vowed first by king Tarqvinius Priscus in the war against the Sabins, who laid also the foundation, rather according to the hope of future greatness, them proportionably to the present estate of the Romans. After him Servius Tullius with the help of our allies, & Tarqvinius Superbus with the spoil, when Suessa Pometia was taken, finished the work: but the honour thereof was reserved to the time of liberty. For 
d Three years after. Dionys. lib. 5. p. 224. Livy. lib. 2. fo. 16. putteth the dedication in the first Consulship of Horatius, in the first year of the free state, contrary to Dionysius and Tacitus here.  after the kings were driven out, Horatius Puluillus in his second Consulship dedicated it, in that magnificent & sumptuous sort, that the excessive wealth of the Romans, which afterward followed, per chance might adorn & beautify the work, but did not augment it. Four hundredth twenty & five years afterward, when Lucius Scipio & Caius Norbanus were 
e Anno urbis cond. 671.  Consuls, it was burned & builded again upon the same foundation. Sylla after he had gotten the upper hand took the care of it upon him, yet did he not dedicate it: this point only he wanted to make him indeed, as he was in 
f Occiso demùm C. Mario Voelicis nomen ad sumpsit Sylla. Velleius l. 2. Ap piam. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 197 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. Sylla. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  name, perfectly happy: but Lutatius Catulus name remained to be seen, among so many works of the Emperors, even till Vitellius time. That building than was fired, which dismayed more the defendants than the assailers. for the Vitellian soldiers lacked neither skill, nor resolution in cases of difficulty: but of the other side, the soldier was fearful, the captain without courage, and as a man half distract, had neither the use of his tongue, nor his ears, not governing himself by the advise of others, and yet not able to resolve of himself, but running about from one place to another, at every cry of the enemy, forbade that he had commanded, and commanded again that he had forbidden. Anon, as it happeneth in lost & desperate cases, every man was a commander, and no man a putter in execution: at the length casting away their weapons, they began to devise how to flee and escape secretly away. Then the Vitellianists broke in and killed, burned, and slew: some few militare men that offered to fight were slain: among whom Cornelius Martialis, Aemilius Pacensis, Casperius Niger, Didius Scaeva were the most of note. Flavius Sabinus was beset and taken, being neither armed, nor attempting to flee, and Quintius Atticus the Consul, a man of special mark by reason of his office, and through his own vanity and folly, having published edicts in honour of Vespasian, and to the disgrace of Vitellius. The rest made sundry shifts to escape, some in bondmen's apparel, others were hidden by their clients, and conveyed away amongst the stuff: some there were also that had learned the Vitellianists watchword; whereby one of them knew another, and so ask and answering accordingly, used boldness in lieu of a hole to lurk in. Domitian at their first breaking in was hid in the sextens house, and there by the policy of his freedman put in a linen garment, as the ministers of the temple did wear, and so escaped unknown, and lay secret at the house of Cornelius Primus, one of his father's followers, near to the Velabrum. Afterward when his father came to the state he pulled down the sextens lodging, and builded there a little chapel in honour of Jupiter his Preserver: and also erected an altar and caused this history to be cut in marble: and when he came to the Empire himself he built a great temple to Jupiter his Keeper; and consecrated himself in the lap of the god. Sabinus and Atticus being loaden with irons, and brought to Vitellius, were neither received with ill speech, nor ill countenance; whereat they which challenged to kill them, & reward for their service, fretted and chaffed: and so the next beginning the cry, the rascal sort of the people demanded Sabinus death, mingling threats and flatteries together. And as Vitellius presented himself upon the stairs of the palace to entreat for his life, they forced him in the end to desist: then they stabbed and mangled him, and cutting of his head trailed the body into Gemoniae. This was the end of Sabinus, a man surely not to be contemned. He had served in public place thirty five years, and was greatly renowned both for matters of peace and of war: for integrity & upright dealing no man could touch him: somewhat he was too full of words; the only thing blamed in him during the seven years that he ruled in Moesia, & the twelve years that he was provost of the city: in this last act of his life some judged him cowardly, others moderate rather and sparing of his citizen's blood; but of this all men agree that before Vespasian was Prince, the reputation of the house rested in Sabinus. It was thought that Mutianus was glad of his death: and many were of opinion, that it fell out not ill in respect of quietness, all strife & emulation being thereby taken up between two, whereof the one was the emperors brother, & the other carried himself as his fellow. But Vitellius when the people required also Atticus the Consul's death plainly withstood them himself, being somewhat appeased, and in some sort to requite him, for that being examined, who had first fired the Capitol, he took upon him the matter himself, and by that confession, whether it were true indeed, or feigned only to serve the present purpose, seemed to take upon him the blame of the fact, & clear Vitellius & his adherents.   

XIIII. Lucius Vitellius taketh Tarracina.  
IN the mean season Lucius Vitellius pitching his camp at Feronia, pressed sore upon Tarracina to take it, having shut into the town the 
“ Gladiatores  fencers and mariners, who durst not come out of the walls, nor hazard themselves in the field. Their captains (as we have remembered before) were julianus over the fencers, & Apollinaris over the mariners, men both in dissoluteness and insufficiency more like fencers than captains; observing no order in watching and warding, nor repairing the weak parts of the walls, but passing both nights and days in wantonness and melody, upon those pleasant sea-shores, & dispersing the soldiers abroad to make provision for their riot, never talking of war, but in banquet. Apinius Tiro was departed some few days before, and with his extortions and sharp dealing in the free towns, purchased more ill will then strength to the side. In the mean time a servant of Virginius Capito fled out of the town to Lucius Vitellius, promising him, if he would allow him sufficient men, to deliver secretly the castle being vnmanned, & accordingly in the dead of the night he brought certain light armed cohorts, into the place standing upon the top of a hill, over the enemy's head. From thence the soldiers ran down rather to a butchery than a battle, killing some unarmed, others beginning to arm, some newly awaked out of sleep, distracted & confounded with fear, darkness, the sound of trumpets & noise of enemies. A few of the 
“ Gladiatores  fencers made resistance, & were slain, albeit they sold their lives dear: the rest ran headlong to the ships, where through the like fear all things were in the like confusion; or so much the more because the townsmen were gotten in amongst them, whom the Vitellianists also did kill without any difference. Six ships upon the first notice of the surprise escaped, and with them Apollinaris the Admiral of the navy: the rest were either taken upon the shore, or else sunk in the sea, being overcharged with the company that leapt into them. julianus was brought to Lucius Vitellius and scourged, then slain in his presence. diverse have accused Triaria Lucius Vitellius wife, that girding herself with a sword like a soldier, she should have demeaned herself cruelly, and insolently amidst the pitiful cries, & lamentable destruction of the poor town. Lucius himself sent a laurel in token of victory to his brother, requiring withal his further pleasure, whether he should return presently to Rome, or stay & subdue the rest of Campania: the interposing of which little time fell out greatly for the good both of Vespasians side, and of the state. For if the soldiers presently after their victory had directly repaired to Rome, whiles they were in courage and heart, by reason of their late good success, beside a natural obstinateness in them, the matter would not have been ended so quickly without much ado, and the evident destruction of the city. For Lucius Vitellius albeit he were infamous otherwise, yet was he industrious, and powerable not as good men by virtues, but by vices as the worst sort.   

XV. The Flavian army entereth the city. the Praetorian camp is taken by force. Vitellius is slain.  
WHILES these things were a doing of Vitellius side Vespasians army removed from Narnia to Otriculum, and at good leisure celebrated the 
a Saturnalia begin the 17. of December, and continue till the 24. of the same month.  Saturnalia there. The cause of this harmful delay, was to stay for Mutianus: some impute it to Antonius, as done with a traitorous intent, upon letters received from Vitellius, wherein he offered unto him the Consulship, and his daughter in marriage with a great dower, if he would revolt, in reward of treason: others affirm, that all this was falsely surmised, and maliciously spread to please Mutianus withal. Some are of opinion, that it was the purpose of all the Commanders rather to put the city in fear, then to seek to take it by force, seeing the most and principal cohortes had already relinquished Vitellius, and now all his strength being cut off, it was likely he would resign the Empire without further coaction: but all that course was crossed, first by Sabinus haste, and then through his cowardliness; who rashly taking arms was not afterward able to keep a fortress of that strength, and which even great armies could not have taken, against three only cohorts. But the fault cannot well be imputed to one, which was common to all. For both Mutianus was some occasion of stay, by means of his doubtful letters, and Antonius by his preposterous obeying, or in seeking to avoid envy, deserved great blame, and the other Commanders presuming the war to be finished, made the end of it more notorious. Neither did Petilius Cerealis (who was sent before with a thousand horse, to coast through the country of the Sabins, and so to enter the city by Via Salaria) make that hast as the matter required, till in the end the news of the siege of the Capitol made them stir all at once. Antonius came forward by the Flaminian way to Saxa rubra late in the night, & too late to secure. For there he understood that Sabinus was slain, the Capitol burned, the city in great fear, and all things went ill: it was also declared, that the people and bondmen were arming for Vitellius. And besides Petilius Cerealis had received a blow in a skirmish of horsemen, by running headlong and charging rashly upon the enemy, presuming them conquered persons: but the Vitellianists, with horsemen and footmen interlaced together, valiantly received the charge. This skirmish was not far from the city, among the buildings, and gardens, and crosselanes, wherewith the Vitellianists were well acquainted, the other not: which was an occasion to dismay them the more: and besides all their horsemen were not of one mind and affection, some being of those that having lately yielded at Narnia kept aloof, meaning afterward to close with the winner. Tullius Flavianus captain of a wing was taken prisoner, the rest ran away dishonourably: but the Vitellianists pursued no further than to Fidenae. By this success the affection of the people was greatly augmented, & immediately the townsmen took arms: few had any militare targets, but the most took up whatsoever weapons came to their hands, and forthwith required the sign of the battle. Vitellius thanked them heartily, & willed them to issue out with all speed in defence of the city. Then he called a Senate wherein Ambassadors were appointed to the armies, which as in the name and under the colour of a common weal, should persuade them to peace and agreement. The hap of the Ambassadors was not all alike: For they which met with Petilius Cerealis incurred extreme danger, the soldiers refusing utterly all conditions of peace, and Arulenus Rusticus the Praetor was wounded, which beside the enormity of the fact, in the person of an Ambassador and a Praetor, was also more heinous, in regard of the worthiness of the man. His train was dispersed, and one of his sergeants next before him slain, for presuming among armed men to make way thorough the press for his master: and unless they had been defended by a band that the captain assigned to guard them, the right & privilege of Ambassadors, reputed sacred even among strange nations, had through civil fury been violated by murder, even at the very gates & walls of the city. But they which came to Antonius found more courteous entertainment, not because those soldiers were civiller, but because the General was of greater authority. Into the company of these Ambassadors Musonius Rufus inserted himself, a gentleman of Rome addicted to the study of philosophy after the way of the Stoics, who thrusting himself among the companies of the soldiers began to discourse of the good of peace, & danger of war, & to school men in arms: at which many scoffed, more grew weary of it, & some forbore not to push & spurn him away, till in the end by the advise of the discreeter sort, and the threats of the other, he was persuaded to desist from his unseasonable wisdom. The Vestal virgins also were sent with letters from Vitellius to Antonius, requesting him to differre the battle for one day: by means of that little delay with more ease would all points be agreed upon. The virgins were sent home with honour, & answer was made to Vitellius that by the murder of Sabinus, & the burning of the Capitol all parley of peace was cut off, and all extremity to be looked for: notwithstanding Antonius calling his army together assayed to pacify them thus far, that they would be content to encamp themselves for that present at the Miluian bridge, and not to enter the town before the next day: the reason of the motion was, lest the soldier having his blood heated in skirmish, should afterward spare neither people nor Senate, no not the churches and temples of the gods. But they misliked and suspected all delay as a hindrance to the victory: and withal certain banners glittering upon the side of the hills, albeit followed by none but towne-people, and men of no service, made a show of an army. Whereupon the Flavianists dividing themselves into three companies, made their approach to the town: one part as it stood along the Flaminian way, another close by the bank of the Tiber, and the third by Via salaria toward the gate called Collina. The towne-people was immediately broken by the horsemen, but the Vitellian soldier made head, dividing 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in all fifty thousand persons if josephus say true. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c. 42.  also themselves into three several bands. Many skirmishes passed between them before the town, and with diverse event, but more commonly to the advantage of the Flavianists, who had more sufficient men to their captains. They only of that side were distressed, which turned upon the left hand toward the Salustian gardens, through narrow lanes and slippery ways: where the Vitellianists standing aloft upon the walls of the gardens, with stones and javelins repulsed them, till it was towards the evening, whenas the horsemen that in the mean time had entered at Collina were at their backs and surprised them. In campus Martius also there were hot skirmishes between them. The Flavianists had the favour of fortune, and the vantage of so many victories: the Vitellianists ran headlong and furious, supported with only despair: and albeit they were defeated and broken, yet did they rally themselves again in the city. The people stood by and looked on as they fought, and as in a pastime or game clapped their hands, and encouraged sometime the one, and sometime the other: and when either side turned their backs, and hid themselves in houses or shops, they cried to have them plucked out and killed, and so attained themselves the greatest part of the pray: for whiles the soldiers minded nothing but slaughter and bloodshed, the spoil fell to the common people's share. Over all the city a cruel spectacle and shameful was to be seen: in one place fight and wounding, in another tippling and bathing: here streams of blood, and heaps of dead bodies, and hard by it strumpets and strumpets fellows: in sum all the licentiousness of a dissolute and riotous peace, and the misery of a most cruel captivity: so that a man plainly would judge one and the same town, both extremely furious and raging, and extremely drowned in pleasures. There had afore times passed great conflicts between armed powers in the city, twice when Sylla, and once when Cinna overcame, and the cruelty than was no less: but this was an unnatural brutish security, that men for one moment of time would not intermit their accustomed pleasures, but as if this had given them further occasion of joy amidst their festival days, clapped hands and rejoiced, without care of sides, at the public calamities. But the greatest difficulty of all was in taking the Praetorian camp, unto the which the valiantest amongst the Vitellian soldiers had betaken themselves, as to their last refuge, and therefore the Flavianists were the more earnest to assault it, especially the old Praetorian cohortes, employing all means devised for the taking of most fortified towns, as the target fence, engines of battery, mounts, and firebands, crying aloud that that one work was the accomplishment and perfection of all the travels and dangers, which they in so many battles had passed; that the city belonged to the Senate and people, and the temples to the gods, & both were restored to their owners: but the soldiers honour was in the camp, that was his country, & his dwelling place, which unless they could straightways recover, they must & would lie all night in their armour. On the other side the Vitellian soldiers, although inferior both in number and fortune, disturbed the course of the victory, hindered the peace, polluting the houses and altars with blood, and embracing the last comforts to conquered persons. Many lay gasping and died upon the towers, and battlements of the walls. When the gates were broken up, they that remained alive presented themselves to the conquerors, and died all with their face toward the enemy, and wounded upon their foreparts: such care they had, seeing they must die, to die in most honourable manner. Vitellius whenas the city was taken, conveyed himself in a carrying 
* Sellula. Suet. Vitell. c. 16. gestatoria sella.  chair, by the backegate of the Palace, into his wives house in the mount Aventine, intending if he could have lain secret that day, to have fled by night to Tarracina to his brother and the cohorts there. Anon changing his mind, and as it falls out to men in a maze, fearing all things, and most disliking the present, he returned into the Palace again now vast and desolate, even his basest servants being either fled away, or else purposely shunning his presence. This great solitariness, and silence in those places astonished him: whereupon he assayed to open that which was shut, and was amazed finding all void. After much pitiful wandering about, being wearied he cast himself into a 
b In cellulam i●nitoris, sayeth Suetonius. c. 16. religato pro foribus cane, lecto que & culcitria obiectis.  base corner: whence julius Placidus Tribune of a cohort pulled him out, and led him along thorough the city with his hands bound behind him, and his garments all torn, a most ignominious spectacle, many reviling him, and no man pitying his case: the dishonourablenesse of his end had taken away all compassion. Being led in this manner, one of the Germane soldiers aimed a blow, whether intending to strike at Vitellius upon some quarrel, or because he would sooner rid him from shame, or else at the Tribune it is uncertain, certain it is that in striking he cut off the Tribunes ear, and was forthwith slain himself. Then forcing Vitellius with the points of their sword sometimes to look up and abide all indignities, sometimes to see his own images breaking their necks, and many times to behold the Rostra, and the place where Galba was slain, they haled him along, and at the last thrust him into the Gemoniae, where the body of Flavius Sabinus had lain. One word he was heard utter not proceeding from an abject mind, in answer to the Tribune who insulted over him: That he had yet sometime been his Prince: & so after many wounds received he fell down dead: & the common people as much without reason railed upon him when he was dead, as they flattered him being alive. He was son to Lucius Vitellius: about seven and fifty years old when he died: the Consulship and sacerdotal dignities, with a name and place among the chiefest nobility, he attained unto, not through any sufficiency of his own, but by his father's great fame and renown: the Empire was conferred upon him by those which knew him not; and yet never man found so constant goodwill of his soldiers by virtuous means, as this man with all his cowardly sloth: notwithstanding there was in him plain meaning and liberality, which without discrete handling turn often to a man's ruin: faithful friends he deserved rather then found, because he sought them more by great gifts, then virtuous behaviour. It was a singular benefit to the common wealth, it cannot be denied, that Vitellius was put down; but they which betrayed him to Vespasian 
a Especially some of them who were afterward traitors to Vespasian also, as Caecina by name. Suetonius. Tito. c. 6. Xiphilinus. etc.  have small reason to reckon it among their good deeds to the state, being the same men that had also revolted from Galba before. That day the Senate could not be called, because it was already far spent, and the magistrates and Senators upon fear had withdrawn themselves out of the city, or else lay hidden in their client's houses. Domitian when all fear of hostility was passed presented himself to the Flavian captains, whom the soldiers straightways saluted Caesar, and armed accompanied him to his father's house.    

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. The behaviour of the Flavian soldiers in the city, after the death of Vitellius.  
VITELLIUS thus being slain, the war was rather ended than peace begun. For the conquerors with implacable hatred, pursued the contrary side throughout the city in arms: the streets were strawed with dead carcases, the temples & common places imbrued with blood; every one lying slain, where it was his chance to be overtaken, without distinction of place: and anon licentiousness growing, they began to search houses, and fetch forth such as were hid: if they saw any man look like a soldier, personable of stature, and of years not disagreeing, were he soldier or citizen, they murdered him: satiating themselves at the first, whilst their malice was fresh, with nothing save blood. But anon the heat of their choler assuaging, they converted their cruelty into covetousness: suffering no closet to escape unrifled, no hidden place any where to be secret, pretending the Vitellianists lay lurking therein: that was the colour to break up men's houses, or, if resistance were made, an occasion to slay them. Beside the soldiers, the rascals & beggarly scum of the people, now with the foremost, helped to sack & to spoil: and some of the lewdest bondmen voluntarily descried their wealthy masters; some were detected by their own friends: every where lamentations and outcries were to be heard, and the miserable state to be seen, and face, as it were, of a city taken by the enemy: insomuch that the insolent, and riotous soldier of Otho and Vitellius, so much detected before, was now in comparison much wished for again. The Commanders of the side were indeed sufficiently able to kindle a civil war, but unable to moderate the victory. For to stir up dissensions & troubles, the worst man most commonly bears greatest stroke; but peace and quietness are not established, but by men of rare gifts, and excellent virtues. Domitian 
a Transferring himself belike, è paternis penatibus, whither he was conducted by the soldiers, in Palatium.  had already possessed himself both of the title & lodging of Caesar: not bending his studies as yet to matters of state, but in 
a Tac. in vita Agricolae. admodum iwene Domitiano, & ex paterna fortuna tantum licentiam usurpante  adulteries, & dissolute demeanour behaving himself as an emperors son. Arrius Varus was captain of the Guard: but the whole power, in effect, and direction of affairs, rested in the hands of Antonius Primus; who at his pleasure took money, and servants out of the Palace, with the like liberty, as if it had been the spoils of Cremona. The rest, either for modesty, or because they were not of name, as in war they passed unrenowned, so at this time they went unrewarded.   

II. Lucius Vitellius yieldeth himself, and his soldiers to the Flavianists.  
THE city fearing new troubles, & ready to submit themselves to the present possessor, required that Lucius Vitellius, as he with his cohorts returned from Tarracina, might be surprised, & so all remnants of civil wars utterly extinguished. Whereupon the horsemen were sent before to Aricia, the Legions going not beyond Bovillaes: but Vitellius incontinently, with out further delay, yielded himself and his cohorts to the discretion of the conqueror: his soldiers likewise threw away their unfortunate weapons upon indignation, rather than fear. Then they were marshaled in length and led thorough the city, as it were, in triumph, guarded with armed men. Not one of them showed any sign of submissenes in countenance, but all sad & stern, not moved with the shouts, & taunts of the multitude insulting over them: only some few, through impatience breaking out, were beaten down by their guard, the rest committed to prison. Not one of them let fall any unseemly word, but even in the midst of adversity they retained their honour & fame. Then Lucius Vitellius was put to death; a man in vices equal to his brother, howbeit in his brother's reign the more vigilant man: & not so much partaker with him in prosperity, as violently carried away with the current of his adversity.   

III. Lucilius Bassus sent to quiet Campania, the servant of Verginius Capito hanged.  
ABOUT the same time Lucilius Bassus, with certain light horsemen, was sent to quiet the country of Campania, where the free cities were at discord rather each against other upon private quarrels then any against the Prince upon rebellious intent: but at the first sight of the soldiers they were straightways appeased. And the lesser colonies escaped unpunished, only 
a 2. Hist. p. 135. Capua Vitellio fida etc.  Capua was appointed to lodge the third Legion that winter, & some noble families by 
b This affliction surely was very short. for it could not begin before the very later end of December, and in the beginning of january, tertia legio, familiari● Arrio Varo miles, in Syriam remissa. Tac. p. 173. 18. unless he forgot himself in the one place or the other.  reason thereof were afflicted: whereas on the contrary side, the Tarracinenses, who for Vespasians sake had endured so much, were no ways relieved. So much are we proner to requite injuries then good turns: for thankfulness is a burden, revenge sweet & reckoned as gain. Notwithstanding it was some comfort unto them, that the servant of Verginius Capito, who betrayed the town, as before we have showed, was hanged with the same rings on his fingers, which he had received from Vitellius, as a reward of his treason.   

FOUR Matters concluded upon in the Senate, after the death of Vitellius.  
Now at Rome, whatsoever honours, & pre-eminences were usually united to the Emperor's person, the Senate 
c A fragment of this Senatus consultum is extant ad verbum among the decayed antiquities of Rome.  bestowed upon Vespasian, joyfully, and conceiving assured hope of future traquillity. For seeing the contagion of civil dissension, beginning in 
d In the war of Galba and Vindex against Nero.  France and Spain, had passed to the Germane soldiers, then taken a course to Illyricum, and lastly infected Egypt, judaea, and Syria, in sum all provinces, and armies; they were to presume reasonably, the whole world being thus purged, & cleansed, that the humour was spent, and civil wars, & calamities were at an end. Which hope and gladness of theirs was increased by certain letters received from Vespasian, indited as if the war had yet been on foot; for so they showed at the first sight: notwithstanding he spoke in all points as their Prince; modestly indeed of his own person; & of the weale-publicke magnifically: howbeit the Senate was not slack in declaring their obedience. To himself with Titus his son was awarded the Consulship, to Domitian the Praetorship & 
* Consulare imperium. Dio. lib. 54. p. 358, specifieth 2 points of it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Consulare authority. Moreover Mutianus had written letters to the Senate, which thing ministered matter of speech: If he were a private man, why should he write thus in public to the Senate? he might have spared his pen, and within few days after have uttered the same there in person, as one of the house. like wise his inveighing against the Vitellianists was misliked, as coming too late, and carrying no show of liberty now: but specially that seemed arrogantly spoken against the common weal, and contumelious against the Prince, where he vaunted, that the Empire was in his disposition, and by him was collated upon Vespasian. Nevertheless covering their disdain in secret, they flattered openly, and in most ample and honourable terms awarded him triumphal ornaments; indeed in respect of his service in the civil war, but an expedition against the Sarmatians was pretended: then to Antonius Primus were decreed Consulare ornaments, and Praetorian to Cornelius Fuscus, & Arrius Varus. After these things, devoutly remembering the gods, they enacted that the Capitol should be builded a new: all which points were specified first, and comprised in Valerius Asiaticus the 
a Consul designatus was ordinarily the first that did speak to the matter proposed by the Consul in Senat.  designed Consuls oration; to whom the rest assented, the greater part with countenance and wagging of hands, some few either chief in place, or chief exercised in the art of flattery, with set orations and speeches. But when the course came to helvidius Priscus, who was designed Praetor, he uttered his opinion, in terms honourable enough to a good Prince, yet without all flattery or glozing: a thing much commended & allowed of greatly by the Senate: & this was the day which especially procured unto him, both great offence & great glory. The matter seemeth to require, seeing we are 
b 2. Hist. p. 103. for otherwise in the Annals he is mentioned often beside.  once again fallen to mention him, whom many times hereafter we shall have cause to remember, that we should at this time briefly record what life he had led, what studies he had followed, & what fortune he had proved. helvidius Priscus was borne in the first region of Italy, in the free city of Tarracina: his father's name was Clwius a principal Centurion. Being very young he applied his rare & excellent wit to those profound studies, not, as the most part, to cloak sloth, & idleness with so glorious a name, but that he might proceed to manage public affairs, being first by that means better armed against all mischances of fortune. In the study of philosophy he followed the learning of those 
c The Stoics, out of whose school these opinions had their beginning. Laert: Zenone. lib. 7. Cicero Paradoxis, & others.  masters, which define that only to be good which is honest; that only ill which is dishonest: other qualities not inherent in the mind, as powerablenes, nobility & such like, neither good nor evil. When he had only been Questor, Paetus Thrasea made choice of him for his son in law. Of his father in laws conditions he borrowed nothing so much as liberty: in quality of citizen, Senator, husband, son in law, friend; in all parts & offices of life he was always one, & the same man: a contemner of wealth, stiff in a good cause, not removable for any fear: to some men he seemed too desirous of glory: & indeed that passion, amongst all other, even of wise men is last laid away. At the fall of his father in law he was 
b Tacit. 16. Annal. p. 558.  driven into banishment, & returning under Galba he called Eprius Marcellus, who had informed against Thrasea, to his answer. This attempt, of so great, & so just a revenge, notwithstanding divided the Senate into parts: for if Marcellus were overthrown, then whole troops of others, which were in the same case, must needs go to wrack. At the first the contention was hot & fierce, and maintained of both sides with notable orations: but when Priscus perceived that Galba was doubtful in the point, at the entreaty of many Senators, he desisted from following the suit; diverse men, according to their several dispositions, diversely interpreting his fact, some commending his moderation, others misliking his unconstancy. But that same assembly when the Senate confirmed the Empire to Vespasian, withal an embassage was agreed upon, to be sent to the Prince. Hereupon arose taunting, and bitter words between helvidius & Marcellus. helvidius opinion was, that the ambassadors should be elected, and named by the magistrates being first sworn to choose of the fittest: Marcellus required they might be chosen by lot, to which purpose also the designed Consul had spoken before: but the principal cause, which pricked Marcellus so forward that way, was the shame which might redound to himself, fearing, lest others being chosen, he should seem to be, as unworthy rejected. And so, after some few brawling words interchangeably used, by little and little they fell to continual, and bitter orations: helvidius demanding, what caused Marcellus so much to fear the judgement of the magistrates, seeing he excelled many other, both in eloquence, and wealth, things which might easily move them to that choice: unless peradventure the remembrance of his own manifold misdeeds drove him to distrust them. that the lot made no difference between the good and the bad, but suffrages and the judgement of the Senate were devised to enter into every man's fame, and behaviour. that it greatly appertained, both to the commodity of the common wealth, and to Vespasians honour, that those of the Senate should be sent to meet him, which were best accounted of for innocency, & integrity of life, who might season (as it were) the emperors ears, with good & virtuous speeches. that Thrasea, Soranus, & Seutius had been of Vespasians old friends, & acquaintance, whose accusers if they must not be punished, much less sent and showed in places of credit: & that by this choice of the Senate, the Prince should, as it were be admonished whom to like, & whom to eschew. For no greater instruments, or helps of good regiment can there be, then good friends. that Marcellus had done for his part sufficiently, having induced Nero to the destruction of so many innocents: let him enjoy his rewards & impunity, & leave Vespasian to better directors. Marcellus replied, that not his opinion, but the opinion of the designed Consul was impugned, & the ancient precedents, which committed the choice of ambassadors to lot, to take away all occasion of suiting & debate: that there was no new cause, that he knew, why so old a custom should now be abolished, or why this honour done to the Prince should be turned into a dishonour to any considering that every man was sufficiently able to carry that message, & do a low reverence to him in the name of the Senate: nay rather they were to beware, lest through the perverseness of some the Prince's mind might be offended, being now at his entry full of ielosies, & marcking not only words, but also all gestures and countenances. that, for his part, he well knew the quality of the times wherein he was borne, & what form of government our fathers, & grandfathers had established: 
a That is, the time of the free state.  beyond he honoured & admired, but professed to follow the present estate that he prayed & wished indeed for good Princes: but if it were otherwise, would tolerate such as they were. As for the overthrow of Thrasea, why should he give account of accusing, whenas the Senate gave none of condemneth? not his orations, but their voices wrought his undoing: but so was Nero's manner, with such shows to colour his cruel proceed; whose favour & friendship anguished his mind peradventure as much, as banishment did some other men's. Finally, that well might helvidius in constancy, & courage be equal to Cato and Brutus: for his own part, he was one of that Senate, which were but servants, as well as himself, & would likewise counsel helvidius, not to seek to climb above the Prince himself, nor like a tutor to bridle with his precepts Vespasian 
* Senem triumphalem. for his service in Britanny in Claudius' time Vespasian had obtained triumphalia ornamenta, saith Suetonius Vespasiano, c. 4.  having attained to those years, & that honour, & having beside so goodly an issue. For as wicked Princes love to rule, & reign without limitation: so even the best would have their subjects use a mean in their liberty. These things, argued thus to and fro with great heat, distracted the Senate into diverse opinions; notwithstanding that part prevailed, which allowed of lot, not only the worst, but the middle sort striving to retain their ancient custom; yea and the greatest inclined that way, for fear of displeasure, and envy, if they themselves should be chosen. After this there followed another contention. The Praetors of the common treasure (for at that time the common treasure was governed by Praetors) complaining of the emptiness of their bags, presented request, that some restraint might be made, to abridge the public expenses. This proposition, both for the greatness of the charge, and difficulty of the remedy, the Consul designed thought good to reserve to the Prince: but helvidius would have it decided in Senate. And as the Consuls proceeded in ask of voices, Vulcatius Tertullinus Tribune of the people 
“ Or, interposed his negative.  interceded, forbidding that any thing of so great moment should be determined of, the Prince being absent. helvidius also, declaring his mind in the Senate, was of opinion, that the Capitol should be builded again, at the charges, & in the name of the commonwealth, & Vespasian should help. Which speech of his the modestest sort passed over the with silence, & afterward forgot; howbeit some there were that remembered it well. Then Musonius Rufus commenced an action against Publius Celer, by whose false witness, he affirmed, that Barea Soranus was condemned. If cognition should be taken thereof, that were to enter again into the odious, & endless quarrels against the accusers: notwithstanding, the guilt, and vileness of the party now in peril was such, that he could no ways be protected. For Soranus was of honourable memory, and Celer, that of a philosopher by profession, became a false witness against his friend, was justly hated of all men, betraying, and violating that sacred bond of friendship, whereof he would seem a principal teacher. The 
a Of audience for such matters, for it was neither the next day, nor simply the next session of the Senate. read. p. 173.  next session was appointed for the hearing of the cause: but the whole company seeing that matter revived, and men's minds bend to revenge, looked no less for helvidius and Marcellus, with others at that time, then for Musonius and Celer.   

V The entry of Mutianus into the City, and his actions there.  
THINGS being in this state, the Senators jarring one with another, the conquered part being full of malice, the conquerors wanting authority, no laws regarded, no Prince present to govern the state, Mutianus made 
b josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4. c. 42. maketh Mutianus entry on the very next day to Antonius, which is contrary to the circumstances in Tacitus, yet entering before the beginning of january he was not many days behind and Tacitus. p. 154. 2. pancos posè dies.  his entry into the city, and with a main course drew the whole manage of affairs into his own hands. Antonius Primus, and Varus were soon out of credit, when it was perceived, that Mutianus loved them not, although in countenance he pretended otherwise: but the citizens, having a quick eye to see into secret dislikes, espying the truth, turned themselves quickly about, & went to Mutianus: he alone was courted, & followed of all. Neither was he, for his part, negligent in using all means to retain his sovereignty, being continually guarded with soldiers, and for his pleasure changing of houses and gardens; in his provision, his gate, his train, and warders, keeping the state of a Prince, although he forbore the title and name. And first he commanded Calpurnius Galerianus to be slain, which struck an exceeding great terror into men's hearts. He was son to Caius Piso, and had not entered into any attempt, but being of a noble house, and a comely youngman, he was greatly talked of by the common people: and as in a city unsettled, and among a people gladly embracing new tales, some there were, which vainly named him to the Prince's place. Wherefore, at the commandment of Mutianus, he was committed to a guard of soldiers: and lest his death in the face of the city should have been more offensive, forty miles off, in the Appian way he was put to death, by letting the blood out of his veins. julius Priscus, who had been captain of the guard under Vitellius, killed himself, rather for shame, then upon necessity. His fellow Alphenus Varus overlived his honour, and saw himself counted a coward, and a person infamed. Asiaticus, for his lewd credit under his master, made satisfaction now as a freedman with a servile death.   

VI The rebellion of the Batavians and Caninefates through the instigation of Julius Civilis.  
AT the same time the news of the overthrow in Germany was rife in the city, and the city nothing troubled thereat (Every man talked how the armies were slain, the standing camps of the Legions taken by the enemy, how France had revolted,) as if it had been news of a strange country, not a calamity that touched themselves. That 
a This war is shortly set down by Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 7. c 11. and touched by Frontinus Strateg. l. 4. c. 3. and Sarisburiensis in Polycratico.  war, upon what causes it arose, and with how great banding it was maintained, both of our allies, and of foreign nations, I will now declare from the beginning. The Batavians, whilst they dwelled beyond the Rhine, were a part and member of the Cattis; and being thrown out by civil sedition, they seated themselves in the uttermost limits of France, which then lay void of inhabitants, and took in withal the island that is situate in the flats, and hath the Ocean before, behind and on either side the river of Rhine. And albeit they were confederate with the Romans much mightier than themselves, ye were they not, as it happeneth in such overmatches, spoiled of their riches and wealth, but only bound to minister men and armour to the behoof of the Empire, and so for a long time they were employed in the Germane wars. Afterward they became more famous, by reason of certain cohortes of them sent over into Britanny by the Romans, under the leading of certain noblemen of their own nation, according to their ancient order: and beside, there remained behind in the country a company of chosen horsemen practised especially in swimming, so that they would in whole troops pass over the Rhine in harnish & governing their horse in their hands. The principal men among them, and far excelling all other, by reason of their royal parentage, were julius Paulus, and 
a Tacitus himself, 1. Hist. p. 43, Plutarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Frontinus and Sarisburiensis call him julius Civilis, but howsoever their names were, it seems by Tacitus. pag. 169. 5. that Paulus & Civilis were brethren.  Claudius Civilis, whereof Paulus was lately put to death by Fonteius Capito under colour of a falsely surmised rebellion: Civilis was sent in chains unto Nero, and acquitted by Galba, and again under Vitellius 
b 1. Hist. p. 43. 25.  escaped narrowly, the army instantly demanding his death. Upon these causes his anger was founded, and upon our troubles his hope. But being of a crafty and subtle wit, above the ordinary of those barbarous people, and carrying himself rather like a Sertorius, or an Hannibal (as indeed in the maim of his face he was not unlike) fearing lest if he should make open defection, our armies would advance themselves against him as an enemy, he covered his dealing with love to Vespasian, & favour toward the side. And in truth 
c By this circumstance we may gather, that the Germane rebellion began about the beginning of winter. for Tacitus in noting both places and times, is in my sense, too negligent.  Antonius Primus had sent certain letters unto him, wherein he willed him to divert away the Aides 
d Tac. 2 Hist. p. 105. 22.  sent for by Vitellius, and under show of trouble in Germany to stay the Legions there. The same advise also Hordeonius Flaccus had given him by word of mouth, partly upon good will to Vespasian, and partly upon a care of the state, which seemed to be in evident peril of utter destruction, if a new war should begin, and so many thousands of armed men pass into Italy. Thus Civilis being resolved to break, and yet concealing his purpose, as meaning to govern himself in the action by the event, began after this manner to work innovation. At the commandment of Vitellius, the able men of the Batavians were summoned to be pressed to the war: which being of itself a burdensome thing, was made much more insupportable, by the avarice and lewd disposition of the officers, who billed chief such as were old or impotent persons, & then for money released them: again such as were under age, & fair (as many of their youths are of a comely tall stature) them they carried away to abuse their bodies. At these dealings the country being highly offended, certain factious heads were suborned, to persuade them to refuse to be pressed. Whereupon Civilis assembling into a sacred wood under pretence of a banquet the nobility of the nation, and the chief of the communality, when he saw them, at far in the night, merry, & warmed with wine, he beginneth a solemn oration: recounting first the praises, & glorious acts of the nation, & then discourseth unto them of the injuries, insolences, & other miseries whereunto they are subject, that are subject unto a strange nation: for that now they were not with the Romans in state of friends and allies, as in former times, but flat servants and slaves; and that not under a Lieutenant general, which were more tolerable, albeit they come with a chargeable train, and a proud and disdainful kind of commanding: but they were delivered into the hands of petty captains, & Centurions, whom when they had filled with spoils and blood, than were they removed, and strait ways fresh hungry masters set over them, and new devices of polling invented. that now the day of the muster approached, when children should be drawn from their parents, brethren from brethren, never to see one another again: & that, which might the rather encourage them, the Romans were never in so poor a case, having nothing in their standing camps, but a rich spoil, and old men to guard it: wherefore they should only lift up their eyes, and not be afraid at the naked and bare names of Legions. that they had strength of their own, both of footmen and horse, the Germans were allied unto them in blood, the French likewise affected: that even the Romans themselves would not greatly mislike of this war, the losses whereof, if any were, they might impute to Vespasian, and if they went through and conquered, they should not be called to their account. Having ended his speech with great approbation of the audience, he bond them with barbarous ceremonies and adjurations used by them in like cases, in a firm association together. Straightways messengers were dispatched to the Cani● fates, to induce them also into the league. The Caninefates inhabit a part of the island, of the same language and race, in valour equal to the Batavians, but inferior in number. Then Civilis sent secret messages to solicit the 
a Whereof mention is made 1. Hist p. 43. 27. 45. 27. 2. Hist. p. 72. 7.  Batavian cohortes, which had served as Aids in Britanny, sent into Germany, as before 
b 2. Hist. p. 91. 1.  we have showed, and at that time remaining at Magontiacum. Among the Caninefates there was one Brinio, a wild and foolehardy brain, howbeit of a high and noble stock, whose father, having sundry times invaded our borders, and done many acts of hostility, boldly contemned those mocke-expeditions of Caius the Emperor: wherefore being descended of so rebellious a kindred, in that respect they liked him best of all others. And thereupon setting him, after their country manner, on a target, and bearing him round about on their shoulders, they elected him General: and he forthwith associating unto him the 
c Tac. de moribt Germ. p. 576.  Frisians, a nation beyond the Rhine, invaded the standing camp of 
d For within the island no Legion was encamped, but only some cohorts.  two cohorts adjoining to the Ocean. The Roman soldiers, neither foresaw this sudden invasion of the enemy, neither, if they had, were of sufficient force to repel it: so the camp was taken and spoiled, and the vittailers and merchants, wandering securely abroad as in peace, cut of. Then they drew forth, to make their approaches to the castles, and holds, which by the captains of the cohortes were set on fire, because they were not defensible: the enseighes, and bands, and such soldiers as were left, gathered themselves, under the leading of Aquilius a chief Centurion, 
e Nearer to Vetera, where two Legions lay, quinta, & quintadecima.  into the higher part of the island, composing an army, rather in name then in power: for Vitellius at his departing drew away the chief strength of the cohortes, and for supply took out of the nearest villages, of the Neruians and Germans, a raw company, whom he loaded with armour. Civilis, supposing it surest to work by fraud and deceit, blamed the captains, for that they had forsaken their castles: assuring that he alone, with the cohort under his charge, would easily repress the tumult of the Caninefates: & therefore willed them to return every man to his own place. It was perceived, that his counsel proceeded not of good meaning, but tended only to this end, that the cohorts being severed might be overthrown with greater facility: and by many apparent arguments, & speeches of the Germans themselves, a nation joyful of war, & not concealing long their own joy, it was discovered daily more & more, that Civilis, not Brinio, was the head & contriver of this Conspiracy. Wherefore, seeing his secret plots took none effect, he fell to plain force, and cast his power consisting of Caninefates, Frisians, and Batavians into three pointed battles, each nation by themselves. The Romans opposed their forces against him, not far from the river of Rhine, directing also their ships, which after the burning of the castles, they brought to that place, against the enemy. After a little skirmishing, a cohort of the Tungrians fled to Civilis: whereupon our soldiers, discomforted with the sudden treason, were on all sides beaten down, both by their false fellows, and enemies: the like perfidiousness was also on the water. A great part of the rowers (being Batavians borne) feigning unskil in handling their oar, hindered both the mariners, and soldiers in doing their duty: anon without dissimulation they wrought directly against them, and forced the ships to the enemy side, killing the Masters and Centurions, that would not condescend to their treason. And so the whole fleet, of four and twenty barks, either fled to the enemy, or was taken by force. This victory both presently wan great reputation, and afterward stood in great stead: for they got both armour and ships, which before they wanted; and throughout France, and Germany, they were highly renowned as the authors of liberty. The Germans by and by sent Ambassadors offering them aid: and Civilis, by policy and gifts, endeavoured to win the hearts of the French, sending the captains, whom he had taken, gently home, and giving the cohortes free choice, either to abide with him, or at their pleasure to return to their country: if they would tarry, he offered them honourable reward for their service; if otherwise, at their departure he bestowed upon them the spoils of the Romans, withal admonishing them in secret of their calamities sustained so many years, and of their miserable thraldom falsely entitled a peace; showing them how the Batavians, though not charged with tributes, as they, had notwithstanding taken arms against them, which tyrannized over them both. that the Romans, at the first encounter, were put to the flight by them, and discomfited: what were then to be hoped, if all France should join to shake of the yoke? Italy was disarmed, and could of itself, neither conquer nor keep; but with the provinces blood were the provinces won. that they should not be discouraged with the remembrance of Vindex misfortune: for the Batavian horse were the men, which defeated him and his army; and among the Aids of Verginius there were beside some French out of Belgica, and in true account France was ruined by her own forces. But now if it pleased them to join with him in this action, they both should make but one party: beside that they had seen and learned the best of the Romans militare discipline: moreover those old experienced Batavian cohorts, before whom Othoes Legions could not stand, no doubt would go with him. let Syria, and Asia, & the East, used to serve kings, be slaves if they list; in France many men were yet alive borne before tributes 
a And Tributes began above six score years before. so that many in France be like were long lived.  began: neither could it be denied, that Germany of late, by the overthrow and death of Quintilius Varus, had given a check to the Romish usurpers, banished servitude, and provoked to the field, not a Vitellius, but a Caesar Augustus. that liberty was granted by nature to dumb beasts also, but virtue and valour were peculiar ornaments of mankind, and to the valiant alone the gods gave their assistance. Wherefore, since they were at good leisure, and fresh, he willed them to set courageously upon their busily occupied and tired enemies: whiles some leaned to Vespasian, some clave to Vitellius, undoubtedly harm might be wrought against both. Thus Civilis, laying the plot for France and Germany, aspired, if his purpose took effect, to the monarchy of those most mighty, and most wealthy countries.   

VII. Hordeonius Flaccus, Lieutenant general of both Germanies, lying at Magontiacum, commandeth Mummius Lupercus, who with two Legions, the fift and the fifteenth, lodged at Vetera, to go forth against Civilis and the Batavians: but the Romans lost the battle, and fled back into Vetera their standing camp.  
BUT Hordeonius Flaccus, who at the first by connivence nourished Civilis attempts, now receiving fearful advertisements, that the 
* Castra sc. cohortium.  camps were surprised, the cohorts defeated & slain, not one Roman left in the whole Batavian island, commanded Mummius Lupercus the Lieutenant, who governed the standing camp of two Legions, to go forth against the enemy. Lupercus taking the Legionaries about him, and the Vbians at hand, with certain horsemen of the Treveri not far off, led them out in haste, taking also with him a wing of Batavians, which being long since secretly corrupted, notwithstanding made show of fidelity, to the end that in the very instant of joining, betraying the Romans, they might slip away with more damage to the one, and be better welcome to the other. Civilis placed round about him the ensigns of the late taken cohortes, that his soldiers might be encouraged in beholding the monument of their late glory, and the enemy dismayed with the memory of their overthrow. Moreover he caused his mother, and sisters, together with the wives & young children of all his soldiers, to stand at their backs for an encouragement to the victory, or a shame if they happened to flee. In the joining of the two armies, the singing of their men, and howling of their women, far exceeded and drowned the feeble shout of our Legions and cohortes, and the Batavian wing fleeing to the enemy, and straightway turning upon us, bared the left flank of our battle: notwithstanding the Legionary soldiers, as in a case of such danger, yet retained their weapons in their hands, and themselves in array. The Aids of the Vbians and Treveri ran most shamefully away, and broke every where, which chase the Germans pursued, & gave by that means leisure to our Legions to retire themselves into their camp called Vetera. Claudius Labeo captain of the Batavian wing, who had followed at home a contrary faction to Civilis, lest that either his death should offend the country, or his presence minister cause of dissension, was quietly sent out of the way into Frisia.   

VIII. The eight Batavian cohorts, which had served the Romans so long in Britanny, against Otho, and elsewhere, solicited by Civilis forsake Magontiacum, make their way at Bonna by the sword, and so join to Civilis.  
IN the mean season the messenger sent by Civilis to Magontiacum, to solicit the cohorts of Batavians & Caninefates, came thither, and found them in readiness, by Vitellius commandment, to march toward Rome. Upon that message received, forthwith they waxed proud, and intolerable, crying out (or else refusing to march) for their donative, for double wages, for an augmentation of the number of their horsemen, things indeed promised by Vitellius, but demanded by them, not in hope to obtain, but to pick an occasion of mutinee: and Flaccus, yielding to diverse of their demands, gained nought else, but that they more instantly craved those things, which they knew he could not but deny. So setting Flaccus at nought they took up their ensigns, and marched toward low Germany, to join themselves with Civilis. Hordeonius calling the Tribunes and Centurions also to council, debated the matter, whether he should by main strength seek to enforce them, which so contemptuously broke away: anon, partly of his own cowardly nature, partly through the timorousness of the officers, who trusted neither the faith of their Aides, nor the force of their 
a At Magontiacum then with Hordeonius were abiding two Legions; quartae, & duodevicesima aliâs ducetvicesim●.  Legions, being gathered in haste of men unskilful in service, he resolved to keep his soldiers within the trenches, and let the Batavians pass. afterward, repenting himself of that resolution, they also blaming it, which were chief authors thereof, as if he meant to pursue them, he wrote to Herennius Gallus governor of Bonna, and Lieutenant of the first Legion, which wintered there, that he should stop the Batavians from passage, promising that he, with his whole power, would not fail to be on their backs. And so verily they might have been defeated and slain, if Hordeonius of the one side, and Gallus of the other, had brought forward their power, and enclosed them in behind and before: but Flaccus changed his purpose again, and in other letters of later date willed Gallus, not to stay their passage. Whereupon suspicion arose, that the lieutenants of set purpose stirred up and fostered these wars; yea all the mischiefs, which either had chanced already, or were feared hereafter, were imputed, not to the cowardliness of the soldier, or strength of the enemy, but only to the fraud and falsehood of the Leaders. When the Batavians drew near to the camp at Bonna, they sent before certain messengers, to declare to Herennius Gallus the intention of the cohorts: that their meaning was not to make war with the Romans, in whose behalf they had so oft borne arms; but forasmuch as they were wearied with along and fruitless service, their desire was, quietly to live at home in their country. And therefore, if no man made opposition, their passage should be harmless: but if any hostility were offered, they would make their way with the sword. Whilst the Lieutenant stood divided in mind what to do, his soldiers urged him to put it to the fortune of a field. There were in his camp three thousand 
a Whereas the full and just number of a Legion should be 6000. or 5000. at the least.  Legionary soldiers, and certain tumultuary cohorts of Belgians, and withal a number of peasants, and followers of the camp, brave men before the danger approach, in the danger but cowards. Out they issue at all the gates of the camp to enclose the Batavians, whom they knew to be far inferior in number. The Batavians, mindful of their old order in service, set themselves in array in pointed battles, standing on every side close together, & having their front, their flanks, and their back surely guarded, and so with great facility broke thorough our thin companies. The Belgians first gave ground, and then our Legionaries were beaten back, and ran for fear toward the trenches, and gates of the camp. There the most slaughter was committed: the fosses were filled up with dead bodies, and many died in the throng, by tumbling one over another, and running upon their own weapons, aswell as slain by the enemy. After this victory the Batavians went forward, leaving Coleyn of the right hand, & attempted no act of hostility in the rest of their journey, but excusing the battle at Bonna as a thing done by constraint, and for their own safety, whenas they entreated for peace and it would not be granted.   

IX. Civilis colourably sweareth his men to Vespasian: then with his Batavians, and the assistance of certain Germane nations, he besiegeth Vetera; giveth an assault, and is repulsed.  
CIVILIS, upon the coming of these old cohorts, had now under his conduct a full & complete army: nevertheless wavering in mind, & standing irresolute, consideting the puissance of the Roman Empire, he caused all his men to swear to Vespasian, and sent forth with ambassadors to the two Legions, which being defeated by him in the former battle were fled to Vetera, requiring them also to take the like oath. Their answer was, they would not be advised neither by traitor, nor enemy; that Vitellius was their Prince, to whom alone they owed their faith, and would stand for him in arms to their last breath: wherefore let not a fugitive, and faithless Batavian carry himself as umpire of the Roman affairs, but rather look for condign punishment for his desert. Civilis being greatly incensed with this answer, bringeth the whole nation of the Batavians into the field. The Bructeri and Teucteri associate themselves, and messengers were sent into Germany, who raised the whole country, some to win honour, and some to gain spoil. Against these great threatenings and banding of so many enemies, Mummius Lupercus, and 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: for Lupercus alone duarum legionum hibernis praeerat. p. 161. l. 20. and that Numisius was not in Vetera, but rather was Lieutenant of the sixteenth Legion, whose standing camp was at Novelium, it may be gathered. p. 185. 10. & 192. 9  Numisius Rufus, Lieutenants of the Legions, fortified their trenches and 
c For the hiberna, or standing camps of the Legions, were in these later times walled as towns.  walls, and razed the buildings, which in so long a peace were erected, not far from the camp, in manner of a town, lest they should be a harbour for the enemy. But through oversight they omitted to convey the victual, and other provision therein into the camp, suffering it to be taken at discretion: and so in few days that was riotously consumed, which by good order would have relieved their needs a long time. Civilis led the middle battle himself, wherein was the flower and strength of Batavia: and on both sides of the Rhine, to the end the sight of his army might strike in the greater terror, he caused the regiments of the Germans to march, the horsemen galloping about the fields: and withal the ships were brought up the stream. So on the one hand the ensigns of the old 
d To wit, the Batavians.  cohorts, on the other the pictures and images of wild beasts taken out of their woods and consecrated groves, according as every nation useth to bear in the field, amazed our men, and terrified them doubly, with the show both of an external, and civil war. Moreover the great compass of the trench made the attempt of the besiegers more feasible and increased their hope. For whereas it was made to contain two Legions, at that present it had scarce five thousand armed men to defend it, beside the followers of the camp, which upon the breaking up of the peace gathered thither, and there remained doing them some service in the war. A part of the camp was situate upon the pendant of an easy hill, and part stood upon the plain ground. That standing camp Augustus settled there, supposing it sufficient to watch over, and as it were, to besiege the countries of Germany, never imagining that the world could go so far otherwise, as that they should presume to begin and assail our Legions: whereupon the less cost was bestowed, either to help the site of the place, or the strength of the bulwarks: men and armour alone were thought a sufficient defence. Now to the end, that being severed in place, the prowess of each nation might more distinctly appear, and be seen, the Batavians, and the Germans which dwelled beyond the Rhine, took standing each by themselves, and began to dart at our men a far of. But whenas they saw most of their weapons sticking in vain in the turrets, and pinnacles of the walls, and many of themselves wounded with stones thrown from above on their heads, leaving that kind of oppugnation, they suddenly with great force, and outcry assayed to scale the trenches, the most part by setting up ladders, others climbing over the heads of their fellows upon a target fence. And as some were now clamering up, they were beaten down headlong with sword and push of pike, and so with clubs, and darts overwhelmed, being men otherwise hot in the beginning, and too too courageous when fortune favoureth, but then for desire of pray they tolerated all hardness also: yea and that which with them is unusual, they endeavoured to prove with engines, whereof they had of themselves neither experience nor skill, only some fugitives and captives taught them to frame timber 
* in med●m ●on als.  in manner of a bridge, and to drive it forward on wheels, whereon certain standing above might skirmish with them on the walls, as it were from a mount, and others within secretly undermine the foundations. But the defendants, with great stones shot out of 
* Balistae.  engines, battered down their rude and ill framed work. And whenas provision was made of 
* Crates & vintae.  hurdles and planks to cover them in giving the assault, our men shot burning spears, and fired the works; assailing with fire even their assailers; who despairing at length to effectuate any thing by force, deliberated to lay a lingering siege thereunto, knowing that they had but few days victual within, and many unprofitable mouths to consume it, and hoping withal, that of want of food treason would ensue; that the faith of bondmen always fickle would now be fleeting, beside the casualties, which usually happen in war.   

X. Hordeonius dispatching Vocula before removeth from Magontiacum with his power to Bonna: and thence to Coleyn. where he resigneth the execution of his charge to Vocula: following notwithstanding the army from thence to Novesium, where, as it seemeth, he stayed till his death. At Novesium Gallus is joined in commission with Vocula: and so they removed forward to Gelduba▪ where being encamped, Vocula wasteth the Gugerni, and Gallus is beaten by the Germans.  
IN the mean time Flaccus, having understood of the siege of Vetera, and sent into France to levy Aides, selected out of his Legions a company of chosen men, and committed them to the leading of Dillius Vocula, Lieutenant of the eighteenth Legion, willing him to hasten, and make all possible speed along the bank of the river; himself followed slowly, and drooping for fear, being mortally hated of his soldiers. For they openly charged him, that he had suffered wilfully to scape from Magontiacum the cohortes of the Batavians, or rather purposely sent them away: that Civilis rebellious attempts were by his connivence fostered, and by his means the Germans called to the party▪ that neither Antonius Primus, nor Mutianus, had so strengthened Vespasians side, as Flaccus by this kind of dissembling dealing: for open enemies and arms might openly and with arms be repelled, but fraud and deceit were matters hardly espied, & therefore could not be avoided▪ that Civilis stood in the field embattled against them, but Hordeonius out of his bed chamber gave order, and directed as was most for the enemy's behoof: and why then should so many armed companies of valiant soldiers be governed by a sick and silly old man? nay why should they not rather dispatch such a traitor, and free their fortune and virtue from the ill chance of so unlucky a leader? As they were in these speeches one with another, letters came from Vespasian which incensed them more, the which Flaccus, because he could not conceal, caused openly to be red before the assembly, and sent the bringers thereof bound to Vitellius. By this means the soldiers minds were somewhat appeased: and so they came to Bonna the standing camp of the first Legion: the soldiers whereof were more displeased with Flaccus then the other: laying the fault of their late overthrow wholly upon him: averring that they at his commandment marched forth against the Batavians, assuring themselves, upon his promise, that his Legions from Magontiacum should assail them behind; and so no supply coming from thence, they lost their lives through his treason: that these matters had never been notified to the rest of the armies, nor to the Prince, or else by the help and assistance of so many cuntreies' this sudden rebellion might have been quenched in the beginning. Whereupon Hordeonius caused the copies of all the letters, which he had sent into France, Britanny and Spain, requesting their help, to be red to the army, and began a very ill example, that all letters sent from abroad should be delivered to the standerd-bearers of the Legions, who read them to the soldiers, before they came to the General's hand. Then he commanded one of the most factious to be apprehended and bound, rather to put his right in ure, then because the fault was but of one man alone: and so he 
a Taking along with him the first Legion, or a great part thereof, as it doth appear. p. 172. etc.  removed with his army from Bonna to Coleyn, where many Aids resorted unto him of the French nation, which at the first with all their power assisted the Romans, till afterwards seeing the Germans prevail, many of them took arms against us in hope of freedom, and that point attained, for desire of sovereignty. But the wrath of the Legions still increased, neither could one soldiers imprisonment terrify them: nay even the party imprisonned impeached the General of treason; alleging that he had been messenger between Civilis and him, and therefore a colour was sought to make him away, lest he should declare, and testify the truth. Then Vocula, with marvelous stoutness ascending into the Tribunal, commanded the soldier, as he exclaimed and cried, to be apprehended, and carried away to execution: which thing so terrified the bad and seditious, that the sounder sort without impeachment fulfilled his commandment, and anon by common consent they demanded Vocula to be their General: which place Flaccus willingly resigned unto him. But their minds were already mutinously affected, and many new occasions of more rage were presented; as want of pay, & provision of corn; 
b And yet not ten lines before he writeth, affluentibus auxilijs Gallorum, quae primò rem Romanam enixè iuvabant.  France refusing to yield soldiers and tributes; the Rhine also by reason of drought unusual in that country hardly able to bear any vessel; scarcity of victuals; garrisons of men placed along the bank to keep the Germans from passing the river; and so less corn, and more men to consume it. Among the ignorant and simpler sort the lowness of the water was held for a prodigious matter, as if the rivers also, and the ancient defences of the Empire had now forsaken us, & that which in peaceable times would have been counted chance, or proceeding of natural causes, at that time was called a fatal matter, and gods indignation and wrath. At Novesium they assumed the sixteenth Legion; and Herennius Gallus Lieutenant of the first Legion was joined with Vocula in part of the charge: yet durst they not go to find the enemy, but encamped themselves at a place called Gelduba. There they trained, and practised their soldiers in ordering of battles, in fortifing, entrenching, and other militare exercises. And to the end that they might by booties and spoils take courage and heart, Vocula led forth part of his army into the country of the Gugerni adjoining, who had allied themselves with Civilis: part remained behind with Herennius Gallus. And as by chance, not far from the camp, a barge loaden with corn, was run upon a shelf, the Germans espying it laboured to draw it to their side of the water; which Gallus would not endure, but sent a cohort to the rescue: the Germans also increased their number, and so by little and little, supply resorting on both sides, a battle was fought: wherein the Germans, after the slaughter of many of our men, by force haled the boat away. Our soldiers, being thus put to the worse, according to their custom there, blamed not their own cowardliness, but the treason of the Lieutenant, whom they drew out of his tent, tore his clothes, and bet his body, commanding him to tell upon what price, and with what complices he had thus betrayed the army. But 
a Who, as it seems, stayed behind at Novesium.  Hordeonius was charged with the whole envy of the fact; him they termed the contriver of the mischief, Gallus only the instrument; till at length Gallus, being terrified with their threatening of his destruction, to save his own life, was content to charge Hordeonius also with treason. Then was he put in bands, and afterwards, at the return of Vocula loosed, who the next day following put to death the authors of the stir. So strange diversity there was in that army, both licentiously to commit all enormities, and patiently to abide all correction. The common soldier was firm to Vitellius; the principal men more inclined to Vespasian. Hence came   

XII. Montanus a captain of Vitellius side, and borne at Triers, bringeth word to Novesium of the event of the battle at Cremona: whereupon they there and the rest at Gelduba swore to Vespasian: and sent Montanus to declare the same to Civilis, willing him to desist from hostility: but contrarily Civilis wrought Montanus to his purpose, and laid the plot of the rebellion of France, which shortly after ensued.  
THIS was the effect of that which passed in Germany before the 
a Which was fought about the later end of October, as it is declared elsewhere.  battle of Cremona: the event whereof Antonius Primus signified by letters directed unto them, sending withal 
b Who as Consul published belike some edict in favour of the Flavian side.  Caecinaes' edict: and 
c Sent by the Flavianists. 3. Hist. p. 125.  Alpinus Montanus captain of one of the vanquished cohortes, by word of mouth, confessed the overthrow of the side. Hereupon ensued diversity of affections. The Auxiliary soldiers of France, which served without all partiality, and neither hated nor loved the one faction nor the other, at the persuasions of their captains, were content forthwith to forsake Vitellius: but the old soldier stuck at it, till upon Hordeonius tendering, & the Tribunes urging they took the oath; albeit neither in countenance, nor mind seeming to be fully resolved, but pronouncing roundly the rest of their oath, and at the name of Vespasian either stopping, or tripping it lightly over, or skipping it quite. Then were the letters of Antonius to Civilis red in the open assembly, which raised many suspicions in the soldiers heads, because they seemed to be written as to one of the same faction, and spoke hardly of the Germane army. Anon word was carried to the camp at Gelduba, where the like was both spoken and done; and thereupon Montanus sent with charge to Civilis, to warn him to desist from making of war; and that he should not cloak any longer open rebellion with the colour of following sides. if he sought to help Vespasian, his desire now was accomplished, and his purpose performed. To these allegations Civilis replied, first in subtle and crafty terms; afterward perceiving Montanus to be of a hot and fierce disposition, and ready to accept any new impression, he beginneth with a complaint of the manifold perils, which for twenty five years space he had endured in the Roman service: A worthy, and just reward (quoth he) have I had of my travails, the death of my brother, mine own imprisonment, and the bloody words of this army, of whom being demanded to the slaughter, by the law of nations I do, and may justly seek my revenge. But as for you 
a For Alpim● was borne in Trier●. 3. Hist. p. 125.  Treveri, and the rest of servile souls, what reward expect you of your blood so often shed for their sakes, but fruitless service, continual Tributes, whips, gibbets, and slavery under proud insolent masters? Behold I a captain of one cohort, and the Caninefates and Batavians, a small portion of 
b Tacitus, in some other places, seemeth to comptize them under the name of Germans.  France, have 
c Those in Holland.  destroyed and overthrown those vast and vain camps of theirs, and do 
d Mentivole of Vetera.  besiege them with famine and sword. to conclude, if we venture, we shall either recover our liberty, or if we lose, be in the same state we were in before. Civilis having thus incensed Montanus, dismissed him away, howbeit willed him to make a more favourable report, who accordingly at his return only signified, that he had not sped in his embassage, dissembling the rest which strait after broke out.   

XIII. Vocula overthroweth two captains of Civilis, sent against him as he lay at Gelduba.  
CIVILIS retaining part of his host, sent the old cohortes, and the forwardest of the Germans, against Vocula and his army, under the leading of julius Maximus, and Claudius' Victor his sister's son. In the way they took up and spoiled the standing camp of a wing sited at Asciburg, and so suddenly assaulted the enemy's camp at Gelduba, that Vocula had no leisure to speak to the soldiers, or to display the ranks: thus much only, as in a tumult, he warned to strengthen the middle battle with legionary soldiers, and the Auxiliaries to cast themselves about on every side. Then our horsemen broke forth, and seeing the enemy in good order and array to receive them, they turned their backs, and fled toward their footmen: whereupon a slaughter ensued and no fight. The cohorts also of the Neruij through fear or falsehood fled, and bared the sides of our men; and so way was made to our Legionary soldiers, who began now to be overthrown within the trenches, and to lose their ensigns, whenas suddenly with a new supply the fortune of the battle was changed. For certain cohorts of Vascones levied by Galba, and then 
e Fron whence? Novesium, Bonna, Magontiacum? or from what coast of the world?  sent for, coming near the camp, & hearing the noise as they fought, assailed the enemy's backs being intentive another way, and caused a greater terror than so small a number could otherwise have done, had not the enemy believed, some of them, that the rest from Novesium, and some, that the whole power from Magontiacum was come. That error also increased the Romans courage: and whilst they presumed upon other men's strength they recovered their own. The most valiant of the Batavian footmen were slain, the horsemen escaped with the ensigns and captives that were taken in the first conflict: on our side that day were slain more in number, but men of small service; the Germans lost the very flower, and strength of their army. Both the Generals by like default deserved the overthrow in reason alike: and winning were negligent both alike to follow their fortune. For if Civilis had furnished his side with greater forces, they could never have been by so few cohorts enclosed about: & the camp of the Romans being, as it was, by force broken up, had doubtless been utterly razed. Vocula likewise lacking scowts abroad to signify the enemy's approach was suddenly surprised; and so in one moment went out to fight, and was overcome: afterward winning more by luck then desert, & not trusting his own victory nor using the benefit thereof, he vainly trifled out many days before he would march toward the enemy; whom if he had presently followed, & pursued the course of his victory effectually, he might at that blow have raised the siege of the Legions at Vetera.   

XIIII. Vocula putteth Civilis to flight, and entereth Vetera.  
CIVILIS in the mean time had assayed to induce the Legions to surrendre, as though the Romans had been quite overthrown, & his men obtained an entire victory. for proof whereof he commanded the Roman ensigns, and banners to be carried about, and the prisoners produced in sight, whereof one ventured worthily, and declared aloud how the whole matter had passed, & was killed in the place by the Germans, which thing caused them within to believe his relation the better, and withal by the wasting & burning of the villages they might discern, that their own victorious army was coming. When Vocula came near unto Vetera he commanded the enseigns to be pitched in the sight of the camp, and a ditch and trench to be cast round about: that laying aside their baggage and needless furniture in place of safety, they might fight more lightly and less encumbered. Whereupon the soldiers began to exclaim, crying to go to the battle, and now they were grown to that custom to threaten their Leader. So without taking so much time as only to set the battle in array, disordered, and tired, they began the fight; for Civilis was ready to present them the battle, reposing no less affiance in the follies and faults of his enemies, then in the virtue and valour of his own people. Of the Roman side the matter went doubtful and hard, and the most mutinous proved the most dastards: some there were which mindful of the victory lately obtained kept their standing, galled the enemy, and animated themselves and their fellows. The battle being thus brought back again, which erewhile in a manner was lost, they held up their hands to them in the camp, that they should not neglect to use the opportunity, who beholding all things from the walls, issued forth at all the gates, and by chance Civilis being by the fall of his horse overthrown, of both sides was thought to be wounded or slain; which greatly dismayed his men and caused them to break, and contrarily put courage in ours. But Vocula pursued not the chase, but entering Vetera only augmented the rampires, and towers of the camp, as against a new siege, being had in a jealousy, by this kind of cold dealing, to desire the continuance of the war: and not without cause, having so often marred the victory for want of good following.   

XV. Vocula vittaileth Vetera, and returneth to Gelduba, and thence to Novesium: where Hordenius in a mutinee is slain. Vocula with his power goeth to relieve Magontiacum besieged by the Germans. The faithfulness of the Treveri to the Romans at the beginning of these troubles.  
NOTHING distressed our soldiers so much, as lack of provision and food. Whereupon the carriages of the Legions, with a weak, & unserviceable company, were sent to Novesium, that from thence by land they might furnish the army with victuals; for the enemies were masters of the river. The first convoy passed peaceably without molestation, Civilis being not yet recovered of his hurt: but an one understanding another company was sent to Novesium, and certain cohorts assigned to conduct them, marching as in time of great quiet carelessly, not keeping themselves to their ensigns, but casting their armour and weapons into the wagons, and roving about licentiously, he sent before to take up the bridges and straits, and then in good order charged upon them. The 
* pugnatum long● agmine.  battle was fought with troops displayed out thinnely in length, and continued doubtful, until the night took up the quarrel. The cohorts proceeded forward to Gelduba, the camp standing there as it was, guarded by the soldiers which Vocula had left. There was no question what peril there would be in the return, the foragers being but few, and heavily loaden: whereupon Vocula determining to go out and relieve them, increased his army with a thousand men chosen out of the two Legions, which were besieged at Vetera, the first and fifteenth, a stubborn and headstrong soldier, and hating his captains. More went than were commanded, at their going openly murmuring, that they would no longer endure famine, nor be obnoxious to the secret practices of the Lieutenants: but those which remained behind complained, that they, by carrying away so many men, were forsaken, and left as a pray to the enemy. Whereupon a double mutinee grew, the one part recalling Vocula seditiously, and the other in like sort refusing to return again to the camp. In the mean season Civilis besieged Vetera. Vocula marcheth to Gelduba, and leaving Gelduba (which Civilis strait way took up) from thence to Novesium, not far from whence, shortly after, his horsemen skirmished with the enemy prosperously. But prosperity & adversity inflamed alike the soldiers to seek their captains destruction: and the Legions being augmented, by that increase out of the fift and fifteenth Legion, more insolently required their donative, understanding that money was sent from Vitellius. Whereupon Hordeonius, without further delay, divided the money amongst them in Vespasians name, which was the principal thing that ministered matter, & fed the mutinee which followed. For the soldiers, having idle spending money, gave themselves to riot and banqueting, and assemblies by night, and by that means renewed their former wrath and displeasure against Hordeonius, whom they haled out of his chamber & slew, none of the Lieutenants or Tribunes daring to gainsay, or withstand them being hardened, by reason of the night season, against all modesty and shame. The like was intended against Vocula, if he had not in a bondmans' attire escaped unknown in the dark. Assoon as the heat of their fury was past, they fell to consider the danger wherein they did stand, & sent by and by Centurions with letters to the cities of France, desiring supply of money and men, themselves when Civilis approached, as the common sort without head is headlong, fearful, and sluggish, rashly took up their weapons, & soon laying them down ran away. Adversity bred discord, those of the upper army disjoining their cause from the others. Notwithstanding the images of Vitellius were set up again in the camp, and in the cities of Belgium adjoining, whenas Vitellius himself was now down. Then the soldiers of the first Legion and the fourth & eighteenth upon repentance came in, and submitted themselves unto Vocula, at whose hands receiving again the oath to Vespasian, they were led forth to raise the siege at Magontiacum. The army which besieged it (consisting of Catti, Vsipij and Matiaci) was already departed away loaden with spoils, & being by our men met with on the way scattered & at unawares, was in part put to the sword. Moreover the Treveri along their confines cast a trench with a 
* Loricam, vallumque  parapet, and with great slaughter on each side skirmished against the Germane, until shortly after revolting, by that odious fact, they defaced all their good service done heretofore to the Romans.   

XVI. The disposition of the common people of the City, at the beginning of the year. The ordinary Senate upon the first day of January. Mutianus supplanteth Antonius Primus.  
IN the mean season Vespasianus second time Consul & Titus in absence entered their office, 
The year of the city. 823.  the city being in great anguish & diversely perplexed, besides the miseries which presently they felt, upon a false alarm of the revolt of Africa, & the rebellion of Piso Proconsul there, a man of mild and quiet disposition: but because through the tempestuousnes of the winter the ships came not home, the poor people which day by day were accustomed to buy bread, and cared for nothing else of common affairs but corn, feared that all the ships of that coast were purposely stayed, and the corn detained, and fearing quickly believed it. In which imaginary conceit the Vitellianists also confirmed them, who had not as yet wholly left of their former affections and humours. Neither was the rumour displeasing unto the winners, as hoping to make their profit thereby, whose insatiable lust and desires no foreign war, much less any civil victory could ever fill or content. The first of january the Senate was assembled by julius Frontinus the 
a To whom it belonged, in the absence of the Consuls, to assemble the Senate.  Citty-pretor, and solemn thanks with praise concluded upon to the Lieutenants and armies, and kings which friended the cause. The Praetorship also was taken from Tertius julianus, because he had forsaken his Legion applying itself to Vespasians side, & bestowed upon Plotius 
b One of Mutians favourits. 3. Hist. p. 133.2.  Griphus. Hormus was made a Gentleman of Rome, & straightways Frontinus resigning, Domitianus Caesar took the place. In his name all letters were written & edicts published, but the power and direction of affairs rested in Mutianus, save that Domitian either pricked forward by his friends, or upon his own pleasure, and lust presumed to do many things of himself. But Mutianus principal fear was of Antonius Primus and Arius Varus, whom, beside that they were greatly renowned for their late famous exploits, and in great credit with the soldiers, the common people also loved well, because they had slain none but in the field. Moreover it was given out by some, that Antonius had solicited Scribonianus Crassus, a man of great honour, both in respect of his worthy ancestors, and of his late 
* Piso, whom Galba adopted.  brothers high place, to take upon him the state, assuring him of a sufficient number of complices to uphold & maintain it, had not Scribonianus refused the offer; a man so greatly fearing uncertainties, that even an assured certainty could not easily have stirred him. Therefore Mutianus, because Antonius openly could not be put down, spent upon him many good words, and great commendations in the Senate house, and secretly laded him with promises, putting him in hope of nearer Spain, which by the departure of Clwius Rufus lay void, and bestowed upon his friends Tribuneshippes, & Captainshippes liberally. And when Mutianus had filled with these winds of hope and desire his empty vainglorious mind, he proceeded subtly to infringe his power, & utterly put him out of his strength, by dismissing unto their wintering place the 
c Septima Galbiana.  seventh Legion, which did most earnestly affect Antonius. The third Legion also that depended upon Atius Varus was sent, away back into Syria: another 
d Sexta & octava de victricibus. Tac. p. 190.  part of the army was carried into Germany. So the city being disburdened of those which were prone to breed trouble, recovered her former estate, the laws took their due course, and the magistrates resumed their charge.   

XVII. Certain matters which passed in the Senate.  
THE day that Domitian, after his new honour came into the Senate, he made a brief and courteous speech concerning his fathers, and brother's absence, and of his own green years and lack of experience, with a comely grace and decent behaviour: his often blushing and being out of countenance, his qualities being not yet known abroad, was reputed modesty & bashfulness. Whenas he proposed that Galba should be restored to his honour and dignity, Curtius Montanus was of opinion, that the memory of Piso also should be solemnized, the Senators allowed of both: howbeit concerning Piso it took none effect. After this, certain were allotted to see restitution made of those things, which had been by force taken away in the war; and some others to view & set up the brazen tables of the laws, which by 
a By the burning of the Capitol melted, saith Suetonius Vespasiano. c. 8.  tract of time were decayed; & others to reform & purge the public records, and registers, which by flattery of times were corrupted, & to moderate and stint the public expenses. Tertius julianus was restored to his Praetorship, after it was known that he fled to Vespasian: notwithstanding Griphus kept his room too. Then the Senate awarded, that the cause between Musonius Rufus, and Publius Celer should be revived and determined: and so Publius was condemned, & satisfaction made to the soul of Soranus. In this days work as the public severity of the Senate was notable, so privately Musonius wanted not his due commendation, for having judicially prosecuted so just a revenge: as contrarily 
b Annal. 16. p. 558. 22. Sueron. Vespa. c. 13. Xiphil. p. 223.  Demetrius the Cynic was generally blamed, for that ambitiously, & without regard of his credit, he had lent his hand to protect a manifest offender: for Publius himself had neither spirit nor tongue to plead his own cause. When the sign was given, and a flag of revenge, as it were, set out against the accusers, junius Mauricus requested Domitian, that it would please him to communicate a copy to the Senate of the Prince's records and papers, whereby they might be certified particularly, who had required to have the accusing of whom. Answer was made, that the Prince's advise was to be asked in a case of that weight: whereupon the Senate, the principal personages beginning the example, conceived a form of oath, which all the magistrates swore, contending who should be foremost, and the rest, as their voices were severally asked, solemnly protesting, & calling the gods to witness, that they had never attempted nor done any act against the life of any, nor reaped commodity or honour by the calamities of others, they which were guilty that way pronouncing it faintly, and mincing the oath, and diversely wresting and changing the words. The Senators allowed of them which swore truly, & openly reproved the others perjury: which reproof lay most heavily upon Sariolenus Vocula, & Nonius Actianus, & Cestius Severus, persons infamous for their often accuse under Nero: and beside, which aggravated his case, Sariolenus had lately attempted the like with Vitellius: so that they bent their fists against him, and ceased not to offer violence, until he departed the house. From him they went to Pactius Africanus, seeking to throw him out likewise, because he had given information against the Scribonian 
a Xiphillin: Nerone. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  brethren, renowned both for their wealth & mutual agreeing together, and procured their destruction with Nero. Africanus neither durst confess the matter objected, nor could well deny it: but turning himself to Vibius Crispus who pressed him nearest with his interrogatories, he on the other side challenged him of the like, seeking to shift off the odiousness of that, which he could not directly defend, by joining the plaintiff in the same crime. That day Vipsanius Messalla wan himself great credit, both for eloquence and good nature, undertaking, being under Senators age, to make intercession for his brother 
b Omnium bipedum nequissimus, as Pliny the younger calleth him, a most pestilent instrument of tyranny in Nero and Domitian's time. lib. 1. ep. 5. etc.  Aquilius Regulus. Regulus was extremely hated, because he had wrought the overthrow of the noble houses of the Crassis, and of Orphitus. he was at his own suit appointed by the Senate to be their accuser, and undertook that odious charge voluntarily being very young, and not, as some others, to avoid danger that in refusing might grow to himself, but in hope of rising higher thereby. And Sulpicia Praetextata wife of Crassus, with four of his children presented themselves in a readiness to prosecute the matter, if it would please the Senate to take knowledge thereof. Messalla, neither justifying the cause nor the man, but opposing himself against the perils of his brother, had moved some to compassion. Then Curtius Montanus replied with a bitter oration, proceeding so far, that he charged Regulus with giving of money after Galba's death to him that slew 
a And yet he got a legacy at Verania●● hand, Cuius marito, saith Pliny, lib. 2. ep. 19 inimicissimus, ipsi invisissimus fuerat.  Piso, with biting of Piso's head being dead. these things (quoth he) I trow Nero never constrained you to do: neither saved you either your life, or your honour by such savage cruelty. Let us grant their defence to be tolerable, which chose rather to bring others into ruin, than themselves into peril, for your part you had nothing to lose: your father going into banishment left you void of all danger that way; his goods were parted amongst his creditors: and your age as yet not capable of honours: you had nothing that Nero should either desire from you, or fear in you. Nay it was your own blood thirsty humour, and gaping for gain, which caused you to employ your gifts, being as yet not known nor tried in defending any man's cause, to the destruction of the Nobility: when at one blow you ruined and overthrew innocent children, reverend old men, honourable women, and by this good service in destroying the common wealth merited Consulare spoils, 
b That is, 54687. li. 10. 2. sterling.  seven thousand thousand sesterces, & an honourable Priest hood: when you blamed Nero's slack & remiss kind of proceeding, that he went house by house & tired out both himself & the whole company of the accusers, whereas he might with like facility and speaking of a word subvert the whole Senate. Keep I pray you (my Lords) and make store of a counsellor of so good a dispatch, that every age may be furnished: and as our old men imitate Marcellus and Crispus, so our young may do Regulus. Dishonesty even when it thriveth not, findeth follower's, what will it do then when it doth prosper & flourish? & whom we dare not offend having been but Questor, what shall we do when he shall have passed the higher offices of Praetor & Consul? or do ye think that Nero shall be the last tyrant? indeed so they also believed, which overlived Tiberius and Caius, when in the mean time arose another more cruel and detestable then either. We fear not Vespasian; his age warranteth us, and his moderate disposition: but precedents dure longer than dispositions. We are waxen cold (my Lords) neither are we now the same men, that assoon as Nero was slain required these promoters, and all other instruments of tyranny to be punished more maiorum. After the decease of an ill Prince the first day is always the best. With so great applause and liking of the Senate Montanus was heard, that helvidius conceived hope of the possibility of overthrowing Marcellus also. Therefore beginning his speech with the commendation of Clwius Rufus, who being as rich, and as famous for eloquence, had notwithstanding in Nero's time never procured any man's danger, he pressed Marcellus both with his own fact, and with the others example, and the Senators fingers even tickled against him. Which when Marcellus perceived, making semblance of departing the house, We are gone helvidius (quoth he) and leave to you a Senate of your own: take your pleasure, and 
“ Or, exercise your kingdom when the prince returneth. regna present Caesar●.  exercise your kingdom in the presence of the young Prince. After him followeth Vibius Crispus, both well warmed and nettled: Marcellus with a threatening countenance, Crispus half smiling, but at the entreaty of friends they came again to their places. And so the contention growing hotter, and of the one side many and good, on the other few and mighty banding together, and inveighing despitefully one against the other, that day was consumed in brawlings. The next meeting Domitian beginning to persuade, that old griefs and grudges should not be revived, but buried together with the memory of the late times, wherein men were forced to do many things against their own minds, Mutianus continuing the speech opined at large in favour of the accusers, gently admonishing withal, and as it were entreating them, who seemed to resume their actions which they had discontinued. The Senators, when they saw they were crossed in following their liberty, meddled no further, and Mutianus, lest the judgement of the Senate should seem to be little regarded, and a general pardon as it were proclaimed of all crimes committed under Nero, commanded Octavius Sagitta and Antistius Sosianus, Senators by calling, which were without leave returned from exile, to be reduced into the same islands again. 
a Yac. 13. Ann. p. 470.  Octavius had frequented with Pontia Posthumia another man's wife adulterously, and because she refused after to marry him, he slew her upon extreme passion of love: Sosianus by his lewd qualities had been the ruin of many: both of them had been condemned and banished by a heavy sentence of the Senate, and others being restored they were left still in the same penalty. But Mutianus could not with all this wipe the ill opinion away of his former dealing. For Sosianus and Sagitta were men vile and of no account, neither mattered it where they lived: but the accusers great gifts, great wealth and great power, being men so well seen in all lewd practices, were feared not without cause. The Senators minds were anon in part reconciled by means of a certain cause heard in the house, and decided according to ancient custom. Manlius Patricius a Senator made complaint, that in the colony of Sienna he was beaten of the multitude at the magistrates commandment, and not contented with this outrage they 
* Nec finem iniuriae hic stetisse: planctum & lamenta & supremorum imaginem presenti sibi circun dat●.  mourned and wailed, and made show of celebrating his funerals in his own sight, with many scornful and reproachful speeches redounding upon the whole Senate. The parties accused were called, and upon due examination convicted, and executed, and an act made to admonish the people of Sienna to behave themselves in modester manner hereafter. At the same time Antonius Flamma was condemned of extortion, at the suit of the Cyrenenses, and exiled for his cruel behaviour, and shedding of innocent blood.   

XVIII. A view taken of the Praetorian soldiers. A loan motioned in the Senate. The funerals of Flavius Sabinus.  
AMIDST these things there had welny broken out a sedition of the soldiers. The Garde-soldiers dismissed by Vitellius, & assembled in favour of Vespasians cause, required their former place: likewise the 
a Of the Flaevian side, as it is not unlike that many Legionaries were the more easily induced to enter into the cause, upon hope of that preferment.  soldiers, which upon hope of the same room were chosen out of the Legions, demanded performance of promise. Neither could Vitellius guard well be removed without much bloodshed. So Mutianus, coming to the camp to the end he might better view their years of service, appointed the winners severally to stand, with their ensigns & weapons, a little distance asundet. Then he willed the Vitellian guard, as well those which yielded themselves at Bovillaes, as others sought out within the City and about, to be produced in a manner unarmed, then to be divided, and those which were chosen out of the Germane and British armies, and so of the rest, if any were, to stand each by themselves. The first sight hereof did strait amaze them, to see the contrary side as in a pitched field flourishing with their weapons and darts, and themselves without armour, deformed, and in poor miserable state closed about. But when they began to be drawn, and distracted hither and thither, they trembled all, especially the Germane soldiers, as if the separation tended only to sort them out to the slaughter; whereupon they fell to embrace their companions, to hang on their necks, to kiss them as for their last farewell, beseeching not to leave them alone, & that in the like cause they might not abide harder fortune than others; with obsecrations sometimes to Mutianus, sometimes to the Prince that was absent, sometimes to the gods & the heavens to relieve their distressed estate; till such time as Mutianus calling them all liege men of one sovereign, and soldiers of the same Prince, eased them of this vain fear; the rest of the soldiers present with a shout furthering their tears, and declaring themselves to favour their cause: and so for that day the matter was shut up. Some few days after Domitian in an oration made offer unto them of land and possessions, who being now assured and out of all fear did boldly refuse it, praying to have their former service and wages again. it was but a prayer, marry such as could not be denied: and so they were received into the Guard. afterward they which had served their years, and accomplished their just number of stipends, were honourably dismissed: some others criminally, and for their misdemeanour singled out one by one: the safest remedy to weaken and dissolve the consent of a multitude. Then a motion was made in the Senate, whether upon necessity indeed, or because they would 
a Initio statim principatus professus est Vespasianus quadringenties millies. HS. opus esse. ut resp. stare posset, saith Suetonius. c. 16. one of the greatest sums I remember any where named, amounting to above three hundredth million of pounds  have it to seem so, that a loan should be made, by private men to the Public of 
b That is, 468750. li. star.  sixty millions of sesterces, & the charge thereof committed to Poppaeus Silvanus: but shortly after the necessity ceased, or the false semblant. Then by a law proposed by Domitian the Consulshippes conferred by Vitellius were disannulled: and Flavius Sabinus funerals were celebrated with Censorial pomp: great demonstrations of fortune's fickleness, turning upside down whatsoever seemeth high in the world.   

XIX. The death of Lucius Piso Proconsul of Africa.  
ABOUT the same time Lucius Piso Proconsul of Africa was slain: the truth of which murder I will briefly set down, resuming first certain former matters, which may seem to have ministered chief occasion, and cause to such like inconveniences. The Legion in Africa, and the Aids assigned to guard the frontiers of the Empire that way, in the time of Augustus, and Tiberius, were under the government of the Proconsul, till Caius a Prince of a troubled brain, and having in jealousy M. Silanus, who then was Proconsul of Africa, removed the Legion from the Proconsul, delivering it to a Lieutenant sent for that purpose. The parting of an office thus between two without subordination, and their charge and points of commission lying intermingled, and running jointly together, bred and nourished, as was intended, discord and quarrels: and so through sinister emulation the Lieutenant's office encroached and grew, either because they continued longer in charge, or because inferior persons commonly take more pain, and delight in contending with their superiors, the greatest men of the Proconsul's seeking rather safety than might. Now at this time Valerius Festus was Lieutenant of the Legion there, a riotous youngman, and one that gaped after great matters, but much perplexed in mind, by reason he was so nearly allied to Vitellius. This Valerius in his often conferences which he had with Piso, whether he persuaded him to take upon him the state, or opposed himself against Piso's soliciting it is uncertain (for at their secret communication none was present beside: and when Piso was slain most men inclined to favour the slayer) certain it is, that the province and soldiers were ill affected toward Vespasian. And some of the Vitellianists escaping out of the City, laid down before Piso the great possibility of effectuating that purpose: that France was in terms of revolting, Germany ready to side themselves with him, adjoining the danger wherein he stood for his own person, and that in a suspected peace open war was the only safe course. As these things were in doing, Claudius Sagitta captain of the Petrin wing came thither, having out-sayled Papirius a Centurion sent by Mutianus, and avouched that the said Centurion had commission to dispatch Piso: that his kinsman and son in law Galerianus was already dispatched in Rome; so that the only hope of safety consisted in venturing boldly: and of venturing there were but two ways, either strait to take arms, or sailing into France to offer himself there for a head to the Vitellian armies. Notwithstanding all which allegations Piso persisted unmovable: and anon the Centurion sent by Mutianus came; who, assoon as he arrived at the port of Carthage, proclaimed Piso Emperor, wishing to him as Prince all success and prosperity, and requiring all that he met, being amazed at the wonder, to join in the same cry. The credulous common people flocked in the market place and demanded the presence of Piso, filling the city with shouts & acclamations of joy, partly upon negligence to search out the truth, and partly upon a pleasure in flattery. But Piso, whether upon the intimation of Sagitta, or of his own modesty, refrained from going abroad & committing himself to the people's discretion: & examining the Centurion, perceiving it was but a snare to entrap him, & so to make him away, he commanded him to be slain, not so much for hope of escaping himself by so doing, as upon just indignation against the Centurion, because the same man had been one of the murderers of Clodius Macer, & meant to bring his hands lately imbrued with the blood of a Lieutenant now to the slaughter of a Proconsul. Then he checked the Carthaginians with a sharp and severe edict, and ceased to execute even the usual points of his office, keeping still within doors, lest any occasion of new commotion by mischance might arise. Festus understanding how the people was daunted and dashed, the Centurion slain, and other occurrencies part true, part false, or enlarged and amplified, as fame feedeth in going, sendeth certain horsemen to murder Piso; who making all haste in the dawning of the day broke into the house of the Proconsul with drawn sword, the most part not knowing Piso by sight, being Auxiliaries of the country, and Moors picked out for the purpose. Whereupon meeting one of his servants, not far from his bedchamber, they asked him who he was, and where Piso was to be found: the servant perceiving his master's danger, notably and resolutely answered, that he was Piso, and so was presently slain in the place: by and by after Piso himself was massacred. For there was in the company Bebius Massa, one of the procurators of Africa, that knew him; even than a worker of good men's destruction, and one that often will fall into the course of this story, as an instrument of the mischiefs, and a cause of the miseries that we sustained 
a In Domitian's time. Tac. in vita Agricolae. Plinius in epistolis.  afterward. Festus in the mean time stayed at Adrumetum to watch how the matter succeeded, & from thence went to the Legion, where he commanded Cetronius Pisanus the Camp-master to be committed toward, upon private displeasures between them, pretending that he was an abettour, and complice of Piso. Some soldiers also and Centurions he punished, and some he rewarded: neither of them for any desert, but because he would seem to have ended a war. Then he took up the debates between the 
” or, Oë●nses.  Ophenses and Leptitanis, which of small beginnings, as robbing of cattle and corn from the countrymen, were now by force of arms maintained in the field. For the Ophenses being the weaker side had called the Garamantes to aid them, a savage people and altogether given to robbing and stealing upon their neighbours: whereupon the Leptitanis were hardly bestedde, and their fields being round about wasted, trembled for fear within the walled towns, till such time as the cohorts and wings came, who put the Garamantes to flight, and recovered all the spoil, save only that which certain outriders had carried further into the country, and sold there among their wild inaccessible cottages.   

XX. Vespasian at Alexandria receiveth advertisement of the death of Vitellius. The embassage of Vologesus king of the Parthians to him. Titus' speech with his father. Corn is sent to Rome. The foundation of the Capitol is laid.  
●. AFTER the battle at Cremona, and good news from all quarters, many of all sorts hazarded to put themselves upon the rough winter seas, and sailed with safety to carry Vespasian the news that Vitellius was slain: & king Vologesus ambassadors were there offering forty thousand Parthian 
a 40. millia sagi● tariorum, saith Suetonius. Vesp. c. 6. not disagreeing from Tacitus: for the Parthians were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  horsemen to aid him. It was a glorious and joyful thing, to be sought unto with offers of so great assistance, & yet not to need them. So thanks were given to Vologesus, and he willed to send an embassage to the Senate, & assure himself of peace with the Romans. Vespasian converting his cares upon Italy, & the affairs of the city, was advertised somewhat hardly concerning Domitian's dealings, as if he had 
b uno die, saith Suet. Domitiano. c. 1. super triginta urbana ●ssicia atque peregrinae distribuit, miraerise Vespasiano dictitante quòd successorem non & sibi mittecret.  passed the bounds of his age, and carried himself above his compass, rather like an Emperor than an emperors son. Therefore the most serviceable part of his army he delivereth over to Titus willing him to prosecute & finish the jewish war. It is reported that Titus before his 
c From his father at Alexandria: for thither he accompanied his father, and from thence returned back to Caesareas' which voyage is particularly described by josephus in the last words of his fourth book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  departure used long speech & entreaty with his father, desiring him not to believe lightly, or enter in choler at the tale of every backbiter, but rather to reserve himself free for an indifferent audience, and carry a placable mind towards his own son. For neither were Legions nor navies so strong defences and rampires of a Prince's estate, as the multitude of children. Friends with time and fortune, sometimes by unadvised desires, or oversights, decrease, fall from us and fade, whereas a man's own blood cleaveth fast, and cannot be disjoined: especially in Princes, whose prosperity as well may others enjoy, but their adversity toucheth none near, but their nearest in blood: and how should they two being brethren agree, if the father gave not first an example. Vespasian not so much pacified toward Domitian, as delighted with the good nature of Titus bade him be of good comfort, and look to his charge in advancing the weal public with arms in the field; himself would take order with matters of peace, & domestical affairs. Then he committed to sea, which as yet was tempestuous, his best ships of sail fraught with corn: for the City was in such distress, and stood in those terms of famishing, that when the corn came from Vespasian, they had not at all in their storehouses above ten days provision. As concerning the setting up of the Capitol again, he committed the charge thereof to Lucius Vestinus a Gentleman of Rome, but for authority and countenance one of the principal men of the city; by whom the soothsayers being called together expressly charged, that the relics of the former temple should be conveyed & carried away into the marshes, & the new erected upon the self same foundation: for it was not the pleasure of the gods the old form should be altered. The one and twentieth of june being a goodly fair day the whole plot of the temple was bound, & tied about with fillets & garlands. The soldiers whose 
a Cic, de divinatione. cum impera tor exercitum, censor populum lustraret, bonis nominibus qui hostias ducerent eligebantur: quod idem in dilectu consuls observant, ut primus miles fiat bono nomine.  names had lucky singnifications entered in with fortunate boughs. Afterward the Vestal virgins, with boys & girls which had both father & mother alive, washed it with water fetched from rivers, & springs, and running streams. Then helvidius Priscus the Praetor, Plautus Elianus one of the chief Priests going before him, hallowed the floor with a solenn sacrifice of a swine, a sheep & a bullock, and laying the entrails upon a green turf, calling first upon jupiter, juno, Minerva, and the rest of the gods protectors of the Empire, that they would prosper the work, exalt and advance this their own habitation, begun by the devotion of men, with their divine and celestial power, he put his hand to the fillets and ropes, wherein a huge mighty stone was fast tied, and withal the rest of the magistrates and Priests, the Senate & Gentlemen, and a great part of the people pressing with great desire and joy, drew the stone to the foundations, throwing in withal ingots of gold & silver, and oar never tried in the furnace, but raw as it grew▪ for the soothsayers forewarned that the work should not be defiled with stone, or gold which had been destinated to any other use. only the roof was made higher: that alteration alone was not disallowed by the gods, & the former temple, for want of proportion that way, was thought to lack stateliness, and majesty convenient for a building, wherein such a mass of men should be holden.   

XXI. The Treveri and Lingones, at the instigation of Classicus, Tutor, and Sabinus, assembling secretly in counsel at Coleyn, determine to revolt from the Romans. Vocula removeth from Magontiacum to Coleyn. Claudius Labeo maketh a road against the Caninefates without great effect.  
WHEN the death of Vitellius was heard of in France and Germany, it doubled the war. For Civilis now laying aside dissimulation declared himself, and made open war against the Roman Empire. The Legions which had served Vitellius wished rather foreign bondage, then to have Vespasian their Prince. The Frenchmen conceived courage, and hope of freeing themselves from the yoke, supposing that the same fortune was befallen to our armies in all places alike: and indeed a rumour was noised that our standing camps in Pannonia and Moesia were straightly besieged by the Sarmatians and Dacians: the like was reported of Britanny. But nothing persuaded them so much to believe, that the Roman Empire was come to an end, as the burning of the Capitol. For the city had been once before taken by the French, but the seat of jupiter then being untaken the Empire stood and remained: whereas now by this fatal fire a manifest sign of the gods heavy wrath, and displeasure was given. And the Druids out of their vain superstitious learning did prophecy that the Empire of the world was to pass, and be seated beyond the mountains. Moreover a common fame went, that the 
a Primores Galliarum ab Othone adversus Vitellium missos. who these primores Galiiarun were, & when and from whence sent by Otho against Vitellius I conceive not: unless it be meant of the Roman Senators, whereof many were French by birth, whom Otho assumed into his train against Vitellius: but men of their quality me think should have no great cause to seek so great an alteration.  noble men of France, when they were sent by Otho against Vitellius, did covenant together before their departure, that in case the Roman common wealth ceased not thus to be torn by multiplying of civil wars, & domestical troubles one strait succeeding another, they would jointly attempt to recover their ancient liberty again. But before the murder of Hordeonius Flaccus nothing broke out whereby the conspiracy might be perceived: after his death there passed messages, between Civilis and Classicus captain of the wing of the Treveri. Classicus in birth and wealth far exceeded the rest of that quarter. he was extract from the line of their ancient kings, his ancestors renowned in war and in peace, and himself boasted to be descended of enemies to the people of Rome, rather than friends. Unto him in this action adjoined themselves julius Tutor, and julius Sabinus, the one of Triers, the other a Lingon. Tutor was appointed by Vitellius overseer of the bank of Rhine. Sabinus besides a natural vanity was pricked forward with the vain glory of a supposed kindred; that his great grandmother for her beauty had pleased julius Caesar, when he warred in France, and was by him carnally known. These three by secret conferences searched the minds and inclinations of the rest: and when they had made acquainted, and associated to them such as they supposed fit for the purpose, they appointed a meeting in Coleyn, in a private house: for the public state of the city utterly abhorred all such attempts. Notwithstanding certain of the Vbijs and Tungri were present at the consultation: but the strongest part and that which carried the matter was of the Treveri and Lingones. Neither made they any long deliberation, but all with one voice cried amain, that the Romans did nothing 
b Joseph. lib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c. 2.  but rage in civil dissensions, that the Legions were stain, Italy wasted, and the city of Rome even taken; that all the armies were held occupied every one with their several wars: and if the Alps were fortified with good and sufficient garrison, and so their liberty won and assured, then might France determine at leisure what course to take of further proceeding, and how far they list to enlarge. This was no sooner said then allowed: a scruple remained concerning the remnant of the Roman soldiers. Many were of mind that they were to be put to the sword, as mutinous, and faithless persons, and polluted with the blood of their leaders: but the opinion of sparing them prevailed, lest hope of pardon being taken away they would become desperate. So it was thought more convenient by fair means to allure them to the party, & that the Lieutenants alone being made away, the common soldiers would easily be won to the side upon guiltiness of their own misdeeds, and hope of impunity. This was the form of their first consultation, and some were sent abroad into France to kindle and stir up the war: they themselves pretended all subjection and obedience to Vocula, that they might oppress him at the more unawares. Vocula had secret intelligence hereof, but he had not forces to punish it, his Legions being both thin, and unsteadfast. So between unsure soldiers, and secret enemies, supposing it the best way that now he could take to use their own arts against them, he dissembled the matter & went down to Coleyn. Thither Claudius Labeo was escaped, having corrupted his keepers; who as before we have said was taken, and confined out of the way into Frisia, and promising that if he might have men he would go into Batavia, and reunite the greatest part of the country again to the Roman Empire: having a pretty company of horsemen & footmen assigned, he durst not enterprise any thing amongst the Batavians, but drew certain of the Neruij and Bethasijs after him into the field, and rather by stealth, then by way of open invasion, made some incursions upon the Caninefates and Marsaci.   

XXII. Classicus and Tutor corrupt Voculaes' soldiers. Vocula at Novesium is forsaken by his soldiers, and slain, who immediately swear fidelity to the Empire of France.  
VOCULA alured by the fraud of the Frenchmen removeth towards the enemy. When they approached to Vetera, Classicus and Tutor pricking before under colour of discovering met with the Germane captains, and concluded the bargain, and thereupon encamped their companies with a several trench from the legionary soldiers. At which sign of manifest contempt and revolt Vocula conceiving great indignation, cried aloud, that the Roman state was not by civil wars brought yet to so low an ebb, as that the Treveri also and Lingones need to despise it: so many cuntreies' continuing faithful, our armies being victorious, the fortune of the Empire standing entire, and the gods ready to revenge this perfidious part: so 
a In the fourth year of Tiberius Caesar. Tac. 3. Ann. p. 314.  long ago Sacrovir and the Aedui, so of late Vindex and France were overthrown, each at one blow, and now also the perfidious breakers of treaties so solemnly sworn were to look for again the same gods and the same fall. julius and Augustus knew better their crooked inclinations: 
b A plain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Tacitus. for Galba did not diminish but rather increase the tributes of the Lingones and Treveri, and diversly afflict them. to some other cities of France true it is, that he abated a fourth part of their ordinary tribute, but that was nothing to this audience.  Galba, and the abatement of their tributes hath made them our enemies. Now they are foes because their yoke is too gentle, but when they shall be ransacked and stripped of their wealth, they will be our friends and subjects again. When Vocula had thus spoken with great spirit and courage, seeing Classicus and Tutor notwithstanding to continue in their traitorous purpose, he retired back to Novesium. The Frenchmen sat down two miles from the town in the fields, to which place the Centurions and soldiers resorting from Novesium were bought, and corrupted to a villainy never heard of before, that a Roman army should swear allegiance to strangers, and for a pledge of so wicked a part, either kill their Lieutenants, or deliver them prisoners. Vocula, albeit many counseled him to withdraw, choosing rather to stick to it manfully, then cowardly to flee, called an assembly, and spoke to them in this manner.  
" I never at any time spoke unto you, either more careful for you, or careless for myself. That my destruction is purposed I am well contented to hear, and accept death in these troubles as an end of my miseries. Of you I am ashamed, and you do I pity, not because any martial exploit, or matter of arms is intended against you; for that were agreeing to a soldiers profession, and according to the law of the field at an enemy's hand: but because Classicus with your hands hopeth to fight with the Romans, and abuseth your simplicity with the goodly oath and imaginary Empire of France. 
* Adeò nos, si fortuna in praesens virtusque deseruit, etiam vetera exempla deficiunt?  Are we so far now fallen, not only from our fortune & courage, but even from our ancient precedents too? For how oft did the Roman Legions choose rather to die then to yield one inch of ground to the enemy? Our allies have many times suffered their cities to be razed, themselves, their wives and their children to be consumed to ashes, without gaining other reward, save only to keep their faith and their same. The Legions at Vetera support with all patience hunger and siege, and yield neither for fear nor fair words. We, besides men and armour, and a camp strongly fortified, have provision and victuals sufficient for a long war, if need were. Money lately we had, not only for pay, but also to serve for donative too: which whether you list to accept as coming from Vespasian, or from Vitellius, sure both ways it came from a Roman Emperor. If you do it for fear of the battle (albeit it be no admittable reason in you who have foiled so often at Gelduba, at Vetera, and so many times overthrown the enemy) we have trenches, and walls, and ways to prolong till more strength and supply come from the countries about us. If it be for displeasure at me, you have other Lieutenants and Tribunes, nay Centurion or common soldier, make your choice of any so he be a Roman to lead you. Let never for shame so prodigious a thing be bruited throughout the whole world, that Civilis and Classicus should invade Italy, having a guard of Romans attendant. What if the Germans and Frenchmen should lead toward the walls of the City? will you fight against your own native soil, and sharpen your spears against the womb of your mother? The only conceit of so great an impiety striketh a horror into my mind. Shall Tutor of Triers have watch and ward as a Prince? shall a Batavian give you the sign of the battle? will you be carried about for supplements to the Germane regiments? and what end will you find of your treason? when the Roman Legions shall march out against you, what shall become of you then, but of fugitives to be fugitives again, and traitors of traitors, between your old oath and your new an abomination to the gods and to men? O thou most mighty and merciful jupiter, whom with so many triumphs these eight hundredth and twenty years we have adored and worshipped: and thou Romulus the founder & father of the City, I pray & most humbly beseech you, that if it be not your heavenly pleasures, that under my hand & government this camp should be kept uncorrupted & clean, yet at least you will not permit it to be polluted, and stained by Tutor and Classicus: and that it would please you to inspire to the Roman soldier, either a mind to follow honourable courses, or else a speedy and harmless repentance. The oration was diversely taken, as of men diversely affected between fear, hope, and shame. After the speech Vocula withdrew himself, and consulting upon his end was by his freedmen and bondmen stayed from voluntary preventing of a most shameful death: for Classicus sent by and by AEmilius Longinus a fugitive of the first Legion to dispatch that piece of service. As for the Lieutenants, 
a Herennius Lieutenant of the first Legion, whole standing camp was at Bonna, and Numisius of the sixteenth at Novesium.  Herennius, and 
a Herennius Lieutenant of the first Legion, whole standing camp was at Bonna, and Numisius of the sixteenth at Novesium.  Numisius, it seemed sufficient to put them in prison. Then Classicus assuming the marks and ornaments of the Roman governors, came into the camp: and albeit he were hardened to all kind of desperate mischief, yet would not his utterance then serve him any further, but barely to recite the words of the oath. All that were present swore fidelity to the Empire of France. Then he advauced the murderer of Vocula to a higher place, and the rest he rewarded, each according to the lewd service they did.   

XXIII. Tutor bringeth Coleyn and all upper Germany to the oath of France. The Legions of Vetera surrender the place to Civilis with condition only of saving their lives: which notwithstanding is not performed.  
AFTER these things Classicus and Tutor divided charges. Tutor with a strong power lay about Coleyn, and brought both them, and all the soldiers which lay upon the upper bank of the Rhine, to the same oath, slaying the Tribunes at Magontiacum, and driving away the Campemaster which refused to swear. Classicus suborned certain of the lewdest companions of those which had yielded themselves, commanding them to go to Vetera, and there to proclaim pardon to all those, that would submit themselves to follow the present course: otherwise to look for no hope but sword, and famine and all extremities. They which were sent used also their own example as a motive unto them. On the one side the respect of their loyalty, on the other their present necessity, distracted the persons besieged, between the two courses of honour and shame. While they delayed to resolve, their food failed them both usual and unusual: they had eaten their mules & horses, & other creatures, which being otherwise abhorred and loathed, hunger had made savoury and sweet: and lastly feeding of branches, and sprigs, and pulling of grass which grew in the walls, they were a pattern of misery and patience, till such time as sending Ambassadors to Civilis for life, they stained their honourable actions with a shameful and dishonourable end. Neither was their petition admitted, before they swore fidelity to France. Then he granted them life, reserving the spoil of the camp to himself, and appointed keepers to stay the money, the servants, and stuff, and others to conduct the soldiers empty away. About five miles of the Germans lying in ambush, rose suddenly and set upon them unawares: such as were most valiant and made resistance were slain where they stood: many were cut off in the flight, the rest recovered the camp. Whereupon Civilis made complaint and rebuked the Germans as having wickedly broken their faith: whether it was but a countenance of his, or else he could not bridle them in their fury it is not assuredly known. When the camp was ransacked they set it on fire, and all the men that escaped in the field, were burned therein.   

XXIIII. Civilis upon performance of his vow cutteth his beard. Of Velleda queen of the Bructerians. Two Legions of them which forsook Vocula and yielded themselves to Classicus, namely the sixteenth and the first, the one from Novesium, the other from Bonna their standing camps, are by commandment transported to Triers.  
CIVILIS upon a barbarous vow when first he entered war with the Romans, suffered his yellow hair to grow long without barbing, and now, as upon 
a Tac. de mor ib. Germ. p. 575. Alijs Germanorum populis usitatum rarâ & privatâ cuiusque audentiâ apud Cattos in consen sum vertis, ut primum adoleverint, crinem barbamque summittere, nec nisi hoste caeso exucre vot vu nobligatumque, virtuti oris habitum  accomplishment thereof caused it to be cut, when the slaughter of the Legions was performed: and it was reported, that he set up as marks certain of the captives, for his little son to shoot & dart at in sport. Nevertheless neither did he swear, nor caused any Batavian to take the oath of France, trusting in the strength and assistance of the Germans, and if there should happen hereafter contention to grow with the French about the Empire, accounting himself both of more name & ability. Mummius Lupercus the Lieutenant of a Legion among other presents was sent to Velleda, a virgin of the Bructerian nation, and queen over many countries: for so the old manner of the Germans is, to believe many of their women to be prophetesses, and so, superstition increasing, goddesses. And at that time the authority of Velleda was grown in more reputation, by reason that she had told before hand the Germans should prosper, and the Roman Legions should be destroyed. But Lupercus was slain in the way: a few Centurions and Tribunes French borne were reserved as a pledge of alliance and amity. The standing camps of the cohortes, wings and Legions, were overthrown and burned, those only excepted which were at Magontiacum and Vindonissa. The sixteenth Legion with the Auxiliaries, which at the same time yielded themselves, was commanded to depart from Novesium to Triers, and a day set down, before which they should avoid the camp. The mean time was spent in sundry cares. Some of the cowardeliest were terrified with the late example of them which were slain at Vetera, in their issuing out; the better sort blushed for shame, to think of the infamous and dishonourable journey, whom they must follow for guides, and how all things should be at the simple pleasure and discretion of those, whom they had made lords over their life and death: others without respect of dishonour packed about them money and such things as were of most price: others made ready their harness & buckled themselves to their weapons as though they were going to field. While they were thus musing, and casting their cards, the hour of remove was come, more grievous and doleful then was imagined. For within the trench the deformity of the spectacle was not so apparent: the field and the day discovered the shame, the images of the emperors being plucked out of their places, the ensigns tied up; whereas contrarily the French banners glisteren and played on every hand: in sum a silent & sorrowful troop, and as it were a long funeral pomp. The conductor Claudius Sanctus augmented the indignity, one eyed, ill favoured in countenance, and weaker in wit. The dishonour was doubled, when as the first Legion relinquishing their camp at Bonna, upon the like commandment adjoined themselves to the other: and the countrymen, that a little before quaked for fear at the very name of a Roman, when the fame of the Legions captivity was noised, ran out of their houses, and fields from all quarters, to gaze and feed their eyes with so strange a sight. The Picentine wing could not endure the joy, and insulting of the people, but neglecting as well the threats as the promises of Sanctus, turned to Magontiacum; and meeting by chance in the way Longinus the murderer of Vocula with their darts slew him for a beginning of future amends. The Legions went forward in their purposed journey, and sat down before the walls of Triers.   

XXV. An embassage of the Tencterians to them of Coleyn. Coleyn yieldeth to Civilis and Velleda upon reasonable composition.  
CIVILIS and Classicus puffed up with prosperous success made a question, whether they should permit the city of Coleyn to be sacked by their soldiers. Their natural inclination to cruelty and covetousness drew them that way, but the policy of war was against it, and especially the opinion of clemency needful in those which are to found a new Empire: the remembrance also of a private benefit made Civilis more tractable toward them, because in the very beginning of the troubles taking his son in their town they committed him to honourable custody. Notwithstanding the nations beyond the Rhine envy the riches, and growing of the city, and judged there could be no end of war, unless that town were either made a common habitation for all Germans indifferently, or else razed to the ground, and so the Vbijs also dispersed. Wherefore the Tencteri, a people only severed from them by the river, sent an embassage, with instruction to declare their charge in the common council of Coleyn, which one of the most imperious among the ambassadors uttered in this peremptory manner. " We thank our gods and yours, and Mars chief of all gods, that you are returned into the corpse and community, and name of Germany; and we rejoice for your sakes, that you shall at length live as freemen among freemen. For hitherto the Romans have shut both water and land, and in a manner the very heaven itself between you and us to hinder our conferring and meeting, or else which is more contumelious to martial men, that we should never have access to your city but unarmed, and naked almost and that guarded and paying a toll. But now, to the end that this mutual league of alliance and friendship may stand and continue for ever, we require of you to pull down the walls of your town, the bulwarks of your bondage: for even wild beasts shut up forget their accustomed valour and virtue. Next we require you to kill all the Romans within your territory: liberty and Lords cannot dwell together. Then to bring out all their goods and divide them in common, that no man should hide any thing, or seek to sever his cause from the rest. Moreover that it may be indifferent both for us and you, as it was in times passed to our fathers, to converse and inhabit upon both sides of the river. As nature hath communicated the day and the night to all men, so hath she laid open all lands of the world to valiant minds. Resume your ancient customs and laws, laying aside all your effeminate pleasures, by which means, more than with arms the Romans subdue nations and countries. So shall you be a people uncorrupt, without admixtion of foreign manners or blood: so shall you forget servitude, and either live in liberty, or be lords over others. The Agrippinenses taking a time to deliberate: seeing neither future fears would permit them to yield to the conditions, nor their present estate plainly to refuse them, made answer in this manner. " We have taken, you see, the first opportunity of recovering our liberty, perchance with more haste then good speed, that we might be joined with you, and the rest of the Germans our kinsmen: but seeing the Roman armies do gather of all sides against us, it is meeter and safer to strengthen, then to pull down the walls of our city. As for strangers, Italians or other, which lived amongst us, either they are slain in the wars, or fled home to their countries. To them which be ancient inhabitants amongst us, and are linked with us in marriage, and to their of spring, this country is their own native soil: neither do we think you so unreasonable as to wish us to kill our parents, our brethren, or children. For tax and tallage we acquit and discharge you for ever: you shall pass and repass without all impeachement, but only in the day time, and unarmed, till our raw and new amity be joined, and confirmed by continuance and custom. Civilis and Velleda shall be arbiters: to their knowledge we refer the cause, and the conclusion of the whole treaty. The Tencteri being thus in part pacified, ambassadors were sent to Civilis and Velleda with presents, who obtained all things as they of Coleyn desired: only they were not admitted to have access, or speech with Velleda, nor suffered to see her, for more keeping of state, and to maintain a more reverend conceit in the hearts of the people. She was lodged in a high tower, and one of her kindred appointed to carry as from a goddess her oracles and answers.   

XXVI. The Bethasijs, Tungri and Neruij yield to Civilis.  
CIVILIS thus strengthened with new increase of confederates, resolved to associate the cities adjoining, or to war against them if they resisted. So he took in the Sunici, and composed their able men into cohorts: but as he purposed to have passed further, Claudius Labeo with a raw company of Bethasijs, Tungri, and Neruij, having seized upon the bridge of the Mose, and trusting to the advantage of the place, opposed himself and stopped his passage. The event of the skirmish was doubtful in the straits, till the Germans swimming over the river came upon Labeoes back: and withal Civilis, whether upon a bold venture, or upon a set match, rushed into the midst of the Tungri, and with a loud voice protested, that the war was not undertaken to that end, that the Batavians and Treveri should be sovereign lords over all other nations: far be all such arrogancy (quoth he) from our thought: only receive us as your good friends and allies. Lo here for my part I commit myself to your hands, employ me as you list, either for a captain or a common soldier. The common people was much moved at these words, and put up their sword, and Campanus and Iwenalis' chief men of the Tungrians yielded the whole nation unto him: Labeo before he was compassed in fled away. The Bethasijs also and Neruij yielded themselves: whom Civilis adjoining to his power became very puissant and strong, all the cities either fearing, or favouring him voluntarily.   

XXVII. Julius Sabinus with his Lingones giveth battle to the Sequani, and is overthrown.  
IN the mean season julius Sabinus, breaking down the monuments and records of the Roman alliance, took upon him the style & title of Caesar, & led after him a huge and rude company of his country folks, the Lingones, against the Sequani, a state bordering upon them, & faithful to us Neither did the Sequani refuse to wage battle; wherein fortune favoured the better side, & the Lingones were discomfited. Sabinus as rashly he enterprised to give battle without due circumspection, so without fear of shame he ran cowardly away: and to raise a rumour that he was dead, he set on fire the house, into which he was known to have fled, & there was supposed voluntarily to have ended his life. But hereafter in convenient place we will show by what means, and secret 
a Xiphilin. p. 219. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; p. 1371. setteth down at large the whole story with many notable circumstances.  shifts he prolonged it, for the space of nine years, and withal the rare faithfulness of his friends, and the memorable example of his wife Epponina.   

XXVIII. A Diet of the cities of France summoned at Rheyms. The preparations at Rome for the war against the Batavians, Treveri, and Lingones. The Diet at Rheyms resolveth upon peace, notwithstanding the embassage of the Treveri and Lingones, and the allegations of Tullius Valentinus to the contrary.  
THIS success of the Sequani rebated and stayed the violent course of the war. The cities began to consider better of matters, and to remember their covenants and leagues with the Romans, at the motion principally of the Remi, who sending messengers throughout France summoned a Diet, to deliberate what course they should take, keep peace or seek liberty. All these things reported at Rome to the worse, troubled Mutianus, lest the captains whom he had chosen, Annius Gallus and Petilius 
b Josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 7. c. 11. differeth from Tacitus in some little circumstances, and no doubt erreth: as that Cerealis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was sent Lieutenant in to Britanny (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and in his way finding the Germans and French revolted, composed the matter,  Cerealis, albeit excellent men, should hardly be able to wade thorough so mighty a war. Neither was it expedient to leave the city without a governor and head, and yet not in Domitian's hand, whose wild and unbridled affections were greatly feared: especially Antonius Primus, and Arrius Varus, as before we have showed, being suspected not fully to favour the state. Moreover Varus was captain of the Guard and strong, as having so many soldiers at commandment. Therefore Mutianus before his departure displaced him from the room, and lest he should be discontent altogether, made him chief officer for the provision of corn: and to pacify the mind of Domitian, that bore some good will unto Varus, he set in his place over the Guard Aretinus Clemens, one nearly allied to the house of Vespasian, and dearly beloved of Domitian; alleging that his father had worthily performed the same place under Caius the Emperor. The name was acceptable to the soldiers, and the man, though a Senator by calling, was thought sufficient to discharge both the rooms. The greatest men of the City were willed to provide for the voyage of France: some others were taken in by especial suit. 
a Suet. Domic. c. 2. expeditionem quoque in Gallian Germaniasque neque necessariam, & dissuadentibus paternis amicis, inchoavie (Domitianus) tantum ut fratri se, & operibus, & dignatione, adaequaret.  Domitian and Mutianus both of them prepared for the journey, but not both minded alike: Domitian hastening forward upon hope, and young blood: Mutianus seeking delays to retain the fierceness of Domitian, lest if he put himself in possession of an army, through the heat of youth and ill counsellors, he should disturb both the peace and the war. The sixth and 
b Vide annot. 5.  eightth of the victorious Legions, of the Vitellianists the one and twentieth, the second of the lately enroled, were 
c Some before Cerealis, and some after him, as it appeareth in this book & the next.  conducted part over the Penin and Cottian Alps, part over the Graian: & more over the fourteenth Legion was sent for out of Britanny, the sixth and tenth out of Spain. Now the cities of France partly upon the fame of the host approaching, and partly of their own disposition inclining to the milder course, met in counsel at Rheyms, where an embassage of the Treveri attended, whereof Tullius Valentinus was the chief man, a principal firebrand of the war: who with a premeditate oration applied to the Romans all those objections, wherewith mighty monarchies are usually charged, sparing no spite of words, nor art to aggravate matters against them; a factious person and apt to stir troubles, and willingly heard of the multitude, by reason of his eloquence such as it was. But julius Auspex, one of the noblemen of Rheims, discoursing of the puissance of the Roman power, & the great commodities of peace, and affirming that war might be commenced by cowards, but must be fought with the hazard of the most valiant men; & that even now the Roman Legions were upon their backs, by this grave speech stayed them all: the wiser sort with respect of duty and faith, the younger of danger and fear. And so they commended the courage of Valentinus, but followed the counsel of Auspex. It is certain that the Treveri and Lingones had the worse audience in France, because in the commotion of Vindex they had sided themselves with Virginius. Many were discouraged by reason of the emulation that would ensue between the provinces; what should be the head of the war, from 
* unde ius auspiciumque peteretur.  whence should law and sovereignty be derived; and if they did conquer which should be the seat-towne of the Empire. They were not yet conquerors, & yet were they at discord brawling about the preseance: some alleging their treaties and ancient leagues, some their riches and present strength, & some their antiquity. Whereupon the whole council detesting the future confusion, affirmed and ratified the present estate. Letters also were written unto the Treveri in the name of the common council of France to desist from arms, whilst pardon might be easily obtained, & many would become suitors in their behalf if they repent. But Valentinus refused the courtesy, and at his return stopped the ears of his city against this good motion, being a man rather plentiful in orations and speeches, then careful for other provision of war.   

XXIX. The one and twentieth Legion surnamed Rapax cometh into Germany. Sextilius Felix with his cohorts overthroweth Tutor and the Treveri. Valentinus returning from the Diet stirreth up the war again. The two Legions transported from Novesium and Bonna to Triers depart to the Mediomatrici.  
IN like manner neither did the Treveri, nor Lingones, nor the rest of the states that revolted, carry themselves as the weight of the cause and the danger required: even the captains themselves conferred not counsels together. But Civilis wandered about the wilds of Belgium to catch Claudius Labeo, or else to chase him out of the country: Classicus lay for the most part idle and lazy, and as it were took the fruition of his supposedly got kingdom. Tutor also slacked to make himself strong upon the upper bank of the river, and with garrison to possess the passages and heights of the Alps, whilst in the mean time the one and twentieth Legion broke in from Vindonissa, and Sextilius Felix, with the Auxiliary cohorts by the way of Rhoetia: unto whom a wing of horsemen called Singulares (who marching at the first by Vitellius appointment toward Italy revolted afterward to Vespasian) adjoined themselves. Their captain was julius Briganticus Civilis sisters son, mortally hating his uncle, and hated again: as commonly the enmities of nearest kinsfolks, if once they fall out, are most despiteful and deadly. Tutor increased his power consisting of Treveri with a fresh supply of Vangiones, Caracates, and Triboci, and that which added most strength with old experienced Legionary soldiers, both footmen and horse, some corrupted with hope, and others awëd with fear: who at the first killed a cohort sent before by Sextilius Felix, and anon when the Roman captains and armies approached, redeeming their former fault fled over to them, and were followed by the Triboci, Vangiones and Caracates. So Tutor being left alone with his Treveri eschewing Magontiacum fled to Bingium, trusting upon the strength of the place, because he had broken down the bridge of the river Nava: but Sextilius with his cohortes following his footsteps, and finding a ford descried his power, and overthrew it. This discomfiture utterly discouraged the Treveri: and the common people casting their weapons away returned to their husbandry. And certain of the nobility that they might seem to be foremost in laying hostility aside, fled to those cities for refuge which had not broken with the Romans. The Legions, which, as before we declared, went by commandment from Novesium and Bonna to Triers, voluntarily resumed the oath to Vespasian. These things were done in the absence of Valentinus: who at his return, in a desperate fury and rage stirred the coals, and kindled the fire anew. Whereupon the Legions got them away to the Mediomatrici, a state in league with the Romans: and Valentinus and Tutor persuaded the Treveri to take up their weapons again, and go to the field, having first killed Herennius and Numisius the Lieutenants, to the intent that being without all hope of pardon, they might be more fastly united together in their wicked conspiracy.   

XXX. Petilius Cerealis overthroweth the Treveri, taketh Valentinus alive, adjoineth the two Legions from the Mediomatrici, and maketh an oration to the Treveri.  
THIS was the state of the war, when Petilius Cerealis came to Magontiacum, and by his presence raised great expectation, and hope of our side. Cerealis himself was desirous of the battle, and having a better grace sometime to contemn the enemies, than always to beware them, with lusty courageous words he inflamed his soldier, as purposing, so soon as he could overtake the enemies without delay to join issue in field. A supply of soldiers sent out of France he turned home again, willing them to signify so much to the rest in his name, that the Roman Legions sufficed for the defence of the Roman Empire: & that all our good friends & allies should return to their peaceable business, without further care, assuring themselves that the war, now that the Romans personally undertook it, was as good as already dispatched. That increased the obedience of the French: for having received their men back again, they supported more easily all taxes & tributes, and were the more ready to perform all points of their duty, because they saw their help was not needed. But Civilis and Classicus, whenas they heard of the overthrow of Tutor, the slaughter of the Treveri, and the good success every where of their enemies, all in a fright and haste seek to unite their dispersed powers, sending messengers in the mean time to Valentinus one after another, warning him to take heed to the main chance, & not rashly to venture & hazard the battle. With so much the more expedition Cerealis dispatched to the Mediomatrici, lying nearer upon the enemy, certain to lead the two Legions thence to assail them on that side: & assembling all the soldiers at Magontiacum, and the power which he had brought with him over the mountains, himself marched forward, and at the third remove came to Rigodulum, a place naturally strong by reason of the high situation, and the river Mosella closing it in: where Valentinus with a great power of Treveri was encamped, and had made it stronger by art, casting trenches and ditches about it, and mighty huge stones to hinder the passage. But these fortifications terrified the Roman captain nothing at all, but boldly he bade the footmen break thorough, and appointed his battle of horsemen to climb up the mountain, despising the enemy, whom he knew to be raw, and unskilful in service, and not to have that advantage by the difference of place, that himself had by the difference of men. At the going up of the hill some little stay was made, until the enemies had spent their arrows and darts: then coming to handy strokes, they were driven down headlong, & tumbled one over another, as it were stones at the fall of a building: & part of the horsemen fetching about by easier ascents took many of the chief nobility of Belgium prisoners, and amongst others Valentinus General that day of the field. the next day Cerealis entered the town of Triers. The soldiers were extremely desirous to raze the city, alleging, that here Classicus, here Tutor was borne: here were the men through whose wicked conspiracy the Legions were besieged and slain. what had poor Cremona deserved so greatly, as to be rooted out of the body of Italy, because it differred the victory only one night? here in the confines of Germany stood the seatetowne of rebellion entier, & triumphing with the spoils, and slaughter of our armies and Generals. As for the spoil he might at his pleasure dispose of to the Prince's behoof, they could be contented with the burning, and ruins of that rebellious colony, to requite thereby in some part the destruction of so many camps. Cerealis for fear of infamy, if he should be thought to noosell his soldiers in licentiousness and cruelty, repressed their anger, and they obeyed, being become now they had left off civil war, of more modest behaviour also in foreign. Then the miserable & pitiful spectacle of the Legions, which came from the Mediomatrici, drew men's minds to the consideration thereof. Upon the guilt of their offence they stood with a sad and sorrowful countenance, casting their eyes down to the ground, no joyful greeting when the armies met, nor answering aught to those that sought to encourage and comfort them, but hiding themselves in their tents, not abiding to look on the light: not so much amazed with danger or fear, as with the shame and discredit. and even the conquerous were astonished at the sight, who not daring to speak, begged their pardon with silence and tears, till such time as Cerealis with comfortable words revived their spirits; affirming that those things, which indeed came to pass through the mutinousnesse of the soldiers, or the dissension of the leaders, or the malice of the enemies, were but fatal mischances, which could not be escaped: and therefore that day they should account the first both of their service, and oath: their former facts neither the Prince, nor he would remember. Then were they received into the same camp, and a proclamation made throughout all the bands, that no man in contention or anger should object to any of them their misdeeds or mishaps. Then calling the Treveri and Lingones to an assembly, he spoke unto them in this wise.  
" I was never practised in the art of speaking: my profession is arms, and with arms I have made good proof of the virtue of the Romans. But because words prevail so much with you, and I see you esteem good & evil, not by their own natures, but by the speeches of factious persons, I thought it expedient to say some thing, which now that the war in a manner is finished may be more behoveful for you to hear, then for us to speak. The 
a Caesar lib. 1. de bello Gallico. c. 7  Romans, their Captains and Leaders, entered your country and the rest of France, not pricked by any desire of theirs, but requested thereto by your predecessors, at what time civil dissensions had tired and ruined them, and the Germans called in by one side brought both into thraldom. How many battles we have fought against the Cimbri and Teutones, what pains our armies have taken, and with what success we have handled ourselves in the Germane wars for your sakes, it is notoriously known; neither do we therefore with so much expense of money and men guard the Rhine for the safety of Italy, but lest some other Ariovistus should pass and conquer the kingdom of France. Or do you think yourselves better beloved of Civilis and the Batavians, and the Germans over the Rhine, than your fathers and grandfathers were of their predecessors? the same causes still are remaining, and so will be for ever, to move the Germans to pass into France; to wit, satisfying of their pleasures and lusts, avarice, and desire of changing seat, that leaving their mires and deser●es, they may take possession of this fruitful country, and you the inhabitants thereof. yea but liberty and glorious shows are pretended. Where was ever any, I pray you, that sought to enthrall or usurp over others, but he cloaked his purposes with such goodly titles? France never was without petty tyrants and wars, till ye came under our jurisdiction. We, albeit we have been often provoked, have put that only as conquerors upon you, whereby peace might be maintained. For neither peace can be maintained without arms, nor arms without wages, nor wages without tribute: all other things are alike to us both. you commonly govern our Legions, you are the Precedents of these and other provinces, no prerogative is kept from you, or reserved for us. Again they which dwell far off, feel the commodity alike of a good Prince, whereas tyrants oppress most the nearest. As you endure and support with patience a barren year, if it happen, & unseasonable weather, & such other defects of nature; even so tolerate a little and bear with the riotous life or avarice of governors. Faults will be so long as there be men: but neither are they continual, and amends is commonly made by better which follow. Unless peradventure you hope for a more moderate, or easier government under the reign of Tutor and Classicus, or that with less tribute, than now is paid, armies can be maintained to hold out the Germans and Britan's. For if the Romans, which the gods defend, should be dispossessed, what else can ensue but wars of nations against nations, and the confusion of the whole world. This frame is the workmanship of eight hundredth years, good fortune, and discipline, which cannot be dissolved without the destruction of the dissoluers; but your danger, which have gold and riches the chiefest causes of war, of all is the greatest. Therefore embrace you peace, and love that city whereof both you and we are members alike. You have proved both fortunes: let them be a warning unto you to choose rather subjection with safety, than rebellion with ruin. With this speech he settled their minds, and lightened their hearts, who feared a heavier doom.   

XXXI. Civilis and Classicus write to Cerealis.  
AT the time that the Roman army was within Triers, Civilis & Classicus sent letters to Cerealis. The contents were, that Vespasian was dead, although the Posts concealed the matter: that Rome and Italy were consumed & wasted with inward war. As for Mutianus and Domitian they were nothing else, but vain names without forces: if Cerealis list undertake the Empire of France, it were his best course, and they would not be against it, contenting themselves with their own cities and confines, or if battle pleased him better, even that they would not refuse. To these points Cerealis answered nothing to them, but sent the messenger, that brought the letters, away to Domitian.   

XXXII. Civilis with his confederates overthrown by Cerealis at Triers.  
IN the mean season the enemies began to march, & approached on every side in several companies: whom Cerealis permitting to join, was blamed by many for suffering them to unite, with whom he might have fought single, & defeated them easily being divided. The Roman army cast a ditch and trench about their camp, in the which they were before unadvisedly lodged without any defence. Among the captains of the other side there was diversity of opinions, and the matter debated both ways. Civilis thought it expedient to stay for the Germans coming which dwelled over the Rhine, the terror of which nations would tread underfoot the Roman powers: as for the Frenchmen it mattered not much what way they went, being nought else but a pray to the conquerors; and yet the strength of France, the Belgians, had either openly declared for them, or at least secretly wished them well. Contrarily Tutor affirmed, that by delay the Romans would grow and increase, so many whole hosts coming in from every side, one Legion being already transported out of Britanny, others sent for out of Spain, and many Legions at hand out of Italy, not of raw soldiers, but old and well expert in war: as for the Germans they looked for, what were they else but a kind of unprofitable troubles of a camp, out of all awe and obedience to superiors, that would not be commanded nor ruled, but do all as they listed themselves? Now for money and gifts, the only means to corrupt the Germans, the Romans had more abundance, and no man was so hasty to fight, but would rather choose quietness then danger with the same hire. Whereas if they would presently fight, Cerealis had no other Legions as yet, but only the remnants of the Germane army entangled with an oath to the Empire of France. And moreover this their late unlooked for success against Valentinus, and his rude untrained company, would be a bait unto them and their General to further rashness, and therefore they would without doubt venture again, and so fall into the hands not of an unskilful youth, better seen in words and babble, than arms and militare feats, but of Civilis and Classicus; at the very sight of whom the enemies would tremble, calling to remembrance their former fears, and flight's, and famines, and how oft they had been taken and pardoned their lives. Neither do the Treveri and Lingones keep in with the Romans now upon love and goodwill, but for fear: which take ye away and they will resume their weapons again. Classicus approving the opinion of Tutor decided the controversy, and forthwith they proceed to execution. The middle battle was assigned to the Vbijs and Lingones, on the right side stood the Batavian cohorts, on the left the Bructeri and Tencteri: in this array partly from the mountains and part between the way and the river Mosella they assailed our army so suddenly, that Cerealis, lying abroad that night out of the camp, had word brought to his chamber and bed all at one instant, that the battle was begun, and his men overthrown, rating at the first their dastardliness that brought in the news, until with his own eyes he saw the whole message clearly confirmed, the camp of the Legions broken up and entered into, the horsemen defeated, the bridge over Mosella in the midst of the town possessed by the enemy. In which confusion Cerealis behaving himself without all fear, with his own hands drew back them which fled away, & manfully, albeit unarmed among so many weapons, with his fortunate rashness, and the assistance of some valiant soldiers coming in, recovered the bridge, and left a chosen company of men to guard it. Then returning to the camp he found the bands of the Legions, which were taken at Bonna and Novesium, disbanded and scattered, few soldiers at their ensigns, and the standards almost circumvented. " Whereupon being full of indignation and wrath, You forsake not (quoth he) Hordeonius or Vocula, you can allege no falsehood or treason in me: neither ever did I commit any act that needed excuse, save only in affirming you had forgotten your oath to France, and remembered your allegiance to the Roman Empire. I shall, and so am contented to be numbered with Numisius & Herennius, that all your Lieutenants may be said to have died either by the hands of their own soldiers or else of the enemy. Go tell Vespasian, or which is nearer Civilis & Classicus, that you have left your General in the field: Legions shortly will come, doubt ye not, which shall neither suffer me to be long unrevenged, nor you unpunished. The accusation was true, and the Captains and Tribunes spoke, and urged to the same purpose. So they rallied and made head by cohorts and bands, for the whole battle could not be displayed, partly because the enemy was upon them, and partly by reason of their tents & stuff, which hindered them greatly fight within the trenches. Tutor and Classicus and Civilis each in their several quarters animated their men to fight, the Frenchmen for liberty, the Batavians for glory, and the Germans for spoil: and all went with the enemy, till the one and twentieth Legion knitting together in a more open place then the rest, valiantly received the adversaries charge; and recharging by & by drove them from their ground. It was not without the special help of the gods, that our enemies being victorious so suddenly altered their minds, and turned their backs. They affirmed afterward the sight of the cohorts terrified them, which at the first joining being defeated united again in the hill tops, and seemed a new supply in their sight. But indeed the chief impediment of their victory was, that they left of to deal with the enemy, & quarreled foolishly among themselves for the spoil. Cerealis as he had almost undone all by negligence, so by diligence and constancy he recovered it again, and following his fortune took the same day, and razed the enemy's camp.   

XXXIII. They of Coleyn kill the Germans which they find in their town: and cut a cohort of Civilis lying at Tolbiacum in pieces. The Caninefates fight prosperously against the fleet of Britanny, and Civilis against some of Cerealis horsemen.  
THE soldier without any long intermission was straightways called to a new service. They of Coleyn requested their help, and offered to surrendre the wife and sister of Civilis, and the daughter of Classicus, which were left with them as pledges of mutual amity, and in the mean season slew the Germans which lay dispersed in their town: whereupon growing into extreme fear they had just cause to cry for aid, before the enemies gathering new strength should resume courage, or prosecute the revenge. For Civilis also purposed thitherward, beside other competent forces, upon confidence principally of his most courageous cohort composed of Chauci and Frisijs, which was not present in the overthrow, and lay at Tolbiacum in the territory of Coleyn, but he was diverted from that determination by a sorrowful message, that the cohort was massacred by the fraud of the Agrippinenses, who when the Germans had filled themselves with wine and good cheer, and so were laid to sleep, shut up the doors, put fire to their lodging, and burned them alive: and withal Cerealis was come himself with speed to relieve them. Moreover another fear troubled Civilis mind not a little, lest the fourteenth Legion together with the navy of Britanny should waste and spoil the Batavian border that lieth upon the Ocean. But Fabius Priscus the Lieutenant, having crossed the seas at the shortest cut, led forth the Legion by land into the coasts of the Neruij and Tungri; and those cuntreys' yielded themselves to the Romans. As for the navy, the Caninefates venturously made out against it, and took or sunk the greater part of the ships: and the same Caninefates defeated a multitude of Neruij, voluntarily gathered together to fight in favour of the Romans. Classicus also against certain horsemen, which Cerealis sent before to Novesium, skirmished prosperously. Which small but often losses did dim and diminish the glory of the victory lately obtained.   

XXXIIII. The son of Vitellius is slain. Antonius Primus discontented saileth from Rome to Vespasian lying at Alexandria.  
ABOUT the same time Mutianus commanded the son of Vitellius to be slain, pretending that a perfect union could not grow, unless all seeds of war were utterly rooted out. Moreover he would not permit that Antonius Primus should be assumed into Domitian's train in the viage of France, having him in jealousy, by reason of the soldiers love towards him, and because of the man's haughty proud nature, who could not abide any equal, much less a superior. So Antonius mal-content went to Vespasian, who received and entertained him in good sort, albeit not according to his expectation. The merits of the man, by whose conduct doubtless the war was consummate and ended, distracted him one way, and Mutianus letters another: and withal the rest put forward, inveighing against him as an insolent and intolerable person, joining thereto the faults of his former life. And he for his part by his arrogant behaviour ceased not to provoke displeasure, odiously inculcating at every word, what things he had done, and how greatly he had deserved of the cause, despising the rest as men of no service in war, and Caecina as a dishonoured captive, and yielded person. Whereupon by little and little he began to be in less credit, and lightlier esteemed of the Prince, notwithstanding outwardly he countenanced him as before.  
security, as being more addict to pleasures than to devotions, neglected the matter and cast his cares otherwhere, until the same vision appeared in more terrible and vehement manner, denouncing destruction peremptorily to him and his kingdom, if he performed not his commandments. Then Ptoleme sent an embassage with presents to Scydrothemis the king of Sinope, willing them at their departure to go by Delphos and ask counsel of Apollo. Their journey by sea was prosperous, and Apollo's answer without ambiguity; namely that they should go forward, and bring with them away his father's image, but leave his sisters. When they came to Sinope, after they had presented their gifts to Scydrothemis, they declared at large their commission, and what the king their master requested at his hands. Scydrothemis was doubtful in mind: sometimes he feared the wrathful displeasure of the god, sometimes the threats of his subjects, who were utterly against the granting of it, and sometimes he had a favourable respect to the presents and promises of the ambassadors. And so three years being spent in this negotiation, Ptoleme notwithstanding continued an earnest suitor sending more honourable ambassadors, more ships, and more store of gold. At the last a fearful and threatening vision appeared to Scydrothemis, charging him no longer to hinder that, which the god had determined: and as notwithstanding he protracted, many mischiefs befell him, and diverse diseases, and the manifest wrath of the gods vexed him daily more and more. Then calling an assembly of all the people he declareth unto them the will of the god, his own and Ptolemes visions, and also the mischiefs which otherwise hung over their heads. The common people withstood the motion, envying at Egypt, and fearing their own state, and so beset the temple about: whereupon a strong report goeth, that the god without hands conveyed himself into the ships, which lay there at anchor: and, which is marvelous to be reported, sailing from thence thorough so vast seas, they arrived the third day at Alexandria. So a 
a Dionysius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  temple was built answerable to the magnificence of the city, in a place called Rhacotis, where had been a chapel of ancient time consecrated to 
b Or rather to Osiris and Jsis, or else we shall have a Sarapis before Sarapis came, which perchance were an inconvenience.  Sarapis and Isis. And this is the most famous opinion concerning the original of the god and his transportation. I know that some hold he was brought from Seleucia a city of Syria, in the reign of Ptoleme the 
a Surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  third: others that the same Ptoleme was the transporter, but it was from Memphis a famous city, in ancient times the glory and strength of old Egypt. The god himself many suppose to be 
b But whatsoever god he was indeed, the Egyptians called him usually Sarapi●. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Plut. li de Iside & Osiride. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Aesculapius because he cureth diseases; some Osiris the oldest god known of those nations; many jupiter, as sovereign lord over all; most Pluto, by notes that manifestly appear in him, or otherwise by collection gathering arguments of their conjecture.   

XXXVI. The voyage of Domitian and Mutianus with their train to Lions.  
BUT Domitian and Mutianus before they came to the Alps received the news of the prosperous battle against the Treneri: and for a sure proof of the victory Valentinus the General of the enemies was withal delivered into their hands, who in his adversity retained his former courage, declaring in countenance what stomach once he had borne. He was permitted to speak for himself, only that his nature and gifts might be seen, and so adjudged to die. At his execution one upbraided unto him that his country was taken, then shall I die, quoth he, with greater contentment. Then Mutianus cunningly induced speech as proceeding from the present occasion, being indeed that which long time he had projected before: that seeing through the great 
c joseph. ●. d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c. 11. falsely and flatteringly attributeth the glory of finishing this war to Domitian.  favour and goodness of the gods the forces of the enemies were broken, it were unseemly for Domitian, now that the war was almost at an end, to intercept the glory of another man's travails: if the case stood so that the state of the Empire or safety of France were in danger, it were requisite that the Prince's son should stand in the field: but to fight against the Caninefates and Batavians would be committed to Commanders of lower degree; he himself should stay at Lions, and from thence in a reasonable distance make show of the Princely puissance and state, neither venturing his person in matters of small moment and if any greater should happen, ready at hand. The art was understood, but seeming not to understand it was a point of obedience. And so they came to Lions; from whence it is thought that Domitian sent a secret message to Cerealis, to prove his loyalty, whether if he came thither in person he would deliver him his army and government: what he intended thereby, to make war with his father, or to strengthen and fortify himself against his brother when the time should serve, it is not certainly known: for Cerealis with good and discreet answer shifted off this fond and childish request. Domitian perceiving his 
a Being about seventeen or eighteen years old at that time.  youth contemned of the elder men, ceased from meddling any more in affairs of estate, even of the meaner sort, and such as before usually passed thorough his hands: withal, under colour of simplicity and modesty, sequestering himself to a close and solitary kind of life, pretending desire of learning and love of poetry, thereby to cover his disposition, and avoid all emulation and cause of unkindness with his brother, whose unlike and far more courteous nature he construed contrarily.     

THE LIFE OF JULIUS AGRICOLA WRITTEN BY CORNELIUS TACITUS.  
TO report and deliver to posterity the doings and demeanours of excellent personages, a thing usual in ancient times, even our age, though careless otherwise of her own, hath not omitted then and so oft whenas any great & eminent virtue hath overgrown two vices, to little and great common wealths common alike, ignorance of that which is good, and envying at it. But in the days of our ancestors as it was far more easy and open to achieve actions worthy of writing, so likewise their finest wits, without favour or flattery, upon an upright conscience, without other reward, were led to record and chronicle the same: yea diverse upon confidence of their own proceed have thought it no presumption to set down in writing themselves their own lives. Neither were Rutilius and Scaurus a whit more misliked, or less believed for that: so certain it is, that virtues are then valued most rightly, whenas they do grow in most plenty. But now it fareth with me far otherwise: who having here to describe the life of a man already deceased, am first of force to beg pardon; a thing which indeed I would have forborn, were I not to meet and fall in with a time so terrible, so capital an enemy to virtue and honour. We read that Arulenus Rusticus for praising Paetus Thrasea, and Herennius Senecio for commending helvidius Priscus were both put to death: and beside the writers, against the books also severity was used, charge being given from authority to the Triumuiri, that the works of those noble wits should be in the market place solemnly burned. Be like they supposed they could with that fire quench the speech of the people of Rome, abolish the liberty of the Senate, & suppress the common knowledge of whole mankind; expelling withal the professors of wisdom, and banishing all good learning and arts, lest any sparkle of honesty should by mischance remain within view. For certain we gave great proof of our patience, and as our ancestors attained and saw the highest pitch and perfection of liberty, so we of servility, being deprived by intelligencers and spies of the commerce of hearing and speaking together: yea memory also, as well as tongue we had lost, had it lain in our power aswell to forget as it did to keep silence. Now at the length our former spirits begin to revive: howbeit although Prince Nerua, strait at the first entry of this most happy age, hath wisely matched and mixed together two things heretofore insociable, the sovereignty of one with the liberty of all; and trajan his son, proceeding in the same train, maketh the Empire daily more supportable and easy; so that not only we may hope and conceive prayers for the public security, but see and touch the effect of our prayers assured and confirmed unto us: yet notwithstanding by proof it is found (such is the nature of man's imbecility) the remedies to be of slower operation, than were the diseases. And as our body's wax and gather strength by leisure, perish in a moment; so good wits and good learning are sooner cut down then raised again. For the sweetness and pleasing of idleness, and of doing nothing, creepeth into our senses: and slothfulness which at the first we detest, by custom obtaineth our favour and love: to omit that in 
a For so long Domitian was Emperor.  fifteen years, a great part of man's age, many have been wasted by casual chances, the most sufficient and forward by the cruelty of the Prince, a few of us only remaining that have overlived, as I may say, not only others, but also ourselves, having so many years subducted out of the midst of our life, in which we proceeded in silence from young men to aged, from aged almost to the grave. And yet peradventure it shall not repent me to compose, though in rude and unframed speech, a 
b By a memory of their thraldom, he meaneth, as I suppose, his books of Hist: by a testimony of their present felicity, a volume intended by him of Nerua and Traian's time (as it appears in the preface of the history) but never, I think, performed.  memory of our late thraldom, and a testimony of our present felicities. In the mean while this treatise I have specially vowed to the honour of Agricola my father in law; and therefore as being in discharge of duty, and carrying profession of kindness, it shall either abroad purchase praise, or be covered at least with some courteous excuse.  
CNEUS JULIUS AGRICOLA was borne in the ancient and noble colony of Forum julium: both his grandfathers had been the Prince's procurators, an honourable gentleman's place. His father 
c Seneca de benefic. lib. 2. Si exemplo magni a nimi opus est, utemur Groecini Julij vi●i egregij, quem C. Caesar occidit ob hoc unum, quod melior vir esset, quam esse quenquam tyranno expediret.  julius Groecinus was by calling a Senator, for eloquence and wisdom famous: by reason of which qualities he incurred the displeasure of Caius the Emperor, being willed by him to prefer accusation against Marcus Silanus; which because he refused he was put to death. His mother julia Procilla, a mirror of rare chastity: under whose wing and motherly care Agricola being brought up, passed over his infancy and youth in the exercise of all good qualities and arts. And beside his own disposition clearly and wholly given to good, it was a good means to withhold him from the allurements of vice, that he happened to have the town of 
a Strabo. lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and in another place he attributeth to the Massilians the commendation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Massilia for the place of his first abode and study in youth, a city compounded of Greek civility and provincial frugality well sorted together. I have heard him say, I remember, that being young he had addicted himself to the study of philosophy in earnester sort, and beyond the measure of a Roman and Senator, had not the wisdom of his mother corrected and cooled the heat of that humour. That noble and haughty mind of his was carried to embrace, with more fervency than discretion, the beauty and gay show of that high and glorious profession: but reason anon and riper years reform his judgement: and so he retained, a point most hard to be kept, of wisdom a mean.  
His first service in war was in Britanny under Suetonius paulinus; into whose train being assumed he was of that diligent and discrete leader well liked: not spending the time in riot after the manner of youths, which convert warfare into wantonness; nor accepting the title of Tribuneshippe without skill in the service, as a calling of ease for pleasure and gadding abroad; but wholly directing his mind to know the province, to be known of the army, to learn of the skilful, to follow the best, to desire no employment upon vain glory, to refuse none for fear, jointly to show himself both careful and earnest in action. Never did our affairs in Britanny stand at any time in the like terms of doubt and distress: our old soldiers were slain, our 
b Camalodunum and Verulanium: but this later was municipium & not colonia in the straightness of terms.  colonies burned, our armies entrapped, than we fought for to live, afterward for to win. All which exploits, though performed by the counsel & conduct of another, and consequently the credit of the cause, & glory of recovering the country appertaining to the Lieutenant, yet were they occasions to increase in the young man skill, experience, and desire of militare renown, a quality not so acceptable in those seasons, wherein great virtues were greatly suspected, and a great fame endangered more than a bad.  
From Britanny departing to Rome to bear offices he joined himself in matrimony with Domitia Decidiana, a woman of honourable birth: which marriage was a countenance, and a strength to his further purposes: and they lived together in marvelous unity with mutual love, and 
“ Or, following another sense of the latin word, which may seem doubtful, and each preferring the other both virtuous alike, saving that the commendation is so much the greater in a good wife, as the reproach is the more in a bad.  yielding pre-eminence the one to the other; a point otherwise not greatly material, saving that a good wife is a great commendation, aswell as an ill a reproach. Being Questor his lot fell in Asia with Saluius Titianus the Proconsul. Neither was he withdrawn by that means from his wont integrity, although both the province was rich and readily ministered matter to offend, and his Proconsul a man of insatiable greediness would with any remissness willingly have redeemed at his hands mutual connivence and covering of faults. There his wife bore him a daughter both to his stay and his comfort, for the son she brought him before was already deceased having lived but a little. After his Questorship till he was created Tribune of the people, & the year also of his Tribuneship he passed over in rest and quietness, well weighing the nature of Nero's time, 
a Tacit. 1. Hist. speaking of Galba, and the same times. claritas natalium, & metus temporum obtentui, ut quod segnitia erat sapientia vocaretur.  wherein sloth was a virtue, and to do nothing the greatest wisdom of all. His Praetorship also he passed over in the same sort, with the like silence: for none of the judicial places happened unto him. The plays and vanities of the office he governed and executed by the rule of reason and measure of wealth: far from excess, and yet not without magnificence & honour. Anon afterward being elected by Galba to view and survey the jewels and gifts belonging to the temples, by most diligent and strait search he procured full restitution of all, save only of those which Nero had taken.  
The year following wounded his mind, & plunged his house in a heavy mishap. For 
b Of this matter we read in Tacitus. 2. Hist. pag 66.  Othoes' fleet roving at large licentiously, in wasting Intemelium a part of Liguria, slew the mother of Agricola in her own grounds, spoiled the grounds, and carried away most part of the wealth which was the cause of the murder. As Agricola went to solemnize the funerals he received advise, that Vespasian was in arms for the Empire, and without more advise joined himself to the side. Domitian as yet was but young, and challenged not, as an emperors son, any thing else save only licentious life. The affairs of the Empire and state of the City were governed at the beginning, and wholly directed by Mutianus alone. By commission from whom Agricola being sent to take musters, and behaving himself in that charge with great integrity and courage, he was by the same Mutianus, upon message received of the seditious demeanour of Roscius Coelius, made in his place Lieutenant of the twentieth Legion, a Legion which slowly had sworn to Vespasian, and was out of awe, or awed much rather even the Lieutenant's General; much less was the Legions Lieutenant of power to refrain them, whether through the weakness of his own arm, or hard mouth of his soldiers, it is not assured. Thus being elected both to succeed and revenge, he showed an example of most rare moderation, in choosing to seem rather to have found, then to have made, them dutiful soldiers. At that time Vectius Bolanus was Lieutenant of Britanny, governing in a gentler & milder manner, than was fit for so fierce a country. Under him Agricola cunningly conforming himself to that humour, and not unlearned to join profitable counsels with honest, tempered the heat of his nature, and restrained from growing his haughty desires. Soon after Petilius Cerealis was appointed Lieutenant General there: under whom the virtues of Agricola had a large field & free scope to show themselves in. For Cerealis communicated & imparted unto him, first himself and his counsels, than actions of labour and danger, & lastly glory also; committing oftentimes for a proof to his leading some portion of the army, sometimes many more, according to the success. Neither did Agricola at any time brag of his doings as seeking to win fame for himself, but humbly always as a minister referred to his superior, and General, the good fortune and honour of all his exploits. So by his virtue in valiantly doing his charge, and his modesty in sparingly speaking thereof, he was without envy, but not without glory.  
Upon his return from the Lieutenantshippe of the Legion, Vespasian of sacred memory elected him into the company of the patricians, and afterward sent him Lieutenant General into Aquitania, an honourable room, both in respect of the office itself, & as being a way to the Consulship by the Prince purposed are come, like fear in refusing: saving the Britan's make show of more courage, as being not mollified yet by long peace; for the French also were once, as we read, redoubted in war, till such time as giving themselves over to peace and idleness cowardice crept in, and shipwreck was made both of manhood and liberty together: and so it is also befallen to those of the Britan's which were subdued of old; the rest remain such as the French were before. Their strength in the field consisteth in footmen; some countries make war in wagons also: the greater parsonage guideth the waggon, his waiters and followers fight out of the same. Heretofore they were governed by kings, now they are drawn by petty Princes into partialities and factions: and that is the greatest help we have against those puissant nations, that they have no common council together: seldom it chanceth that two or three states meet and concur to repulse the common danger: so whilst one by one fighteth, all are subdued. The sky very cloudy and much given to rain without extremity of cold. The length of the days much above the measure of our climate. The night's light, & in the furthermost part of the island so short, that between the going out and coming in of the day the space is hardly perceived, and when clouds do not hinder they affirm that the sunshine is seen 
a It is marvel how it can be night; when the sunshine is seen. but you must bear with a man out of his profession. for that which he addeth, non occidere, & exurgere, sed transire, is true in summer in the climate of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: but no part of Britanny reacheth so far.  in the night and that it neither setteth nor riseth but passeth along: because belike the extreme & plain parts of the earth project a low shadow and raise not the darkness on height; so the night falleth under the sky and the stars. The soil, setting aside olive and vine & the rest, which are proper to warmer countries, taketh all kind of grain and beareth it in abundance: it shooteth up quickly and ripeneth slowly; the cause of them both is the same, the overmuch moisture of the soil and the air. Britanny beareth gold and silver, and other metals to enrich the conqueror. The Ocean bringeth forth pearl also, not orient, but duskish and wan, which proceedeth, as some do suppose, of lack of skill in the gatherers, for in the red sea they are pulled panting alive from the rocks; in Britanny cast out by the sea and so taken up. For my part I do rather believe the nature of the pearl not to yield it, then that our covetousness could not find out the way to gather aright. The Britan's endure levies of men and money and all other burdens imposed by the Empire patiently and willingly if insolences be forborn, indignities they cannot abide, being already subdued as to be subjects, but not to be slaves.  
The first of the Romans which entered Britanny with an army was julius Cesar, who although he terrified the inhabitants with a battle which went on his side, and gained the shore, yet may seem rather to have showed the place to posterity, then delivered to them the possession thereof.  
Then civil wars ensued, and bandings of men of great quality against the free state, and long after that lay Britanny forgotten, even in peaceable times. Augustus' termed it policy, and chiefly Tiberius.  
That Caius had a meaning to invade Britanny it is certainly known: but his rash running head and hasty repentance, and chief his great attempts against Germany turning to nothing, everted that purpose.  
Claudius 
a Who being requested by one Bericus a fugitive of Britanny sent Plautius before, of whom, and of the acts of Claudius in Britanny read Dio. li. 40. p. 466. where mention is made also of Vespasian.  did first with effect prosecute the matter, transporting Legions and Aids, and assuming Vespasian into the action, which was the beginning of the greatness whereunto he after attained: some countries were subdued, some kings were taken, & Vespasian made known to the world.  
The first Lieutenant General was Aulus Plautius, than Ostorius 
b Tac. 12. Ann. p. 430. etc.  Scapula, both excellent warriors: and so by little and little was the nearest part of the island reduced to the form of a province; and besides a 
c Camalodunum. 12. Ann. p. 431.  colony of old soldiers established there. Certain cities were also bestowed in pure gift upon king Cogidunus (who remained most faithful even to our days) according to an old 
d Perseus in his embassage to Eumenes complaineth, Pop. Romanum regum viribus reges oppugnare. Atta●o adiutore patrem suum oppressum: Eumene adiwante, & quadam ex part Philippo patre suo, Antiochum oppugnatum: in se nunc Eumenem & Prusiam armatos esse. Livy. lib. 44. f. 372.  custom anciently received of the Romans to use even kings themselves for instruments of bondage.  
Then Didius 
e Tac. 12. Ann. p. 434. where also he calleth him A. Didius.  Gallus succeeded in place, who kept that which his predecessors had gotten, and builded some few castles further in the land, to win by that means a fame of augmenting the office.  
After Didius succeeded 
f Yac. 14. Ann. p. 491.  Veranius, who died within one year.  
Then 
g Of the success of his affairs read Tac. 14 Annalium where they are more largely described. p. 492. etc.  Suetonius paulinus for two years space behaved himself fortunately, subduing the nations and establishing garrisons. Upon confidence whereof going to assail the isle of 
h Anglesey.  Mona, which ministered supply to the rebels, he disfurnished the country behind, and laid it open to all opportunities of the enemy. For through the absence of the Lieutenant, the Britan's free of fear began to discourse the miseries of bondage, to lay their injuries together, and aggravate them by constructions. that their patience had profited them nothing, save only to draw heavier burdens upon them, as men that would gently bear. that whereas in former times they had only one king, now were there two thrust upon them, the Lieutenant to suck their blood, the procurator their substance: whose disagreeing was the torment of the subjects, their agreement their undoing; the one vexing by soldiers and captains, the other by wrongs and indignities. that now their covetousness and lust laid hold, without exception, of all: and whereas in field he that spoileth is commonly stronger, now were they by cowards and weaklings for the most part dispossessed of their houses, bereft of their children, enjoined to yield soldiers for other men's behoof, as though they were men, that knew how to do any thing else, save only to die for their own country. For otherwise what a small handful of soldiers were come over, if the Britan's would fall to reckon themselves! that 
a In the battle against Quin●ilius Varus.  Germany so had shaked of the yoke, having no Ocean sea, but only a river, for their defence. that their causes of taking arms were urgent and just, their wives and children, their parents, and country, whereas the Romans had nothing to move them to war, but their own covetousness and wanton lust: and that they would doubtless departed, as Caesar julius had done, if the Britan's would imitate the virtues of their progenitors, and not be dismayed with the doubtful event of one skirmish or two. that men in misery had more courage and vehemency to attempt, more constancy to continue: and now even the gods seemed to pity the poor Britan's estate, having sent the Roman Captain out of the way, and confined the army, as it were, into an other island. that now being assembled to advise and deliberate together, they had attained the hardest point, in an action of that nature, wherein without question it were more danger, to be taken consulting, then doing. With these and the like speeches inciting one another, by common consent they resolve to take arms under the conduct of 
a 14. Annal. her name is written Boodicia, & pag. 494. Boudicea, in Xiphilinus copy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 173.  Voadica a lady of the blood of their Kings: for in matter of governing in chief they make no distinction of sex. And first pursuing the soldiers which lay divided in garrisons, and winning the forts, they invaded anon the colony itself, as being the seat of their slavery: in sacking whereof no kind of cruelty was omitted, which either anger or the rage of victory might induce a barbarous people to practise. And unless upon knowledge had of the revolt paulinus had come to secure with speed, Britanny had then been lost, the which with one prosperous battle he restored to her former obedience, and patiented bearing the yoke, some few keeping out and remaining in arms, whom the guilt of the rebellion excluded from all hope of pardon, and some fear also of the Lieutenants private displeasure: who though otherwise a singular man, yet seemed to show too much haughty and hard dealing toward those which yielded themselves, and to revenge in a sort his own injury. Whereupon 
b Tacit. 14. Ann. p. 496.  Petronius Turpilianus was sent in his place as a more intreatable person, and a stranger to their faults, and therefore more ready to receive their repentance: who having composed the former troubles, and daring no further, delivered Trebellius Maximus the charge.  

c Tac. 1. Hist. p. 44.  Trebellius a man unfit for action, and altogether unexpert in service, by a kind of courteous and mild regiment entertained the country in quiet. For now the Britan's also had learned the good manners, not rudely to repulse the sugared assaults and flatter of vices; and the disturbance of civil dissensions ministered a lawful excuse for his doing nothing. But the soldier accustomed to warfare waxed wanton with ease, and grew to be mutinous. Trebellius by fleeing away and hiding himself eschewed their first indignation, and anon resuming his place without majesty, without authority, he ruled by way of entreaty, and at his soldiers discretion: and so coming as it were to a capitulation, the army for licence to do what them listed, the Captain for safety of his own life, the mutinee ended without any bloodshed.  

d Tacit. 2. Hist. pag. 90.  Vectius Bolanus succeeded in place, and in the same looseness of discipline, the civil wars continuing still, like default against the enemy, like licence in the camp, saving that Bolanus a good honest man, not odious for any crime, in steed of obedience had gotten goodwill.  
But whenas Vespasian with the rest of the world recovered Britanny also, great Captains, good soldiers were sent, and the hope of the enemy was greatly abated. For straightways Petilius Cerealis struck a terror into them, by invading upon his first entry the brigants, the most populous state of the whole province. Many battles were fought, and some bloody, and the greatest part of the 
a Yorkshire, Lancashire, Westmoreland, Cumberland, & the Bishopric of Durtham.  brigants either conquered or wasted.  
And whereas Cerealis would doubtless have dimmed the diligence and fame of another successor, julius Frontinus a great man, as he might after that predecessor, sustained the charge with reputation and credit, subduing the puissant, & warlike people of the Silureses: where he had, beside the virtue of the enemy, to struggle with the straits and difficult places.  
In this estate Agricola found the province, and the wars thus far proceeded in, whenas about the midst of the summer 
b Agricola went into Britanny, as it may be gathered by some circumstances in this book, in the very year before Vespasian died, and returned about fift or sixth of Domitian, of whose gests in Britanny, beside Tacitus, Xiphilin. Tito. p. 227. 228. maketh honourable mention, and others.  he passed the seas: at what time the soldier, as if the season were passed, attended an end for that year of his travail, and the enemy a beginning to hurt. The Ordovices a little before he entered the land had cut a wing almost wholly in pieces, which lay in their borders. Upon which beginning the country being awaked, as men desirous of war, allowed the example: some stayed to see how the new Lieutenant would take it. Agricola although the summer was spent, and the bands lay dispersed in the province, & his soldiers had fully presumed of rest for that year, which hindered much, & crossed directly the undertaking of war, diverse also being of opinion rather to keep & assure the places suspected, all this notwithstanding he resolved directly to encounter the danger: & gathering the ensigns of the Legions, & some few Auxiliaries, because the 
c North-wales.  Ordovices durst not descend into indifferent ground, himself first of all, to give others like courage in the like danger, led up to encounter the enemy. And having destroyed almost the whole nation, knowing right well that fame must with instance be followed, and as the first should fall out so the rest would succeed, he deliberated to conquer the island of Mona; from the possession whereof, as before I have rehearsed, paulinus was revoked by the general rebellion of Britanny: but as in a purpose not purposed before, ships being wanting, the policy and resoluteness of the Captain devised a passage, commanding the most choice of the Aids, to whom all the shallows were known, and who after the use of their country were able in swimming to govern themselves with armour and horses, laying aside their carriage, to put over at once and suddenly invade them. Which thing so amazed the enemy attending for ships & such like provision by sea, that surely believing nothing could be hard or invincible to men which came so minded to war, they humbly entreated for peace & yielded the island. Thus Agricola at his first entry into his province (which time others consume in vain ostentation or ambitious seeking of ceremonies) entering withal into labours and dangers became famous indeed and of great reputation. Neither did he abuse the prosperous proceeding of his affairs to vanity or braving in speeches. He termed it not an exploit or a conquest to have kept in order persons subdued before: he 
a A thing usual in those dispatches wherein any notable victory was signified, as it appeareth by Livy. l. 45. in the beginning, and Ammianus Marcellinus. li. 16. p. 1491.  bedecked not with laurel his letters of advertisement, but stopping and suppressing the fame he augmented the same, when men began to discourse upon what great presumptions of future success, he should make so light an account of such great actions already performed.  
Now as touching his civil government, Agricola knowing right well the disposition and mind of the province, and taught also by experience of others, that arms avail little to settle a new conquered state if injuries and wrongs be permitted, determined to cut off all causes of wars and rebellions. And beginning at home, his house first of all he reform and restrained, a point of more hardness to some then to govern a province. He committed no manner of public affairs to bondman or freed: he received no soldier near to his person upon private affections of partial suitors, nor upon commendation or entreaty of Centurions, but elected the best, presuming the same to be the most faithful. He would see into all things, not exact all things to the rigour: light faults he would pardon, and the great severely correct: not always proceeding to punish, but often content with repentance: choosing rather not to prefer to office and charge such as were like to offend, then after the offence to condemn them. The augmentation of tribute and corn he mollified with equal dividing and castle: so that the Romans were absolute lords of all on this side, having cast out the enemy, as it were, into another island.  
The fift year of the war Agricola first taking sea went over, and subdued, with many and prosperous conflicts, nations before that time unknown, and furnished with forces that part of Britanny, which lieth against Ireland, more in hope then for fear. For Ireland if it might have been won, lying between Britanny and Spain, and fitly also for the French sea, would aptly have united, to the great advantage of the one & the other, these strongest members of the Empire together. In bigness it is inferior to Britanny, howbeit bigger than the islands of 
a He meaneth the Mediterran, and the islands there, as Sicily. etc.  our sea. The soil and temperature of the air, the nature and fashions of the people, differ not much from the British. The ports and places of access are more known, by reason of more frequenting of merchants. Agricola had received before a Prince of that country driven out by civil dissension, whom under colour of courtesy and friendship he retained till occasion should serve. I have heard him oftentimes say, that with one Legion & some few Aids, Ireland might be won & possessed, and that it were also a strength for our British affairs, if the Roman forces were planted ech-where, and liberty, as it were, banished out of sight. Now in the summer, which began the sixth year of his office, because a general rising in arms of all the further nations beyond Bodotria was feared, and passages were all beset with the power of the enemies, he manned a fleet to search the creeks and harboroughs of the ample region beyond it, backing then first of all with a navy the rest of his strength, and with a goodly brave show bringing war both by land and by sea. And oft so it chanced, that the horseman and footman and the sea soldier met, and made merry in the same camp, extolling & magnifying each their own prowess and adventures: making their vaunts and comparisons soldierlike, the one of the woods and high mountains, the other of dangers of tempests and waves: the one of the land and the enemy, the other of the Ocean, subdued. The Britan's, as by the prisoners it was understood, were amazed also at the sight of the navy, as though now the secrets of their sea were disclosed, and no refuge remained if they were overcome. Whereupon the Caledonians arming with great preparation and greater fame, as the manner is of matters unknown, assailed our castles as challengers, braving and putting in fear: insomuch that some of our side, which would seem to be wise being dastards indeed, counseled the General to retire on this side Bodotria, and rather to departed of his own accord, then to be repelled with shame. In the mean season Agricola hath knowledge, that the enemies meant to divide themselves, and to give the onset in several companies. Whereupon lest he should be enclosed about, & entrapped by their multitude and skill in the country, he marched also with his army divided in three. Which when it was known to the enemy, changing advise on the sudden, and uniting their forces together, they jointly assaulted by night the nienth Legion, as being of weakest resistance: and having slain the watch, partly asleep & partly amazed with fear, broke into the camp. And now were they fight within the trenches, when Agricola having understood by spies what way the enemies had taken, and following their footsteps, commandeth the lightest horsemen and footmen to play on their backs and maintain the skirmish, & anon the whole army to shout. And when it drew near to be day, the glittering of the ensigns was seen. So the Britan's being quailed with a double danger, the Romans recovered courage again, and being out of peril of their persons, fought now for their honour; freshly assailing their late assailers, & driving them to the gates: where in the strayts the conflict was sharp & cruel, till in the end the enemies were forced to flee, whilst both our armies contended, the one to seem to have helped their fellows, the other to have needed none other to help them: and if the bogs and woods had not covered their flight, that victory had ended the war. Upon this battle so manfully fought, so famously won, the army presuming that to their prowess all things were easy and open, cried to lead into Caledonia, and to find out the limit of Britanny with a course of continual conquests: and those which erewhile were so wary and wise, waxed forward enough after the event, and grew to speak bigly: such is the hard condition of wars: if ought fall out well all challenge a part, misfortunes are only imputed to one. Contrariwise the Britan's presupposing that not valour, but the cunning of the General, by using the occasion, had carried it away, abated no whit of their stomach, but armed their youth, transported their children and wives into places of safety, and sought by assemblies and religious rites to establish an association of the cities together. And so for that year both parties departed incensed away.  
The same summer a cohort of Vsipians, levied in Germany, and sent over into Britanny, committed a heinous and memorable act. For having slain a Centurion and certain soldiers set over them for direction in discipline, they fled and embarked themselves in three vessels, compelling the Masters by force to execute their charge: and only one doing his office, the other two being suspected and thereupon slain, this strange going out, the fact being yet not noised abroad, was gazed and wondered at. Afterward being driven uncertainly hither and thither, and assailing the Britan's which stood in defence of their own, often prevailing and sometimes repulsed, they came at the last to that misery, that they were enforced to eat one another, first of the weakest, then as the lot lighted. And thus floating about Britanny, and losing their vessels for lack of government, they were intercepted first by the Suevians, and then by the Frisians, as pirates and robbers, and some of them being bought by merchants as slaves, and by change of masters brought to our side of the river, grew into a name by giving first notice of so great and so rare an adventure.  
In the beginning of the summer Agricola was deeply touched with a grievous mischance, which happened in his own house: for he lost his own son being about a year old. Which infortunate hap he neither bare out, as some great men have done in the like, vaingloriously, nor took it again so impatiently as women are wont: and amidst his mourning and sorrows used the war as one of his remedies. Therefore sending his navy before, which by spoiling in sundry places should induce a greater and uncertainer terror upon them, he made ready and followed himself with his army, joining thereto some of the valiantest Britan's, whom by long experience in peace he had found most faithful, and so arrived at the mount 
a Now called Grantzbaine.  Grampius, where the enemies were lodged before. For the Britan's not daunted with the event of the former battle, and attending for nothing else but revenge or servitude, and being taught at the length that common danger must be repelled with concord, by leagues and embassages had assembled the power of all the cities together, above thirty thousand armed men, the view being taken, beside an endless number of youth, which daily flocked to them, and lusty old men, renowned in war and bearing the badges due to their honour: at what time Galgacus, for virtue and birth of all the leaders the principal man, seeing the multitude hoatly demand the battle, is said to have used this speech. " When I view and consider REND =" margQuotes" the cause of this war, and our present necessity, I have reason, me seems, to presume, that this day, and this your agreeing consent, will give a happy beginning to the freedom of the whole island. For both have we all hitherto lived in liberty, and beside no land remaineth beyond, no sea for our safety, the Roman navy thus, as you see, surveying our coasts: so that combat and arms, which men of virtue desire for honour, the dastard must also use for his security. The former battles, which have with diverse event been fought with the Romans, had their refuge, and hope resting in our hands. For we the flower of the British nobility, and seated therefore the furthermost in, saw never the coasts of the countries which served in slavery, even our eyes are kept unpolluted, and free from all contagion of tyranny. Beyond us is no land, beside us none are free: us hitherto this corner and secret recess hath defended. Now the uttermost point of the land is laid open: and things the less they have been within knowledge, the greater the glory is to achieve them. But what nation now is there beyond us? what else but water and rocks, and the Romans Lords of all within land? whose intolerable pride in vain shall you seek to avoid by service and humble behaviour: robbers of the world, that having now left no land to be spoiled, search also the sea. If the enemy be rich, they seek to win wealth: if poor, they are content to gain glory: whom not the east, not the west hath satisfied: the only men of all memory that seek out all places, be they wealthy or poor, with like ardent affection. To take away by main force, to kill and to spoil, falsely they term Empire and government: when all is waste as a wilderness, that they call peace. His children and blood each man by nature holdeth most dear: those are pressed for soldiers, and carried away to be slaves otherwhere. Our sisters and wives, though they be not violently forced as in open hostility, are in the mean while under the colour and title of friends and guests often abused. Our goods and substance they draw for tribute, our corn for provision: our bodies and hands they wear and consume, in paving of bogs and of woods, with a thousand stripes and indignities. Slaves which are borne to bondage are sold but once, and after are fed at their owner's expenses: but Britanny daily buyeth, daily feedeth, and is at charges with her own bondage. And as in a private retinue the freshman and last comer is laughed and scoffed at by his very fellow-servants, so in this old servitude of the whole world our destruction only is sought, as being the latest and most vile in account. We have no fields to manure, no mines to be digged, no ports to trade in: & to what purpose then should they reserve us alive? Moreover the manhood and fierce courage of the subject pleaseth not much the jealous sovereign: and this corner being so secret and out of the way, the more security it yieldeth to us, in them it works the greater suspicion. So seeing all hope of pardon is past, at the length take courage, to defend & maintain your safety as well as your honour. The brigants led by a 
a Voadica, whom Tacitus himself maketh wife to the king of Jceni, people of Norfolk etc., and not of the brigants. 14. Ann. p. 492.  woman fired the colony, forced the castles: and if such a lucky beginning had not ended in sloth and security, they might have with ease shaked of the yoke. We as yet never touched, never subdued, and borne to be free, not to be slaves of the Romans, let us show strait in the first joining what manner of men Caledonia reserved in store for herself. Or do you think the Romans to be as valiant in war as they are wanton in peace? No, not by their virtue, but by our jarrings and discords they are grown into fame: and the faults of their enemies they abuse to the glory of their own army composed of most diverse nations, and therefore as by present prosperity holden together, so if fortune do frown it doubtless dissolveth: unless you suppose the Frenchmen and Germans, and, to our shame be it spoken, many of our own nation, which now lend their lives to establish a foreign usurper, and yet have been enemies longer than servants, to be led and induced with any true hearted & faithful affection. No, it is terror and fear, weak workers of love, which if you remove, those which shall have ceased to fear will strait begin for to hate. All things to incite to the victory are on our side. No wife to encourage the Romans: no parents to upbraid them if they flee: most have either no country at all, or some other: a few fearful persons, trembling and gazing at the strangeness of the heaven itself, the sea and the woods: whom the gods have delivered mewed up, as it were, and fettered into our hands. Let not the vain show and glittering of gold and silver terrify us, which neither defends nor offendeth. Amongst the enemies we shall find of our side: the Britan's will agnize their own cause: the French will remember their freedom and former estate: the rest of the Germans will leave and forsake them, as of late the Vsipians did. And what else then have we to fear? the castles are empty, the colonies peopled with aged and impotent persons; the free cities discontent and in factions, whilst those which are under obey with ill will, and they which do govern rule against right. Here is the General and here the army, there tributes and mines, and other miseries inseparably following them which live under subjection of others: which whether we are to continue for ever, or strait to revenge, it lieth this day in this field. Wherefore going to battle bear in your minds, I beseech you, both your 
a Your ancestors, which lived in the happy estate of liberty: and your successors, which unless we show valour this day shall live for ever in most miserable servitude.  ancestors and your posterity. This speech was cheerfully received, with a song after their barbarous fashion, with confused acclamations and noises. And as the companies clustered together, and glistering of armour appeared, whilst some of the boldest avanced forward, and withal the ranks were putting themselves in array, Agricola albeit his soldier was glad of that day, and scarce could with words be withholden, supposing yet best to say somewhat, encouraged them in this wise. Fellow-soldiers and companions in arms, your faithful service and diligence, these 
b And yet this was but the seventh year of his office, as appeareth before.  eight years so painfully showed, by the virtue and fortune of the Roman Empire hath conquered Britanny. In so many journeys, in so many battles we had of necessity to show ourselves either valiant against the enemy, or patiented and laborious above and against nature itself. In which exploits we have borne us both hitherto so, that neither did I desire better soldiers, nor you other captain. We have exceeded the limits, I of my predecessors, and you likewise of yours. The end of Britanny is found, not by fame and report, but we are with our arms and pavilions really invested thereof: Britanny is found and subdued. In marching, when the passing of bogs, or mountains, and rivers, troubled and tired you out, how oft have I heard the valiant soldier say, When will the enemy present himself? when shall we fight? lo they are now put up out of their holes: and here they are come: your wish lo here, and place for your virtue, and all things to follow in an easy and expedite course, if you win; if you lose, all against you. For as to have gone so much ground, escaped the woods, passed over the firthes, is honourable forward, so if we do flee, the vantages we have this day will become our most disadvantage. For we are not skilled so well in the countries, we have not the like store of provision, but hands we have and weapons, and therein all things included. For my part I am long since resolved, that to show their backs is neither safety for soldier nor General: and therefore a commendable death is better than life with reproach; and surety and honour are commonly dwelling together: or if aught should misshapen, even this will be a glory, to have died in the uttermost end of the world and nature. If new nations, and soldiers unknown were in the field, I would, by the example of other armies, put you in courage: now recount you your own victorious exploits, & ask your own eyes. These are the same men, which the last year assailed one Legion by stealth in the night, and were by a blast of your mouth overthrown: these of all other Britan's have been the most nimble in running away, and therefore have scaped the longest alive. For as in forests and woods the strongest beasts are chased away by main force, the cowardly and fearful are scared by the noise of the hunters, so the valiant of the British nation we have already dispatched, the rascal heard of dastardly cowards only remaineth: whom at length you have found, not as having intended to stay and make head, but as last overtaken, and by extreme passion of fear standing as stocks, presenting occasion to us in this place of a worthy and memorable victory. Make an end therefore of your warfare, and to 
a From the first entry of Claudius into Britanny seemeth not to have been above four or five and forty years.  fifty years travails let this day impose a glorious conclusion. Approve to your country, that the army could never justly be charged either with protracting the war, or pretences for not accomplishing the conquest. As Agricola was yet speaking, the soldiers gave great tokens of fervency, and when he had ended accompanied the speech with a joyful applause, and ran straightways to their weapons. Agricola seeing them sufficiently animated, and rushing furiously forward, ordered his men in this manner. With the Auxiliary footmen, being eight thousand, he fortified the middle battle: three thousand horse he put on both sides in the wings; commanding the Legions to stand behind, before the trench of the camp, to the greater glory of the victory, if it were obtained without Roman blood, otherwise for assistance and succour, if the vanguard should be repelled. The Britan's were marshaled in the higher ground, fitly both to the show and to terrify, the first battalion standing on the plain, the rest in the ascent of the hill, knit and rising as it were one over another: the middle of the field was filled with the clattering and running of 
* Covinarius. Mela. lib. 3. c. 6. Dimicant Britanni non equitatu modò aut pedite, verùm & bigis & currib. Gallicè armati, covinos vocant, quorum falcatis axib. utuntur. by Caesar and Tully they are called essedarij.  charets and horsemen. Then Agricola perceiving the enemy to exceed him in number, and fearing lest he should be assailed on the front and flanks both at one instant, displayed his army in length: and although by that means the battle would become disproportionably long, and many aduized him to take in the Legions, yet being more forward to hope, then yielding to fear, he rejected the counsel, and leaving his horse auanced himself before the ensigns on foot. In the first encounter, before the joining, both sides discharged and threw: wherein the Britan's employing both art and valour, with their great sword and little targets, avoided our throws, or shook them off, darting withal great store against us of theirs: till at length Agricola spying his vantage exhorted three Batavian cohorts, and two of the Tungrians to press forward, and bring the matter to handy strokes and dint of the sword; a thing which they in respect of long service were able readily to perform, and contrarily to the enemies prejudicial, and hurtful by reason of their little bucklers, & huge sword: for the sword of the Britan's, being blunt pointed, were no way fit for the close or for open fight. Now as the Batavians began to deal blows, to strike with the pikes of their bucklers, to mangle their faces, and having overborne in the plain all that resisted, to march up the mountains, the rest of the cohortes gathering courage upon emulation violently bet down all about them, & many half dead, or wholly untouched, were left for haste of winning the field. In the mean time the charets mingled themselves with the battle of the footmen, and the troops of the horsemen began for to flee: who albeit they had lately terrified others, were now distressed themselves by the unevenness of the ground, and thick ranks of their enemies. Neither was the form of the fight like a lose skirmish of horsemen to and fro, but standing still and maintaining their places they sought by main weight of horses, to break and bear down one another. The wandering wagons also, and masterless horses affrighted, as it happened them by fear to be guided, over-bare many times of their friends which met them, or thwarted their way. Now the Britan's, which stood aloof from the battle on the height of the hills, and at their good leisure disdained our fewness, began to come down by little and little, & to compass about the backs of our men, which were now in train of winning the field: but Agricola suspecting as much, opposed against them four wings of horsemen purposely retained about him for sudden dispatches, and chances of war, and repulsed them back as sharply, as fiercely they ran to assail. So the counsel of the Britan's turned upon their own heads: and the wings were commanded to forsake the battle and follow the flight. Then might you have seen in the open fields a grievous and pitiful spectacle, pursuing, wounding, taking, and killing of them which were taken when others were offered. Now whole regiments of the enemies, according to their several dispositions, though armed and more in number, turned their backs to the fewer: others unarmed sought their own death, offering themselves voluntarily to the slaughter. Every where weapons lay scattered and bodies, and mangled limbs: the ground every where imbrued with blood: and sometimes even in them which were overcome, appeared now at their end both anger and valour. When they approached the woods, uniting themselves, they entrapped unawares some of the foremost of our men, which unaduizedly followed, not knowing the country: and unless Agricola had with his presence everywhere assisted at need, setting about them of his bravest and most ready footmen, as it were in form of a toil, and commanding some of his horsemen to leave their horses where the passages were narrow, and others where the wood was thin to enter on horseback, no doubt we had taken some blow by our overmuch boldness. But after they saw our men again in strong array to follow the chase in good order, they fled, not in troops as before, and attending each other, but utterly disbanded and single, eschewing all company, toward the desert and far distant places. The night and our fullness of blood made an end of the chase. Of the enemy's side 
a Tacitus seldom telleth the number, and beside both he and Sallust, as Orosius witnesseth, forbidden it in history. but professione pietatie he must be excused, in transgressing his own rule.  ten thousand were slain: three hundredth and forty of ours; amongst whom was Aulus Atticus captain of a cohort, upon a youthful heat, and through the fierceness of his horse, being carried into the midst of his enemies. That night the winners for their parts solaced themselves with the victory and spoil: and the Britan's being utterly broken, crying and howling, men and women together, take and draw with them their hurt persons, call the not hurt, forsake their own houses, and in despite also set them on fire themselves, choose out holes for to lurk in, & straightways forsake them, communicate some counsels together, and then have some glimmering of hope: sometimes at the sight of their dearelyest beloved they are moved to pity, more often stirred to rage: and certain it is that some, as by way of compassion and mercy, slew their own children & wives. The day following discovered more plainly the greatness of the victory. Every where desolation and silence: no stirring in the mountains: the houses fired and smoking far of; no man to meet with our spies; who being sent abroad into all quarters found by their footsteps the flight was uncertain, and that they were no where in companies together. Whereupon Agricola because the summer was spent, and the war conveniently could not be divided, bringeth his army into the borders of the 
b Now called Anguse, as some suppose.  Horrestians, where receiving hostages he commanded the Admiral of the navy to sail about Britanny, lending him soldiers & strength for that purpose, and the terror of the Roman name was gone already before. Himself, with easy and gentle journeys, to terrify the new conquered nations with the very stay of his passage, disposed his footmen & horsemen in their wintering places: and withal the navy with prosperous wind and success arrived at the port 
c Some read it Rhutupensis, which is supposed to be Richborow near Sandwich.  Trutulensis, from whence it 
“ Or, departed coasting along the nearest side of Britanny, and so returned thither again.  departed, and coasting along the nearest side of Britanny returned thither again.  
This state of affairs in Britanny Agricola signified by letter, without any amplifying terms, to Domitian: who after his manner with a cheerful countenance, & grieved heart received the news, being inwardly pricked to think, that his late 
a Xiphilinus Domitiano. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The like Suetonius reporteth of Caius. c. 47. conversus hinc ad curam triumphi, praeter captivos & transfugas barbaros, Galliarun quoque proceris simum quemque, &, ut ipse dicebat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ac nonnullos ex principibus legit ac seposuit ad pompam, coegitque non tantùm rutilare, ac submittere comam, sed & sermonen Germanicum addiscere, & nomina barbarica far.  counterfeit triumph of Germany, wherein certain slaves bought for money were attired, and their hair dressed as captives of that country, was had in derision and justly scorned abroad, whereas now a true and great victory, so many thousands of enemies being slain, was currant and famous in every man's mouth: that it were indeed a most perilous point, if a private man's name should be exalted above the name of the Prince. In vain then had he suppressed, the study of Oratory, and all other worthy politic arts, if he should in militare glory be disseised by another: for other matters might more easily be passed over, but to be a good commander of an army was to be above private estate, that being a virtue peculiar for a Prince. With these and the like cares being tormented, and musing much in his closet alone, which was a token and sign of some cruelty intended, he thought it yet best for the present to dissemble and put over his malice, until the heat of his glory and love of his soldiers were somewhat abated; for as yet Agricola remained in charge. Wherefore he commanded that all the honours of triumphal ornaments, 
* Illustris statuae honorem. 1. Hist. triumphalis statue.  image triumphal, and what else usually was conferred in lieu of triumph, should be awarded unto him in Senate in most ample and honourable terms: and sending a successor caused withal a bruit to be spread, that the province of Syria, which then lay void, by the death of Atilius Rufus the Lieutenant, and was reserved for men of great quality, was purposed unto him. And a common opinion went, that Domitian sending one of his most secret and trusty servants to Agricola, sent withal the patent of Syria, with instruction, that if he were in Britanny it should be delivered: and that the same man meeting Agricola as he crossed the seas, without speaking unto him, or delivering his message, returned again to Domitian. Whether this were true, or feigned and surmised probably, as correspondent to the Prince's disposition, I cannot affirm: but in the mean season Agricola had delivered to his successor the province in good and peaceable state. And lest his arrival at Rome should be noted, by reason of the multitudes of people which would go out to see and to meet him, cutting off that courtesy of his friends, he entered the city by night, and by night, as he was willed, came to the Palace. Where being admitted to the Prince's presence, and received with a short salutation and no speech, he sorted himself with the rest of the waiters. Now to the end he might temper and qualify with other good parts his militare renown, a virtue unpleasant to men of no action, he gave himself wholly to quietness and meddling with nothing; being in apparel moderate, affable in speech, accompanied usually but by one or two of his friends: so that many, which commonly judge of great men by the outward appearance and pomp, seeing and marking Agricola, miss of that which by same they conceived, few aimed aright at the cause. Often was he in those days accused to Domitian in absence, and in absence acquitted. The cause was neither matter of crime, nor complaint of party aggrieved, but the renown of the man, and the Prince's disposition hating all virtue, and the most capital kind of enemy's commenders, procured the peril. And in truth those times ensued in the state, which would not suffer Agricolaes' name to be buried in silence: so many armies in Moesia, Dacia, Germany, Pannonia, either through the rashness or cowardliness of the Generals cast away: so many good soldiers, with so many cohortes defeated and taken. Neither was it the question then for the uttermost bounds of the Empire and bank of the River, but the standing camps of the Legions, and the provinces themselves were in danger of losing: so that losses being heaped upon losses, and every year becoming notorious for some calamity and overthrow, Agricola was required by the speech of the people for General, every man comparing his quickness, resoluteness, and experience in war, with their insufficient and dastardly dealings: with which kind of talk, it is certainly known, Domitian's ears were not unacquainted; his faithfullest servants upon love and allegiance, the rest upon spite and envy pricking him forward, being of himself prone to the worse. So Agricola partly through his own virtues, and partly the vices of others, was drawn headlong perforce into glory. Now the year was at hand, whenas the Proconsulshippe of Asia or Africa should be allotted unto him, and upon the late murdering of 
a Suetonius Domitiano. c. 10. complures senatores, in his aliquot consulares interemit, in quibus Civicam Cerealem in ipso Asiae proconsulatis.  Civica, neither could Domitian fail of example to follow, nor Agricola of direction what he should do. Some also privy to the Princes secret intents offered speech of themselves, and asked him whether he could be content to accept of the government: commending at the first a far off a quiet life and void of business, and proffering anon their mediation to the Prince to allow his excuse. At the last declaring their purpose in plain terms, by persuasion and threats they induced him to become a direct suitor in that behalf to Domitian: who setting a feigned countenance upon it, and composing himself to keep majesty and state, both heard his humble petition excusing himself from that charge, and when the excuse was admitted suffered himself to be solemnly thanked, and was not ashamed of so odious a benefit. Howbeit the pension, which was wont to be offered to men of that quality, and by him had been granted to certain, he did not bestow upon Agricola: either being offended it was not sued for, or upon the guiltiness of his own conscience, lest thereby he should seem to have bought out 
a That is, his going into the province.  that thing, which he had forbidden. It is the property of man's nature to hate those whom he hath hurted: beside Domitian was prone and headlong to anger, and the more close the more irrevocable, yet was he notwithstanding altered and mollified by Agricolaes' discretion and wary behaviour: for he did not with obstinacy, nor vain ostentation of liberty, neither hasten his fame nor his fall. Let them well know that are wont to admire those things alone, which are done against the stream of the time, that great men may be found even under bad Princes; that dutiful obedience and modesty, if industry and valour be joined, may attain to that degree of praise and renown, which some following dangerous courses have aspired unto by an ambitious death, without any further profit at all.  
The end of his life brought mourning to us, and grief to his friends, and even by strangers and persons unknown was lamented: the common sort also, and this reckless people of ours, both came oft to his house, and in all public places and meetings had it in speech, neither did any person, when he heard of his death, either rejoice or suddenly forget it. And that which procured the greater compassion was a constant report, that he was made away by poison. Of mine own knowledge I dare assure nothing this only, that during the time of his sickness there came from Domitian, oftener than usually are wont from Princes, who visit by others, both of his secretest servants & nearest physicians to see him, whether as of carefulness, or only to spy I leave it uncertain: certain it is, that the day of his death, every degree of his going away was carried in post to the Prince; and few men believed the news should be hastened so much, that he would be sorry to hear. Notwithstanding he made show of sorrow in mind and in countenance, being now out of danger 
a That is, of the virtuous qualities of Agricola.  of that which he hated, and one that more easily could dissemble his joy then his fear. When Agricolaes' testament was read, wherein he made Domitian coheir with his most dear wife and most dutiful daughter, it was certain he greatly rejoiced thereat, as if it had been a sign of honour, or proceeded of judgement: so blinded he was, and so greatly corrupted by continual custom of flatteries, that he could not perceive, that no good father did ever appoint for his heir any Prince but a tyrant. Agricola was borne the thirteenth day of june, Caius Caesar being third time Consul, and died the 
b Four and fiftieth, at the most for from Caius Caesar. 3. cons. to Collegae and Priscus Consuls were no more but fifty three years, but so is the fashion not only of Tacitus, but of other History-writers, to misrecken in a manner always to the more.  six and fiftieth year of his age, the four and twentieth day of August, Collega and Priscus being Consuls. Of parsonage (if posterity desire to be informed thereof) he was rather well proportioned then tall, with an assuredness and great grace in his countenance: a good man you would easily think him, and willingly a great. And although he died in the middle course of his ripe age, in respect of honour and glory he lived with the longest: for of all the parts of true felicity, which consisteth in virtue, he had fulfilled the measure: and having obtained beside Consulare and triumphal ornaments, what more could fortune annex to his estate? excess of riches he delighted not in; honourably he had and according to his degree. Yea happy may he be thought and happy indeed, that escaped those tempests which followed, leaving behind him a daughter and wife, his honour not stained, his fame not touched, his friends and allies in flourishing state. For as in our hearing he wished and hoped to live and last to the light of this most blessed age, and see 
c Then it must be by way of prophecy, not of discourse: for in Domitian's time there was no likelihood at all of that succession.  trajan established Prince, so his hastened death had this great comfort, that he lived not to see that last and most miserable time, in the which Domitian, not at seasons and by fits, but with a continual course and at one blow, as it were, ruined the state. Agricola lived not to see the Senate-house beset, the Senate environed with soldiers, and all in one fury the death of so many Consulare personages, the banishments & flights of so many great women. Carus 
a Carus and Messalinus instruments of Domitian's cruelty: and so was Massa afterward. Plin. l 1. ep. 11. &. 4 ep. 22. Jwenal.  Metius had obtained as yet but one conquest, and Messalinus bloody sentences kept themselves within the manor of Alba, and Massa Bebius himself was then 
b De repetundis: the province of Baeticae being plaintiff, Senecio & Pliny accusers: as the same Pliny writeth, lib. 7. ep. 33.  called in question. Anon after our hands led helvidius into prison; the sight of 
c Exiled by Domitian, and restored under Nerua. Plin. li. 4. ep. 22.  Mauricus and Rusticus pierced our hearts; Senecio besprinkled us with his guiltless blood. Yet Nero withdrew his presence, and commanded cruelties, looked not on: the principal part of our miseries under Domitian was to see and be seen; when our secret sighs were registered, when that cruel countenance and red visage, with which he armed himself against blushing and shame, could endure to note and mark the fears and paleness of so many persons. Thrice happy then mayest thou, Agricola, be counted, not only for the renown of thy life, but also for the opportunity of thy decease. Thou didst as they do affirm, which were present at thy last speeches, accept thy death most patiently and willingly, as though for thy part thou wouldst have cleared the Prince. But I and thy daughter, beside the loss of so dear a father, we have a further cause to be grieved, that it was not our chance to be by in thy sickness, to cherish thy weakness, to satisfy and content ourselves with seeing and embracing thee. Some counsel no doubt, and some precepts we should have received in charge to print and engrave in our hearts: this is our grief, this our special misfortune: to us, in respect of our long absence four years before, thou wast lost. And albeit thy most loving wife the best of all mothers sat by, and furnished no doubt all things in most honourable sort, yet wast thou laid up with fewer tears, and at thy last hour thine eyes miss somewhat. If there be any place for the ghosts of good men, if, as wise men define, the souls of great persons die not with the body, in peace mayest thou rest, and recall us thy posterity from impatient and womanish wailings to the contemplation of thy virtues, which are in no sort to be sorrowed for, or bewailed, but rather admired. ******** This is true honour indeed, & this is the duty of nearest kinsfolks. So I would counsel thy daughter and wife to reverence the memory of their father and husband, with often remembering his doings and words, recognizing the glory and image of his mind, rather than of his body: not that I dislike of images cut in marble or metal, but as men's faces, so the images of faces are mortal and frail; the shape of the mind is eternal, which we may represent and express, not by matter and art borrowed abroad, but by our own manners within. That of Agricola which we did love, which we admired, remaineth, and so will remain, in the minds of men, in the continual succession of ages, in fame and renown. For many of the ancients shall lie buried in obscure and inglorious oblivion, but Agricola shall live recommended to posterity, and continue for ever.  
FINIS.   


ANNOTATIONS UPON THE first book of Tacitus.  
WHEN SERVIUS GALBA was second time Consul) Cornelius Tacitus, whom Vopiscus calleth scriptorem historiae Augustae, wrote two several volumes of histories: one from the death of Augustus, as it may seem, to the Calends of january next after the death of Nero, comprehending Tiberius, Caius, Claudius and Nero's time, and the greater part of Galba; another from the said Calends to the death of Domitian. Of this later volume in order of time, howsoever it was in order of writing, the first four books comprise the history of one year and some months only, from the beginning of januarie, when Galba and Vinius entered their Consulships, in the year ab urbe condita 822. according to Tacitus, or rather the consent of the Empire in that time. Claudio Casare quartum, Vitellio tertiùm coss. saith he, 11. 
a pag 405.  Annalium, just two and twenty years before Galba and Vinius, ludi seculares octingentesimo post Romam conditam anno spectati sunt, which account exceedeth the Capitolin (as they call it) by one year, and agreeth fully with 
b Censorinus, c. 21.  Varro, 
c Bruto.  Cicero, 
d lib. 8. cap. 7.  Pliny and 
e lib. 40 pa. 77. & li. 52. pa 314. & li. ● 6. pa. 470.  Dioes' reckoning. Now although the Prince and an officer may seem in one person incompatible qualities, yet the custom of that state beareth, that the Emperor the first year of his Empire of order, & eftsoons upon pleasure supplied the one Consuls place. The reason is in Appian. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 200. 
1 That is, S●lla albeit he was Dictator, yet for a cool u● and show of popular government was content to be made Consul again with Metellus Pius, and from hence it proceedeth peradventure, that even at this day the Roman princes, when they name Consuls for the state, diverse times pronounce themselves also, not disdaining even with their sovereign authority to join also the title of Consul.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now the first Consulat of Galba was 
f Tac. 6. Ann. p. 381.  four years before Tiberius' death, obtained by favour of Livia Augusta, saith Plutarch in Galba; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which I think is an oversight▪ for she was dead four years before, in small favour with her son, and they in smaller, that sought by her means to rise in honours. Tacit. 5. Annalium. p. 369. Quin & part eiusdem epistolae increpuit Tiberius amicitias muliebres, Fufium consulem obliquè perstringens. is gratia Augustae floruerat, apt us alliciendis foeminarum animis etc. Neither was it Tiberius' manner to bestow offices so long before hand. Tacit. 2. Annalium. p. 271.  
2. Many excellent men) principally meant, as I take it, of Livy, although his story reach somewhat further, of whose eloquence, those works are witness that remain: and of his liberty, Tacitus 4. 
g pag. 347.  Annal: in the oration of Cremutius Cordus. Titus Livius eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus in primis Cn. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit, ut Pompeianum eum Augustus appellarit, neque id amicitiae eorum offecit. Scipionem, Afranium, hunc ipsum Cassium nusquam latrones & parricidas, quae nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignes viros nominat.  
3. Because having no part in the state they were ignorant: Inscitia reip. ut alienae) Aliena ignorantur, either because we cannot, or because we care not to know them. The first seemeth here to have place; for whereas before the people and Senate of Rome took knowledge of all that was done wheresoever, now the most important affairs of estate passed thorough fewer fingers, in more secret sort. Dio. lib. 53. 
2 That is, The most part of affairs began in secret sort to be dispatched, whereof the certain truth to no man lightly knew, except the doers themselves.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
4. Prince Nerua of sacred memory: Principatum divi Neruae & imperium Tratani) To certain Emperors the Senate, for their good government, or importuned by their successors, awarded templum & coelestes religiones, and the title of Diws. And not only to the Princes themselves, but sometimes to their wives, mothers, and children also; as we read in the stories. Appianus. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
3 That is, From julius Caesar downward all the princes except they we tyrants, or extremely vicious, were by the Romans deified after their deaths  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (speaking of Diws julius) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
h As of the 12 first emperors five only, julius, Augustus, Claudius, Vespasian, and Titus, were canonised: the other seven as being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were not vouchsafed the honour.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Appian: Nam Deûm honor Principi non antè habetur, quàm agere inter homines desierit. 
a 15, Ann. p. 543.  Tacitus. And therefore in this place he nameth trajan, who then lived, simply without addition: the other that was dead, Diwm Neruam. The ceremonies of this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or canonizing, as being in part conformable to the use of some countries in our time, I will here briefly set down out of 
b lib. 4. p. 476. 477. 478  Herodian, and others, at least the principal points. After the Prince's death, the body being buried honourably, and in sumptuous sort, according to the manner of other men, they framed an image of wax resembling in all respects the party deceased, but palish and wan as a sick man: and so being 
c In our time after the death of the last Charles in France, his image was laid in a rich bed, in triumphant atti●e, with the clown upon his hea●, and the c●ller of the ●● de● about his ne●ke, and ●●ty days at ●●●anry hours d●nner and su●per was served in w●th all accustomed ceremonies, a● sewing, water, grace car●i●g, say taking, etc. all the Cardinals, prelates, lords, gentlemen and officers attending in far greater solemnity then if he had been alive.  laid at the entry of the Palace in 
d Xiphilinus, p. 316 317. 318, noteth some other particularities not specified in this narration.  an ivory bed covered with cloth of gold, the Senate and ladies assisting in mourning attire, the physicians daily resorted unto him to touch his pulse, and consider in college of his disease, doctorally at their departure resolving, that he grew in worse & worse terms, and hardly would scape it. At the end of 
e During that time, sayeth Xiphilinus, there stood also a page with a sand of Peacocks f●athers to keep away the flies from his face, as if he were but a sleep.  seven days they opined, and found by their learning, the crisis belike being bad, that the patiented was departed: whereupon some of the Senate appointed for that purpose, and principal gentlemen, taking up the bed upon their shoulders carried it thorough Via sacra into the Forum; where a company of young gentlemen of greatest birth standing on the one side, and maids of the other, sung hymns and sonnets, the one to the other, in commendation of the dead Prince, entuned in a solemn and mournful note, with all kind of other music and melody, as indeed the whole ceremony was a 
f Herodian. lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio, lib. 56. in epitapino Augusti: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  mixed action of mourning and mirth, as appeareth also by Seneca, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, at the consecration of Claudius. Et erat omnium formosissimum (funus Claudij) & impensacura plenum, ut scires Deum efferri, tibicinum, cornicinum, omnisque generis aeneatorum tanta turba, tantus conventus, ut etiam Claudius audire posset. Afterward they carried the hearse out of the City into Campus Martius, where a square tower was builded of timber, large at the bottom, and of competent height to receive wood and faggots sufficiently, outwardly bedecked and hung with cloth of gold, imagery work, and curious pictures. Upon that tower stood a second turret in figure and furniture like to the first, but somewhat less, with windows & doors standing open, wherein the hearse was placed, and all kind of spiceries and odours, which the whole world could yield, heaped therein: and so a third and fourth turret, and so forth, growing less and less toward the top: the whole building representing the form of a 
g Pharus.  lantern or watchtower, which giveth light in the night. Thus all being placed in order, the gentlemen first ride about it, marching in a certain measure: then follow others in open coaches with robes of honour, and upon their faces vizards of the good Princes, and other honourable personages of ancient times. All these ceremonies thus being performed, the Prince which succeed taketh a torch, and first putteth to the fire himself, and after him all the rest of the company: and by and by as the fire was kindled, out of the top of the highest turret an 
h Diodi 56. in fanere August.: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  eagle was let fly, to carry up his soul into heaven: and so he was afterward reputed, and by the Romans adored, amoung the rest of the gods▪ marry, which I had omitted almost, before consecration it was usual, that some gentleman at least should bestow an oath to prove their deity. Suetonius Augusto: Nec defuit vir Praetorius, qui se effigiem cremati (Augusti) euntem in coelum videsse iurasset. The like was testified of Drusilla Caius sister by one Livius Geminius a Senator. Dio. lib. 59 
1 That is, One Livius Geminius a Senator swore that he saw Deusilla ascending up into heaven, and conversing with the gods, wishing to himself and his children utter destruction if he spoke an untruth, calling to witness both sundry other gods, and especially the goddess herself of whom he spoke, for which oath he received a million of testerces▪ which makes 7812. b. 10. shillings sterling.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. whose tale, for all it was well paid for, men believed never the better. Seneca, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Postquam in senatu iuravit se Drusillam vidisse coelum ascendentem, & illi pro tam bono nuntio nemo credidit, quod viderit, verbis conceptis affirmavit, se non indicaturum, etiamsi in medio foro hominem vidisset occisum. This lesson they may seem to have learned of Proculus julius, who took an oath not much otherwise for Romulus' deity, whom the Senate murdered and made a god: from whence this race of the Roman gods may seem to have taken beginning. Tully also had a meaning that way for his daughter Tulliola, as appeareth by his epistles ad Atticum, but worldly troubles put out of his head those heavenly cogitations. From C. Caesar, Augustus, Claudius, Vespasian, Titus, in a manner without interruption, the custom dured so long, that many also of the Christian Emperors enshrined in this sort their fathers and predecessors. And this was the honour done to the good Princes after their death: as for the bad, they lacked not likewise the Senate's reward ut nomem fastis eximeretur, ut statuae deiicerentur, ut corpus unco traheretur in Tiberim. etc.  
5. And oft both at once: Ac plerumque permixta) Both at once, or perchance both in one, as in Antonius Primus army at the taking of Cremona, cui cives, socij externi interessent. Tacitus 3. 
2 pag. 124.  Hist. and in the same book: Principes Sarmatarum jazygum in commilitium asciti. trahuntur in parts Sido atque Italicus reges Suevorum. so that this war, and such like, though in respect of their captains civil, by reason of external helps might be called permixta.  
6. Illyricum troubled) As in Othoes' time by the Rhoxolan●. Tacitus in this first book p. 50. in Vitellius, by the Daci: Tac. 3. Hist. p. 129. in Vespasians by the Sarmatae; josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 7. c. 12. and generally the nations upon that border invaded the Romans under Domitian. Tacitus in the life of Agricola. p. 605.  
7. Brittanny all conquered etc. Britannia perdomita: & statim missa coborte in Sarmatarum ac Suevorum gentes) Some learned men correct this place, which no doubt is corrupted, thus▪ perdomita Britannia ac statim amissa: coortae Sarmatarum ac Suevorum gentes. perdomita Britannia is meant by julius Agricola in Domitian's time. Tacitus in vita 
b pag. 588.  Agricolae: Quia tum demum perdomita est Britannia: now must it be lost again in the same Domitian's time (for this history passeth no further) which can not be proved by any story, no not by any slender conjecture. Tacitus writing the life of Agricola in Traian's time, Ea insecuta sunt, saith 
c pag. 605.  he, reip. tempora, quae sileri Agricolam non sinerent: tot exercitus in Moesia Daciaque, & Germania, Pannoniaque, temeritate aut per ignaviam ducum amissi: tot militares viri cum tot cohortibus expugnati & capti▪ nec iam de limit imperij & ripa, sed de hibernis legionum & possessione dubitatum. the loss of Britanny if there had been any such, had much better becomed this place, than any other calamity that he could have told us. But 
d Tradideratinterim Agricola successori suo provincia quiciam tutanque Tac. p. 604.  Agricola left the country in good quiet, and so no doubt it continued all Domitian's time. As for any matter happening under Adrian (which yet was no loss of the country, but some disorder) being out of the compass of this history, & as it is likely, of his life that wrote it, I will easily believe it was not intended to be briefed in this place. More according to the story, & with less change in the letter we may thus amend it. Britannia perdomita & 
e Or partim missa.  statim missa (●missa facta, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) coortae Sarmatarum ac Suevorum gentes, to signify that all Britamny was conquered, but not all retained. App. p. 5. 
1 That is, Of the Island of Britanny the Romans possess the best part, about half of the whole isle, not caring much for the rest. For even of that which they have they reap no great profit.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
8. Abused by a countersaite Nero) This happened in Titus' time. Zonara's tomo. 2. 
2 That is, In Titus' time there arose a counterfeit Nero called indeed Terentius Maximus, by birth of Asia, and much resembling Nero both in countenance & voice, skilled also on instrument. This fellow got in Asia some followers, and going forward to Euphrates many more. At length he fled to Artabanus king of the Parthians, who bearing ill will to Titus gave him entertainment, and made provision to reduce him to Rome.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Suetonius Nerone seemeth to make it in Domitian's time. Quum post viginti annos, (after Nero's death) saith he, adolescente me extitisset conditionis incertae, qui se Neronem esse iactaret, tam favorabile nomen eius apud Parthos fuit, ut vehementer adiutus, & vix redditus sit. Tacitus 2. Hist, and the abridgement of Dio p. 204 make mention of another which in Othoes' time was slain in Cythno insula by Calpurnius Asprenas.  
9 The most fruitful tract of Campania, and the city of Rome wasted by fire) Suet. Tito. c. 8. Quaedam sub eo fortuita ac tristia acciderunt, ut conflagratio Veswij montis in Campania, & incendium Romae per triduum, totidemque noctes. 
f pag. 228. 229.  Xiphilinus the abridger of Dio describeth this burning of Veswius at large with all the circumstances and miracles, among the rest, that the ashes thereof were dispersed into Africa, Syria & Egypt: 
3 And at Rome filled all the air about the city & dar●kened the son.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plinius Secundꝰ in an 
g Lib. 6 ep. 16.  epistle to Tacitus setteth it out upon occasion of his uncles death who was stifled there with ashes and smoke. In the later emperors time the same mountain burned again in such vehement sort that they at Constantinople were choked all up with the ashes that issued from it, if we may safely believe their own stories. Now for the wasting of Rome by fire, Xiphilinus, p. 230, delivereth it at large. 
1 That is, The year following that of Veswius, an other fire wasted very many parts of Rome. For it consumed the temple of Serapis, that of Isi●, the places called Septa, the temple of Neptune, Agrippaes' baths, the Pantheon, the Ditibi●orium, the Octavian buildings with the books, moreover the temple of jupiter Capitolinus and his fellow gods.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
10. The islands etc. Plenum exilijs mare) Mare pro insulis. So Tacitus, 4. Ann. p. 342. calleth Seriphus, saxum Seriphium, by way of contempt: for such commonly were the islands, into which the relegati were sent. The usual islands of deportation were Pandateria, Planasia, Cercina, Seriphus, Gyarus, Cythera, Amorgus, Donusa, Trunerus, Baleares, Sardinia, Naxus, and perhaps others.  
11. The cliffs etc. Infecti caedibus scopuli) The relegati in insulam were commonly upon a second message led aside to some creak or promontory, & so quietly made away, or peradventure scopuli is taken here pro insulis as mare was before.  
12. Or forbear them) Xiphilinus Domitiano maketh mention of Herennius Senecio, whom Domitian put to death, 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. but Tacitus himself in the preface of Agricola allegeth another reason because he published a book in praise of helvidius Priscus.  because after the Questorship he had not demanded in all his life any higher office. Tacitus in vita Agricolae p. 605. Salarium tamen proconsulari solitum offerri, & quibusdam à seipso concessum Agricolae non dedit (Domitianus) sive offensus non petitum, sive etc.  
13. As spoils.) In Tiberius' time, when Libo Drusus was accused of treason, bona damnati inter accusatores dividebantur, & praeturae extra ordinem datae iis qui senatorij ordinis erant. Tacitus 2. Annal. Again 3. 
b pag. 364.  Annal. Hunc (Titium Sabinum) Latinius Latiaris, Porcius Cato, Petitius Rufus, M. Opsius praetura functi aggrediuntur cupidine consulatus; speaking not of the time here intended, but of the same manner of proceeding; rather of other men, than other manners.  
14. Procuratorships.) Procurator, saith Cicero pro Caecina, dicitur is, qui omnium rerum eius, qui in Italia non sit, absitue reip. causa, quasi quidam penè dominus est, h.e. alieni juris vicarius. Appian, p. 282, translateth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. From this general notion, the word was afterward particularly applied to certain offices, which were appointed in every province (beside the Precedents, or Lieutenants) as it were, Treasurers or Receivers to gather up the revenues of the Empire. Dio. l. 53. 
2 That is, Procuratore, we call them which receive, & according to their commissions pay out the common revenues.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tac. in vita Agricola bringeth in the Britan's complaining: singulos sibi olim reges fuisse, nunc binos imponi, è quibus legatus in sanguinem, procurator in bona saeviret. 
Tac. 16. Ann. p: 551. Mella petit●one honorum abstinuerat per ambitionem praeposteram, ut eques Romanus consularibus potentia aequaretur. simul acquirendae pecuniae, per procurationes administrandis principis negotijs, breutus iter credebat.  An office of gain, rather than honour, supplied by the gentlemen of Rome, or by the Prince's libertines, generally by his most assured, & trusty servitors. And this was their first institution. Beside this they were set also to spy the Lieutenant's actions, and sometime they had special commission to murder them. Sometime they were sent into smaller provinces as governors with jurisdiction, then called procuratores cum potestate, or vice-praesides. Tac. in this book: Dua Mauretaniae, Rhoetia, Noricum, Thracia, & quae aliae procuratoribus cohibentur, ut cuique exercitui vicinae, ita etc. Claudius' especially enlarged the office, cuius, saith 
d 12. Ann p. 443.  Tacitus saepiùs audita vox est, parem vim rerum habendam a procuratoribus suis iudicatarum, a● si ipse statuisset. Ac ne fortuitò prolapsus videretur, senatus quoque consulto cautum, pleniùs quàm anteà & uberiùs. And in Tiberius' time Pontius Pilatus, who put Christ to death, was but only procurator, not Lieutenant, or Precedent. Tacitus. 15. 
e pag. 528.  Ann. Auctor nominis eius Christus, qui Tiberio imperitante, per procuratorem Pontium Pilatum supplicio affectus erat.  
15. Inward credit.) Such was the credit of Maecenas with Augustus, & of Salustius Crispus, who as Tacitus 
f Ann. 3. pa. 309.  reporteth. Quanquam prompto ad capessendos honores aditu, Maecenatem aemulatus, sine dignitate senatoriâ multos triumphalium, consulariumque potentiâ anteiit incolumi Maecenati proximus, mox primus, cui secreta imperatorum inniterentur▪ in sum, such as cared not to bear office of honour, but otherwise governed the Prince peaceably, in quality of favourites, or minions, as they call them.  
16. The bondmen) In ancient time by a decree of the Senate the bondman could not be put to the torture in caput domini: but Tiberius, saith Tacitus. 2. 
a pag. ●68.  Ann, callidus, & novi juris repertor mancipari singulos actori publico jubet: scilicet ut in dominum ex servis saluo senatusconsulto quaereretur. Afterward indicia servorum without torture were usually received as good evidence, and largely rewarded. Tac. 16. 
b pag. ●5●.  Ann. in the cause of Petronius; corrupto ad indicium servo.  
17. That the Gods are careful rather &c.) Titus the Emperor, having shipped away all the informers and promoters, ingenti ammo securitati nostrae ultionique prospexerat, ideòque numinibus aequatus est, sayeth Pliny in his panegyric, attributing to the gods both qualities, to save us from harm, and to revenge us when we are harmed, and carrying a more reverent conceit of them, than his fellow Tacitus seemeth to do in this place, and in some other places beside. 14. Annal: Prodigia quoque crebra & irrita intercessere. Anguem enixa mulier, & alia in concubitu mariti fulmine exanimata: tam sol repentè obscuratus, & tactae de coelo quatuordecim urbis regiones. Quae adeò sine curâ deûm eveniebant, ut multos post annos Nero imperium & scelera continuaverit. 
c pag. ●●6.  Annal. 16. Exutus omnibus fortunis, & in exilium actus (Cassius Aselepiodocus) aequitate deûm erga bona malaque documenta. And yet in some other places he letteth fall sometimes religious sentences, carrying himself as it were in balance doubtfully between the carelessness of Polybius that way, and the superstitiousness of Livy, two principal writers of the Roman story.  
18. The reasons and causes of things, not only &c.) The commendation of an history consisteth not in reporting bare events, but in discovering the causes of those events, without which the reader can pick but small profit out of a simple register book. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
d l●●. ●. 7●.  saith Polybius, 
1 That is, Neither are the writers of stories nor readers so much to regards and insist upon the bate narration of the actions themselves, as the precedents, the adjuncts and consequences of the actions, for take away from story the causes whereupon, and the manner how, and the purpose wherefore things were done, and whether the action had such success as in probability was to be e●pecied, that which remaineth ●●tale i●●e●e but no instruction, for the present desiring but afterward pro●●●●gnoti●ng at all.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scribere bellum, saith Sempronius Asellio in 
e lib 5 cap. 18.  Gellius quo initum consul, & quomodo confectum sit, & qui● triumphans introierit, & quae in eo bello gesta sint iterare; non predicari autem interea quid senatus decreverit, aut quae lex rogatione lata sit, neque quibus consilijs ea gesta si●t; id fabulas pueris est narrare, non historias scribere. Nobis non modò satis esse video quod factum esset id pronuntiare; sed etiam quo consilio quaque ratione gesta essent demonstrare. And Dionysius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5. pag. 238. 
2 That is, In reading of stories he principal profit consisteth not in knowing only the end of things and events, but every man desireth to understand the causes of that which passed, the manner of doing, the drift and devices of the doers, the occurrences of fortune, & to be ignorant of nothing which belonged any way to the action.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the like lib. 11. p. 505. For this virtue Theopompus is by the same 
f In fragmentis.  Dionysius extolled, and praised in most exquisite manner. 
3 That is, Th● last of his virtues and most peculiar and proper, as being by no other history writer old not new so exactly performed, is this, in every action not only to see and declare what was apparent to the view of the world, but also to search out the secret● causes of actions, and to see into the affections of their minds who were agents▪ things not easily seen of the common sort and finally to discover all the mysteries both of pretended virtue and cloaked vice▪ the examination and trial by Theopompus writings being no less exact than the arraigment of souls fabulously devised before the infernal judges.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now Tacitus in this place setting us down a theorem of history, wherein without controversy he excelled; that an historiographer is to give knowledge of counsels and causes: another natural, wherein he had no great grace, that eventus plerumque suat fortuiti, that is, either had no causes, or no causes that could be discovered, may seem in 
4 In division of notions.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have seen very nearly, but yet in 
5 In composition.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to have looked not so well about him: joining somewhat strangely two contrary notions together.  
19 Citty-souldier) The soldiers that were resiant at Rome were of two sorts, Praetoriani and Vrbani propriè dicti, both of them by Tacitus here, and elsewhere comprehended by the name of Miles urbanus. Miles urbanus longo Caesarum sacramento imbutus: and again ne urbano quidem militi satis confisus, meaning only or principally of the Praetorians. In his proper signification and standing in opposition to Praetoriani, Tacit. pag. 58. addidit classi Vrbanas cohortes, & plerosque è Praetorianis▪ again, quod rarò aliâs Praetorianus, Vrbanusque miles in aciem deducti: now when it doth stand for the one, or for both, only circumstance must help to discern.  
20. That secret of state disclosed: Euulgato imperij arcano) Euulgare arcana imperij may seem to be that which Dionysius in the place before alleged calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in affairs of estate to reveal the good openly pretended, and the ill secretly intended. Notwithstanding arcana imperij, being in mine opinion so sundry in nature, can hardly be bounded with one definition. Tacitus. 
a pag. 2●1.  Annal. 2. Censuit Gallus in quinquennium magistratuum comitia habenda. haud dubium erat eam sententiam altiùs penetrare, & arcana imperij tentari: the secret of state herein was, that whereas hope of honour or gain is the only sovereign mean in court to retain suitors and servants in diligence and due devotion, to speed so many at once were to make so many slack waiters; and for so many years before hand to drive the rest to despair. In the same 
b pag. 283.  book. Augustus' inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis, nisi permissu, ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis illustribus, seposuit Aegyptum: ne fame urgeret Italiam, quisquis eam provinciam, claustraque terrae ac maris quamuis levi praesidio adversus ingentes exercitus insedisset▪ the secret is, into a country which rebelling might endanger the state, never to suffer men of great houses, or great credit among the common people to have access. In this place, as it may seem, are meant the secret truths of apparences in affairs of estate▪ for the mass of the people is guided and governed more by ceremonies and shows than matter in substance. The example is of an act done in undue place, whereof there had been no precedent before. In congruity a Prince of Rome were to be created at Rome, & an Emperor in the seatetowne of the Empire, and so it had been always observed: but the truth was, and so much the secret imported, that in substance it mattered not much where he were made, that afterward could maintain it with arms, and with the good liking of the subjects of the Empire. This secret of state Galba disclosed, and making his profit thereof against Nero, gave occasion to other to practise the like against him. The soldiers of Germany in the choice of Vitellius, as Plutarch reporteth, 
1 That is, Go too now, by choosing Vitellius let us show to the world that we are able to make an Emperor better than those of Spain and Portugal.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vitellius likewise passed out the same way he came in. Nam posse ab exercitu principem fieri, sibi ipsi Vitellius documento est, sayeth Mutianus in Tacitus lib. 2. 
c pag. 95.  Hist. And generally after this secret was by Galba once disclosed, more Emperors were made abroad, then at Rome. Beside these imperij, or dominationis arcana, 
d Ann. 1. pag. 218.  Tacitus maketh mention of arcana domus Augustae: that is, secrets of court, or of Palace▪ and 3 
e pag. 309.  Ann. of secreta imperatorum.  
21. Making indeed very bold with their Prince as being new in state) Tacitus 2. Hist. Recens Galbae principatu censuerant patres ut accusatorum causae noscerentur. and 4. Hist. in the oration of Curtius Montanus. Elanguimus P.C. nec iam ille senatus sumus, qui occiso Nerone delatores, & ministros more maiorum puniendos flagitabat. Optimus est post malum principem dies primus. Now accusatores, promoters, or informers, are reckoned inter instrumenta imperij, with as good reason as one Locusta in Claudius and Nero's time, nuper veneficij damnata & diu inter instrumenta regnihabita, saith Tacitus. 12. 
f pag. 446.  Annal. For accusers certain it is that many good Princes, or not very bad, have been content to maintain them. Mutianus the mouth of Vespasian censuit prolixè pro accusatoribus: Tacitus 4. 
g pag. 176.  Hist. helvidius Priscus suing Eprius Marcellus upon the decree Dubiâ voluntate Galbae became suddenly non-suite▪ ibidem.  
22. His journey to Rome was slow) At what day Galba begun his journey from Spain to Rome, & when he entered the city, the stories being lost, it is hard precisely to determine. Notwithstanding to give some light to this place, & withal to yield a reason of the times set down by me 
h In the end of Nero and beginning of Galba.  elsewhere, I think good to note the reasons which moved me thereto. First Galerio Trachalo, Silio Italico Coss. Neapoli de motu Galliarum cognovit (Nero) die ipso, quo matrem occiderat. Suet. 
i cap. 40.  Neron. Now Agrippina was slain ipsis Quinquatruum diebus: Tac. 14. 
k pag. 479.  Ann. & Suet. 
l cap. 34.  Nerone; & Quinquatrus begin the nineteenth day of March: ovid. Fast. 3. so allowing some competent time from Vienna, or Lions to Naples it will appear that Vindex rebellion began about the tenth or twelfth of March. Again Xiphilinus saith that Galba reigned nine months and thirteen days, which is to be understood from the time he took the Empire upon him in Spain, as Xiphilinus himself noteth in the last words of Vespasians time▪ so that Galba, dying the fifteenth of 
a Tac. 1. Hist.  january, began his reign about the first, or second of April. Nero began the 13 of October: Tac. 12. 
b pag. 447.  An. 
1 That is, And he reigned thirteen years and eight months, wanting two days, and died in the month of july.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith Zonaras tomo. 2, which two sayings cannot both be true▪ for if Nero deceased in july, then reigned he more than thirteen year & eight months: but if his reign was no longer, which Xiphilin also assureth us of, them died he not in july. Again the same Xiphilin writeth; 
2 That is, That by just computation from Nero's death till the beginning of Vespasians reign, there was one whole year and two and twenty days. pag. 225.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. but the first day of Vespasians Empire was the first day of july: Tac. 2. Hist: so that Nero's death was upon the 8. of june. & so it should seem by Tacitus in this very book, septem à Neronis fine menses sunt. Aurelius' Victor saith, Menses septem diesque totidem (imperavit Galba) which understood from Nero's death agreeth justly with the former account. About the very same time with Nero died Vindex in France. The word came first of his death to Galba in Spain, and certain days after of Nero's in post. Plutar. Galba. And certain it is that Nero never had any news of Vindex overthrow▪ for it could not have been otherwise but that being heard must needs have wrought some notable alteration at Rome. Philostratus l. 5. de vita Apollonij. 
3 That is, It was reported (at Messana where Apollonius then was) that Nero was fled, and Vindex dead.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as though at Messana in Sicily the news of Nero's destruction had first been reported. Of Nero's death Icelus brought Galba the news in seven days from Rome. Plut. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So allowing some time for provision, it may seem that Galba set forward about the beginning of july, and entered the city, as it may be reasonably supposed, about September following; his journey sayeth Tacitus was slow, the way long, and his men heavy loaden.  
23. Galba brought in the Spanish Legion) That is, as I think, Septima Galbiana, gathered (as it may seem by Tacitus 3. 
c pag. 120.  Hist. Dio. 
d pag. 384.  lib. 55. and 
e Galbâ cap. 10.  Suetonius) by Galba in Spain, which notwithstanding seemeth to have been sent away into Illyricum before his death under Antonius Primus Lieutenant, & therefore without cause remembered here in the tumult of Otho I find no mention of any Hispana legio, neither in Tacitus in this book, nor any writer beside, unless percase they alone were a sleep, when all the world beside was in arms.  
24. To the straits of the Caspian mountains) Suetonius 
f cap. 1●.  Nerone. Parabat (Nero) & ad Caspias portas expeditionem, conscriptâ ex Italicis senûm pedum tyronibus nova legione, quam Magni Alexandri phalangem appellabat. Xiphilinus addeth further that he had purposed a voyage into Aethiopia.  
25. Lieutenants of legions: Legati legionun) Legatus in this very book hath 3. significations. 1. Legatus for an Ambassador. p. 24. Censuerant patres mittendos ad Germanicum exercitum legatos. 2. Legatus, or Legatus consularis, or consularis for a Lieutenant, deputy, precedent, or governor of a whole province, or army. p 21: Othonem in provinciam Lusitaniam specie legationis seposuit. p 42: Hordeonius Flaccus consularis legatus aderat. p. 19: inferioris Germaniae legiones diutiùs sine consulari fuere. 3. Legatus legionis, or legatus Praetorius, or legatus simply, but by circumstance to be discerned, for the Lieutenant of a Legion, whereof were in every army as many as Legions. p. 44: Coelius legatus vicesimae legionis. p. 586: in vitâ Agricolae speaking of the same Legion & man; Quip legatis consularibus nimia ac formidolosa erat. Nec legatus Praetorius ad cohibēdū potens. p. 42: Nullo legatorun, tribunorunue pro Galba nitente. p. 44: Foedis legatorun certaminibus, spoken equivocally, & to the vantage of the word, for the one of them was legatus consularis, & the other legatus legionis.  
26. Provinces abroad: Eprovincijs) Scilicet Caesaris, only meant, as I take it, here for Augustus after the war at Actium, enforced forsooth by the Senate to undertake the Monarchy, divided the provinces into two sorts. The quiet & peaceable countries he rendered into the Senate & people's hand; the provinces that limited & bordered the Empire, with the rest where any rebellion, or war might be feared, he retained to himself, & his successors, in show to sustain himself all danger alone, and leave to the Senate the sweet at their ease, but in truth to keep himself always armed, and them without arms. To the Senate and people, as 
a lib. 17.  Strabo, and 
b lib 53.  Dio write, belonged these provinces following, which 
c 13. Ann p. 450.  Tacitus, if I be not deceived, calleth publicas provincias. Duae consulares, Africa with Numidia, and Asia, so called because these two provinces were properly assigned to those who had been Consuls, whereas for the rest it sufficed to have borne inferior office: and decem praetoriae, Boetica, Narbonensis, Sardinia with Corsica, Sicilia, Epirus, Macedonia, Achaia with Thessalia etc. Creta with Cyrene, Cyprus, Pontus and Bythinia. To himself he retained Hispania Tarraconensis, Lusitania, Gallia Lugdunensis, Belgica, Aquitania, Syria etc. Cilicia, Egypt, Dalmatia, Moesia, Pannonia, and the tract of Rhine upon the French side called by the name of 
d In Marcellinus, li. 15. p. 1461. Germania prima (wherein were Magontiacus, Vangiones▪ Nemites, & Argentoratus) and Germania s●cunda, Agrippina & Tungris munita.  superior and inferior Germania, as it is also at this day called Germany, but by Caesar's description comprehended in Gallia, and a very part of Belgica, who knew no other Germania, but that which the later writers call for difference sake 
1 Great Germany.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 beyond the Rhine: whereas Tacitus in this first book naming often Germany, meaneth always the other two provinces, so called because the Germans continually passing the Rhine inhabited the country, and so by little and little changed the name. Caesar lib. 2. come. Dio. lib. 53. Tac. lib. 1. 
e pag. 242.  Ann. and in his book 
f pag. 574.  de moribus Germanorum. Treveri & Neruij circa affectationem Germanicae originis ultrò ambitiosi sunt, tanquam per hanc gloriam sanguinis, à similitudine & inertia Gallorum separentur. ipsam Rheni ripam haud dubiè Germanorum populi colunt Vangiones, Treboci, Nemetes etc., Of these two Germanies, superior, sayeth Dio, was 
2 From the head of the Rhine.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and stretched to Mentz, or Cobolentz rather: inferior, downward 
3 To the British Olein.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Beside these provinces whatsoever was afterwards conquered, or became subject to the Roman Empire, as England in Claudius' time, Pontus Polemoniacus, and Alps Cottiae in Nero's time, Dacia in Traianes etc., 
g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. pag. 341.  increased the emperors portion. Now the governors that were sent into the Senate's countries, both Praetorian and Consular, were called Proconsules, whether they had ever been Consuls or no. Those which the Emperors sent into theirs were called Legati, or Legati Consulares, or Propraetores, except peradventure they sent sometimes their procurators, as in small provinces before we have noted. Dio. lib. 53. 
4 That is, Of both the public & Prince's provinces, Egypt only excepted, the governors were taken ●ut of the Senators: for the public provinces annual, and chosen by lot (except they were conferred on any upon some special privilege, as of marriage or multitude of children) and sent out as it were from the body of the Senate, nor wearing sword, nor spaludamentum, an indifferently called Proconsul's whether they ever had been Consuls or not: having also as many sergeants attending as usually they had in the city, and as soon as they were out of the Pomerium assuming the ensigns of their office which they always retained until their return. Now for the governors of the Prince's provinces, he reserved them for his own choice, and appointed that they should be termed Legati and ropraetores, though they had peradventure borne the office of consulship before.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & paulò post, 
5 That is, The name of Propratores he gave to those of his own choice, and continued their office more or less during pleasure; appointing likewise that they should wear the Paludamentum and sword, as having authority of life and death over the soldiers.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tacitus in this book speaking of ●allia Narbonensis a public province; Vinius, sayeth he, proconsulatu Galliam Na●onensem severè rexit, who never had been Consul before: 
h pag. 152.  Annalium. 1: I find Granius Marcellus called Praetor of Bythinia, which was at the first division a public province, & so continued as appeareth out of Pliny's 
i ep. 64. 65.  tenth book of epistles. And in the same place of Tacitus mention is made of a Questor, an office not used in the Prince's countries; & in Claudius' time damnatus lege repetundarun Cadius Rufus accusantibus Bithynis; which action I think, lay not against the Princes legati, as executing their charge rather by way of commission, than by virtue of office. But of Propraetor the case is clear. 12. An. p. 430. in Britamnia P. Ostorium propraetorem. & p. 434. of the same man, Caesar cognita morte legati. etc. Vitellius in this book is called legatus consularis inferioris Germaniae: & 4. 
k pag. 367.  Ann. L. Apromus inferioris Germaniae propraetor. Suetonius 
a cap. 40.  Nerone. Deuce julio Vindice, qui tum eam provin eiam propraetore obtinebat ad est, Galliam Lugdunensem belonging to the Prince. In Africa Caius beside the Proconsul, the office & name due to the place, superinduced a legatus as from himself to take charge of the soldiers there. Tac. 
b pag. 178.  Hist. 4. Legio in Africa auxiliaque tutandis imperij finibus, sub divo Augusto Tiberioque principibus, proconsuli parebant. Mox C. Caesar turbidus animi, ac 
c Or according to Dio, Lucium Pisonem.  M. Sullanum obtinentem Africam metuens, ablatam proconsuli legionem, misso in eam rem legato tradidit, aequatus inter duos beneficiorum numerus, & mixtis utriusque mandatis discordia quasita, auctaque. Pravo certamine legatorum ius adolevit, diuturnitate officij, vel quia minoribus maior aemulandi cura. Proconsulum splendidissimus quisque securitati magis quàm potentiae consulebant. Dio. lib. 59 
1 That is, After that Lucius Piso son of Cn. Piso and Plancina was made Proconsul of Africa, Caius the Emperor fearing that upon haughtiness of stomach he might be induced to work innovation, especially having under his charge great forces both legionary and auxiliary, he divided the government into two parts and gave another the charge both of the soldiers and of the Numidians bordering thereabouts which custom is retained even to this day.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Only of Egypt the governor was neither called Legatus, nor Propraetor, but Praefectus Aegypti, or Praefectus Augustalis. Other names as praeses, rector etc. I take to be common to both sorts. Again in provincijs publicis were Quaestores beside Procurators; in the Princes, Procurators only. Dio. lib. 53. 
2 That is, Into the provinces which appertain to the Senate & people there are sent Questors chosen by lot.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 342. and pag. 343. 
3 That is, The Emperor sendeth Procurators to all provinces alike, both his own and those which belong to the people.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
27. Of Spain etc. Hispaniae praerat Clwius Rufus) Id est, Hispaniae Tarraconensi, for that only of the three provinces, into which Spain is divided, was furnished with soldiers, and of such especially in this place Tacitus intendeth, not extending his speech to the naked and peaceable, which afterwards he calleth inermes. Clwius Rufus was a famous orator, and written a story of that time alleged by Tacitus. 13. and 14. Ann. who, notwithstanding his preferment was by Galba, 
d Tac. 1. Hist. p. 51.  swore with the first to Otho, and in the beginning of Vitellius time returned to Rome, non adempta Hispania quam rexit absens. Tacitus. 2. Hist. pag. 90. In the ninth book & nineteenth epistle Pliny maketh mention of a speech that passed between Verginius, and Clwius: his words be these; ita secum aliquando Clwium locutum: Scis Virgini quae historiae fides debeatur; proinde si quid in historijs meis legis aliter ac velles, rego ignoscas. Ad hoc sic illum, Clwi ne tu ignoras, ideò me fecisse quod feci, ut esset liberum vobis scribere, quae libuisset?  
28. Egypt and the garrisons there the gentlemen of Rome) 
4 That is, After the victory at Actium Augustus made Egypt tributary, and committed the government thereof to Cornelius Gallus. For considering the great store of people both in the towns and the country, moreover their levity and inconstancy, that it was the Roman storehouse of corn, and very rich of money, not only he durst not trust it into the hands of the Senators, but also expressly forbade any of them to sojourn there, except by permission namely from him.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. saith Dio. lib. 51 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tacitus. 2. Ann. pag. 283. writeth that not only Senators but also equites Romani illustres (that is, as I think, those whom. 16. Ann. pag. 551. he termeth equites Romanos dignitate senatoria) were forbidden to go thither, but upon permission; Ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam, claustraque terrae ac maris quamuis levi praesidio adversus ingentes exercitus insedisset, Arrianus. lib. 3. is of opinion, that the Romans in ordering Egypt followed the example of Alexander the great, who, sayeth he, 
5 Is reported to have divided the government of Egypt amongst many, having in admiration the natural site and strength of the country: wherefore he thought is not safe to commit the entire regiment thereof to any one man, and the Romans in my opinion learned this point of Alexander strictly to guard Egypt, and for the same cause to make none of the Senators governor there, but only of the ordo Equestris.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
29. Who being privileged to wear gold rings: Quem annulis donatum) In Spain when he brought the news of Nero's death. Annulis donare is all one with equestri dignitate donare. Tac. 2. Hist. postulante exercitu ut libertum suum Asiaticum equestri dignitate donaret, inhonestam adulationem compescuit, (Vitellius). Dein mobilitate ingenij quod palam abnuerat, inter secreta convivij largitur, honoravit que Asiaticum annulis, foedum mancipium, & malis artibus ambitiosum. Suet. 
a cap. 12.  Vitellio. primo imperij die aureù donavit annulis super coenam, quum mane rogantibus pro eo cunctis detestatus esset severissimè talem equestris ordinis maculam; speaking of the same man with Tacitus. Dio. lib. 48. 
1 That is, Augus●us honoured Menas with golden rings, and entered him among the Equites.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for in ancient time, though afterward wealth increasing every one began to brave it in gold, yet 
2 That is, Among the ancient Romans it was not lawful for any (I mean not of those only which sometimes had been slaves, but of all others free borne and liberally brought up) to wear gold rings, except he were either Senator or Eques. and therefore the Princes bestow this upon the freedmen whom they favour as a great honour though otherwise they wear rings of gold, as being thereby made better than common freedmen and equal in degree with the Equites.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This privilege the Prince conferred not only upon his own, but also upon other mens liberti, (although invitis or ignorantibus patronis it was not lightly granted, or if it were, it was recalled) and it drawn with it ius ingenuitatis, but not to exclude the patron ab hereditate liberti. lib. 40. Digest.  
30. In grace with Nero &c.) 
3 That is, Nero used Otho as his inward friend and companion because of his riot, and being often noted by him of sparing and niggardliness he took it in very good part, and it is reported that on a time Nero, as he was anointing with a very costly ointment, having besprinkled Otho with a little thereof, the day following Otho entertaining him again set in diverse corners silver and golden pipes spouting out the ointment like water and washing the place.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch Galbâ. 
4 That is, There was one M. Saluius Otho so familiar with Nero both for likeness of their conditions, and fellowship in vices, that when once in speech with Nero he let fall a word: So may you see me Emperor as this, and this is a truth, he did him no harm, but only replied, No I will not so much as see thee a Consul.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Xiphilinus Nerone.  
31. Poppaea Sabina) Concerning the matter how it passed between Nero, Poppaea and Otho, read Suetonius Othone. c. 3. and Plutarch 
b pag. 1503.  Galbâ differing from Tacitus in some little circumstances. But to this place of Tacitus most contrary, and without question irreconcilable is Tacitus himself in another. 13. Annal. p. 471.  
32. Sulpician and Lutatian houses) Plutarch. p. 1490. speaking of Galba's pedigree 
5 He was descended of the most honourable house of the Seruij.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Tacitus lib. 2. Hist. Post julios, Claudios, Seruios; both somewhat strangely using the 
c This forename of Servius was so general to the Sulpitij that the Sulpitij surnamed Rufi assumed another forens me turning the foresaid after a sort in gentilicium, whereupon in the life of Atticus we read, M. Servius Sulpicius and in julius obsequens P. Servius Sulpitius Rufus.  forename pro gentilicio, to note the house which was Sulpitia: of which you may read more at large in Sueton. Galbâ. c. 2. & 3. But Galba, sayeth Plutarch, 
6 Gloried more in his affinity with Catulus,  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Qu. Lutatius Catulus being his great grandfather by the mother. That he was of kin to Livia Augusta, as Plutarch writeth, I have not else red, although it is true, that obseruavit ante omnes Liviam Augustam, cuius & vinae gratia plurimum valuit, & mortuae testamento penè ditatus est. Suet. c. 5. But of kindred I find no word, neither do I greatly believe it▪ only a stepmother he had named Livia Ocellina, who adopted him, & therefore he was called Lucius Livius Ocellinus after her name usque ad tempus imperij, if Suetonius in 
d cap. 4.  Galba do not deceive us.  
33. Near me in blood: Propinquos aut socios belli) Augustus adopted Agrippa and Tiberius as socios belli, the rest as propinquos. So Otho was to Galba socius belli, and Dolabella, who as Plutarch affirmeth was also in speech about the adoption, propinquus. Tac. p. 58. Cornelius Dolabella propinquitate Galbae monstratus, if it be, as I think, the same man, of whom Plutarch speaketh.  
34. Of one family) C. julius adopted Augustus; Augustus Livia and Tiberius, who adopted Germanicus, whose son Caius was, and Claudius his brother, and lastly Claudius' adopted Nero in whom failed the julian line. Ausonius.  
Aeneadum generis qui sextus & ultimus heres  
Polluit, & clausit julia sacra Nero.  
35. I Shall cease etc. Desinan videri senex) i. Desinan contemni quasi senex. Non legiones, non classes perinde firma imperij munimenta, quam numerum liberorum. Tac. 
e pag. 180.  4. Hist. in the person of Titus. Literally to construe, it may seem somewhat strange, that a man should cease to seem aged, because he had adopted one that was one and thirty years old, as Piso 
f Tac. 1. Hist. pag. 37.  was, to whom in common intendment he might have been father, and so was reputed to all constructions, and purposes in law. But Adoption, as Generation, doth in a sort eternize, and eternity knoweth no agedness.  
36. That being of ancient time observed as cause to break up assemblies) Cic. in Vatinium. Augurs omnes usque ab Romulo decreverunt, love fulgente cum populo agi nesas esse. Philippica. 5. love tonante cum populo agi non esse fas quis ignorat? 2. de divinatione. In nostris commentarijs scriptum habemus: jove tonante fulgurante comitia populi habere nefas. A none after. Comitiorum solum vitium est fulmen, quod idem omnibus rebus auspicium optimum habemus, si sinistrum fuerit.  
37. Where each man maketh choice of his fellow) This manner of mustering was, that the first man should choose out the second, who in the battle should stand fast beside him, the second the third, and so forth, each his mate till the last man. An army so gathered was in the opinion of those ancient times thought in a manner invincible, and questionless it had very many singular commodities. Livy lib. 9 Ad Vadimonis lacum Hetrusci, lege sacrata coacto exercitu, cum vir virum legisset, quantis nun quam aliàs antè simul copijs, simul animis dimicàrunt. Much after the same manner 
a pag. ●4.  Xenoph. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. describeth the Persian muster, either because it was so indeed, or because in his judgement, being an excellent commander, so had been the best. Cyrus' the General maketh choice of 200. trained gentlemen such as he knew most fit for the service. Each of those 200. choose four more gentlemen: & so rising up to a thousand gentlemen, every gentleman maketh choice of thirty common soldiers, namely 10. 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  targets, 10. slings, and 10. bows.  
38. Their donative which they had used of duty to receive) The Prince's liberalities to the soldiers were called Donativa, to the people or otherwise to his friends, Congiaria, doubtless because at the first certain measures called congij of wine or oil were bestowed, and afterward other things being given, yet the ancient name remained. 
c p. 435.  Tac. 12. Ann: Additum nomine Neronis donatiwm militi, congiarium plebi. And Sueton. 
d cap. 7.  Nerone of the self same thing: Deductus (Nero) in forum tyro, populo congiarium, militi donatinum proposuit. Which propriety of speech Tully, as it may seem, not regarding, useth congiarium in steed of donatiwm, 16. ad Attic. ep. 8. An iret ad tres legiones Macedonicas, quae iter secundum mare superum faciunt, quas sperat suas esse. Eae congiarium ab Antonio accipere noluerunt. Or rather, as I think, the word donatiwm came in with the Empire, not known in the free state. Donatives the Princes usually bestowed upon some great victory, or other extraordinary occasion. Claudius was the first which at his creation promised to the soldiers Donative, fifteen thousand sesterces a man, that is, about six score pound sterling. Primus Caesarum fidem militis etiam praemio pigneratus, saith 
e cap. 10.  Suetonius: and when Nero his adopted son did take togam virilem, he gave them another. Nero at his entry promisit donatiwm ad exemplar paternae largitionis. Tac. Ann. 12. & after the conspiracy of Piso was detected bina nummûm millia viritim manipularibus divisit, that is, about sixteen pound, and diverse times in the Grecian journey, inducing as it were by so many precedents a kind of necessity to his successors. Nymphidius promised them in Galba's name thirty thousand sesterces, that is about twelve score pound, but Galba at his coming paid nothing at all. And here in the adoption of Piso: nullum oratiom aut lenocinium additum, aut pretium. Adrian following a more agreeable course to that time, in the adoption of Verus bestowed three hundredth millions of sesterces upon the soldiers: & Antoninus at the marriage of his daughter Faustina exceeded usque ad donatiwm militum. Spartian. p. 818. & 828.  
39 Two and twenty hundredth millions: ●is & vicies mill sesteriûm) mill by error for milies. Tacit. 2. 
f pag. 105.  Hist: Novies millies sestertiûm, not novies mill; for so is the use of the tongue. Now in these speeches pronounced adverbially is understood of course centena millia so that bis & vicies millies is as much as if he had said, bis & vicies millies centena millia sestertiúm. Plutarch Antonio interpreteth DECIES by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is decies centena millia sestertiúm; counting as he doth four sestertij to a drachma. Sesterius, quasi semis tertius, that is two and an half; and according to the same analogy, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is four talents and an half, and in Dutch drit halb batzen, two batzes and an half. Now sestertius signifying two & an half, as the vulgar note also importeth H S. or joined H. S. that is duo & semis, is meant always of so many asses; and therefore four sestertij are precisely equivalent to a denarius, so called of dena aera. Now all the Greek stories without exception writing of the Roman affairs, in steed of quatuor sestertij set down 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not only in small sums, but in huge great, where the difference must of force appear, if in their opinion there were any between them. Seeing then denarius and drachma, according to the consent of the most old writers against a few, are of equal value, both containing four sesterces, eight drachmas making an ounce, and the ounce in our time esteemed at five shillings sterling, our present sum of bis & vicies millies centena millia sestertiûm, reduced to English money now currant, amounteth to seventeen millions an hundredth eighty seven thousand and five hundredth pound. Neither can this sum seem strange for Nero in fourteen years, when 
a Tac. 2. Hist p 105  Vitellius paucissimis mensibus nouies millies H.S. interuertisse creditur about seven thousand thousand pound.  
40. The Astrologers also: Mathematicis) This use of the word Mathematicus pro Apotclesmatico is utterly 
b G●ll●●s lib. 1 c 9 Geometrian, G●omonicam, Musi●●ā c●terasque item disciplinas altiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veteres Graeci appellabant, vulgu● autem, quo● gentilicio vocabi●o Chaldaeos dicere oportet, mathematicos dicit.  unknown to the ancient Groecians, and to the Romans also, for aught I remember, till the emperors time. Before, they were called Chaldaei, non ex artis, sed ex gentis vocabulo, saith Tully: then Mathematici (a name undue to their occupation) or Planetarij, and 
c Tac. 12. Ann. p. 427. qui obijceret Chaldaeos, mago● enterr●gatos super nuptijs imperatorus.  Chaldei also: in our time Astrologi, a word of the ancientest both Greek and Latin applied to that part of the Mathematical sciences, both now, and then also, known by the name of Astronomy. In Augustus' time, 
1 That is, Agrippa banished Astrologers (for so in Dioes' time they began to call them) and Magicians out of the city.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. lib. 49. p. 281. In Tiberius' time, Facta & de Mathematicis, Magisque Italiâ pellendis senatusconsulta, quorum è numero L. Pituanius saxo deiectus est. In P. Martium Coss. extra portam Esquilinam, cum classicum canere iussissent, more prisco advertêre. Tac. 2. Ann. p. 269. In Claudius' time 
d Tac. Ann. 12. p. 4●0.  De Mathematicis Italiâ pellendis factum senatus consultum atrox & irritum. And in Vitellius time 
e 2. Histor.  pulsi Italiâ Mathematici. Vlpianus lib. 7. de officio Proconsulis. Praeterea interdicta est Mathematicorum callida impostura: nec hody primum interdici eis placuit, sed vetus haec prohibitio est. denique extat senatusconsultum Pomponio 
f A V C. 770. but Tacitus. 2. Ann. placeth it in the year before.  & Rufo Coss. factum, quo cavetur, ut Mathematicis, Chaldaeis, ariolis & caeteris, qui similem artem fecerint, aqua & igni interdicatur, omniaque bona eorum publicentur▪ and anon after, saepissimè denique interdictum est ferè ab omnibus principibus, ne quis omnino huiusmodi ineptijs se immisceret▪ yea before the Princes came in, M. Popillio Laenate, Cn. 
g A. V C. 615.  Calpurnio Coss. C. Cornelius Hispallus Praetor edicto Chaldaeos intra decimum diem abire ex vrb● atque Italia jussit: levibus atque ineptis ingenijs, fallaci siderum interpretatione quaestuosam mendacijs suis caliginem inijcientes: saith Valerius lib. 1. Tertullian in his book de habitu muliebri, and again in lib. de Idololatria, is of opinion, that the angels which fell from their first creation were authors of Astrology, and therefore exiled out of heaven, as their creatures out of Italy. Expelluntur, saith he, Mathematici, sicut angeli eorum▪ urbs & Italia interdicitur Mathematicis, sicut coelum angelis eorum▪ eadem poena est exitij discipulis & magistris. All these laws notwithstanding they remained at Rome, saith Tacitus, and that in as good credit as before, the better believed, the oftener they had perused the gales. Iwenalis' Satyra. 6. 
Ind fides arti, sonuit si dextera ferro,  
Laevaque si longo castrorum in carcere mansit.  
Nemo Mathematicus genium indemnatus habebit.  And of Ptolemaeus the same Juvenal: 
Praecipuus tamen est horum, qui saepius exul,  
Cuius amicitia conducendaque tabella  
Magnus civis obit & formidatus Othoni.   
Suetonius 
h cap. 4  Othone nameth him Seleucus, by error as it may seem; for Seleucus was Vespasians man. 
i Tacitus.  Nec erat intactus tali superstitione (Vespasianus) ut qui mox rerum dominus Seleucum quendam Mathematicum rectorem & praescium palàm habuerit.  
41. The lakes of Campania, and towns of Achaia) The ancientest and best historiographers, taking their pleasure in explicatione consiliorum, and feigning orations, have left us sometimes rather an image of their own wits, then of the times whereof they have written. The nature of which, in mine opinion, were better learned ex Actis urbis diurnis, Acts senatus and such like, if any were extant, then by any story we have. Not that I think a simple collection of memoirs of the like use in other respects, as a story well written▪ neither do I condemn that liberty of feigning speeches, which I see granted them by 
a In his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dionysius Halicarnasseus and other good writers, so it be done with judgement and pro decoro personarum, including no evident absurdity or contradiction. Which inconvenience Tacitus, though otherwise sharp sighted enough, in this place in mine opinion hath scarcely avoided. Those which were wont Campaniae lacus & Achaiae urbes classibus adire were the 
b Xiphilinus pag. 190 & Suetonius Nerone. c. 19 praetoriano● pro concione adinchoandum opus cohortatus est.  Praetorian soldiers: those whom Otho had here to talk with were the Legionaries of Spain as they passed the mountains, who surely could not in possibility accompany Nero into Achaia. Hist. 
c pag. 183.  4. in the oration of Vocula: Non adeò turbatam civilibus armis rem Romanan, ut Treveris etiam & Lingonibus despectui sit. Meliùs Divo julio, Divoque Augusto notos eorum animos. Galbam, & infracta tributa hostiles spiritus induisse. Nunc hosts, quia molle seruitium, cum spoliati, exutique fuerint, amicos fore▪ and yet it is plain by Tacitus himself, & all other histories of that time, that Treveri, & Lingones, were of all the French the only men which Galba atrocibus edictis, aut damno fi●ium perculerat, relieving the rest of their tribute, & making them citizens. Vulcatius Gallicanus in the life 
d pag. 862.  of Auidius Cassius bringeth in M. Antoninus the philosopher profoundly disputing the causes of the fall of certain Emperors, among other of Pertinax. 
e M●●nioninus.  Enumeravit deinde omnes principes qui occisi essent habuisse causas quibus mererentur occidi, nec quenquam facile bonum vel victum â tyranno, vel occisum; dicens meruisse Neronem, debuisse Caligulam, Othonen & Vitellium nec imperare voluisse. Nam de Pertinace & Galbâ paria sentiebat, cum diceret, in Imperatore avaritiam esse acerbissimum malum, whereas Pertinax was living thirteen years after Antoninus was dead, succeeding in state to Commodus his son. Appianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 placing in the Roman battle Domitius in dextro cornu, Lucius Scipio in the middle battle, and Eumenes in laevo: and of the enemies Antiochus in dextro, Philippus in the middle, and Seleucus in laevo, in joining like a good and skilful captain matching the middles, opposeth the left to the left (a thing not possible in nature) Eumenes to Seleucus & his people, which indeed was true, as it appeareth by 
f lib 37 fol 305.  Livy, but Appians ordering of the battle is false. For Eumenes by Livy, & in truth was placed in dextro. Appians words be p. 76. 
1 Tha● i● Domitiu 〈◊〉 ended the ●●ght wi●g in the mid e battle was the Consul himself, the left wing was given to Eumenes.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (●. Domitius) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. of the enemies 
2 The right wing was led by Antioch is himself, the left by Seleucus his son the main battle by Philip master of the Elephants.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. now in the joining, Fumenes saith he p. 77. 
3 Charged with his horsemen against the Galatians and Cappadocians which were over against them.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & lest we might doubt where these Cappadoces stood, he concludeth with these words 
4 And these things were done on the left hand of the Macedonian battle  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The like error is in Dionysius. lib. 6. 
5 Of the Roman army the left wing was commanded by T. Aebutius General of the horse over against Sex● Tarqvinius p 255.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whom before he had placed 
6 In the left wing of the Latins  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the battle ad lacum Regillum. And in calisthenes story of Alexander Polybius l. 12. noteth many 
7 Fervours in n Turrian shalling the men in battle.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
42 The golden Milliarium) Milliarium aureum was a golden pillar set up by Augustus, as Dio witnesseth 
g pag 356.  lib. 54. in capite fort Romani, saith Pliny, 
8 At which all the high ways of italy do end.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch Galbâ. so called because from thence began the account of miles. Beside Milliarium aureum there were Milliaria lapidea, that is, little pillars of stone erected by order from C. Gracchus at the end of every mile. Plutarch Gracchis. 
9 That is, Moreover having measured out the whole way by miles (a mile being l ttle less than eight stadia, he erected pillars of stone as marks of the measure p. 1535.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. whereupon grew the usual phrase ad tertium, quartum, quintum ab urbe lapidem, for three, four or five miles from the city.  
43. Not upon judgement, or any) Tacit. 3. 
h pag ●39.  Hist. Populi mobilem animum; & si se ducem 
i Flavius Sabinus.  praebuisset, easdem illas adulationes pro Vespasiano fore, which now they used to Vitellius. and in the 
k pag ●50.  same book. vulgus eâdem pravitate insectabatur interfectum (Vitellium) quâ foverat viventem. Iwenalis' Satyrâ. 10. Sed quid 
Turba Remi? sequitur fortunam, ut semper, & odit  
Damnatos▪ idem populus, si 
l Vulsinijs. n. ●yn. de Se●anus erat autore Tacito An. 4. templum Nortiae diae. Liu l. 7.  Nortiae Tusco  
Favisset, si oppressa foret secura senectus  
Principis, hâc ipsa Scianum diceret horâ  
Augustum.—   
44 Framing acclamations at pleasure) The formula of acclamations in Senate is to be seen in the later Roman stories, in favour, as in 
m pag. 977.  Lampridius, to Alexander Severus, august innocens dij te servant. etc. In 
n pag. 864.  Vulcatius Gallicanus, to Antoninus, Antonine pie dij te servant, Antonine clemens dij te servant. etc. to Diws Claudius, in Trebellius 
a pag. 1107.  Pollio. Augusto Claudi dij te nobis praestent (dictum sexagies) Claudi august etc. in Flavius 
b pag. 1145.  Vopiscus, to Tacitus the Emperor, Tacite august dij te servant, te diligimus, te principem facimus. etc. In disfavor, as in 
c pag. 876.  Lampridius after Commodus death, Hosti patriae honores detrahantur, parricidae honores detrahantur, parricida trahatur etc. Of popular acclamations we may guess they were much after this form.  
45. Easily believed: credula fama) Dionysius noteth in Thucydides among many other innovations in speech, that he commonly changed actives into passives, & passives into actives, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Tacitus here we have credula to signify cui facile credatur, passively, whereas credulus in common Latin, and so it is used pa. 20, signifieth only qui facile credit. likewise p. 37. Ne vulgi largitione centurionum animos averteret. i. largitione que fiat vulgo, sive gregario militi. Again 15. Ann. p. 518. Iniuriae minorum. i. quae minoribus inferuntur. But to give a taste once for all of Tacitus grammar, I will note here three or four places worthy the noting. Hist. 3. p. 133. It omnes Mutiano volentia scripsere, volentia, pleasing, p. 145: Turbae sacricolarum immixtus, ignarusque delituit. i. ignotus. in another place gnarum id Caesari, for notum, & p. 147. Qu● gnara Vitellianis, incomperta hostibus. 1. Ann. p. 244: Fama dediti Segestis vulgata, ut quibusque bellum invitis, aut cupientibus erat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 15. An. p. 524. Hac atque talia plebi volenti fuere, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In vita Agricolae.  quibus bellum volentibus erat. 5. Hist. p. 202. Caesar Titus ut superior sui tam crederetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ann. 2. 280. Appelli●que Colophona, ut Clarij Apollinis oraculo uteretur. Homer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. An. 3. 306. Adulteros earum morte aut fuga punivit. i. exilio, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To be short who so list seek and look more nearly into Tacitus phrases shall doubtless find as many strange points in his grammar, as Dionysius hath done in Thucydides.  
46. As if they had gone to pull Vologeses or Pacorus out) Dio. l. 40. 
1 That is, The Parthians inhabit beyond the river of Tigris in castles & hold●, now of late they have some cities also▪ among others Cresiphon where the king's place of resiace as, they were a several nation among the ancient barbarians, and this name had they even under the Persiam Empire▪ notwithstanding at that time their territory was small, neither had they any dominion abroad. But when the Persian monarchy was dissolved by the Macedonian power, and Alexander's successors waging war one against another began to whither & decay, than attempted the Parthians first of all to come forward under the conduct of one Ar●aces, of whom all the kings afterward were called Arsaci●ae. and so good was their fortune that they conquered all the country adjoining, together with the province of Mesopotamia. In sine they grew to such height both of glory and strength that they opposed themselves in open n war against the Romans, and till this day are accounted the only men to match and make head against them. p. 80.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
d And soli● & lunae fratres also, saith Marcellinus lib. 23. quo● Ars●ces astris ritus sui consecratione (ut ipsi existimant) ●erm●xtus est omn●● pri●aus.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herod●●nus libro. 6. pag. 520. 
2 Alexander's successors being divided one against another, and the Macedonian power greatly weakened with continual wars, Arsaces by birth a Parthian is said first of all to have persuaded the barbarians of those quarters to revolt from the Macedonians, and assuming the di●d●me b● consent both of the Parthians and other barbarians thereabout himself was king, and after him the crown continued for a long time in his posterity.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The very precise time of the Parthian revolt was under Antiochus Tac. 5. Hist. p. 206. Antiochus Parthorun bello prohibitus est nam ea tempestate Arsaces desciverat. Appianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 specifieth which Antiochus, to wit Antiochus surnamed Deus, grandechilde to 
e Ammianus lib 23 p. 1651 affirmeth it was Seleucus Nicator.  Seleucus sounder of the Syrian kingdom. p. 90. 
3 At that time began the Parthians their revolt by reason the kingdom of the Sele●cida was in great disorder.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Fron this Arsaces the Parthian kingdom continued to Artabanus, who reigning in Alexander Severus time, was then destroyed by Artaxerxes a Persian, & so the Empire of those Eastern countries united again to the crown of Persia. Herodianus lib. 6. Vologeses or Vologesus (for 
f 4. Hist. p. 180. gratiae Vologeso acta.  both ways we find it written the Grecians call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) was at this time king of Parthia, son to Vonones that died in Claudius' time, Anno urb. con. 802, and brother to Pacorus king of Media, and Tiridates by Nero crowned king of Armenia.  
47. The fees of vacations: Vacationes) Id est, pretia vacationun. for so he termeth them. 1 An. p. 233. Mox indiscretis vocibus pretia vacationun incusat. now vacationun, of what? munerum. for so Tacitus speaketh in another place▪ hinc vacationes munerum redimi. So that vacationes in this place, and again p. 43, is as much as pretia vacationun munerum. for the common soldier by the strictness of ancient discipline was tied and bound to many servile mini●eries in the camp, by 
a 1. Annal.  Tacitus called munera, as is afore said, and by 
b lib. 2. cap. 19  Vegetius mu●a, as to bring in wood, straw, hay, water etc. Being negligent, or failing in execution ●herof, they were cudgeled and whipped by the Centurions. Tac. 1. Ann. Fracta vite in ●rgo militis, alteram clara voce, ac rursus aliam poscebat centurio lucilius. whereupon in all mu●nees the Centurions were the men principally shot at by the common soldier. In the Ger●an sedition at the entering of Tiberius, they muttered first among themselves venisse tem●us quo cuncti modum miseriarum exposcerent, saevitiamque centurionum ulciscerentur: & strait ●fter put it in execution against them. Repentè lymphati districtis gladijs in centuriones invadunt. ●a vetustissima militaribus odijs materies, & saeviendi principium▪ prostratos verberibus multant sex●genis singulos, ut numerum centurionun adaequarent. Tum convulsos laniatosque & partim exanimos, ●nte vallum, aut in amnem Rhenum proticiunt. Now the wealthy soldier, and those which had means, redeemed & bought out for money this service at the Centurion's hands. So the ●oldiers in Pannony complain. 
c pag. 225.  Denis in diem assibus animam & corpus aestimari; hinc ve●ē arma, tentoria, hinc saevitian centurionun, & vacationes munerum redimi. & the Germane. 
d pag. 233.  mox ●ndiscretis vocibus pretia vacationun, angustias stipendij, duritiam operum ac propriis nominibus incu●ant vallum, fossas, pabuli, materiae lignorum adgestus, & siqua alia ex necessitate, aut adversus otiū●astrorum quaeruntur. That then which here they demanded was, that for purchasing immunity from these munera, they should not be forced to pay any money to the Centurions.  
48. His own coffers: Ex Fisco suo) Fisci, spartea sunt utensilia ad maioris summae pecunias capiendas; Asconius. & so Tully useth the word, in Verren. Fiscos complures cum pecunia Siciliensi a quodam senatore ad equiten Romanun esse translatos. And in the same sense we read it in Tac. ●. 
e pag. 234.  An. cum fisci de imperatore rapti inter signa, interque Aquilas veherentur. in Suet. 
f cap. 18.  Claudio positis ante se cum pecunia fiscis etc. Whereupon quia maior summa est pecuniae publicaeque privatae, ut pro censu privato loculos, & arcan & facelloes dicimus, sic pro publico thesauro aerarij dicitur fiscus, saith Asconius, applying the names of fiscus & aerarium both to one thing; as Tully doth, Verrinâ. 3. Quaternos H. S. quos mihi senatus decrevit & ex aerario dedit, ego habebo, & in cistam transferam ex fisco. But after the division of the Empire made by Augustus in publicas, & principis provincias the words were no more indifferently used, Fiscus being appropriated to signify the Prince's treasure, and Acrarium the public, a difference notwithstanding more of names then of substance. 
1 That is, In name the public treasure was severed from Augustus' exchequer, but in truth that also was spent at his disposition.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio. l. 53. p. 343.  
49 Being a freedman) Ingenui were commonly murdered privily; servi, or libertini generis publicly executed. Such also was Asiaticus end, that carried the credit with Vitellius, as soon as Vespasian came in. Tac. 4. Hist. Asiaticus, ut libertus malam potentiam seruili supplicio expiavit.  
50. The Citty-Praetor calleth the Senate) For both the Consuls were slain. In which case or otherwise in their absence ius vocandi senatum belonged to the Praetor urbanus. Cic. lib. ad familiares. 
g ep. 12.  10. Paulo post idem mihi Munatius eas literas legendas dedit, quas ipsi miseras, & eas quas publicè. Placuit nobis ut statim ad Cornutum praetorem urb literas deferremus: quique Coss. aberant, consulare munus sustinebat more maiorum. Senatus ●st continuò convocatus.  
51. With all other princely prerogatives) The principal titles usually annexed to the Prince's place were these. ¹ Princeps, ² Imperator, ³ Caesar, ⁴ Augustus, ⁵ Tribunitiae potestatis. ⁶ Pater patriae, ⁷ Pontifex maximus. Tac. 1. Ann. Augustus cuncta descordijs civilibus fessa nomine ¹ Principis sub imperium accepit. which title of Princeps, as I think, was borrowed from princeps senatus in the former state. 
2 That is, In that year Augustus took to himself the name of Imperator. I mean no● that name which in ancient time was given to certain persons upon some notable victory, but this other signifying sovereign power and majesty.  Imperator hath a double signification both touched by Dio. l. 52. 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And not only this later which begun first in julius Caesar, A. v. c. 709. importing sovereign majesty, but also the other was usual under the Emperors, both in the Prince's style, & conferred likewise upon private people that had deserved it. Tac. 3. 
h pag. 330.  An. Tiberius id quoque Bloeso tribuit, ut imperator a legionibus salutaretur, prisco erga duces honore, qui bene gesta rep. gaudio & impetu victoris exercitus conclamabantur, erantque plures simul imperatores, nec super caeterorum aequalitatem▪ concessit quibusdam & Augustus id vocabulum, ac tunc Tiberius Bloeso postremum. In the princes style thus. Imp, Caesar Augustus, Imp. decimun sextum: Imperator in the first place signifying supreme authority, in the second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, obtained either by himself, or by his deputies. So Nero remaining at Rome ob rem bene gestam a Corbulone in Armenia Hist. p. 171. Nihil aequè exercitus nostros, quàm egestas copiarum fatigabat. and so it is taken in this book. p. 46. Privatis & promiscuis copijs iwere militem.  
58. That in the Legions every tenth man was allotted to die) In ancient time if some great part of the army had lost their ensigns, thrown away their weapons, and run cowardly out of the field, the manner was for the General to put all the Standerd-bearers, Centurions etc. to death, and of the common sort every tenth man. The example is in Livy lib. 2. fol. 26, of Appius Claudius in the Volscian war, in Dio, of Augustus and Antony; lib. 49. pag. 275. and 279. in Tacitus of L. Apronius Proconsul of Africa, when ancient discipline was welny expired. Annal. 3. pag. 305. The manner is in Polybius. lib. 6. pag. 186. 
1 That is, If at any time it happen that whole ensigns pressed b● the enemy do forsake their standing and run away, the manner of the Romans is not straightways to put them all to death without difference, but they follow a mean course both profitable ●nd terribl●. For the Tribune calling the army together and producing those which failed in service, first he checketh them sharply, and in conclusion out of the offenders he chooseth by lot sometimes five, sometimes eight, sometimes twenty (always having an ey● to the numbe●, and aiming as near as he can to take every tenth man) and ●hose on whom the lot fails are beaten to death with clubs without remission. To the rest he gives them their allowance in barley in steed of wheat, and so commands them to quarter without the Trench & places of surety.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And not only upon the causes before rehearsed of 
2 Forsaking their standing & casting away their armour.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but upon 
a Appianus 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 283. in oratione Ciceronis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  occasion of a mutinee Scipio in Spain in the second war Punic, & in later times also, when severity of discipline was much decayed Caesar at Placentia renewed the custom, and Antony at Brundisium. Livius. l. 28. f. 218. Appianus. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 224. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 280. Dio. l. 41. 109.  
59 The colony of Lions discontented) The Senate fearing that Lepidus and Plancus, whom they had called into Italy, would betray the side, and go to Antonius, willed them still to stay in France, & found the colony of 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio p. 216.  Lions, at the confluent of the Rhone, and Saone and there to place those which before had been driven out of Vienna by the Allobroges. Dio. li. 46. Now Lions in Nero's time being burnt, hanc cladem, saith Tacitus, 16. 
c pag. 549.  Annal. 
d ●125●. li. English.  quadragies. H. S. solatus est princeps. and therefore they had cause to love Nero, as of the other side to hate Galba, qui reditus ipsorum occasione irae in fiscum verterat. Tac. pag. 46.  
60 The cuntreyman: Paganos) Paganus a townsman, a cuntreyman, in opposition to miles. Veget. lib. 2. c. 23. Nam si doctrina cesset armorum, nihil paganus distat a milite, and that which Suetonius 
e cap 19  Galba uttereth in these words Dimota paganorum turba, the self same circumstance Tacitus in this 
f pag. 34.  book noteth with these Disiecta plebe, conculcato senatu; and Tacitus himself 4. Hist. p. 163. Tria millia legionariorum, & tumultuariae Belgarum cohortes, simul paganorum, lixarumque ignava, sed procax ante periculum manus. and again 2. Hist. Multae & atroces inter se militum caedes, manente legionum auxiliorunque discordia; ubi adversas paganos certandum foret, consensis. Antonius Primus 
g pa 120  3. Hist disgracing the Praetorians (who were before discharged of their service and disarmed by commission from 
h Tac. 2. H. p. 105.  Vitellius) names them paganos. Vos, inquit, nisi vincitis, pagani, quis alius imperator, quae castra alia excipient? like as Caesar at Rome in a mutinee, and afterward Alexander Severus at Antioch, dismissing his soldiers in displeasure, called them Quirites, Quirites discedite atque arma deponite. Sueton. Caesare. c. 70. Lampridius Severo. p. 1003.  
61. The very first day of january) And before that day, as it may appear by 
i p. 1502.  Plutarch, the army of upper Germany had given shrewd signs of small good liking of Galba. 
3 That is, For in a public play the Tribunes and Centurions wishing good luck to Galba the emperor, according to the usual manner of the Romans, many of the soldiers at the first murmured, and when as the captains persisted in their wishes, they answered & cried again, He doth not deserve it.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now to break down the images of the Prince was the usual beginning in all rebellions. 3. Hist. pag. 114: Trierarchi magno tumultu Vitellij imagines invadunt, & paucis resistentium obtruncatis etc. in the same page: simul Vitellij imagines dereptae.  
62. Coleyn: Coloniam Agrippinensem) Founded by Agrippina Claudius' wife. Tacitus 12. Annal. pag. 429. Sed Agrippina quo vim suam socijs quoque nationibus ostentaret, in oppidum Vbiorum in quo genita erat, veteranos, coloniamque deduci imperat, cui nomen inditum ex vocabulo ipsius.  
63. The principal men of the colonies) Principes coloniarum, be the Decuriones, Principes castrorum, whom Vegetius 
a cap. 9  lib. 2. calleth also milites principales, & Tacitus. 3. 
b pag. 123.  Hist. primores castrorum, are the Aquiliferi, Signiferi, Optiones etc. qui privilegijs muniuntur. Where as the rest, the common soldiers are called Munifices, quòd munia facere coguntur.  
64. julius Civilis) The same men who afterward with the Batavians, and aid of the French and Germans, maintained war so long with the Romans, as it appeareth. 4. & 5. Hist. Of the event here noted Tacitus maketh mention again. 4. Hist. p. 158. julius Paulus, & Claudius Civilis, regia stirpe, multo caeteros (Batavos nobiles) anteibant. Paulum Fonteius Capito falso rebellionis crimine interfecit. iniectae Civili catenae, missusque ad Neronem, & à Galbâ absolutus, sub Vitellio rursus discrimen adijt, flagitante supplicium eius exercitu. Ind causae irarum, spesque ex malis nostris. Where is to be marked, that he calleth him there Claudius Civilis, whom here he nameth julius Civilis, forgetting himself in the one or the other, or else the describers of books not forgetting their accustomed negligence.  
65. Of Batavians eight cohorts, the Aids of the fourteenth Legion) The great and notable rebellion of Britanny, by the virtue of Suetonius paulinus, and valiantness of the fourteenth Legion, not without great loss of men being suppressed, Nero sent out of Germany thither a fresh supply of 2000 Legionaries, a thousand horse, & eight cohorts of Auxiliaries, which I take to be the very eight cohorts of Batavians mentioned here. Howsoever, certain it is that these cohorts of Batavians were assigned as Auxiliaries to the fourteenth Legion: That Nero, for what occasions soever, upon special confidence of their valour sent for into Italy the same Legion, with her Auxiliaries: That in the troubles of Vindex the Auxiliaries upon some quarrel departed from the Legion, in prejudice, as it may seem of Nero's cause: That Galba coming to state the Legion was sent into Illyricum, the Batavians into Britanny again, and in the mean season, as they were in their way thitherward, hearing the news of Vitellius commotion they joined themselves to the side. For confirmation of the premises Tacitus alone may suffice. 14 Annal. pag. 496. Auxitque copias Caesar missis è Germaniá duobus legionariorum millibus, octo auxiliariorum cohortibus, ac mill equitibus. 2. Hist. pag. 65. Motae ad imperium Othonis, è Dalmatiâ, Pannoniâque legiones, praecipus fama Quartadecimani rebellione Britanniae compressa. Addiderat gloriam Nero eligendo ut potissimos. unde longa illis erga Neronem fides. & in the same book. pag. 73. cohortes Batavorum, quas bello Neronis à Quartadecima legione digressas, cum Britanniam peterent, audito Vitellij motu in civitate Lingonum Fabio Valenti adiunctas retulimus, superbè agebant, ut cuiusque legionis tentoria accessissent, coercitos à se quartadecimanos, ablatam Neroni Italiam, atque omnem belli fortunam in ipsorum manu sitam iactantes.  
66. Now that the British host was adjoined) If it be true that Trebellius desertus (à militibus) ad Vitellium perfugerit; if it be true which paulinus allegeth. 2. Hist. Britannicum militem hoste ac mari distineri: which Tacitus himself writeth. pag. 19 In Britannico exercitu nihil irarum. Non sanè aliae legiones per omnes civilium beliorum motus innocentiùs egerunt, how can it be true that here is said, Adiuncto Britannico exercitu, and in another 
c pag. 86.  place. Vitellius è Britannico dilectis octo millia sibi adiunxit?  
67. With the name of Germanicus) The first of the Romans that bore the name of the place he conquered was Cn. Martius of Corioli named Coriolanus; then P. Scipio the elder of Africa subdued, 
d Livius lib. 30.  Africanus. Lucius his brother likewise of Asia, Asiaticus. Many of the Metelli, more for distinction, then for any notable conquest obtained. The former Emperors at pleasure sometime took some few names to themselves, sometime bestowed them on others. In the later times, virtue decaying, ambition in titles increased. Xiphilinus Commodo. p. 296. 
1 That is, So exceeding great was the madness of that vile monster Commodus, and with this style he sent a letter to the Senate; Jmp. Caesar L. Aelius Aurelius Commodus. Augustus' Pius Felix, Sarmaticus, Germanicus, Maximus. Britannicus, concordia orbis terrarum, Inuictus, Romanus Hercules, Pontifex Maximus, Tribuniciae potestat-●v●ij. Jmperit. v●●●. Consul seven. Pater patriae.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And justinian accounted of as a sober Emperor hath his style notwithstanding not much shorter. Imp. Caesar Flavius justinianus Alemanicus, Gothicus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alanicus, Vandalicus, Africanus, Pius Faelix Inclytus Victor ac Triumphator semper Augustus. Now what right Vitellius had to the name of Germanicus, where he had never seen enemy in face, sith he was Emperor, the fountain of justice, who can do no wrong, we will not dispute it.  
68 A lucky sign) Many of the Latin stories (for to them and their disciples this virtue is peculiar) account it, I think, a capital crime to set down any notable mutation in state without many prodigious portenta, miraculous omina etc., inducing the change, most of them being counterfeit, and coined to drive 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the reader into an ecstasy, many happening commonly, and remembered only when any notable event did ensue. In the 
b pag. 84.  second book, at Othoes' death, we have another tale much of this making, or somewhat worse, with a preface to give it some credit. As for our eagle here she was surely either a notorious cosener, or else notoriously ignorant of what would befall, thus to give omen haud dubium of great prosperity, which in effect dured but a moment.  
69. Nothing else but strangers and enemies: contrariwise themselves a Roman colony) And so was Vienna too. The Emperor Claudius in a speech in Senate which yet is extant at Lions graven in brass: ORNATISSIMA ECCE COLONIA VALENTISSIMAQVE VIENNENSIUM QVAM LONGO JAM TEMPORE HVIC CURIAE SENATORES CONFERT? And Tacitus himself almost in the next sentence, Tum vetustas dignitasque coloniae valuit, speaking of Vienna, so that both being colonies, and both external alike, this rhetoric of his was here out of season.  
70. Sacred veles, & infules: Velamenta & infulas) Velamenta & infulae signs of submission & humble demanding of mercy. 3. Hist. Antonius Primus vehemently assaulting Cremona, primores velamenta & infulas pro muris ostentant. And Coriolanus wasting the Roman country, sacerdotes suis insignib. velatos isse supplices ad castra hostium traditum est. saith 
c lib 2, fol. 22.  Livy. and the same Livy l. 30, fo. 241. Haud procul aberat (Carthaginis portu Scipio) cum velata infulis ramisque oleae Carthaginiensium occurrit navis. Now 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Polyb. li. 16. p. 271. Livy turneth infalas lib. 31. f. 246.  infulae sayeth Varro and Festus, were certain velamenta lanea, quibus sacerdotes & hostiae, templaque velabantur. so that by their description there should seem to be no great difference between velamenta and infulas.  
71. Lucus, a free town: Municipium id Vocontiorum est) Municipium and Colonia though used indifferently in many good authors, yet indeed, & in preciseness of speech carry several senses. and so doth Tacitus. 2. 
e pag. 86.  Hist. put them as diverse. Dispersiper municipta & colonias Vitelliani. The difference is that municipia in civitatem extrinsecus assumuntur, and coloniae è civitate educuntur. Geliius, 
f cap. 13.  lib. 16. ex oratione D. Hadriani ad Italicenses, distinguisheth them in this manner. Municipes sunt cives Romani ex municipijs, suo iure & suis legibus utentes: muneris tantum cum P. R. honorarij participes, a quo munere capessendo appellati videntur: nullis alijs necessitatibus, neque ulla P. R. lege astricti, quum nunquam P. R. eorum fundus factus esset. Colomarum alia necessitudo est; non enim veniunt extrinsecus in civitatem, nec suis radicibus nituntur, sed ex civitate quasi propagatae sunt, & iura institutaque omnia P. R. non sui arbitrij habent. Now that Lucus was indeed municipium, according to the exquisite use of the word, may appear by Pliny lib. 3. cap. 4. Vocontiorum civitatis foederatae duo capita, Vasio & Lucus Augusti.  
72. Petrin wing) our printed books have in Alpe Graia, corruptly no question. for Alps Graiae are the passage out of Savoy into Italy, as I think, by mount Senise, or S. Bernardo minor; the direct way from Lions to Milan. Out of Suisserland, where Caecina was, be the Peninae by mount S. Bernardo maior. The Cottiae are out of Daulphiney into Italy by mount Gineura. In the Vatican copy of Tacitus it is, cum alpe tarma, which with less mutation of letters, and more possibility of circumstance, we may rather imagine should have been, cum ala Petrina, then cum ala Taurina, which passed the other way with Valens. and Tacitus himself. 4. Hist. pag. 178. maketh mention of one Claudius Sagitta which was è Vitellianis, and Praefectus alae Petrinae.  
73. His heavy Legionary: Subsignanum militem & grave legionum agmen) Subsignanus miles & grave legionum agmen (and yet there was here but one whole Legion, the One and twentieth) may seem to signify both one thing, as being contradivided both to Auxiliaries. 2. Hist. pag. 91. Erupere legionarij in perniciem auxiliorum. 4. Hist. Id solum, ut in tumultu, monuit, subsignano milite media firmare. Auxilia passim circumfusa sunt. and yet in another place we have; Quicquid sub signis sociorum.  
74. Were not to mislike such examples: Exemplum ultro imputavit) Imputare in Tacitus is a word of a middle signification, indifferent to the good part and bad: yet 〈…〉 standing for beneficij loco numerare, or some such like thing. Examples. p. 42. Neque enim erat adhuc, cui imputaretur. that is, for as yet there was none whom they might account benefited by the revolt. In this place exemplum ultrò imputavit, he accounted this fact of his standing sure to his old master beneficial to Otho also, and the example not to be disliked of any prince whatsoever. Plutarch, I know, in the beginning of Otho seemeth to take it otherwise. p. 1513. 
1 That is, Otho commanded Marius Celsus to be brought before him, whom he embraced & entreated very kindly, desiring him rather to forget that ever he was in fault, then to remember that he was forgiven, to whom Celsus made answer both courageous and pertinent, saying that the accu●ation itself gave sufficient proof of his honesty, for what else was he charged withal but that he had been● faithful to Galba to whom he was nothing beholden? whereupon they that were present much admired them both, and the soldiers did not dislike it.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But we may give him good leave to err in construing one hard place of Tacitus, that in so many easy in Caesar mistaketh. But to proceed in examples. 2. Hist. p. 87. Proditionem ultrò imputabant; spatium longi ante praelium itineris, fatigationem Othontanorū permixtum vehiculis agmen, ac pleraque fortuita fraudi suae assignantes. 5. Hist. pag. 213. in the like sense. Potuisse tunc opprimi legiones, & voluisse Germanos, sed dolo a se flexos imputavit Civilis. in both places the meaning of Tacitus is, that in benefit of their adversary they had prevaricated with their own side. pag. 99: unde metus, & ex metu consilium, posse imputari Vespasiano, quae apud Vitellium excusanda erant. that is, that they might reckon and score it up as a benefit to Vespasian, which with Vitellius needed excuse. 4. Hist. pag. 159: Ambiguam fortunam belli Vespasiano imputaturos; victoriae rationem non reddi: that is, if the war fell out ill, or hard of their side, then forsooth they took arms in Vespasians behalf: if well, they should never be brought to the reckoning. 3. Hist. pag. 151. Reip. haud dubie intererat Vitellium vinci. Sed imputare perfidiam non possunt, qui Vitellium Vespasiano prodidere, cum a Galba descivissent. id est, qui Vitellium Vespasiano prodidere, perfidiam suam reip. beneficij loco numerare non possunt, as though they had done it for the good of their country, who before had revolted from Galba a good Emperor to cleave to Vitellius or Otho. In the book de moribus Germanorum. pag. 571. Gaudent muneribus, sed nec data imputant, nec acceptis obligantur, that is, neither in bestowing do they account it, as though they had done you a benefit, nor in receiving as though they were bound, or beholden. This strange use of the word imputare, as Latin goes now a days, and therefore by me confirmed by many examples, in Tacitus time was not so strange. Suetonius. Tiberio. cap. 53. Imputavit etiam, quòd non laqueo strangulatam in Gemonias abiecerit, proque tali clementiâ interponi decretum passus est, quo sibi gratiae agerentur. Plinius. lib. 8. ep. 21. Recitavibiduo, hoc assensus andientium exegit, & tamen ut alij transeunt quaedam, imputantque quod transeant; sic ego nihil praetereo, atque etiam non praeterire me testor. in both places imputare for benesicij loco numerare. But further I say it standeth also for maleficij loco numerare, and vitio vertere. Tac. 2. Hist. Vitellio initium belli nemo imputabat, that is, no body charged him with that fault. 3. Hist. Casum Cremonae bello imputandum. In vita Agric. Approbate reip. nunquam exercitui imputari potuisse aut moras belli, aut causas debellandi.  
75. Sophonius Tigellinus) Of Tigellinus all the stories are full. After the death of Burrhus, Nero, sayeth 
a 14. Annal.  Tacitus, duos Praeterijs cohortibus imposuerat, Fenium Rufum ex vulgi favore: Sophonium Tigellinum ex intimis libidinibus assumptum, 
2 That is, In luxuriousness and cruelty exceeding all the men of his time. Xiph. pag. 177.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for those were indeed the two virtues, by which Tigellinus wan credit with Nero. Tacitus. 15. Ann. p. 351. Fenium vita famaque laudatum, per saeuitiam impudicitiamque Tigellinus in animo principis anteibat. pag. 537. Poppaea & Tigellino coram, quod erat saevienti principii ●timum consiliorum, interrogat etc. 14. An. pag. 504. he is described as the only autour of all the miseries of that time. Validior indies Tigellinus, & malas arts, quibus solis pollebat, gratiores ratus, si principem societate sceleris obstringeret, metus eius rimatur. etc. pag. 501: Tacitus bestoweth as favours upon him these friendly terms: flagrantissima flagitia, adulteria, vetus impudicitia, infamia. p. 536. Tigellino scilicet comitant eum pellicibus. pag. 526, he notes him as autour, or privy at least to the burning of Rome. Plusque infamiae id incendium habuit, quia praedijs Tigellini Aemylianis proruperat. A fit man man in all respects for such a bad master, and unfit to have been by Galba protected.  
76. To famish the city of Rome) Tac. 3. Hist. p. 131. Africam eodem latere sitam, terra, marique invadere parabat, clausis annonae subsidijs inopiam ac discordiam hosti facturus. for so was it, that Egypt and Africa furnished the city of Rome for corn. Egypt for four months the year, and Africa for eight. josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. cap. 28. 
1 That is, They of Africa beside eight months provision of corn yearly for the people of Rome, pay all manner of tributes, and willingly support all other charges of the Empire.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & paulo post. 
2 That is, Egypt pays more tribute in one month than the jews do in a whole year, and beside this great sum of money they yield provision of corn for Rome for the space of four months.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
77. Mighty in money and because she was childeles) Rich & childeles, two good helps to get many friends, every man contending to please them, of whose wealth he may hope to be heir. Silvanus' being in Nero's time accused repetundarum valuit saith▪ 
a 13. Anual.  Tacitus, pecuniosa orbitate & sancta: and yet in the end he deceived them all, overliving those quorum ambitu evaserat. Contrarily in Germany nulla orbitatis pretia, sedquanto plus propinquorum, quo maior affinium numerus, tanto gratiosior senectus. De moribus Germanorum. p. 571.  
78. Himself and Titianus his brother Consuls till the kalends of March) In the free state the two Consuls entering the first of january remained in office the whole year out, unless they chanced to die, or upon special and rare occasions resign. Afterward cum belli civilis praemia festinari coeperunt, as Tacitus speaketh, when many more for their good service to the side had deserved to be pleasured then there were places to pleasure them in, a shift was found to abridge the time, and so to speed many in one year. The author of this disorder was C. Caesar, An. urbis conditae. 709. whenas being Consul sine collega he resigned to Fabius and Trebonius. Dio. lib. 43. pag. 155. 
3 That is, Than first of all contrary to the ancient custom a precedent was given, that a man should bear the office of Consulship neither for the term of a whole year, nor for the remainder of the year, if happily upon another man's death or resignation he was chosen to the place, but that one during his life time, not compelled by law, in whose creation no error was committed in matter of Auspicia should resign the place and cause another man to be chosen in his room, and from this time forward very few enjoyed the Consulship a complete year, but as it chanced some more some fewer either months or days.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
b As the Princes oftentimes did.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the year ab urbe condita. 715. it altered from a voluntary resignation to a matter of necessity, and order. Dio. lib. 48. pag. 253. 
4 That is, They chose not two Consuls for the whole year according to the ancient custom, but even at that time of election they nominated more, for six years before this some had succeeded others in the same year▪ though the former neither by death, nor misdemeanour, nor other causes were deprived. Howbeit then they were made as it pleased them who were chosen for the whole year: but now even at the first creation no man was nominated for the whole year, but some for one part of the year, and some for another.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (to wit from the 709 year) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Augustus' time, specially toward the later end, as it may appear by the Capitolin tables, four Consuls were yearly created, two to bear office from the Kalends of january to the Kalends of july, & two more, ex Kal. jul. to the end of the year. After his days, although I cannot precisely define when it began, the ordinary time was no more but two months, and the ordinary number of Consuls twelve. In our present year.  
Ex Kal. januar. 
c Tac. pag. 15.  

Servius Galba. 2.  
Titus Vinus.   which two being slain in their office M. Otho, & L. Titianus supplied their rooms in Kal. Mar.  
Ex Kal. Martij. 
d Tac. pag. 51. 52.  

L. Verginius Rufus.  
Poppaeus Vopiscus.    
Ex Kal. Maij. 

Coelius Sabinus.  
Flavius Sabinus.    
Ex Kal. julij. 

Arius Antoninus.  
Marius Celsus.    
Ex Kal. Septembris. 
e Tac. 2. Hist. pag. 93.  

Fabius Valens.  
Alienus Caecina, adjudged enemy of the state. in his place for one day that remained Roscius Regulus. Tac. 3. Hist. p. 126.    
Ex Kal. Novembris. 
a Tac. 3. Hist p 143▪ 144 X● 〈…〉.  

Cn. Coecilius Simplex.  
C. Quintius Atticus.    
This number and this time continued even to Dioes' age: 
1 That is, For in our time no man be ●●eth the office for a whole year, Noah most commodity for more than two months.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. li. 43. p. 155. Now of these Consuls the two which entered the first of january were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, named the year, & were called ordinarij: the rest minores, as being obscure & not heard of abroad, so that with great reason a man might demand in whose Consulships they were Consuls: otherwise in authority etc. not differing any thing the one from the other. Dio. l. 48. p. 253. 
2 That is, They which were first t● enter had the name of Consul's (as even yet it is used during the whole year as for the rest they which lived in Rome and other parts of Italy called them so during the ●ame of their office. But all that lived abroad either know 〈◊〉 or b● 〈…〉 them. when 〈◊〉 they were call ed. Cosul●s 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and again. l. 43. p. 155. 
3 That is, In a● 〈…〉 the name to the ear  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (nos consuls, lest we might have been ignorant of his preferment) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  notwithstanding this minor Consulship served well enough to make up a number. example in Vespasian who bearing the office of Consul in Claudius' time 
c Su●t. Vespas c. 4.  per duos novissimos anni menses, of ordinary never before. an. 823. is styled Vespasianus iterum. Tac. 4. Hist. p. 172.  
79. For polling the provinces: Repetudarun criminibus) The action of Repetundae lay against the governors of provinces for money unduly extorted, or cruelty exercised in their jurisdiction, so called of the more principal part, because by that action, pecunias iniussè ablatas, vel si quid aliud ablatum, captum, conciliatum, aversumue siet, provincialibus repetere ius fasque esset: and not only the sum extorted, but an arbitrary mulct was imposed beside, double, or triple nomine poenae. This law was induced by L. Calpurnius Piso, Anno primo tertij belli Punici: & afterward revived by other with many new clauses & strait sanctions. Tac. 15. An. p. 518 Magistratuum avaritia Calpurnia scita peperit. And yet notwithstanding all the good laws in that case enacted the Proconsul's & Propraetors', both before & under the Emperors, ceased not ro rack & pol the poor countries. Nay the more laws there were & greater penalties established, the more they rob and spoiled the provinces, to make good great extortion abroad with great bribery at home, according to the Greek senary, 
4 Vic that hath sto●ne much with giving a small matter shall escape well enough.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & therefore Tully telleth us (in jest, or in earnest) that the provinces would surely prefer supplication to the Senate, that the law de repetundis made in their behalf, at their request might be repealed. his words be these, prooemio prioris actionis in verren. Planum facere multis testibus possum, C. Verren in Sicilia multis audientibus saepe dixisse, se habere hominem potentem cuius fiducia provinciam spoliaret: neque sibi soli pecuniam quaerere, sedita triennium illud praeturae Siciliensis distributum habere, ut secum pulchre agi diceret, si unius anni quoestum in rem svam converteret: alterum patronis & desesoribus suis traderet; tertium illum uberrimun quoestuosissimunque annum totum judicibus reseruaret. Ex quo mihi venit inmentem illud dicere, qd apud M. Glabrionem nuper cum in reijciendis judicibus commemorassen, intellexi vehementer Populun Romanun commoveri, me arbitrari fore, uti nationes exterae legatos ad Populum Romanum mitterent, ut lex de pecunijs repetundis iudiciumque tolleretur, si enim judicia nulla sint, tantum unumquemque ablaturum putant, quantum sibi, ac liberis suis satis esse arbitrentur. nunc quòd eiusmodi judicia sint, tantum unumquemque auferre, quantum sibi, patronis, advocatis, praetoribus, judicibus satis futurum sit. Hoc profectò infinitum esse. Se avarissimi hominis cupiditati satisfacere posse, nocentissimae victoriae non posse. Under the Empire the law was understood, as it may seem by Pliny. lib. 2. ep 11. against extortion only.  
80. Crime of Majesty and treason) Lex maiestatis in the ancient free common wealth comprehended only points of greatest importance in state: 
d Tacitus. 1. Anu. p 251.  si quis proditione exercitum, aut plebem seditionibus, denique malè gestà Republica maiestatem Populi Romani minuisset. Augustus put it in ure against libelers, whereas before facta arguebantur, dicta impunè erant, or at least not punished with the penalties laesae maiestatis. In Tiberius, Caius, Claudius and Nero's time it was unicum crimen eorum, qui crimine vacabant, as Pliny speaketh. 
e Falaniut. 1. Ann. pag. 251.  One was accused to Tiberius, and all was majesty, quòd venditis hortis statuam Augusti simul mancipasset: 
f Rubrius. ibidem  another quòd violasset periurio nomen Augusti. a 
g Gravius Marcellas. ibidem.  third beside some undutiful speeches, that he had set up his own image higher than those of the Princes, and that in another image he had cut of the head of Augustus, and clapped in place one of Tiberius for saving of cost. 
h Lutorius Priscus 3. Ann pag. 318.  another for making an epitaph for the Prince's son, before he was dead, arraigned & condemned. 
a L Ennius. Ann. 3. pag. 327.  another, quòd effigiem principis promiscuum ad usum argenti vertisset. 
b C. Silius 4. Ann. 340.  another, for that he had done greater service for the Prince, than that he was able any other way to requite it. 
c Cremutius Cordus Ann. 4. pag. 347.  another, for that in his story he had commended Cassius & Brutus enemies of the monarchy, & dead above threescore years before. 
d Pompeta Matrinacum marito, socero patre, ac fratre. 6. Ann. 382  others because they were descended of those which in their time had been of near acquaintance with Pompey. 
e Titius Sabinus 4. Ann 364. C. Silius 4. Ann. 340. etc.  another because he had been a follower of Germanicus, of whom Tiberius without just cause had ever been jealous. 
f Mamercus Scanru● 6. Ann. p. 388.  another for making a tragedy wherein certain verses were of doubtful understanding. In Claudius' time 
g Petra 11. Ann.  one was arraigned, & condemned of majesty for dreaming a dream, another for 
h C. Silanus Dio. pag. 463.  being dreamt of. In Nero's time one 
i 10. Ann. p. 546.  Cassius, quòd inter imagines matorum etiam C. Cassijs effigiem coluisset ita inscriptam DUCI PARTIUM. And infinite more for such trifles as these. Seeing therefore that lex maiestatis had been so late so odiously executed, it pleased the pardoners to term that which indeed was extortion, crime of majesty, the memory whereof was so hateful, that in respect of it even other good laws were neglected.  
81. To the Hispalienses & Emeritenses a new supply of families) In deducing of colonies a certain number of families were assigned, which if tract of time, or any mischance had diminished, or adulterated, to have them supplied a fresh, or increased, was esteemed of the rest, as a special great benefit. Livius. lib. 32. fol. 259. C. Acilius tribunus plebis tulit, ut quinque coloniae in oram maritimam deducerentur. Tricanae familiae in singulas colonias iubebantur mitti. eodem l●bro. f. 253. Narniensium legatis querentibus ad numerum sibi colonos non esse, & immistos quosdam non sui generis pro colonis se gerere, earum rerum causa triumuiros creare L. Cornelius consul iussus. creati P. & Sex. Aelij (Poetis fuit ambobus cognomen) & C. Cornelius Lentulus. Quod Narniensibus datum erat ut colonorum numerus augeretur, id Cossani petentes non impetraverunt. And in another place, postulantibus à senatu Aquileiensium legatis, ut numerum colonorum augeret, M. & D. familiae ex S.C. scriptae. Tac. 13. Ann. p. 462. Caeterùm coloniae Capua atque Nuceria, additis veteranis firmatae sunt. Now that Hispalis was a Colony of the Romans, Pliny affirmeth lib. 3. c. 2. A laeva Hispalis colonia, cognomine Romulensis: That Emerita Dio. l. 53. p. 348. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The reason of the name is apparent Emerita, quod emeriti milites 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deaucerentur. For military colonies (to leave the other kind which in the free state were derived abroad by the Senate's appointment, for so 
k That is, This war being Ended Augustus di●●ssed the soldiers which were past years of service and gave them licence to build a city in Portugal called Augusta Emerita. ●●b. 1 p. 749.  Velleius seems to divide them) they were devised for a recompense of old soldiers, who having spent the flower of their age in the service of their country, small reason it were to turn them a begging when they were aged. Wherefore Sylla, Caesar and the emperors following, at the end of their service rewarded the old soldier with an honourable maintenance of land of inheritance. In this kind of colonies at the beginning 
l Tac. 15. Ann. pag. 491.  universae legiones ducebantur cum tribunis centurionibus, & siu cuiusque ordinis militibus, ut consensu & caritate remp. efficerent. Mela. lib. 2, cap. 5. nameth some special Legions, and where they were placed. Secundanorum Arausio, Sextanorum Arelate, Septimanorum Blitera, Decumanorum colonia Marcius Narbo. In process of time this good order decaying, 
m Tacitus.  non ut olim universae legiones, sed ignoti inter se ducebantur, diversis manipulis, sine rectore, sine affectibus mutuis, quasi ex alto genere mortalium repentè in unum collecti, numerus magis quam colonia: and the proof thereof was according, the soldiers slipping away in provincias, in quibus stipendia meruerant, and leaving the colonies desolate. Whether upon this or whatsoever occasion apparent it is that Hispalis & Emerita were both decayed, & therefore with new families here by grace from Otho stocked again.  
82. Honoured with a Triumphal image: Triumphali statue) Tac. 4. An. p. 342. jamque tres erant laureatae in urbe statuae etc. & the sentence before of the same matter. Priores duces impetrando sibi triumphalium insigni sufficereres suas crediderant. again. 15. Ann. p. 542. Triumphale decus, and Triumphales in foro imagines of the same. So that we may reasonably gather Triumphalem statuam to be either the same with Triumphalia insignia, or else parcel of them, & yet inducing the whole. This title of honour, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unknown in the free common wealth, was first conferred, as some do suppose, by Augustus upon Tiberius Anno. urb. conditae. 742. Sueton. 
n cap. 9  Tiberio. Quas ob res & ovans & curru urbem ingressus est (Tiberius) primus (ut quidam putant) triumphalibus ornamentis honoratus, novo, nec antea cuiquam tributo genere honoris. 
4 pag. 361.  But 
a That is, Sacrifices were made to the gods in the name of Agrippa, yet was there no triumph decreed unto him. For he did not at the first certify the Senate concerning the success of his actions. Whereupon in succeeding ages men of his place following his example as a rule never wrote to the Senate, neither accepted the grant of triumph but contented themselves with triumphal ornaments alone.  Dio writeth that it was to Agrippa two years before first granted: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: & so consequently to 
b Dio pag. 369.  Tiberius. The cause as I judge of the innovation was, that to Augustus who of the old state left nothing standing but names, & hardly that, the pomp triumphal seemed a thing too full of majesty for any subject, & therefore seeking every way to cut the sinews of liberty, and yet to retain a shadow of ancienty, he cunningly converted the solemnity of a triumph into Triumphalia insignia. only the Princes themselves, or their children, as Germanicus in Tiberius' time, solemnly triumphed. Next to Triumphalta in lower degree of honour were Consularia insignia, or ornamenta, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Praetoria likewise, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, under them, obtained by those, I suppose, whom Dio in sundry places termeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and lastly Quaestoria ornamenta, to make them as Consuls, Praetors, Quaestors fellows. Tac. 4. Hist. p. 154. Multo cum honore verborum Mutiano triumphalia de bello civili data. said in Sarmatas expeditio fingebatur. adduntur Antonio Primo consularia, Cornelio Fusco, & Arrio Varo praetoria insignia. Ann. 11. p. 418. Decreta Narcisso quaestoria insignia. etc.  
83. The cause bred a crime: Causa in crimen evaluit) If these rhymes have in them any reason, the meaning may be, that which the Tribune did to the end to execute the Prince's commandment, that the soldiers drew to a sinister sense, as done not for the service of the Prince, but rather seruitiorum in imperatorem armandorū gratiâ. Plutarch p. 1514. 
2 That is, The boldest of them cried out with one voice that Crispinus had no good meaning that the Senate intended innovation, and that those arms were carried out against the Prince, not in his favour.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
84. Casting away the marks: Abiectis militiae insignibus) Tribunatus ensign, the badge or mark of his office was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a dagger. Martialis lib. 14. of a Centurion vitis, a vinerod to correct the truanting soldier. Juvenal of Marius. Satyra octava. 
Arpinas alius Volscorum in monte solebat  
Poscere mercedes alieno lassus aratro.  
Nodosam post haec frangebat vertice vitem  
Si lentus pigrâ muniret castra dolabrâ.  
Hic tamen etc.—  Tac. 1. Annal. p. 227. Centurio lucilius interficitur, evi militaribus facetijs vocabulum, Cedo alteram, indiderant; quia fracta vite in tergo militis, alteram clara voce, ac rursus aliam poscebat. of the Captainship of the Praetorium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a sword. Xiph. p. 251. speaking of Licinius Sura made captain of the Guard by trajan. 
3 That is, When as first he reached to him whom he intended to make captain of the Guard the sword wherewith he was to be girt, he drew it forth, and holding it up said; Take this sword, that if I govern well thou mayest use it for me; if ill. against me.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Nymphydius in Plutarch depriving his fellow Tigellinus of his office, 
4 Commanded him to put of his sword.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. To this privilege of wearing a sword was annexed perpetually power of life & death over the soldiers. Dio. lib. 53. p. 342. 
5 That is, No man had authority (were he Proconsul, or Propretor, or Procurator) to carry a sword, but only he that had power to pu● a soldier to death. For to such it was lawful whether he were Senator or Equei.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gladius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or pugio (for so they seem to be taken for one) was also one of the marks of sovereign authority, as it is at this day. Vitellius resigning the Empire, 
6 That is, Vitellius in open assembly reached his sword to the Consuls, and the rest of the Senate, as thereby resigning all imperial authority.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and Tacitus of the same matter. 3. Hist. p. 141. Postremò fletu praepediente assistenti consuli exsolutum a latere pugionem velut tus necis vitaeque civium reddebat. Suet. Vitellio. c. 15. Solutum a latere pugionem consuli primùm, dein illo recusante magistratibus, ac mox senatoribus singulis porrigens; nullo recipiente, quasi in aede Concordiae positurus abscessit.  
85. By the god's approbation: Auspicatò) That is addicentibus avibus. For although nei-livy nor Dionysius make any mention of any such ceremony observed in the choice of the Senate, yet seeing we find that equitum centuriae were by Romulus 
c Livy li 1 f 9  auguratò scriptae, that the city was founded and named captis ad inaugurandum templis, the Auentin by Remus, the Palatin by Romulus (Livius l. 1. f. 2. although 
d in his verses reported by Tully. 1. de divinatione.  Ennius placeth them otherwise) seeing that Romulus 
7 Brought▪ up this custom for all posterity that they should not take upon them neither the kingdom▪ nor any other office, except first the gods per auspicia gave their approbation. Dio. nys, Halicarn. lib. 2, pag. 61.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we may probably conjecture that it was not omitted in a case of so great importance, as was the choice of a council of state. Surely after that Attius Navius had cut with a razor a whetstone in Tarqvinius Priscus time, 
a fol. 9  Livy writeth that the augural discipline grew daily in reputation.  
86. Allurements of lust etc.) Juvenal Satyrâ secundâ writeth, that Otho himself inter instrumenta belli carried a certain looking glass.  
Res memoranda novis annalibus, atque recenti  
Historiâ, speculum civilis sarcina belli.  
Contrary to that testimony which Tacitus giveth of him. 2. H. p. 65. Nec Othoni segne, aut corruptum luxu iter; sed loricâ ferreâ usus, & ante signa pedester, horridus, incomptus, famaeque dissimilis  
87. That the holy shields called Ancilia) Ancilia, clypei 
b Although Livy in the oration of Camillus seemeth to attribute them to Romulus also for kindred sake. Quid de Ancilib. vestris Mars Gradeu●, ●uque Quirine pater. lib. 5, fol 67.  Martis, arma ab ancisu sic dicta. Varro. lib. 6. de ling. Lat. ovidius Fastorum. 3.  
Atque Ancile vocat, quod ab omni part recisum est,  
Quemque notes oculis, angulus omnis abest.  
Dionysius Halicarn. lib. 2. p. 96. expressing Ancile in Greek turneth it 
1 That is, A Thracian shield, resembling a losing figure target whose angles be rebated.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in figure much like, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think it should be) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Livy. lib. 1. fo. 5. and lib. 5. fol. 68 termeth them caelestia arma, and caelo demissa: whereof the story at large is in Ovid, in the place above alleged: Dum loquitur totum etc. and in Dionysius. p. 97. although with some little difference of circumstance▪ 
2 That is, Among these shields which are very many one they say there is which fell down from heaven, and that it was found in Numaes' Palace not brought thithes by any man's hand, no not so much as the fashion being known in Italy before that time▪ upon which two reasons the Romans were induced to think that the piece was sent from the Gods So when Numa had determined to have it carried thorough the city, on high days, by some of the most honourable young men, and to institute yearly sacrifice in memory thereof; fearing lest the enemy should privily steal it away, as the report goeth he took this course. He caused man other to be made like unto this which fell from above (one Namurius undertaking the work) that whosoever sought to steal it, for the dearness and likeness of the rest wrought by man's hands might not be able to discern the form of that which came from the gods.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lampridius Heliogabalo. Matris typum, & Vestae ignem, & Palladium, & Ancilia, & omnia Romanis veneranda etc. Now as concerning the motus Ancilium I find of it two several circumstances recorded. Servius upon this place of Virgil. 8. Aeneid.— utque impulit arma, writeth thus. Is qui belli susceperat curam (meaning, as I think, the Consul) sacrarium Martis ingressus primò Ancilia commovebat; post hastam simulachri ipsius dei, dicens, Mars vigila. After which ceremony performed by the Consul, the Salijs, as I guess, immediately they and their servants carried the Ancilia about in procession. Which pomp and solemnity is described by Dionysius p. 96. 
3 That is, The Salijs celebrate a solemn feast about the time of the Athenian Panathenaea in the month of March, continuing many days, in which they pass thorough the city solemnly dancing into the Forum, the Capitol, and many other both public and private places, wearing party coloured coats girt to them with copper girdles. Over these they cast their gowns guarded with guards of purple in their own language called Trabea, which the● fasten with a button, lastly wearing on their heads a certain attire which they call Apices. Beside this every man is girt with a sword, & in his right hand holdeth a spear or rod, or some such other things, & in his left a Thracian shield. They dance in certain military measures to the noise of the pipe, sometimes all at once, sometimes by turns, & withal sing old songs delivered to them by tradition from their fathers.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Li●ius lib. 1. Salios item duodecim Marti Gradivo legit, tunicaeque pictae ensign dedit, & super tunicam aeneum pectori tegumen, coelestiaque arma, quae Ancilia appellantur ferre ac per urbem ire caventes carmina cum tripudijs, solennique saltatu jussit. This feast as Dionysius writeth, was celebrated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, begun, as it may appear by Ovid, the very Calendss of March. Carisius seemeth to place it in the Quinquatrus, which began the 19 of March. Quinquatrus, saith he, a quinquando. i, lustrando, quod eo die arma Ancilia lustrari sint solita. which etymology no doubt is erroneous▪ for Quinquatrus without question is derived of quinque. Ovid.  Nominaque a iunctis quinque diebus habent. 
Then Quinquatrus were holy days to Minerva, not Mars, to whom the Ancilia properly belonged. So taking his beginning at the Calends of March, the feast 
a Dionysius.  continued 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & by this very place of Tacitus it is clear they were not laid up again before the 14. of the same month, whenas Otho took his solemn leave of the Senate and people. Polybius fragm. p. 39 extendeth the whole solemnity 
1 To thirty days.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. but motus Ancilium begun certain days after the beginning of the feast, as it may appear by Polybius in that place, & Livy l. 37. speaking of the same matter: during which time no expedition was usually undertaken. Suetonius Othone c. 8. agreeing with Tacitus, & expounding this place; Expeditionem impigrè atque etiam praeproperè inchoavit (Otho) nullâ ne religionum quidem curâ; sed & motis nec dum conditis Ancilibus, quod antiquitùs infaustum habebatur. Liu. lib. 37. Stativa ad Hellespontum aliquandiu habuere: quia dies fortè, quibus Ancilia monentur, religiosi ad iter inciderant.   

ANNOTATIONS UPON THE SECOND BOOK.  
BY the main sea, Audentioribus spaciis) i. per altum, in opposition to litus & oram legere, seu praeteruehi. So that the meaning of the place is, that Titus from Corinth to Cypress went along by the coast, and from Cypress into Syria by the main sea.  
2. The temple of Venus at Paphos) Strabo l. 14. 
2 That is, Next is old Paphos situate about eleven sta●ia from the sea▪ there is an h●rborow for ships, and an ancient temple of Venus, surnamed of the place Paphia.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homerus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dionysius Afer calleth the whole island 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
3. The site of the temple) A point proposed, but forgotten to be handled, unless we will take those words, quanquam in aperto, as a sufficient discharge thereof: which were somewhat hard, being spoken particularly of the altars, whereas Homer maketh distinct and express mention, both of 
3 The temple and altar  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
4. Prayers and pure fire) If it were an unbloody sacrifice, as by these words it should seem, it may reasonably be doubted wherefore mention is made before of the choice of beasts, of the fibres of kids, & anon Caesis compluribus hostiis. But perhaps there might be bloody sacrifices before the Altar, although upon it none but unbloody.  
5. A figure rising continually round) The figure which Tacitus describeth is a Conus. Maximus Tyrius termeth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is a somewhat different thing in strictness of terms▪ his words be these, 
4 That is. In his 38. discourse. The Celta worship jupiter: his image with them is nothing but an high oak, the Arabians adore but whom I know not; the Image which I saw amongst them is a square stone. In Paphos Venus hath the chiefest honour howbeit her image you can liken to nothing so well as to a white Pyramid, or rather a triangular Pyramid.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. or peradventure it was written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
6. Received the favours of Princes) He seemeth to have expressed the very words of josephus. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, c. 36. 
5 That is, The leaders and soldiers banded themselves together, and openly sought to make a change, furiously crying; These soldiers which live in Rome at their ease, which never could abide to hear so much as the rumour of war, choose whom they list to the Empire, and upon hope of gain pronounce Princes. Whereas they who had passed through so many pains, & were now waxed old under their helmers▪ must yield that authority to others, and that having in their own camp a man fittest of all other for government.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & paulo post: 
6 That is, That not only they would employ their forces to the establishing of such as should be agreed upon there, having presently with them 3. Legions and auxiliary forces from the kings; but that the whole East would conspire, and so much of Europe as stood out of fear of Vitellius.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
7. The beginning of the war) In declaring of this great and important action between Vitellius and Otho, I find Tacitus, at least in my conceit, much inferior to himself otherwhere; omitting many necessary circumstances, confounding things together, affirming contrarieties in appearance, & generally leaving his reader not so fully satisfied, as in a history is to be looked for. As first in the circumstances of Otho the principal person, whose paces & footsteps would have been numbered, Tacitus. p. 59 bringeth him out of the city accompanied in a manner with all the Senate toward the later end of March, & as we found by collection out of 
b Suetonius and Marcellinus.  other writers, upon the seven & twentieth day. Then here showing his soldier like manner of marching before his soldiers on foot, in the end he bestoweth him & his company no where: whereas indeed the Senate was left at Mutina, & himself marched toward the enemy, as far as Brixellum a city upon the Po, and there sen●●ng out his captains stayed behind, as it appeareth in 
a pag. 1517.  Plutarch, & Tacitus p. 84. circumstances, in mine opinion, not so lightly to have been passed over. From Brixellum, saith Plutarch, were dispatched away Celsus, paulinus, Gallus & Spurinna. Tacitus. p. 65. seemeth to say, that Gallus & Spurinna were dispatched at Rome, and sent before hand ad 
b Perchance the meaning of these words ad occupandas Padi ripas is to put themselves in possession of the towns upon the river.  occupandas Padi ripas. Which if it were meant to guard the south side of the Po, and so to stay the Vitellianists at least from passing the river, since they could not stop them in the mountains, a few being able to keep such a passage against a great army, it hath good reason, but Gallus did not so observe it. If to put himself in possession of both sides of the Po, and so to have the whole river at commandment, how could he with a few withstand Caecinaes' whole army, having no advantage of the place? Now to the leading of Gallus and Spurinna sent before, from what place soever, ad occupandas Padi ripas, Tacitus assigneth five Praetorian Cohorts, equitum vexilla, legio prima Adiutrix, and two thousand gladiatores: in the 
c pag. 71. 76.  process of the work, assigning the gladiatores to the government only of Marcius Macer a third man, and after him to Flavius Sabinus, pag. 77. and setting the other two far enough asunder, 
d pag. 68  Spurinna at Placentia with three Praetorian cohorts, one thousand Vexillarij not named before in the survey of their whole power, & a few horse, and 
e pag. 70. 28.  Gallus with Prima Adiutrix, I cannot tell where, nor where, & upon what occasion they divided themselves; but wheresoever he was, taking Bebriacum in his way to Placentia, he was in all reason of the north side of the Po. Then for his other three captains paulinus, Celsus, & Proculus, whereof mention is made p. 58. in the preparation of the war, here in the setting out p. 65. they have no charge at all assigned them (& to say the truth, I cannot see any great mass of men they could have, leaving Otho sufficiently guarded) nay they are not so much as once named. By way of probable conjecture we way suppose, that Proculus, as being Captain of the Guard, stayed at Brixellum, & attended upon Othoes' person. But Celsus & paulinus are not named before the 71. page in the battle ad Castoris. where suddenly within twelve miles of Cremona they appear, and not far from Bebriacum (where Gallus p. 70. was left) never mentioned before, besides many other with prima legio under their leading, being the peculiar charge of Gallus. So that to rove at that which it was our author's fault not to set down plainly, we may imagine, that paulinus and Celsus were sent afterward from Brixellum to the camp at Bebriacum, either to take joint-charge with Gallus, or else charge in his place, as it is more likely, and that thereupon Gallus withdrew himself, perchance to recover his fall mentioned p. 76, seeing there is no mention of him in the action ad Castoris; & in an action which passed at Bebriacum, we shall find him by and by away, where notwithstanding Tacitus last left him, p. 70. Now whereas Tacitus p. 71. upon not prosecuting a little skirmish of the gladiatores against the Vitellianists, maketh Otho to send for his brother Titianus, whom he had left at Rome, to make him Lieutenant general, 
f pag. 1519.  Plutarch with greater reason & probability, saith it was done after the battle ad Castoris, upon dislike of paulinus slow proceed; and that Proculus Captain of the Guard was sent withal; but when they came to Bebriacum I cannot determine. Now if Otho were at Brixellum, paulinus and Celsus at Bebriacum, where shall we say the great consultation was holden, where Otho, Titianus, Proculus, paulinus & Celsus were present, & Gallus absent? Here Tacitus faileth us again, and 
g pag. 1520.  Plutarch relieveth us, showing that Otho removed from Brixellum to Bebriacum to consult with his captains of the manner of proceeding in the war. Thus much of Otho, and his captains, it followeth of their power, which was of two sorts: brought from Rome, and sent for from abroad. From Rome of 6. sorts. Quinque ¹ Praetoriae cohortes: ² Equitum vexilla: ³ legio prima Adiutrix: ⁴ Gladiatores: ⁵ Caeterae Praetoriae cohortes: and ⁶ Classici. with Gallus and Spurinna ¹ Quinque praetoriae cohortes: whereof three were 
h pag. 68  with Spurinna in Placentia, the other two belike with Gallus. ² equitum vexilla without number; ³ legio prima Adiutrix Classica ex reliquis caesorum à Galbâ ad pontem Miluium: ⁴ two thousand gladiatores: in the siege of Placentia we find mention of a thousand vexillarij: whether differing from all these, or portion of any, I know not. Then in Othoes' train Spiculatorum lecta corpora, as I think è Praetorianis. 5 Caeterae praetoriae cohortes, beside the five sent with Gallus: and yet many Praetorian soldiers were sent with the navy into Narbonensis. p. 58. and 66. so that surely all the rest were not here. Classici from whence soever they came, have ministered us, and will minister many men▪ seven thousand were slain by Galba ad pontem Miluium, and the rest decimated, è reliquis prima legio Adiutrix was composed. In the fleet to Narbon there served also many as soldiers▪ here we have classicorum ingens numerus: with Otho. pag. 68 ver. 10. a thousand Classici inter Placentian & Ticinum intercepti, which by all circumstances were none of this company. And pag. 70, 23: Turullius Cerealis had many Classici: but whence he had them, and how he became their captain is not set down▪ and beside all these we have in the third 
a pag. 134.  book another whole Legion è Cl●ssicis differing from prima Adiutrix, which then was in Spain. The power sent for by Otho from abroad was out of Illyricum only, where at that present were seven Legions, to wit, two in Dalmatia, Vndecima Claudiana & quartadecima Gemina; two in Pannonia, septima Galbiana, and tertiadecima Gemina: in Moesia three, tertia Gallica, septima Claudiana, and octava Augusta, as it is declared elsewhere. Now all these being sent for by Otho, there marched at Othoes' commandment, saith 
b pag. 65.  Tacitus, the Legions of Dalmatia & Pannonia, which is manifestly defective▪ for the Moesian Legions marched also, and came forward as far as Aquilera in favour of Otho: the same Tacitus, p. 99 So that all the seven Legions upon Othoes' commandment marched, & came on: but who were come before the great battle at Bebriacum, and who not, is in my opinion a question inexplicable, Tacitus words receiving so many oppositions, and implying so many contradictions, & no other story to purpose being extant of this matter. And first to begin with the most certain, the three Legions of Moesia absolutely were absent in all military actions of this war. Tacitus lib. 3. p. 99 & p. 109. Maesici exercitus vires integrae▪ present absolutely were two thousand soldiers sent before out of the four Legions of Dalmatia & Pannonia, as Tacitus, p. 65, 2. saith. But Suetonius 
c cap. 6.  Vespasiano seemeth to say they came out of Moesia. Moesiaci exercitus bina è tribus legionibus millia missa auxilia Othoni▪ and Tacitus himself pag. 82, 8. Praemissi Moesia: either meaning the same that he maketh here to come out of Dalmatia and Pannonia, or talking there of men in the action, which we find not here in his general view▪ and lib. 3. p. 109. Duae tunc Pannonicae ac Moesicae alae perrupere hostem, talking of the skirmish of horsemen at the beginning of the battle at Bebriacum. Now before the four Legions of Dalmatia, and Pannonia, alae cohortesque praeveniebant: which words seem to be meant only of these bina millia praemissa: although it may be that some other 
d pag. 71, 31. quatuor auxiliorum cohortes in prali● ad Castoris.  Auxiliaries were sent after the bina millia, and before the Legions themselves▪ of whose coming and presence is the greatest and most difficult question. In the skirmish ad Castoris p. 71. 30. we have tertiaedecimae legionis vexillum being one of the Pannonians▪ in the shock at the great battle at Bebriacum tertiadecima legio itself is expressly mentioned by Tacitus, p. 80, 14, & Vedius Aquila Lieutenant of the same: p. 80, 
e Vedium Aquilam tertiaedecima legionis legatum.  25. Likewise in the very conflict at Bebriacum express mention is made p. 80. 15. of the Quartadecimani, one of the Dalmatian Legions, & l. 3. p. 115. Quartadecimani campis Bebriacensibus fusi stratique. Now that Septima Galbiana, & undecima Claudiana were before the battle at Bebriacum united with their fellows, albeit they are not in the battle expressly named, it may appear p. 91. where they are counted inter victas legiones as well as quartadecima and tertiadecima, and by Vitellius commandement suis hibernis redditae. and p. 100 in Pannonia tertiadecima legio ac septima Galbiana dolorem iramque Bebriacensis pugnae retinentes. Moreover the Praetorian soldiers at Bebriacum after the field lost comfort themselves with no other 
f pag. 81, 6. venire Moesicas legiones  supply, but only of the Moesian Legions: and at Brixellum, in comforting Otho likewise mention is made only of them. p. 82. praemissi Moesia eandem obstinationem adventantis exercitus, legiones Aquileiam ingressas nuntiabant, ut nemo dubitet potuisse renovari etc. So that by these places, and some other like, we may probably conclude, that all the four Legions of Dalmatia & Pannonia were come, & joined, but when they came, and how, where they joined, and all other circumstances necessary in a point of that importance, we are finally beholding to Tacitus diligence for omitting. Of the contrary side, to prove first that quartadecima was not come, we have Tacitus words p. 75. in the consultation at Bebriacum, which was not above two or three days before the battle, paucis diebus quartādecimā legionem, magna ipsam fama, cum Moesiacis coptis affore, whereby it may reasonably be collected, that all the other three were come, but not quartadecima. p. 90. è victis legionibus quartadecimâ primâ, tertiadecimâ, septimâ, undecimâ, soli quartadecimani se victos abnuebant. so that the rest be like were there. Now betwixt the time of consultation & the battle there is no mention at all made of their coming: a thing in reason if there had been any such, not to have been omitted, and which 
a p. 79. Ti●ianus ac Proculus ubi consilijs ven●erentur, ad ●us imperij transibant.  Titianus and Proculus would, no doubt, have alleged, in justification of their purpose, against paulinus and Celsus. or if this be but conjectural, what can be said to the place of Tacitus p. 85. Coenus atroci mendacio universos per culit, affirmans superuentu quartaedecimae legionis versam partium fortunam, as being a known matter, that quartadecima was not come at the time of the battle at Bebriacum. & again p. 90. speaking of the quartadecima legio, Bebriacensi acie vexillarijs tantum pulsis vires legionis non affuisse, furthermore the Pannonian Legions, as it appeareth by 
b pag 1520.  Plutarch were absent at the time of the consultation at Bebriacum. 
1 That is, That Othoes forces expected out of Moesia and Pannonia were no less than those which he had then present.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Tacitus lib. 3. p. 109. Pannonicae legiones deceptae magis quam victae resurgere in ultionem properant. and generally 
c Suetonius, c. 9, writeth that Otho slew himself residu●● integrisque etiam nunc 〈◊〉▪ qua● secum ad secundos casus detinuerat, & superuenientibus alijs è Dalmatia Pannoniaque & Moesia.  if the sour Legions of Pannonia and Dalmatia were in the action at Bebriacum, why have we no mention set down of their manner of yielding to Vitellius: being without all question the greater, and better part of Othoes army? and yet certain it is, that immediately after the battle all the four Legions in question at least were in Italy, and disposed of by Vitellius, as appeareth p. 90. & 91. but when they entered Italy, whether they ever joined with the rest, and when; how and by what means they yielded themselves to Vitellius disposing, Tacitus, to the eternal note of imperfection of this most excellent story otherwise, hath left us utterly ignorant. Of Vitellius side all is clear out of question. In the Germanies, Kal. januarijs Galba iterum & Vinio Coss, at the Time of Vitellius revolt, were seven Legions, as is declared elsewhere; namely in low Germany quinta, & quintadecima, whose standing camp was at Vetera: prima, who lodged at Novesium, and sextadecima at Bonna. In high Germany quarta Macedonica, & decimaoctava aliâs duoetuicesima encamped at Magontiacum, and unaetvicesima Rapax lodged, as I think, at Vindonissa▪ whereof Caecina took away with him unaetuicesima Rapax wholly, & pulled well the other two at Magontiacum, to make up thirty thousand men: and in Italy associated unto him Ala Syllana. Valens took with him aquilam quintae, with cohorts & wings out of the other three to make up forty thousand, & by the way associated to him legio Italica, & octo cohortes Batavorum. Tacitus. 1. 
d pag. 44.  Hist. Neither do we find in all this action, before Vitellius coming, any Legion named but Rapax, and quintani. Now by Aquila quintae we are to understand some good portion, not the whole Legion entirely, which portion albeit it beareth sometime the name of quinta, yet we are to understand, that so many were left in Vetera thereof, as bare also the name of quinta at the same time. Vitellius at his coming away brought with him, saith 
e lib. 2. p. 86.  Tacitus, the rest of the strength of Germany, leaving the same Legions in number and names which were before (Rapax only excepted, which was wholly gone away) but most slenderly 
f As two Legions left at Vetera had but five thousand men. Tacitus. lib. 4.  furnished of men, & of soldiers very few or none so that under Hordeonius charge, in the fourth book of Tacitus, we find in Germany quinta & quintadecima at Vetera, sextadecima at Novesium, prima at Bonna, quarta & octavadecima aliâs duoetvicesima at Magontiacum. & the very same time with Vitellius in Italy was another quinta, another quintadecima, another sextadecima, & so of prima, quarta, octavadecima aliâs duoetuicesima, being indeed not two Legions, but two members of one Legion, Rapax only excepted, as before I have said, which Caecina took wholly away, not leaving any in Germany to carry the name of Rapax, till the self-same Legion returned thither afterwards with Cerealis.  
8. p. 59 A base supply) being bondslaves of the worst sort, & besides the dishonorablenes of the thing Tacitus noteth their unfitness to service p. 76. neque ea constantia gladiatoribus ad praelia quae militibus etc. & yet we find, that Spartacus with a few of his companions breaking out of their school put Praetors & Consuls to flight, & troubled the whole Roman state in the greatest height. & P. Rutilius being Consul, as Valerius Maximus reporteth in his second book, sent for certain master's offence out of the school of C. Aurelius Scaurus, & so setting them to teach his soldiers, vitandi atque inferendi ictus subtiliorem rationem legionibus engeneravit. unless peradventure it be true, that such men have better cunning than valour.  
9 pa. 61. The battle on both sides) In this conflict we have of Othoes' side mention distinctly of Classici, Pagani, Praetoriani, and the navy, for Vitellius of twelve turmae of horsemen, a cohort of Ligurians, the choice of the two Tungrian cohorts, five hundredth Pannonians, and a little afterward Alpins' beside: unless peradventure it should be red Alpini in both places, and meant perchance of the Ligures: for what Pannonians should do here I cannot imagine▪ or if it were true, yet being strange, at the least Tacitus should have done well to have told us how they came thither.  
10. pag. 63. Lying between the Po and the Alps) of Milan, Novara, Eporedia and Vercellae we have mention before l. 1. p. 48. of the rest being many, and great towns, how they were at this time come to Vitellius side, nothing is set down in Tacitus: matters in my opinion not to have been omitted, especially concerning Cremona. 
a pag. 1519.  Plutarch seemeth to make Cremona, being one of the towns between the Alps and the Po, to have been kept and possessed a great while by the Othonians▪ and Tacitus here writeth, capta Pannoniorum cohors apud Cremonam by the Vitellianists, which cohort of Pannonians, whatsoever they were, and from whence soever they came thither (for Tacitus leaveth us to our guesses) may seem to have been put in the town by Otho for a garrison, and here taken by the Vitellianists with the town, although the circumstances in Plutarch do not fully agree with it by reason of the time there.  
11. pag. 65. Plutei, crates & vineae) Pluteus, saith Vegetius lib 4. cap. 15, is a certain movable engine contexta ad similitudinem absidis, & cilicijs vel corijs tecta, quam obsidentes applicant muris, eiusque munitione protecti sagittis sive fundis vel missilibus defensores de propugnaculis exturbant, ut scalis ascendendi facilior prestetur occasio. Vinea according to Vegetius in the same place, and Lucan, l. 3. was a frame of wood, or hurdles, covered with earth, sub quo subsidentes tuti ad subruenda murorum penetrant fundamenta. Crates the same with the one or the other of them, or at least to the same purpose.  
12. p. 66. Notorious and infortunate) The two calamities here meant are the two great battles, the first between the Othonians and Vitellianists described in this book: the other between the Vitellianists and Flavianists set down in the next, more commonly known by the name of praelium Cremonense, & with greater reason, being fought under the walls of Cremona, and twenty miles from Bebriacum, albeit then the first skirmish indeed began not above eight miles from Bebriacum. 3. Hist. p. 126. and this former battle also was fought a great way from Bebriacum, immensum id spatium, saith Tacitus, and by all probability, many miles, as shall be declared elsewhere.  
13. pa 67. So he sent for Titianus) This change of captains Plutarch with more reason putteth after the battle ad Castoris; 
1 That is, The victory being not fully prosecuted through the leaders fault Otho sent to the army Titianus, and Proculus captain of the Guard.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (speaking of the victory ad Castoris) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & indeed the alteration is too great to be induced upon the slackness of a petty companion, especially seeing we find Macer, who committed the fault, still 
b pag. 7●.  retained in his charge, & paulinus & Celsus, two of the greatest men in the state, in a manner disgraced for the fault of another, according to Tacitus. Now upon this fault whensoever committed, to send from Brixellum for Titianus at Rome so many miles distant, (for there we left him in the last words of the first book) & bring him to Bebriacum to the consultation, may perchance seem strange to him that considereth how that from Othoes going out of Rome with his army till his death were not above twenty four days in all, & perchance not so much.  
14. p. 67. twelve miles from Cremona at a place called Castor.) This place ad Castoris is twelve miles (saith our autour) from Cremona, where the main camp, I think, of Caecina lay, and eight miles at the least from Bebriacum, where paulinus and Celsus were encamped, howsoever they are here met in the middle way. Gallus, as it should seem, was retired to cure himself of his fall, or at least, seeing here is no mention of him in the field, left to guard the camp: as it seemeth also he was the time of the great main battle described in the sixteenth chapter.  
15. p. 67. Three Praetorian cohorts) Five Praetorian cohorts were under the charge of Gallus and Spurinna. Tacitus p. 65, 9 whereof three were at this time in Placentia with Spurinna, p. 68, 18. & three more we have here now in Gallus camp. one too many: but Otho, we must say, was not far of to supply it out of the rest of the Praetorian cohorts.  
16. pag. 70. Forbidding the Centurions) Vetitis vigilias obire centurionibus. The Centurion's gods, without whose good favour no human action could in that place have any happy success. So Aeneas in Virgil. lib. 7. at his entry into Italy 
— geniumque loci primamque deorum  
Tellurem, nymphasque, & adhuc ignota precatur  
Plumina.— and Orestes in Sophocles Electrâ.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  In Xenophon 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cambyses & Cyrus passing out of Persia 
1 That is, Besought the gods protectors of Persia, to send them forth favourably and with good speed.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: & entering into Media, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
24. The Theatre, where the manner of that town is to meet & consult) For so all the Grecian cities used to do, as appeareth both by the Greek Orators and Historiographers▪ 
2 To receive them favourably and with good speed.  a thing noted also by Ausonius Ludo septem sapientum, Prologo.  
Quid erubescis tu togate Romule?  
Scenam quod introibunt tam clari viri?  
Nobis pudendum est hoc, non & Atticis  
Quibus theatrum curiae praebet vicem?  
Nostris negotijs sua loca sortitò data.  
Campus comitijs, ut conscriptis curia.  
Forum atque rostra separatius civium.  
una est Athenis, atque in omni Graeciâ  
Ad consulendum publici sedes loci.  
25. Cappadocia had no legions) Vespasian being settled in state Cappadociae, saith 
a cap. ●.  Suetonius, propter assiduos barbarorum incursus legiones addidit, consularemque rectorem imposuit pro equity Romano. yet by Tacitus. p. 63. it may seem there was some power. Cappadocia Pontusque, & quicquid castrorum Armenijs praetenditur.  
26. Berytus) By the circumstances in the story of josephus it may seem, that here at Berytus was the first meeting of Vespasian & Mucianus, & that before all was dealt between them by the mediation of Titus, whom we find in Tacitus: p. 97, 1. absent with Mucianus in Syria, which had not needed if they had met before & the matter been concluded upon. Surely in Tacitus of their first meeting no place is set down, & it may seem strange how two Lieutenant's General could come personally together before the war was openly undertaken. But they not coming together before their open declaration in arms, there had been no place left for that good oration, which Tacitus meant howsoever to bestow on Mucianus. although for the truth of the story, & the circumstances of matters which passed in jewry, and Syria, I am content to believe josephus better, who, as I have said, was an eywitnesse of the whole action.  
27. Marched forward) joseph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4, c. 40. 
3 That is, Mutianus fearing to commit himself to the sea because it was the deep of winter▪ brought his army by land through Cappadocia and Phrygia.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. How it could be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the deep of winter, whenas without question the war was begun sometime in july, or at the furthest in the beginning of August, I cannot imagine.  
28. To leave Moesia & with his horsemen) It appeareth in the process of the story, that he took the way of Moesia, of whose whole journey from Syria, till we find him in the 
b pa. 130.  third book fight with the Dacians, we have not one word set down by Tacitus; as likewise after that action, till his entry into Rome, in the fourth book: points in my judgement very material in a good story, & greatly to the satisfaction of the reader.  
29. Illyrian armies) Some learned men charge this narration here, & generally the story of the actions between Vitellius & Vespasian, of great insufficiencies, imperfections, & confusions, whereof I do in my judgement most clearly acquit it. Illyricum was divided into three provinces; Moesia, whereof at this time Aponius Saturninus was Precedent or Lieutenant general; Pamnonia, whereof T. Ampius Flavianus was Precedent; & Dalmatia, whereof Poppaeus Silvanus, or Pompeius Sullanus (for in both names we find difference of writing) was Precedent. In Moesia were three Legions, Tertia Gallica, Octava Augusta, and Septima Claudiana, led by three legati legionun, Lieutenants of Legions: Dillius Aponianus of the Third, Hist. 3. p. 112, 28. Numisius Lupus of the Eightth. Hist. 3. p. 112, 29. & Tertius julianus of the Seventh; who forsaking his place, as appeareth in this place, Vipsanius Messalla undertook the charge. 3. Hist. p. 111. In Pamnonia there were at this present two legions, septima Galbiana whose Lieutenant was Antonius Primus; & tertiadecima Gemina sent back out of Italy from building of Amphitheatres, whose Lieutenant in this war was Vedius Aquila, the same man who was also Lieutenant in the last war. 3. Hist. 112, 14. & 2. Hist 80, 25. In Dalmatia there was none but only one Legion, namely undecima Claudiana (the fourteenth being transported into Britanny) whose Lieutenant was Annius Bassus. 3. Hist. p. 131, 3. The premises considered, which are all expressed by Tacitus, I see not what can be required more to the perfection of this narration here, it seeming to me one of the best, & most sufficient in this book. & so likewise in the whole story of Tacitus, of all great actions I take that between Vitellius & Vespasian to be generally the most fully, & best set down, as the other between Otho & Vitellius the worst. Now for the time when Illyricum began to revolt from Vitellius, as in noting of times Tacitus is always too scant, Suetonius 
a cap. 15.  Vitellio somewhat relieveth us. Octavo imperij mense desciverunt ab eo exercitus Moesiarū atque Pannoniae: so that it seemeth to have been begun in August, or perchance toward the later end of july.  
30. Threescore thousand armed men) Valens had out of Germany forty thousand armed men, beside legio Italica, & eight cohorts of Batavians &c. Caecina thirty thousand, beside Ala Syllana etc. Vitellius tota mole belli secuturus, saith Tac. 1. Hist. & in this book p 86. reliquas Germanici exercitus vires trahebat, beside eight thousand è Britannico dilectu. of all which number we find in Tacitus none sent away, 
b pag. 92.  but the cohorts of Batavians▪ and yet here we have but threescore thousand armed men.  
31. Fencer's diet, Gladiatoria sagina) Gladiatores & Athletae in old time were most daintily dieted & stall fed, as it were: the known phrases of Athleticus habitus, & Gladiatoria sagina importing no less. Cic. Cum gladiatoriâ totius corporis firmitate. Cyprianus: Impletur in succum cibis fortioribus corpus, & aruina assidui nidoris moles membrorum robusta pinguescit, ut saginatus in poenam cariùs pereat.  
32. The standards of four legions) The eight Legions, which seem here, & elsewhere, to be noted of Vitellius side, were Italica, & the seven Legions of Germany, albeit none completely but Rapax, in all the rest part of the men being left behind, and the whole names attributed alike to both parts.  
33. Accounted unlucky) livius l. 6, f. 68, I. Tum de diebus religiosis agitari coeptum dienque a.d. 15. Kal. Sextiles duplici called insignen, quo die ad Cremeran Fabiuses caesi, quo deinde ad Aliam cum exitio urbis foedè pugnatum, a posteriore called Aliensen appellarunt, insignenque nulli rei publicè privatinque agedae fecerunt. Dio. 
c pag. 429.  l. 9 the called Cremerensi. 
1 That is, The day in which this calamity befell them the people of Rome accounts dismal & unlucky, neither will they on it begin any serious matter, in respect of the ill fortune that happened that day to the city.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
34. In the election of Consuls: Comitia Consulum cum candidatis civiliter celebrans) What by comitia Consulun should be meant in this place, the people being at this time excluded from all voice in elections, either I do not conceive, or else comitia consulun civiliter celebrare is but as much, as munera à candidatis consulatus edita (whether it were himself or any other) civiliter celebrare. In the free state the suitors for offices to win the people's favour & goodwill dabant gladiatores, till it was by a law expressly by Tully to that purpose enacted forbidden, and brought within the compass of ambitus. Cicero in Vatinium: Ego legem de ambitu ex S. C. tul●, quae dilucidè vetat biennio quo quis petat petiturusue sit, gladiatores dare nisi ex testamento. But after they had attained their suit, it was then not lawful only, but necessarily incident to most offices to exhibit to the people all sorts of games & plays, & accordingly they performed it with all magnificence and cost. Under the Emperors, albeit no part of the election of any officer depended upon the people's favour, yet both candidats, & designatì, & actual officers continued to minister to the people their accustomed pleasures of gladiatores, circenses etc. contending therein by all possible means to win the goodwill of the people. In the time of Alexander Mammeae, Quaestores candidati munera populo dederunt: in Nero's, Quaestoribus designatis gladiatores edendi necessitas erat, saith Tacitus. Consul designatus est & munus edidit: Marcellus jureconsultus l. 36. Now to be present at these shows was accounted great popularity in the Prince. Xiphil. de 
d pag. 204.  Othone. 
2 He used much the theatres to win the hearts of the multitude.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
e cap. 45.  Suetonius de Augusto. Ipse Circenses spectabat spectaculo plurimas horas, aliquando totos dies aderat. Tac. 1. 
f p. 242.  An. de eodem. Civil rebatur misceri voluptatibus vulgi. as contrarily to come seldom thither was disliked as a sign of a proud, melancholic, & sour nature; whereof julianus accuseth himself in Misopogone: 
3 That is, I always hate and shun the horse races, as they which are indebted do the places of public assembly, therefore I go seldom to them.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. or to come thither & not to be attentive, or aliud agere, as Caesar, qui vulgò reprehensus est, saith Suetonius qd inter spectâ dum epistolis libellisque legendis ac rescribendis vacaret. But Vitellius here seemeth not only to have frequented the shows, which candidati Consulatus, or designati did exhibit, but also to have take part, for example, with the Mirmyllones against the Thrace's in theatro, or with the Veneti against the Prasini in circo, and therein omnem infima plebis rumorê affectasse; in those days accounted a point of most great popularity, Suet. 
a cap. 8.  Tito: Quin & studium armaturae Thracum (ne quid popularitatis praetermitteret) prae se ferens, saepe cum populo & voce & gestu, ut fautor cavillatus est Titus. verùm maiestate saluâ.  
35. P. Sabinus) Not Vespasians brother, as some learned men against all circumstances of story have written. This Sabinus was cast in prison ob amicitiam Caecinae: 3. Hist. p. 125. Vespasians brother was Praefectus urbis, & at good liberty, till he was besieged and taken in the Capitol.  
36. Right over their freedmen: jura libertorum) The Libertus was bound to maintain his patron, if by any means he fell in decay: at his death by the old constitutions to leave his patron heir of the half of his goods, which if it were any ways embezeled, the law awarded the patron omnium bonorum possessionem etiam contra tabulas. & in these two points, beside some other services & duties called in the law operae, consisted almost the whole ius libertorum, as appeareth li. 38. Digest. Now whereas Vitellius reversis ab exilio iura libertorum concessit by grace, it seemeth in later times to have belonged to them by common right. Ulpian: Dig. 38. Tit. de bonis libertorum. L. 3. Si deportatus patronus restitutus sit, liberti contratabulas bonorum possessionem accipere potest. & again in the same title L. 4. paulus. Si deportatus patronus sit, filio eius competit bonorum possessio in bonis liberti, nec impedimento est ei talis patronus, qui demortui loco habetur.  
37. The Augustales) Tac. 1. Ann. p. 241. Idem annus novas ceremonias accepit, addito sodalium Augustalium sacerdotio, ut quondam Titus Tatius retinendis Sabinoris sacris sodales Titios instituerat. sort ducti è primoribus civitatis unus & viginti. Tiberius, Drususque & Claudius, & Germanicus adijciuntur. Where we see Tacitus attribute that to Tatius himself, which here he attributeth to Romulus.  
38. Vitellius had governed as Proconsul) In administranda provincia (Africa) singularen inno centiam praestitit (Vitellius) saith Suetonius Vitellio. c. 5. agreeing with Tacitus: but in Vespasian he disagreeth utterly. Tacitus saith here famosun invisunque proconsulatum in Africa Vespasianus egerat. Suetonius Vespasiano. c. 4; Exin sortitus Africam (Vespasianus) integerrimè nec sine magna dignatione administravit.  
39 The Etesians) Etesiae according to Aristotle. 2. Meteor. & Theophrastus de ventis, 
g That is, Are northerly winds blowing after the summer Solstitium, and rising of the dogstarre.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to Pliny. li. 2. c. 47, fell in that time upon the eighteenth of july, & post biduum exortus, saith the same Pliny, Etesiae diebus quadraginta perflant, nec ulli ventorum magis stati sunt. so that Etesiae dured ordinarily from the twentieth of july till the end of August. 
a Olympiodorus seemeth to have red the place of Aristotle thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  And the solstitium aestiwm being just twenty five days before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to Olympiodorus in. 2. Meteor. it must by due account light in that time upon the four & twentieth of june, from which day the too great length of the julian year hath in our age drawn it back eleven or twelve days, casting it upon the twelfth or thirteenth of june. Now that Etesiarun flatus was good for sailing into Egypt & the 
b For so the author of the book de mundo ad Alexand. maketh the Etesia to have some point of the west: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  East, & ill from thence, beside the site of the country, that also may be an argument, that Thales and certain other philosophers affirm (as Diodorus Bibliothecae l. 1. reporteth) the cause of the rising of Nilus to be these Etesian winds 
2 That is, Which blowing directly against the mouth of the river hinder the water from f lling into the sea.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

ANNOTATIONS UPON THE THIRD BOOK.  
AND lest the provinces) All from these words in the Latin copy ac ne mermes provinci etc. to these si placeret Galbae principatus, inclusiuè, should be placed before, quaesitum in de quae sedes bello legeretur etc. & so the words ut innocuum exercitum Moesicum celebrare cohere with & praesumpsere parts. Which disorder, by reason the lines & letters almost between quaesitum inde & Moesicum celebrare are equal to the lines between ac ne inermes & Galbae principatus, may seem to have grown first by the mere transposition of a leaf in the copy, from whence all ours were derived.  
2. Antonius taking with him certain etc.) The Legions, their captains and marching, with all necessary circumstances in a manner, are in this war fully & plainly set down by our autour, incomparably better than either in the last between Vitellius and Otho, or in the next between Civilis and the Romans in Germany. Here Antonius Lieutenant of septima Galbiana marcheth first, about the later end of August, or beginning of September, with vexillarij è cohortibus, & part of the horse, making up no doubt a convenient power, albeit there was not any entire Legion. With him went Arrius Varus, of no higher degree at that time, a● I think, than a Primus pilus, of what Legion I cannot tell: but li. 4. p. 173. Tertia Legio is called familiaris Arrio Varo miles: afterward, as it appeareth Hist. 4, he obtained the 
a pag 152.  captainshippe of the Guard, and 
b pag. 154.  Praetoria insigniae, and being put by Mutianus from the captainshippe of the Guard, was 
c pag. 190.  made Praefectus annonae. At Patavium or thereabout the two Legions of Pannonia overtook Antonius. p. 112, 13. namely septima Galbiana, whose Lieutenant was Antonius himself, and tertiadecima Gemina with Vedius Aquila Lieutenant thereof, the Lieutenant general also T. Ampius Flavianus, as it may be presumed, coming withal: for we find him anon in the mutinee. At Verona Aponius Saturninus Precedent of Moesia with septima Claudiana, Vipsanius Messalla being Lieutenant thereof, overtook them. pag. 111. and anon afterward at Verona or thereabout the other two Legions of Moesia, tertia Gallica with Dillius Aponianus, and octava Augusta with Numisius Lupus. And this was all the power that was present of the Flavian side at the battle of Cremona, certain bands of old Praetorian soldiers excepted, whereof we find 
d pag 118, 27. 119, 19 120, 11.  mention both in that field and elsewhere: but when and where they came to the side is no where, as it ought, expressly set down. Of Vitellius part there were present in the action of Cremona two complete legions, unaetvicesima Rapax which came out of Germany with Caecina, and Italica taken away from Lions by Valens; and six unperfect legions out of Germany: to wit quarta, and octavadecima aliâs duoetuicesima out of high Germany; prima, quinta, quintadecima, and sextadecima out of low Germany. whereof six be named 2. Hist. 
e Saving that lin. 31. for quintadecima, quartadecina is written by error of copy, which Legion was quite sent away into Brytamnie before, p. 90 30.  p. 106. & p. 119. A little before the joining all the eight are set down particularly, & by name. And beside the eight legions there were of that side vexillarij out of the three British legions, secunda Augusta, nona, & vicesima Victrix, part of the eight thousand which Vitellius brought out of Germany è Britannico dilectu. Tacit. 2. Hist. p. 80, 21. p. 107, 1. 3. Hist. p. 119, 5. and all this power under the charge of Caecina. After the battle at Cremona victae legiones per Illyricum dispersae. Tac. p. 125, 7. The five conquering legions, being increased by undecima Claudiana, and six thousand men beside out of Dalmatia, under the leading of Poppaeus Silvanus' Lieutenant general of that country, & Annius Bassus Lieutenant of the eleventh legion, were left at Verona. Antonius with the Auxiliaries & lecti è legionibus marched to Fanum Fortunae. Tacit. p. 131. At Fanum they sent for all their power from Verona, p. 132, which overtook them at Carsulae. p. 137. On the other side after that overthrow at Cremona Vitellius sent to Fabius Valens three Praetorian cohorts with the British wing, p. 127, which were taken by Cornelius Fuscus at Ariminium. p. 128. Then, p. 134. he sent both the captains of his Guard with 
f And three taken before at Ariminium. sum xvii. besides others perchance left with Vitellius at Rome, and yet ten was the ordinary number of all, & in Vitellius time, when they were most but xvi. Tac. 2. Hist. p. 104.  fourteen Praetorian cohorts & certain wings of horsemen, and a legion è classicis different from Adiutrix Classica (which then was in Spain) and belike newly enroled. And this in effect was the power of both sides employed in this action.  
3. Flavianus departed away) It had been well Tacitus had made us acquainted with the contents of these letters, which met him so marvelously, 
Tanquam ex machina.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as if Vespasian in jury two months before had foreseen, that his good friend Flavianus should have been suspected and misused by his soldiers at Verona, and thereupon directed letters in his favour. Then where the letters so luckily met him, or at all whither he went is not specified: but surely whither soever it was, being once out of the soldiers singers, he was as I presume out of all danger, at least any such as Vespasians letters could exempt him from.  
4. Bassus was conveyed) Why remained he not still in the charge? why was he committed, albeit it were custodia honorata, by those which favoured Vespasian? why sent to Adria? why there put into straighter prison, if Mennius were a friend to Vespasians cause? if an enemy, why loosed at Hornius commandment, who was Vespasians man? and what then became of him? when, by whom, and wherefore was Mennius Rufinus put there in garrison? These petty circumstances, or some good part had in my opinion been necessary in this place for the full satisfaction of the reader.  
5. The moon rose) The very same effects fell out upon the like cause, in the night battle between Pompey and Mithridates described by Plutarch. pag. 1162. and Dio, pag. 12. But the Epitome of Dio, p. 211. setteth this here down somewhat otherwise then Tacitus. 
1 That is, The moon being eclipsed that night increased the astonishment, not so much because she was darkened (although in such as are affrighted such things also strike a terror) but because she seemed bloody and blackish & streaming out some other ●ea● fa l●volous.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
6. Under the conduct of M. Antonius) Some three or four years above an hundredth year before, so that no one man, that served then with Antonius, could in possibility now be here in this service▪ but we are to understand of a Legion, as the lawyer saith of a ship, that being repaired by piecemeal, albeit in process of time there be no one stick remaining the same, yet doth it continued still the same ship although the Philosophers, saith Plutarch, are not yet fully agreed of the point, 
2 〈◊〉 is some defending it to remain the same ship ●e●●●l, some denying it. The●eo p. 19  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
7. Target sense) Testudo. The manner of Testudo and the utility is very well declared by Livy lib. 
a Fol. 3: 71  44. in these words. Quadrato agmine facto scutis super capita densatis stantibus primis, secundis summissioribus, tertijs magis & quartis, postremis etiam genu nixis fastigiatam, sicut tecta aedificiorum sunt, testudinem faciebant: ut alij armati superstantes propug natoribus muri fastigio altitudinis aequarentur. Soli tamen in front extrema, & ex lateribus non habehant super capita elata scuta, ne nudarent corpora, sed praetenta pugnantium more●ita nec ipsos tela ex muro missa subeunteis laeserunt, & testudini intecta imbris in modum lubrico fastigio innoxia ad imum labebantur. Plu. Antonio. p. 1715. 
3 That is, The ●arg t bearer, kneeling o● their knees hold before them their target●, those which nex follow e●uer the● with theirs, and others them again, the form is very like the covering of a house, somewhat also resembling a theater 〈◊〉 of all other defence, is most sure against arrows sliding down upon it.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Now in case one Testudo would not serve to set their armed men high enough to match them on the trenches or walls, they made, as I think, a double Testudo, one upon another. Tacit. in the words following supper iteratam testudinem scandentes, albeit those words may receive also another construction. The strength of targets so compacted together is declared by Arrianus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. Whenas Alexander had to ascend the mount Haemus, the top whereof was occupied by the enemies, who turned down mighty great cars upon his army, he willed such as could not open their ranks, & so give passage to their violence, 
4 That is, To couch and fall to the ground, that the carries coming down upon them and carried over them amain as it was likely, with their own force might pass away without doing harm and as Alexander gesled so it came to pass.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
8. Of a disdainful traitor) Xiphilinus, p. 213, seemeth to say that upon hanging out of their velamenta and insulae obtaining not pardon, they loosed Caecina, & sent him in his Consular robes 
5 That is, To entreat for them, & by his means obtained mercy.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & by his means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. josephus 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c. 41. saith that Antonius loosed Caecina after his entry into the town. By Tacitus here it should seem he went not to Antonius till after the soldiers had yielded.  
9 This end had Cremona) In this battle, faith josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4. cap. 41. were slain of Vitellius side thirty thousand and two hundredth: of Antonius' soldiers sour thousand and five hundredth. Xiphilinus saith that in Cremona, with those which were slain in the field, died fifty thousand persons. The time was about the later end of October about which time also, as it appeareth by Tacitus, the news were brought to Rome of Caecinaes' revolt.  
10. A middle course) It may seem that Valens for his part resolved upon the first opinion, that was accitis ex urbe cohortibus valida manu perrumpere, but the fault was in Vitellius who sent no more.  
11. Men greedy of danger) Apud avidos periculorum. So be the words in our copies, the meaning I know not; & the narration following I find in my conceit to be somewhat unperfect▪ as wherefore Valens did send the power rather to Ariminium into the enemy's mouth, than back to Vitellius, if he meant not to follow them himself. upon what intent & purpose he went into Vmbria and Etruria, and what he would have done, if he had not had advertisement of the battle at Cremona, unless it were to take the secret way now, which before he refused, toward Hostilia and Cremona. Which circumstance surely would not have been omitted.  
12. pag. 142. Barbarous people also of the country) Others as I think beside those which associated themselves with Anicetus: namely the Achaei, Heniochi, and Cercaei dwelling of the other side of Pontus Euxinus, and according to Strabo 
a lib. 11.  living, as they are here described, by piracy.  
13. pag. 147. New treaties: Foedera socijs, Latium externis) that is, to our socij their foedera were renewed with a further increase of exemptions and privileges; and to foreigners that privilege was granted, that those which had borne annual office with them should by that means become cives Romani: for that is the main point of ius Latij. App. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 216. 
1 That is, Caesar had fomented the ●o. l ●in of 〈◊〉 Common in the Ape & 〈…〉 it with his 〈…〉 had 〈◊〉 annual office thereby e ta● thereof 〈◊〉 citizens of ●●me. f●r son 〈◊〉 Iu●●tj in porteth.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
14. pag. 148. No less ominous) The breaking away of the beast at sacrifice was among the Romans an ominous matter. Titus a little before his death Sabinos petit, saith 
b cap. 10.  Suetonius, aliquanto tristior, qd sacrificanti hostia aufugerat. Idem 
c cap. 5●.  julio. Cum immolanti aufugisset hostia, tamen profectionem non distulit. and 
d cap 18.  Galba. Taurus securis ictu consternatus rupto vinculo essedun eius invasit. Festus. Ptacularia vocabant, qd sacrificantibus tristia portendebant: cum aut hostia ab ara profugisset, aut percussa mugitum dedisset, aut in aliam partem corporis quam oporteret decidisset. Plin. li. 
e cap 45.  8. Notatum est vitulos ad aras humeris hominum allatos non litare, sicut nec claudicante, nec aliena hostia deos placari, nec trahente s● ab arts.  
15 p. 159. As a pledge of the Empire) Livius. l. 1. fol. 12. secutum aliud magnitudinem imperij portendens prodigium est. caput humanum integrâ facie aperientibus fundamenta templi dicitur apparuisse: quae visa species haud per ambages arcem eam imperij caputque rerum fore portendebatadque ita cecinere vates quique in urbe erant, quosque ad eam rem consultandao● ex Hetruria acciverat. Dionysius l. 4. p. 191. reporteth the words of the answer made to certain messengers sent from Rome purposely into Etruria. 
2 That is, Men of Rome go tell your citizens that the Gods have decreed, t at where his 〈◊〉 was found that place 〈…〉 the head of all 〈◊〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Varro l. 4. de lin. Latina. Capitolium dictum, quod hic, cum fundamenta foderentur aedis Iou●●, caput humanum inventum dicitur. hic mons ante Tarpeius dictus a virgine Vestali Tarpeta, quae ibtab Sabinis necata armis & sepultateius nominis monumentum relictum, quod etiam nunc eius rupes, Tarpeium appellatur saxum. And this head so sound I take to be that pignus imperij here in Tacitus.  
16. pag. 159. Porsenna when the city was yielded) It must be that either Tacitus followed some other tradition in this story than we have, as indeed by Livy it appeareth there were other, or else had forgotten himself in reporting it. Of hostages given to Porsenna Dionysius lib. 5. and Livy lib. 2. make mention of surrendering the city I find no word spoken by any other we have extant save Tacitus, to my remembrance.  
17. pag. 159. Who laid also) According to Dionysius 
f l. 3 p. 149.  Halic. Tarqvinius Priscus did but only level the ground: Tarqvinius Superbus laid the foundations & builded most of it up, but did not consummate the work, 
3 That is, But the Temple was finished under the annual magistrates, the third year after the C●nsuls come in.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. read the same Dionysius. l. 4. p. 190. & l. 5. p. 224. But it may seem that Tacitus took hold of these words in Livy. l. 1. f. 9 Tarqvinius Priscus arean add aeden in Capitolio iovis occup it fundamentis. which notwithstanding is not otherwise ●ment, but of leveling the ground, & making it ready for the laying of the foundation. for Superbus as it appeareth by the same Livy s. 12. was the man that laid the foundation. Of Servius Tullius in this building I have not sound mention elsewhere to my remembrance.  
18. pa. 167. Seven & fifty year old) Vitellius was borne, saith Suetonius, 
g Vit cap. 3.  Druso Caesare & Norbano Flacco Coss. which was ab urbe condita the 768 year, the 24. of September, or as some say the seventh of the same month. The day in which he went out of the Palace with intention to resign the Empire was, according to Tacitus, the 18. of December in anno 822. the day following being the 19 of December the Capitol was burned, the 
h Beside the circumstances in Tacitus josephus 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c. 42 expressly saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (of the burning of the Capitol) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. pag. 172.  twentieth of December Antonius entered into the town, & the death of Vitellius ensued. All which doth appear plainly by the course of the story of Tacitus. So that from his birth to his death we have no more by just account but fifty four years, and as much as is between the seventh or four and twentieth of September, and the 20. of December.   

ANNOTATIONS UPON THE FOURTH BOOK.  
WAS PRETENDED) Triumphs, and Triumphalia ornamenta, which succeed in their place, were awarded upon great service done, and upon some notable conquest obtained against a foreign enemy: at least never any man in the Roman state made profession of triumphing de civibus victis, L. Sylla, saith Valerius, lib. 3, qui plurima bella civilia confecit, cum consummata ac constructa potentia sua triumphum duceret, ut Groeciae & Asiae multas urbes, ita civium Romanorum nullum oppidum vexit. 
a Appian. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 243. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Caesar after he had ended the civil wars, albeit he spared in show to truimph de victis civibus, and chose rather the name of King juba for the title of his African triumph, then of Scipio, Cato, or Afranius, who were Generals in the field, yet went he further than Sylla, carrying their images and pictures in triumph, and 
b Dio. lib. 43. p. 146. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  grieving thereby the people of Rome. Augustus, having overcome at Actium Antonius and Cleopatra, entitled likewise his triumph upon the woman, omitting the man, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. true it is, that oftentimes finding small cause of triumph over an external enemy, and not daring to name the citizen, diverse colours, as here, have been used.  
2. Of Tarracina) Italy by Augustus was divided into eleven regions. Pliny. lib. 3. cap. 15. Regio prima is from the river of Tiber to Surentum, or rather to the river of Silarus thirty miles beyond (for the limit of that side is doubtfully set down in Pliny) containing Latium, Campania and Picentini. Regio secunda, from Metapontum in sinu Tarentino, to the river of Tifernus in mari Adriatico, comprehendeth Salentini, Calabria, Apulia etc. Regio tertia, between Silarus and Metapontum, containeth Lucani, Brutii and magna Grecia. Regio quarta extendeth from Tifernus to the river Aternus likewise upon the Adriaticum, and encloseth Ferentini, Peligni, Sanmium etc. Regio quinta is from Aternus to Ancona, including Picenum. Regio sexta containeth Vmbria, and the coast between Ancona and Ariminium. Regio septima comprehendeth Hetruria between the river of Macra and Tiber. Regio octava is the country which lieth by west from the limits of the sixth region, between the Apennin and the Po, comprehending Ariminium, Ravenna, Bononia, Brixellum, Mutina, Parma, Placentia etc. Regio nona is from the river of Macra, to the river of Varus, containing Liguria Regio decima containeth Venetia: and Regio undecima Gallia Transpadana. Now for thi● place, it was in the old copies of Tacitus regione Italiae without any addition of number, and Tarracinae municipio doubtfully written, sometimes Tarentium municip. sometimes Tarentinae municip. & sometimes Tarentino▪ indeed it may seem strange, that he should so solemnly describe and note out Tarracina, a town so famously known, and so near unto Rome▪ but howsoever, this is more strange, that allowing it to be Tarracina, some have inserted septima to fill up the sense, and some secunda, whereas Tarracina is clearly and evidently in prima regione Italiae.  
3. Counsel helvidius) And helvidius, for not obeying better this counsel of Eprius Marcellus, lost his life even under Vespasian a good and moderate Prince. Suetonius 
c cap. 15.  Vespasiano. Heluidio Prisco, qui reversum ex Syria solus privato nomine Vespasianum salutaverat, & in praetura omnibus edictis sine honore ac mentione ulla transmiserat, non ante succensuit quam altercationibus insolentissimis penè in ordinem redactus. Hunc relegatum primà, deinde interfici iussum, missis qui percussores revocarent, seruasset, nistiam perijsse falsò nuntutum esset. Probus. Eluidius Priscus post damnationem soceri Poeti Thraseae, interdicta sibi Ita●s Apolloniam concessit, sed post interfectum Neronem restitutus à Galba, non aliter quam libero ci●tatis statu egit. See Arrian also libro primo, cap. secundo dissert. Epicteti.  
4. P. Celer) Publius Egnatius Celer a chief witness produced against Barea So●nus. Tac. 16. 
d pag. 558.  Ann. Cliens hic (speaking of Egnatius) Sorani, & tunc emptus ad opprimend● amicum auctoritatem Stoicae sectae praeferebat habitu & ore ad exprimendam imaginem honesi● exerciti, caeterùm animo persidiosus & subdolus, avaritiam ac libidinem occultans. quae post qu● pecunia reclusa sunt, dedit exemplum praecavendi, quomodo fraudibus involutos, aut flagitijs immaculatos, sic specie bonarum artium falsos, & amicitiae fallaces. Iwenalis'.  
Stoicus occidit Baream delator amicum,  
Discipulumque senex—  
The scholiast upon Juvenal toucheth another particularity. Egnatius philosophus filiam Bareae Sorani, cum ipsius ad magicam descendisset hortatu, Neroni detulit.  
5. At the naked and bare names of Legions) In Germany at this time were six unperfect Legions, or rather names of Legions, as he termeth them here: in high Germany, at Magontiacum, two, quarta Macedonica & octavadecima aliàs duoetvicesima, beside eight Batavian cohortes. In lower Germany, at Bonna, prima legio: beneath it, at Novesium sextadecima; and lowest of all, at Vetera quinta & quintadecima, both under Mummius Lupercus. The two last were in this war utterly destroyed, and their camperazed. Tac. p. 185. & 186. Sextadecima & prima, after Hordeonius death, yielded themselves to the enemy, p. 185, and were by the enemy's appointment removed to Triers, p. 186. & 187: then of their own accord they went to the Mediomatrici, p. 192, and from thence were sent for by Cerealis and received into grace. The two Legions also at Magontiacum yielded themselves to the enemy at the same time, & were not removed from their camp, who upon Cerealis coming returned again to the Romans. Tac. p. 185, 18. 186, 23. 191, 27. The eight Batavian cohortes revolted at the very first beginning of the war to Civilis. Now in supply of these so revolting, yielding themselves, & being slain, there were assigned under the leading of Petilius Cerealis seven Legions, saith Tacitus, p. 190. to wit sexta Victrix, which came with Mutianus out of Syria, and octava Augusta, one of the Moesian Legions (for so it should be red, not octava decima, there being none of that name inter victrices) unaetvicesima Rapax: secunda, surnamed as I think Flavia, è recens conscriptis: quartadecima Gemina out of Britanny: sexta Ferrata, & decima Gemina out of Spain▪ for whereas the common copies of Tacitus p. 190. have tertia ac prima ex Hispania accitae, there was no tertia then in Spain, and that the Spanish sexta was in this action, we find expressly set down lib. 5. Hist. p. 210. True it is, that a prima surnamed Adiutrix was in Spain: but seeing we find, li. 5. p. 211. twice mention of decima, lin. 16. & 30, a Spanish Legion, we must say, that either all the Legions of Spain were called away, against probability, or else that prima, p. 190, should be red decima. So that following these corrections, in the later end of this war against the Germans and French, we have at one time eleven Legions employed by the Romans.  

Superioris Germaniae 


a Quartae, as it seemeth, was without Lieutenant, at least in this story none is named, and peradventure V●tellius had taken him away, but surely Didius Vocula although by office but only Legate of the xiix. aliâs the xxii▪ executed no doubt both the charges.  Quarta Macedonica,  
Octavadecima aliâs Duoetvicesima: Didius Vocula legatus. p. 165, 2.    
Inferioris Germaniae 

Prima: Herennius Gallus legatus. p. 162, 21.  
Sextadecima: Numisius Rufus legatus, as I think, p. 185, 10.    
Sexta Victrix, è Syriacis.  
Octava Augusta, è Moesicis.  
Vnaetvicesima Rapax, è Vitellianis.  
Secunda Flavia, è recens conscriptis.  
Quartadecima Gemina, è Britannicis.  
Sexta Ferrata ex Hispanicis.  
Decima Gemina. ex Hispanicis.   
6. Mummius Lupercus) Belike Vitellius left the Legions not only bare of men, and as it were half Legions (for in these two Legions were not above five thousand men) but disfurnished of captains also, leaving here but one Lieutenant over two Legions. and yet pag. 163, lin. 27. as though he had forgotten himself, we find another, tanquam ex machina, to wit Numisius 
b Legati legionun Mummius Lupercus & Numisius Rufus vallum murosque firmabant  Rufus. of whose coming into Vetera as we find no reason, so we find him in another 
c pag. 185. 10.  place out of Vetera with less reason, if he were there from the beginning, why doth Tacitus tell us here, that Lupercus alone duarum Legionum hibernis praeerat? if not, how and when came he? and specially how, and when went he out? But in the setting down of this Germane war there are in my opinion many little imperfections and negligences, whereof part we will touch, as occasion shall serve, but most of them we have supplied, and explained in the contents of the chapters, and by inserting sometimes a word or two into the text, as by comparing the books it will appear.  
7. The cohorts of the Batavians and Caninefates) These are the octo cohortes Batavorum quartaedecimae legionis auxilia, so oft mentioned in the first and second of the History, and now remaining at Magontiacum, whither Civilis sent secret messengers to solicit them to the party, as it appeareth in this 
d pag. 159.  book and albeit in none of the places before remembered there is any mention of Caninefates, yet by this place it is to be intended, to foresee that no prejudice should grow to the common wealth by that means. In the second Punic war, new religions being brought in by the means of certain lewd books of prophecies, saith 
a lib, 25.  Livy, Incusati graviter ab senatu Aediles, Triumuirique capitales, quòd non prohiberent▪ and as in this place of Tacitus the Triumuiri had the charge, so in another of the same Tacitus we read the Aediles. 
b Tacit. 4. Ann.  Libros Cremutij Cordi per Aediles cremandos censuere patres. The usual and solemn place of this execution was in Comitio, a part of Forum Romanum. Liu. lib. 40. Libri Numae de iure Pontificio in Comitio, igne a victimarijs facto, in conspectu populi cremati sunt.  
5. The professors of wisdom) Suetonius 
c cap. 10.  Domitiano. 
d Aru●nus Rusti●us in Tacitus.  junium Rusticum (interemit Domitianus) quòd Poeti Thraseae, & 
e According to Tacitus not of helvidius Priscus but of Thrasea alone.  Heluidij Prisci laudes edidisset, appellaretque eos sanctissimos viros, cuius criminis occasione philosophos omnes urbe Italiâque summovit. Sulpicia a poetess of that time: 
Nunc igitur quires Romanas imperat inter  
Et studia, & sapiens hominum nomenque, genusque,  
Omnia abire foras, atque urbe excedere jussit.   

f pag. 238.  Xiphilinus: 
1 That is, Nero put Arulenus Rusticus to death because he studied philosophy, and because he termed Thrasea Verum sanctum▪ he put also Herennius Senecio to death because he had written the life of ●eluidius Priscus▪ and many other beside for this crime of philosophy lost their lives and all of the profession were banished out of the City.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
6. Forum julium) A town seated in litore Narbonensi, distant from Massilia 75 miles, as Strabo 
g lib. 4.  reckoneth. Of the same name there were also in Italy, but none so famous as this. The present estate whereof is described very well (as all other things) by that excellent chancellor of France, Michael 
h Epist. lib 5  Hospitalis.  
Ind forum juliparuam nunc venimus urbem:  
Apparent veteris vestigia magna theatri,  
Ingentes arcus, & thermae, & ductus aquarum;  
Apparet moles antiqui diruta portus,  
Atque ubi portus erat, siccum nunc litus & horti.  
7. None of the judicial places) That is, he was neither Praetor urbanus, nor peregrinus, which were the two places of civil causes, properly called by the name of jurisdictio. To the rest belonged cognition of criminal causes, as de Ambitu, Repetundis, Falso, veneficijs, etc. properly called by the name of Quaestiones, and under the Emperors handled before the Praefectus urbis, rather than their own Praetor, which at those times carried not much more than a bare name.  
8. Plays) To give plays and pastimes to the people seemeth to have been at the first the Aediles peculiar charge, and afterward common to all magistrates in a manner, Quaestors, Praetors, Consuls etc. Of Praetors it is plain by these words of Cassius to Brutus in Plutarch; 
2 That is, Of other Praetor's men do expect and re●●ite latgesses, stage-p ayes and Gladiatores▪ but at your hands they expect a matter of more importance.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
9 patricians) One of the fundamental divisions in the Roman state was in Patres, sive Patritios' & plebeios. The Patriti● were all made by Romulus, as Livy reporteth, Senators and counsellors of state: as Dionysius, out of the Patritii the Senators were elected. Hostilius uniting Alba to Rome, Principes Albanorum in Patres, ut ea quoque pars reip. cresceret, legit, julios, Seruilios, Quinctios, Geganios, Curatios, Cloelios. After whom the elder Tarqvinius, non minùs regni sui firmandi, quàm augendae reip: memor, centum in patres legit, qui deinde minorum gentium sunt appellati. Liu. lib. 1. And when the kings were cast out, quo plus virium in senatu frequentia etiam ordinis faceret, caedibus regis deminutum Patrum numerum, primoribus equestris gradus lectis, ad trecentorum summam explevit Brutus. & five years after, Appius Claudius, fleeing with his faction from the Sabins to Rome, inter Patres 
i Liu lib 2.  lectus est; being the last, I remember, upon whom in the free state that honour was conferred, to be made a Patrician. The emperors many years after upon the like causes, or to pleasure their friends, renewed the custom. 
k ●ue● nec 41.  julius senatum supplevit, Patritios' allegit. Then Augustus, 
3 That is, Augustus by permi●●ion, is he would b●●e it seem, of the Senate, supplied the number of the Patritian●, whereof the most part was decayed nothing in civil wars going so much to the walls as the ancient nobility. ●●c. lib 52 pag 334.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Claudius. jisdem diebus in numerum Patritiorum ascivit Caesar (Claudius) vetustissimum quemque è senatu, aut quibus clari parentes fuerunt, paucis tam reliquis familiarum, quas Romulus maiorum, & L. Brutus minorum gentium appellaverat, exhaustis etiam quas dictator Caesar lege Cassia, & princeps Augustus lege Se●ia sublegêre. Tac. 11. Annal. And lastly, as it may here appear, Vespasian, after whose time I find no mention of any such subrogation▪ only I find that Constantine the great under the old name of Patricii induced a new kind of office, and honour superior to the Prefecti Praetorio. Zosimus. 
That is, Op●●●s had 〈…〉  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and of Patritius in this sense we read often in the times of the later emperors.  
10. A pontifical dignity) Of all the colleges of Priests, in Rome being many in number, that of the Pontifices was of the supremest authority, consisting of four, afterward four more were added, and the number by Sylla further augmented, eligible in the free state by chapter, sometime by the people, afterward appointed by the Prince. The head of this college was called Pontifex maximus, an honour resiant in the emperors person even from the time of julius, in whom the Empire, and Pontificatus first by chance were united, and continued even in the Christian Emperors, till Gratian cast of both the name, and the attire. Zosimus 
 lib. 4. 
〈…〉 Ch●● we●● at atti●●  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and afterward Theodosius, as the same 
b 〈◊〉 77.  Zosimus and Symmachus report, dissolved the college of the Pontifices, and all the rest of the Priests, and confiscated the revenues. The name of Pontisex, saith Varro, lib. 4. de lingua Lat. is deduced a ponte, named is Sublicius est factus primum, & restitutus saepè. Zosimus deriveth the name from an ancient custom among the Thessalians, where before the use of temples, the images of the gods being placed upon the bridge of the river Peneus, the priests thereof were named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
11. To a long dish, or two edged axe) Scutula, used by Tacitus here, and Martial. lib. 11. Epigr. 32. and scutella by Tully, signifieth a dish usually served at table, and to Sortella is 
3 A●●rg●●●●te.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Censorinus cap. 18. resembled, whose definition by Euclid is this (for in Censorinus the place is corrupted) 
4 That is, A figure ●●●led with some sides having g●●● the angles right, but not all the sides equal  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. like to the figure. A. although by this place of Tacitus it may seem, that not all Scutulae were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but some of some other fashion for he addeth oblongae, 


A Scutula Cuneus.   
The figure of whole Britamnie occording to Tacitus.   limiting as it were the generality of the word. Bipennis, sayeth Quintilian, institut. orator. lb. 1, securis utrinque habens aciem, a pinna ꝙ est acutum. Now how well the part of Br tanny here described resembleth the axe, or the dish, or one of them the other (although twolike to a third ought in good Geometry to be like together) because I see not myself, I am content to leave it to others. One thing I see, that many good writers have had but ill luck in such kind of resemblances. Strabo 
c Aristotle 2. Meteor: likeneth the know part of the world Tympano  likeneth the known part of the world to a 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  cloak, and Dionysius Afer to a 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  sling (being much like the one to the other) and both of them Spain to an oxehyde, Rutilius Numatianus Italy to an oaken leaf; & the same Dionysius 
f Versu 277.  Africa and Europe to a Conusisosceles; 
4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pelopennese 
5 That is, To the mouse-tayle-li●el● ate of Playnti●e.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
12. The extreme and plain parts) A place in mine opinion very hard to be well understood, or at least, made good. For he seemeth to say, that the extreme parts of the world being plain, the night therefore is nothing, or short, which importeth as much, as if the night were nothing else, but when the sun hideth itself behind some mountain or other▪ or else, that albeit the earth toward the midst was globose and bossed, yet was it toward the poles flattish and plain. Very vulgar conceits in so great a man, and yet in the text infra coelum & sidera nox cadit, by nox is meant, I suppose, umbraterrae, as out of the bowels of art; and the lowness of the shadow projected is the cause of the shortness of the nights▪ but the lowness proceedeth not neither of mountain, nor plain, but because the sun in the summer season runneth his course almost all above ground in those countries toward the poles, and when it doth set, by reason of the inclination of his circle to the Horizon, descendeth not directly, but passeth obliquely razing as it were under their Horizon▪ yet one of the 
g pag▪ 23●.  Panegyrists, as though Tacitus had delivered us here matter worthy of imitation, hath taken the pains to assume this high point of learning ad verbum into his oration.  
13. Pearls) Marcellinus 
h pag. ●64.  lib. 23. Apud Indos & Persas margaritae reperiuntur in testis marinis robustis & candi●is, permixtione roris anni tempore praestituto conceptae. Cupientes enim velut co●tum quendam humoris, ex lunari aspergine capiunt deusius oscitando. Exind●que gravidae edunt minutas binas aut ternas, vel uniones sic appellatas ꝙ eius terrae conchulae singulas aliquoties, pariunt, sed maiores. Idque indicium est aetherea potius derivatione quam saginis pelagi hos oriri foetus & vesci ꝙ guttae matutini roris usdem infusae claros essiciunt lapillos & teretes: vespertinè vero, fluxuosoes contra & rutilos, & maculosoes interdum. M●mma autem vel magna pro qualitate haustuum figurantur casibus variatis. Concussae vero saepissimè met u fulgurum manescunt, aut debilia pariunt, aut certe vitijs desluunt abortivis. Capturas aut est difficiles & periculosas, & amplitudines pretiorum illa efficit ratio, quod frequentari sueta littora propter piscantium insidias declinantes, ut quidam conuciunt, circa devios scopulos, & marinorum canum receptacula delitescunt. Quod genus gemmae etiam in Britannici secessibus maris gigni legique, licet dignitate dispari, non ignoramus. And to the like purpose speaketh Pliny also l. 9 
a cap. 35.  In Britanniâ paruos atque decolores uniones nasci certum est: whereas the commendation of pearl consists in candore, magnitudine, or be, levore, pondere. But in hope of the British, such as they were, julius Caesar, saith 
b cap. 47.  Suetonius, first went into Britanny, & ex tis contextum thoracem Veneri genitrici consecravit. Pliny.  
14. p. 245. Policy) Consilium. As in a natural body too little is unperfect; too great unwealdy; so in a politic, both the extremities are weak, & not defensible, although peradventure aswell in the one body as in the other, 
1 Fullness.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 induceth less danger generally, than 
2 emptiness.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth. This inconvenience Augustus wisely foreseeing in his time, whenas the Roman empire was grown to that greatness, ut iam mole laboraret sua, saith Livy, restrained first of all that infinite desire of enlarging. of which act as a thing most advisedly done julianus Caesaribus bringeth Augustus himself discoursing in these words. 
3 That ●, The assures of the 〈◊〉 I settled s● that ●t was become as strong and as hard to make a breach in●o at a dia ●at. 〈◊〉 I yielded not to: s ●nmeasurable desires of conquering 〈◊〉 more & more. b ●●ontented my self with th●● two limits, ●i● were appointed b● natu e, of Danubius and ●u phrite●. afterwardeth God's sparing me longer life I undertook ●ome nec ssary matters, and those dispatche● sought not occasion to make still war upon war.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. After the death of Augustus a book was produced written with his own hand, in the which, saith Tac. 1. Ann. opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium socio●ūque in armis, quo● classes, regna, provinciae, tributa, aut vectigalia, et necessitates, aclargitiones, addider atque in super Consilium, saith he, using the sane word in both places speaking of the sane matter, coertendi intra terminos imperij, incertum metu, an ꝑ invidiam, Dio. l. 56. 
4 He gau● them adu se to content themselves w th' ●●eir present estate and in no case to seek to enlarge the ●●●tes of the Empire. for it wou●d be both hard to be kept, and ●●danger, he sa●d e●en that which they had. and thi● precept he always observed himself not only in word but in deed and effect 〈◊〉 using, ●h na● with great facility he might, to conquer any more of the barbarous nat●●●s.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
15. p. 250. To buy corn) The Romans, beside tribute, imposed upon the cuntreies' subdued, such at least as yielded commodity thereof, a proportion in corn, commonly the tenth part & beside for the provision of the Lieutenant, & soldiers maintained there, & other like purposes, at a reasonable price. In gathering whereof the purveyors & takers, & sometime the head officers used many concussions & unlawful exactions, as appeareth at large in Tully's fifth oration against Verres. In Britanny it seemed the Romans had engrossed all the corn of the country and instituting a monopoly thereof compelled the poor Britan's to buy at their hands and their price, and by and by laying a new charge upon them, as to victual the army, or such like, to sell it again under foot. Moreover the carttakers for carriage of provision from Canterbury, for example, to London, would take up carts at C●erlil, or make them pay well to be spared, whereas the same thing might have been done without any molestation at all of the subject, but not with like gain to the officers. These abuses, or other of this kind, are meant in this place, as I understand it, submitting my judgement herein to men of better experience that way.  
16. p. 263. The most capital kind of enemies, commenders) To hurt or disgrace by way of commendation. albeit it seemeth a strange position at the first sight, yet may be, & daily is, both easily & diversly performed. For example: To commend a man to his Prince for those qualities, wherein the Prince himself either by his place ought to excel, or otherwise upon some special fancy affecteth to excel, & principally if he find any weakness that way in himself, is one of the most subtle, ready, & pernicios means to work a great man in disgrace with his Prince. Whether that humour were with the rest infused into us at our beginning, I know not; but I surely believe, that no man liveth so utterly void of good parts, but that he supposeth he hath some special gift above most men some way or other the nature & motions of which humour who so can mark & observe in his Prince, to take where advantage is offered, & work as the matter doth yield, shall seldom want means to do harm: to note wherein they delight and please themselves, being as ready a means to do hurt, even with the good Princes, as to 
c Metus principis rim●r, as Tig Ilinus d d with Nero. s●e ●acitus 14. An p. 504.  feel & search out, what they feared, hath been with the bad. For if all kind of rivality breed in private men causes of grudge and dislike, what may the subject attend from his Prince (whose mind, as his body. is more tender, & more apt to receive offensive impressions) in so great means to offend, but assured destruction, be the concurrency founded upon never so small, & trifling a point? 
a Diodorus li. 15 p. 461. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Dionysius the elder, upon some gentle frenzy, having a desire to become in his old days a writer of Tragedies, hated, imprisoned, & tortured Philoxenus the poet, who seemed to stand in his light. 
b Obiiciebant etiam eloquentiae laudem uni sibi asciscere, & carmina crebrius fictitare, postquam Neroni amor eorum venisset. Tacit.  The first disgrace of Seneca with Nero was grounded upon a suppose, that Seneca sought to excel him in eloquence, and making of verses; unto which studies the Prince in those days had wholly betaken himself. and in his later times settling his fancy and love upon singing and playing in stages, qualities unseemly for his estate, 
c Sueton. Nerone. cap 54.  he cast out of favour, & then made away Paris the stageplaier, as his concurrent in that profession. Now by way of commendation Poppaea Sabina commending the gentlemanly qualities of Otho, albeit she did it to another intent, yet wrought she unawares his 
d Tac. 13. Ann. p. 471. deticitur familiaritate sueta, post congressu & comitatis Otho: & postremo ne in urbe aemulatus ageret. provinciae Lusitaniae praeficitur.  discredit with the same Nero. And for my part I am not resolved, how an excellent poet of our time observed congruity, which before a Prince, that esteemed it more than his crown to be accounted the most beautiful parsonage in the world, maketh one extol his own brother so highly, yea and prefer him also before the king himself in that point, being a point so prone to engender emulation, & emulation in that kind, dangerous effects. But above all other kinds of commendations, that toucheth most nearly, & worketh most danger, where the quality commended breedeth not only love, but admiration also generally among the mean people; as military renown, magnanimity, patronage of justice against all oppressions & wrongs, magnificence & other Heroical virtues properly belonging, or chief beseeming the Prince's person. And this being general to all in some measure, no Prince in the world having his mind so well armed against this cunning but that some breach may be made at some seasons into it, yet there it worketh both most speedily, and dangerously, where the Prince, as before I have said, is a witness to himself of his own weakness. For as it is true, that Alienae virtuti nemo invidet, qui confidit suae, so is it true also, that insufficiency is most apprehensive & envious. 
e Suetonius Vespasiano. c. 14. ut suspicione aliqua vel metis ad perniciem cuiusquam compelleretur, tantum absuit ut monentibus amicis cavendum esse Metium Pompesianun, quòd vulco crederetur genesim habere imperatorian, insuper Cos. lecerit. spondens quandoque beneficij memorem futurum.  Vespasian & other great Princes, standing upon their own might, & the strength of their virtues, could easily digest, that one should be said, for example, to have imperatoriam genesim, yea and preferred him also to place of credit, adding in jest, that he would perhaps remember it one day, whereas with Domitian a Prince umbrageous & fearful, because of himself he was nothing, no way was found more fit to bring Agricola in disfavour, then by commending his excellent virtues. In like manner certain of Constantius court, whereas they could not justly speak ill, by the same strategeme of praising in audience of their master, a jealous & suspicious Prince because he was weak & unable, brought julian in hatred, as Mamertinus declareth at large in his panegyric p. 163. Cum (juliani) sancti principis mores atque instituta, falsarun vituperationum licentiam submoverent, callido nocendi artisicio accusatoriam diritatem laudun titulis peragebant, in omnibus conventiculis quasi per benevolentiam illa iactantes, julianus Alamaniam domuit: julianus urbes Galliae ex favillis & cineribus excitavit. Aestates omnes in castris, hyemes in tribunalibus degit: ita illi anni spatia divisa sunt, ut aut barbaros domitet, aut civibus iura restituat, perpetuum professus aut contra hostem, aut contra vitia certamen. Hae voces fuerunt ad inflammanda odia probris omnibus potentiores. St. n. comminisci aliqua flagitia tentassent, facile ipso splendore laudis & gloriae refutarentur: invenerunt accusandi genus ꝙ nullus refelleret. Another kind of hurting by way of commendation is touched by Polybius, whereof he giveth us in the fourth book of his story an example in the person of Apelles a counsellor, & one in chief credit with Philippe of Macedon father of Perseus: who being desirous to remove Taurion, governor of Peloponese, from his charge, & place some creature of his in his room, told Philippe his master, that Taurion was a most singular man, and fit in all respects to serve nearer, counseling him thereupon to send for him home, and place him about his own person, craftily calling him by that means from an honourable, and almost absolute government thither, where he should live in equality with others, and be subject to check as one of the meany: great men in this point somewhat resembling the moon, which although she fetch her light from the sun, and eftsoons resorteth thither again to receive new influence and virtue, yet in her prime turneth her dark face toward the world, and shineth then brightest, when she is furthest removed. Albeit in later times the contrary example hath been more usual in courts, by way of commendation to remove one from about the Prince and send him out of the way, under pretence that he is the only fit man for such and such a service abroad. Many other kinds might be reckoned of this sort of sophistry, as to commend a man publicly, where it can do no good (beside that it maketh the party secure of all danger from thence) and secretly dispraise him, where it should do much harm. Manlius Valens, saith Tacitus, 1. Hist; quanquam bene de partibus meritus, nullo apud Vitellium honore fuit. secretis eum criminationibus infamaverat Fabius ignarum, &, quo incautior deciperetur, palam laudatum. Or else to commend in generalities, and so having won the opinion of a friend in the Prince's ears, consequently to disable to this or that particular, which shall be in question; with such like deceits, which the malice of courtiers heretofore hath invented, and daily inventeth plentifully. For in court, saith 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 136.  Polybius, this malice was found, and in court it remaineth.  
17. A good man you would easily think him: etc. Bonum virum facilè crederes, magnum libenter.) Et te Corneli Tacite bonum historicum facilè credimus, bonum oratorem crederemus libenter, were it not for this and some other sayings of the like making. Fuit illi viro, saith 
b 13. Annal.  Tacitus judging of Seneca, as we may of him, ingenium amoenum, & temporis illius auribus accommodatum. How that age was eared, long or round, I cannot define: but sure I am it yielded a kind of Sophisticate eloquence, and rhyming harmony of words, whereunder was small matter in sense, when there seemed to be most in appearance. This kind of Rhetoric was induced into Grecia by the teachers of Oratory in school, whose judgements use and experience had not refined: first by Gorgias, as it may well appear by that little of his which is left; then by Isocrates and his disciples, and being refused by that judicious nation found favour in some corners of Asia, till at length the use of eloquence decaying in common wealth, and the study thereof remaining in schools, that bastard Rhetoric returned again, yielding us in steed of the sound contrived sentences of Demosthenes, AEschines, Hyperides, the paintings of Aristides, Philostratus, Dio Chrysostomus, and others, though not without opposition of many, as Dionysius, Lucian and such like. The ancient Romans sucking the best from the Greeks', when they were at their best failed not much that way, unless peradventure we may reckon Hortensius as one of the number: for so Tully in Bruto seems to describe him. But of the later, whom have we almost not infected with that heresy of style begun by Seneca, Quintilian, the Pliny's, and Tacitus, continued in their successors the Panegyrists, and lastly conveyed to Christian religion by Cyprian, Ambrose, Augustin, Bernard & c? For a taste of this affectation in Tacitus, 1. Hist. p. 15: Rara temporum felicitate ubi sentire quae velis, & quae sentias dicere licet. p. 20: Inchoavere annum sibi ultimum, reip. prope supremum. p. 22: Secundae res acrioribus stimulis animum explorant, quia miseriae tolerantur, felicitate corrumpimur. p. 37: Quatriduo Caesar properata adoptione, ad hoc tantum matori fratri praelatus ut prior occideretur. p. 46: Et uno amne discretis connexum odium. p. 54: Redieruntque in castra inviti neque innocentes. p. 34: Nec illos priores & futuri principes terruere, quo minus facerent scelus cuius ultor est quisquis successit. p. 45: Quaeque alia placamenta hostilis irae non quidem in bello sed pro pace tendebantur. 2. Hist. p. 88: Et Vitellius credidit de perfidia & fidem absoluit. 3. Hist. p. 143: Arserat & ante Capitolium sed fraud privata: nunc palam obsessum, palam incensum. with many more of the same mark.  
FINIS.    

A VIEW OF CERTAIN MILITARY matters, for the better understanding of the ancient Roman stories.  
SERVICE in war is by land, or by water. The Roman service by land was either at home in the City, or external abroad. The external consisted principally in Legiones & Auxilia; a known division in the Roman stories. Livius lib. 8. fol. 91. Pro exercitu, legionibus, auxilijs P. R. legiones auxiliaque hostium mecum dijs manibus devoueo. most frequent in Tacitus. 1. Hist. p. 27. infecit ea tabes legionum quoque & auxiliorum motas iam mentes. 13. Ann. p. 451. Copiae orientis ita dividuntur, ut pars auxiliarium cum duabus Legionibus apud Quadratum remaneret, par civium, sociorumque numerus Corbuloni esset. Where also we see he varieth the words legiones & auxilia by two equivalent in the later member cives & socij. And Livius lib. 7. fol. 84. F. civilis exercitus and socialis coetus, meaning the Roman Legions and Latin Auxilia. Legio, saith Varro, lib. 4. de lingua Latina, quòd 
a To this etymology of the word Galba no doubt alluding answered the soldiers, which demanded ●o native; legi à se militem non emi.  leguntur milites in delectu, dicta est. The Grecians translate it diversely: some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; some others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in respect of their standing camps, which were fortified and walled, and gave occasion in the later times to the founding of many great cities in the Empire.  
LEGIO was divided into Pedites and Equites: although peradventure sometimes by Legions and also by Auxilia the footmen alone are intended, as being the more principal part. The other two kinds of service in field, by charets and Elephants, either were never in the Roman state, or were not ordinary, and even so were quickly laid down. The manner of fight out of charets, a matter so often recorded not only by poets in those fabulous times, but also by the writers of the sacred story, may seem to have been in a sort proper to those Heroica tempora, and by general consent of the world (some few barbarous nations excepted, who are always best keepers of customs) laid aside, beside the unwealdines, peradventure because to furnish out one fight man in that case 
b The man that sighteth, the cochman, and two horses at the least.  four mouths were to be fed, and four bodies armed, of which any one failing the service of all four was at an end. The other by Elephants was ancient, and continued long among the Eastern and southerly nations, the countries yielding good store of those beasts: by the Romans seldom used, not for that they lacked the breed (for what would they lack, that either could serve for use or delight? and of those creatures they would kill for their pleasure hundreds at once in their Theatres) but because they utterly disliked the service, as ambiguous, turning as oft to the hurt of the owner as of the enemy. Whereof they saw good proof in the army of Pyrrhus, who first brought them into Italy: in which, as 
c L. ●lorus lib. 1. cap. 18.  one saith, eaedem ferae, quae primam victoriam Romanis abstulerant, secundam parem fecerant, tertiam sine controversia tradiderunt. The Eastern nations also found them at the length unserviceable 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diodor. Sic. l. 19 pa. 717.  for the tenderness of their hooves, and diverse other respects: and so they remain generally laid aside. Now for the number of Pedites and Equites in a Legion, Romulus at the foundation of Rome, after the misfortune of Remus wherein many perished, had only three thousand footmen, and three hundredth horsemen remaining. Dionys. 
e pag. 56. 59 67.  lib. 1. & 2. of which number he composed his Legion at the very first beginning of Rome according to Plutarch. 
1 That is Whenas the city was built, first of all he sorted the people such as were within years of service into Legions, eue● Legion consisted of t●●● footmen and 300 horse. Romulo. p. 74.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, one Horseman for ten Foot. Varro lib. 4. de lingua Lat. Milites, saith he, a mile, quòd trium milium primo was called primus Hastatus, the second secundus Hastatus: and so forth usque ad decimum ordinem Hastatum. Likewise the Principes into ten ensigns, primum, secundum, tertium Principem, etc., every Ensign containing as before. And lastly the Triarii were also divided into ten ensigns, each one containing sixty persons. The first Ensign whereof was called primus Pilus, the second 
a Or secundus Triarius according to some learned men although Livy seemeth to call all the ensigns of the Triarij Primos Pilos in that intricate place in the eightth book, where he hath rather obscured then expounded the Roman soldiery.  secundus Pilus, and so forth to the tenth. The Velites were proportionably dispersed among all the ensigns. Of these thirty ensigns called in Latin Manipuli, according to Gellius, lib. 6. cap. 4, and Servius in 11 Aeneid. (although Plutarch, in Romulo. pag. 39, interpreteth Manipulus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, confounding it with Centuria, and Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 13, most absurdly maketh it equivalent with Contubernium, a company of ten or eleven persons) each one was divided again in duas Centurias, Centuriam priorem and Centuriam posteriorem, although in truth they contained not the full number of an hundredth, but only in an ordinary Legion sixty persons beside the Velites, and of the Triarii but thirty. Livy in describing these Centuries seemeth to use an inversed kind of speech, lib. 
b f. 356. K.  42. Hic me imperator dignum iudicavit, cui primum hastatum prioris centuriae assignaret, in place, as it may seem, of cui priorem centuriam primi hastati assignaret. and in the leaf following lest it might be supposed as done by chance or negligence: A. M. Acillio mihi primus princeps prioris centuriae est assignatus, for prior centuria primi principis. Beside these divisions of the footmen in a Legion, we find another in later times more usual into ten Cohorts of equal number. julius Frontinus, Strategem, lib. 
c cap. 6.  1, dissolveth one Legion into ten Cohorts: Fuluius Nobilior legionis, de qua supra dictum est, quinque cohortes in dextram partem viae direxit, quinque ad sinistram. and Caesar, lib. 
d cap. 2.  6. de Bello Gall, three Legions into thirty Cohorts. Tacitus, 1. Annal. pag. 242, dissolveth four Legions in quadraginta cohortes Romanas. The 
e Veget. lib. 2. c. 8. Cic. lib. 5. ep. ad Attic. 20 Caesar. 3 de bell. civili, c. 13.  first Cohort resulted of the three first ensigns, or Manipuli, to wit, ex primo ordine Hastato, primo Principe, and primo Pilo joined in one; the second of the three second, and so forth to the tenth. Cohors, saith Varro. lib. 4. de Lin. Lat, quòd ut in 
f Which is also called Cohors, quod circa eum locum pecus coer●eretur, layeth Varro.  villa ex pluribus tectis coniungitur, ac quiddam fit unum, sic haec ex manipulis copulatur cohors. The Grecians call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This division of a Legion into ten Cohorts, is not mentioned in Polybius, and therefore, as I think, was not usual before his age. For although the words be not unknown to ancient times, as to Livy oftentimes in his former books, unless he spoke by a figure, and to Polybius likewise 
g pag. 240, 243.  twice in the eleventh book, expressly and by name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the war of Scipio in Spain, yet then peradventure it was rather certain Manipuli united and assigned extraordinarily, than any member of a Legion; but of that I cannot greatly affirm. Now although in former times it is out of question, that the Legionary Cohorts were equal of five hundredth a piece where the Legion was five thousand, and more where more, yet in Vegetius time, or at least in his Legion, the first Cohort contained a thousand, and the rest but only five hundredth. for in his rebus, as 
h come in. 11. A●meidos.  Servius sayeth, accessu temporis ducum varietas semper mutavit militiae disciplinam. The horse, being in the Royal and Popular Legion most commonly three hundredth, were divided in Turmas decem: Polyb: lib. 6. pag. 182. 
1 That is, In like manner the horsemen also were divided into ten Turm●.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: every Turma containing thirty horse, even from the beginning of Rome; as generally few things we find after in use, whereof the grounds were not laid at the first. Varro lib. 4. de ling. Lat. Turma Terma est (E in V abijt) quòd ter dem equites ex tribus tribubus Tatiensium, Ramnium, & Lucerum fiebant. In Vegetius Legion, being six hundredth and sixty beside the officers, they are divided into two and twenty Turmaes, every Turma likewise containing thirty persons, whereof he attributeth four Turmaes to the first Cohort of the Legion, and to the other nine two a piece. lastly Turma was divided in treis' Decurias each consisting of ten Horse, as the name also importeth.  
IN the Legion of Romulus over the footmen (
k pag. 62.  sayeth Dionysius.) three Tribunes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were appointed to govern under the King, each over his own tribe: and over every century or Curia a Centurion, or Curion. 
a Tribuni ●●litum, 〈…〉, Tatiensium ● in ad exercitum 〈◊〉 tebantur.  Three Tribunes and thirty Centurions in a Legion, the Tribunes selected out of the greatest men for nobility or reputation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the Centurions of the most valiant, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Under the Consul or Praetor in the time of liberty, and Prince in the Empire, captains in chief and sovereignty, the next and immediate officer in both was named Legatus consularis, as it were vicegerent deputed by the Consul or Prince: by the Consul 
b As Africanus to his brother in Asia.  one, or 
c As to P. m●●y in bello P●●tico twenty five. Appian Mit●ridatico. p. 150.  many as his Lieutenants in the army; by the Prince one only as Lieutenant general over an army or country. Under the Legatus consularis in the Empire were subordinate Legati Pratorii, or Legati legionum, one or more according to the number of the Legions in the army; which name I find not in the free state, nor any office answerable to it. Now for the Legion in both states the ordinary officers were, as before in the Legion of Romulus, Tribuni and Centuriones. Decani and the rest were of smaller name. The popular Legion being quadrata had also at the first four 
d Liu l 9 f. 106. K.  Tribunes elected by the people, or sometime at the Consul's discretion: afterward in Polybius time six, 
e Polyb. l. 6. p. 185 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  executing their charge alternativelie, two at one time for two months; so that in one summer every one had served his course. In the Empire, as it may be conjectured by someplaces in Vegetius, there were in every Legion ten Tribunes, not with charge over the whole by turns, but with several and continual each over his Cohort. Now out of every Ensign, sayeth Polybius, were chosen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 two Centurions (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) having charge each of his several century, in absence, or sickness, or other mischance the one of both. To every Ensign beside the Centurions belonged two Enseigne-bearers at the Centurion's appointment. The Centurions were distinguished in names according to the ensigns or Centuries which they led. Livius. lib. 42, f. 356. K. Mih: T. Quintius decimum ordinem hastatum assignavit. Cicero. ep. 8. ad Brutum: C. Nascenius Metello imperatore octawm principem duxit. Livius. lib. 7. fo. 81, G. Septimum primum pilum iam Tullius ducebat. Likewise of the Enseigne-bearers. Cicero: 1. de divinatione. Signifer primi hastati signum loco movere non potuit. Sometime for brevity sake the Centurion is called by the name of his Ensign. Livius. lib. 25, f. 176, l. T. Pedanius princeps primus centurio cum signifero etc. Caesar lib. 1. de bell. ciu. cap. 10. In his Quin. Fuluius primus hastatus legionis decimaequartae. lib. 2. de bell. Gall. 
f cap. ●.  Omnibus ferè centurionibus aut vulneratis aut occisis, in his primipilo P. Sextio Bibaculo, multis vulneribus confecto, the same man whom lib. 3. cap. 1. he calleth at large primi pili centurionem. But whereas there were in every Ensign two Centurions, whether only the Centurion of the former century was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for example called Primipilus, primus Princeps, primus Hastatus, and so in the rest, or both the one and the other equivocally, I dare not, without better ground of authority then hitherto I have seen, peremptorily determine. only by centurio primi Pili I take to be meant the Centurion alone of the former century, of the first ensign of the Triarii; a Centurion of principal 
g Cuius imperio, saith Dionysius lib. 9 pag. 418, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. by Livy in the l●ter end of the seventh book, f. 88, K. it may seem that place was of equal dignity, or rather 〈◊〉 than the ●ribures: ●●●wi●hsta●d●ng th● Centurion were otherwise subordinate to them.  credit and endowed with special privileges, as to be of the General's counsel, to have the custody of the Eagle or Standard of the Legion, to sound the watches etc. Polyb. Veget. This number of sixty Centurions in a Legion we find also retained under the Empire. Tacitus. 1. Annal. pag. 231. Prostratos verberibus multant sexagenis singulos, ut numerum centurionum adaequarent: although Vegetius, by I cannot tell what mischance, 
h l 2 cap 6.  maketh but fifty, and in another place by error of the copy, or oversight of the governor, Quinquaginta quinque: for Quinquaginta is much more suitable even to his own grounds. Under the Centurion, were the Decani Diziniers, one over every ten, as the word also importeth. Veget. lib. 2. cap. 13. Rursus ipsae Centuriae in contuhernia divisae sunt, ut decem militibus sub unâ papilione degentibus unus quasi praesset decanus, qui caput concubernij vocatur. The horsemen in the Legion of Romulus were governed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sayeth 
i pag. 66.  Dionysius not expressing the number: but the horse in the Royal and Popular Legion being of one number had in all likelihood the same officers, that is Decuriones, three chosen out of every Turma, whereof the first and principal is called also 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Praefectus Turmae, Polybius. lib. 6. pag. 182. But Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 14, writing that turma habet 32 equites, huic qui praeest decurio nominatur, reckoneth two of his officers as common soldiers, and the third nameth amiss. for Decurio is of decem, not of triginta or triginta duo. Wherefore if he will needs have two of Polybius Decurions reckoned among the common horsemen, the third he might more justly have named with Polybius Praefectus Turmae, then Decurio. So have we in Polybius Legion triginta Decuriones, whereof ten were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: in Vegetius twenty two Decuriones, or in more reasonable speech, and more according to his own principles, sixty six. Of any higher office ordinary over the legionary horsemen than Praefectus Turmae, I find no mention in the Popular or Imperial Legion, the horse in general being, I suppose, under the direction of the great officers of the field, Legatus consularis, and Legatus legionis: extraordinarily I grant under the dictator, Magister equitum was, as it were, the General of the horse. Of the Centurion and Decurion the under officer, and as it were vicegerent or adiutour, was named Optio, the same which is in Polybius called, as I suppose, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Paulus ex Festo. In re militari Optio appellatur is quem decurio, aut centurio optat sibi, rerum 
b According to Vegetius lib. 2. c. 7. it was to supply his place in sickness.  privatarum ministrum, quo faciliùs obeat publica officia. Festus omitting his charge among horsemen; Optio is, saith he, qui adiutor dabatur centurioni à trib: militum, so called quia centurionibus permissum est optare quem velint.  
Thus much of the legionary soldiers, among whom none were enroled but cives Romani, ingenui, artis ludicrae expertes. As touching the first point it is clear in story, that many hundredth years together all the delectus were ex plebe Romanâ alone, which in later times seldom was mustered, in the Empire scarce ever, nor almost any Italian borne, but cives Romani è provincijs. Herodianus lib. 2. 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  p. 437. Caesar sometime in the French war seemeth to have enroled of the Transpadani into Legions, being then not citizens of Rome. Concerning the second point they which were libertini generis, though cives Romani, were never enroled, much less servi, but once, or twice in extremities. For the third, according to Dionysius lib. 2, not only Histrionica disabled to Legionary service, but all 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p 73.  sedentatarie, mechanical, and voluptary arts. Agriculture was only allowed of, as the only nurse of fit men for service in war: not as in the practice of Sparta, and precepts of Plato one man to till at home, and another to fight abroad, but one and the same man in peace a good husbandman, and in war a good soldier; no person by the opinion of many being more dangerous in a state, than he which maketh soldiery his occupation and trade. Furthermore it was requisite, that the Legionary soldier should be within the years of service, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and assessed at least in the fift classis. The military age was 
e Tuber● apud Gellium lib. 10 c. 28. ex Seruii regis formula Plut. Gracch.  from seventeen to forty five, as 
f pag. 164.  Dionysius saith, or forty six, as 
g lib. 6. pag. 180. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for so that place of Polybius is to be rectified.  Polybius, and in dangerous times to fifty. In which time the footman might be compelled to serve sixteen or twenty years, if need so required, the horseman ten. In Augustus' time, Dionysius lib. 54. pag. 366, appointeth twelve years of service for the Praetorian soldier, & sixteen for the legionary: and in the book 
h pag. 384.  following, as having forgotten himself, sixteen to the Praetorian, and twenty to the other. In Tiberius' time to the soldiers in Germany missio data est, sayeth Tacitus 1. Annal. pag. 233, vicena stipendia meritis: exauctorati, qui sena dena fecissent, ac retenti sub vexillo, caeterorum immunes nisi propulsandi hostis. which words peradventure may reconcile in some part the repugnant places of Dionysius. Now for the classes, the manner of mustering, which in Romulus' time went merely tributim, every tribe conferring his thousand, Servius Tullius reduced to a matter of cense or tax: according to which not only the muster was taken, but all officers of importance in the state 
i Comitiis centuri●●●●.  elected, laws established, and tributes imposed. The whole number of Citizens being digested into six classes, in the first were all those, which in the tax or subsidy book were assessed at an 
a 31 Turrian. li. 10. s. English.  hundredth thousand asses and upward. The second from an hundredth thousand downward to seventy five thousand. The third from seventy five thousand to fifty thousand. The fourth from fifty thousand to twenty five thousand. The fift from twenty five thousand to twelve thousand and five hundredth. And the sixth of all such as were under the last rate. Now whereas the first c●assis conferred eighteen horse, and eighty footmen, the second conferred twenty footmen and two artificers beside, as smiths, carpenters. etc. The third classis twenty footmen. The fourth twenty, and two beside to sound the trumpet, and strike the drum. etc. The fift thirty. The sixth classis 
b Liu●. l. 1. f. 10. P  immunis militia, 
1 That i● Free from all service in war and all pa●●ent of Tribute. Dionysius lib 4 p. 165. although the same Dionys. in the same page all●t●eth it by oversight one soldier in 193. true it is that the sixth cl●ssis had one voice in 193. in comities centuriatis, but it yielded no man to the muster at al.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that one course by this manner of mustering yielded a hundredth ninety two men to the war, whereof eighteen were horsemen, four artificers and fifers, a hundredth and seventy footmen: and so about again, as the case required a greater or less army, in the same proportion. Dionysius. libro. 4. pag. 164. and 165. With whom Livy libro. 1 agreeing in the rest differeth only in the cense of the fift classis, which by him is but eleven thousand asses, and furthermore the artificers Livy joineth to the first classis, and the fifers to the fift, whereas Dionysius putteth them to the second and fourth. The reason why this last and poorest sort was excluded from service is well set down by julius Exuperantius. Populus Romanus, sayeth he, per classes divisus erat, & pro patrimonij facultate censebatur. ex ijs omnes quibus res erat, ad militiam ducebantur. diligenter enim pro victoriâ laborabant, qui praeter libertatem, bona defendebant, illi autem quibus nullae opes erant, caput suum quod solùm possidebant censebantur, & belli tempore in moenibus residebant, facilè enim poterant existere proditores: quia egestas haud facilè habetur fine damno. This kind of mustering per classes instituted by Servius, was in later times, as it may be gathered by the 
d Tribus ad sacramentum vocatae. Livy, Tacit. and others.  practice in the Roman stories and plain words of 
e lib. 6. p. 180. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  Polybius, altered in part and reduced somewhat nearer to a matter of tribe, as being a more popular order, and more agreeable to the present government, yet so, that to Legionary service none could be mustered but such as were sessed at 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  four thousand asses at the least, sayeth Polybius, which is indeed somewhat less than the cense of the fift classis limited by Dionysius and Livy; whether it were that Polybius had forgotten the sum, or that the cense of the classis was abated. for that both then and afterward regard was had of the classes in taking the muster it is clear by the words of Sallust. in jugurthino. Marius' interea milites scribere non more maiorum, neque ex classibus, sed uti cuiusque lubido erat, capite censos plerosque, such as for lack of wealth were censed only by poll. After which time the classes were, as I take it, in little consideration in the muster of Legions, especially in the civil wars, and in the Empire utterly neglected, the cense also being abolished.  
Now the Legion & Legionary being such as we have described, remaineth to speak of the Auxiliary soldiers. Auxilia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were soldiers which being not citizens of Rome served in the Roman camp. The first Aids to purpose which the Romans used were of the Alban in Tullus Hostilius tyme. Dionys. l. 3. p. 119. And anon Alba the head and mother city of the Latins being razed they challenged as conquerors that superiority over the Latin nation, which the Alban before had enjoyed. In the time of Tarqvinius Priscus the Latins served in the Roman Army as Aides 
g Dionys. p. 143. 147.  against the Hetrusci, and against the 
g Dionys. p. 143. 147.  Sabins the Hetrusci and the Latins. In the free state many hundredth years, the Latins only & Hernici ministered Auxilia gravium armatorum. for archers and funditores and levia auxilia of other nations they did 
h Hiero apud Livium li. 22. f. 145. A.  not refuse sometime to admit. After the third Punic war they admitted also 
i S. lust. Ju●urtia.  Auxilia ex socijs Italicis à populis regibusque. And after that time we find sometimes 
k As in ●ul●es epistles, Appian. etc. perchance ●●t●er ex veteri formula, and by an ordinary phrase of speech then otherwise,  mention but no great reckoning made in the free state of Auxiliaries. the reason, as I take it, was that the city being communicated to the Latins and Italian allies in bello Marsico they served no longer in quality of Auxilia being now invested with the right of legionary service. Augustus and the emperors fortifying the limits of the Empire with armies, and furnishing the Legions only in a manner of provincial Citizens, established Auxilia again, supplied out of their allies and subjects abroad, and generally out of all nations indifferently, making acquainted the barbarous people, and ancient enemies of the Roman Empire with their manner of service, not without notable 
a Vide Tac 4 Hist in bello cum Germanic.  prejudice to the state. In Tacitus under the first Emperors we have in the Roman camp Auxiliaries è Transrhenanis, Gallis, Britannis, Numidis, Lusitanis, Batavis, Thracibus etc. and under the later Emperors no military matter in the whole Empire passed thorough other then barbarous hands; till at length the Romans, as great reason was, were forced to deliver the Empire to them, to whom they had delivered their arms. Theodosius, saith Zosimus 
1 That is, Made legionaries the barbarians b●rne beyond the Damnius l. 4. p. 755  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and pag. 756. 
2 That is, There wa● no order b●rued in the armies ●or difference made of Roman and Barbarian.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and of Gratian pag. 760. 
3 That is, He received certain fugitives of the Ala●i and bestowed, them in his armies  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 17. & 18.  Synesius likewise a more indifferent person to the Christian Princes reprehendeth the too great facility of Theodosius in receiving to mercy, into his country, kingdom and armies the barbarous nations, reaping no other fruit of his clemency but scorn at their hands, and thereupon he taketh occasion to exhort Arcadius his son 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc.  to increase his Legions, and with the Legions his courage, making supply of his own people and sending back the Barbarians thither from whence they first came. But to return to our Auxiliary soldier, Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 2. describing them under the Empire hath these words. Auxiliares conducuntur ad praelium ex diversis locis, ex diversis muneribus venientes. Nec disciplinâ inter se, nec notitiâ, nec affectione consentiunt. Necesse est autem tardiùs ad victoriam pervenire qui discrepant antequam dimicent. Denique cum in expeditionibus plurimùm prosit omnes milites unius praecepti significatione converti, non possunt aequaliter jussa complere qui antè pariter non fuerunt. Tamen haec ipsa auxilia si solennibus diversisque exercitijs propè quotidiè roborentur, non mediocriter iwant. Nam legionibus semper auxilia tanquam levis armatura in ac●e tungebantur, ut in his praeliandi magis adminiculum esset, quàm principale subsidium. Of Auxilia we find two principal kinds, external and social. external sent from kings and foreign states, of which, as depending in most points upon the voluntary disposition of the sender, I have not to say. Soci●l were 
d Tacit 1 Hist. Octo Bat●uorum cohore●●. 14 legionis auxilia.  either annexed to some Legion, or severally assigned to the guard of some 
e 2. Hist p. 6●. Liguru●● cohor● virtue loc● auxilium,  place or country, where it seemed not necessary to maintain a Legionary power. Concerning the Auxilia legionum in the free state, before bellum Marsicum, as often as the Romans armed their allies armed also ex foedere, footmen 
f Pol. b. l. p. 1●1. lib. 6. p 182.  ordinarily as many, horse double. Ordinarily I say, because that rate was not perpetually observed, as it appeareth by infinite places in Livy, Appian and others, but more or less according to circumstances. Under the Empire illa ratio seruata est, saith Vegetius, ne unquam amplior multitudo sociorum auxiliarium esset in castris, quàm civium Romanorum. In the free state the Legionary Auxilia were governed in steed of Tribuni by Praefecti, though different in name, yet of like 
g Poly●ius l. 6. p. 185. having spoken before of the Tribun●, addeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  authority, and, as it may seem, in Polybius time equal in number. For pag. 182 he assigneth twelve Praefecti to one Consul, to whom belonged two Legions, and therefore twelve Tribunes. Now the Extraordinary band being chosen out, at the discretion of the Praefecti, of the best men and fittest for service, of the footmen about the 
h So that the Extraordinary band, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, consisted of 8●0 footmen, & 200 horse.  fift part, the third of their horsemen, the rest of the Auxilia were divided into two companies, the one called the Right 
i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  horn, and the other the Left. And this is all that Polybius hath written touching their partitions and officers. In 
k lib. ● fol. 90. 91.  Livy the Latins making head against the Romans have the very same divisions and officers with the Roman Legions: but whether at other times also, and as in the nature of assistants they had them likewise, I cannot positively determine; it seems rather otherwise. The most known division both in the free state, and under the Empire of Auxilia as well local as legionary, is in cohortes of footmen, and Alas of horsemen. And so doth Tacitus often resolve the word 4. 
l pag 8●.  Hist. Cohortium, alarm, legionum hiberna. i. Auxiliorum & legionum. 1. 
m pag 41.  Hist. Asciscitur auxiliorum miles primò suspectus tanquam circumdatis cohortibus alisque impetus in legiones pararetur. The Auxiliary Cohorts are sometime to distinguish them from the Legionary called 
a Caesar, Liuiu●. Tacitus.  sociae cohortes, leaves cohortes, and alariae cohortes: like as the Alae are also called Alarij equites. Now of these Cohorts and Wings how many belonged to a Legion usually I cannot precisely define. Vitellius at his entry into Rome with eight battered Legions had only 
b 2. Hist. pag. 102.  thirty four Cohorts. The Auxilia of the fourteenth Legion were 
c 1. Histo. pa. 43.  eight Cohorts: which if it were ordinary, seeing the use of that age beareth at least six hundredth footmen for a Cohort, the Auxiliary footmen belonging to a Legion are four thousand eight hundredth. And yet 
d Tacitus. pag. 601  Agricola had for three Legions in his army in Britanny no more but eight thousand, the rest peradventure being dispersed in garrisons. 
e Alae dictae exercitui equitum ordines, quòdcircum legiones dextrasinistraque tanquam alae in avium corpor●b. locabantur. Cine. apud Gell. li. 16. c. 4.  Equitumalae, saith 
f Lib. 2. cap. 1.  Vegetius, ab eo dicuntur quòd ad similitudinem alarum protegant aciem. Ala contained, as I suppose, about three hundredth horsemen. By Tacitus, 2. 
g pag. 66.  Hist, it is plain, that ex quatuor equitum turmis and universa Treverorum ala, some part being retained in colonia Foroiuliensi praesidij causa, duodecim turmae adversus hostem iere. So that Ala was more than eight Turmae, that is, two hundredth and forty horse. The ala equitum which followed Scipio into Africa consisted of 
h Livius lib. 29. fol. 223, H.  three hundredth. And that Ala in these later days was a number of importance it appeareth by the circumstances of ala Syllana touched by Tacitus 1. 
i pag 48.  Hist. Now to every Legion belonged two Alae of Auxiliaries at the least. josephus 
k 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. c. 5.  setteth down six Alae as the Auxiliaryes of three Legions. & 
l 3. Hist. p. 109.  Tacitus writeth of sixteen Alae in Illyricum, where at that present were but six or seven Legions. contrarily Vitellius to his eight broken Legions had but twelve Alae. Agricola in Britanny to three Legions had three thousand auxiliary horsemen. Of these Cohorts of Auxiliary footmen the governors in later times also were called Praefecti; and the Wings of horsemen likewise in later times had their Praefecti several from the foot, of which in Polybius we find no mention. In Wings the undercaptaynes, as in the legionary, were named Decuriones. Of the number I cannot affirm: only it seemeth probable, that the Praefecti then were according to the number of the Cohorts & Wings, & the Decuriones, as in the Legion three in a Turma consisting of thirty horsemen. To conclude this point, although the Imperial Auxilia seem not to observe always one stint, as by the examples alleged may be averred, yet taking two Wings and eight Cohorts for the Auxilia of a Legion, those things presupposed which we have set down, the Legion Imperial with her Auxilia arriveth to twelve thousand persons. Six thousand Legionary footmen, six hundredth horsemen: four thousand eight hundredth auxiliary footmen, and six hundredth auxiliary horse. Sum twelve thousand. 
m lib. 3. cap. 1.  Vegetius out of other particulars collecteth the same total. una legio, saith he, mixtis auxilijs, hoc est decem 
n One horseman to five foot.  millia peditum & duo millia equitum. Whereof six thousand one hundredth footmen, and seven hundredth twenty six horse according to his principles being Legionary, there remains three thousand nine hundredth foot, and twelve hundredth seventy four horse for the auxiliary; or in round numbers 4000 foot, and 1200 horse, approaching near to the ancient proportion in Polybius of double the legionary horse. At the enrolment the names were imposed to the Legions Prima, Secunda, Tertia, as they were in 
o Dio. lib. 48. p. 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  order of mustering first, second, or third. Which custom, as I suppose, continued in his first institution so long as the Romans armed and disarmed every year: but afterward retaining sub signis some of their Legions with their old names, and with perpetual supply as it were eternising them many ages, the rest decaying or being dissolved, the name was no longer a note of his place, but rather became a proper name simply. In the later 
p Of Augustus. Dio. pag. 384.  times we read of three Tertiae, and two Sextae distinguished by surnames, Tertia Italica, Tertia Cyrenaica, Tertia Augusta: Sexta Victrix, and Sexta Ferrata. Of which devise of surnaming the Legions we have no example before Caesar's time, and after no end: a novelty induced upon ambition, or country, or accident, or for distinction sake, or lastly upon pleasure and voluntarily. The auxiliary Cohorts and Wings, specially locals, had also their several names, as cohors Decimaseptima, Decimaoctava of numbers, cohortes Tungrorum, Rhoetorum, ala Treverûm, and the rest in order toward the gate K. These lodgings lie in 
a The length of the camp I call according to P●lybius from the top of the page to the bottom, and from the left hand to the right the breadth: albeit the later he calleth as often 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  length and open upon the street c. c. c. c. each side being an hundredth foot: so that to one horseman they allowed a standing equal to a square somewhat more than eighteen foot every way.  
Decem ordines Triariorum) Ten lodgings for the ten ordines, or manipuli Triariorum primae legionis with their 
b The Centurions according to Polybius quartering in the two corners toward the street: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Centurions & under officers, joining back to back with the lodgings of the Equites, & opening into the street e. e. e. e. of fifty foot broad: primus Pilus being quartered next to the PRAETORIUM, & so in consequence towards the gate K. where all the Decimi Ordines do lodge. Every one of these lodgings, in length an hundredth foot in breadth fifty, lodgeth sixty Triarij, and a 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  rateable part of the Velites, which, considering the proportion that one of the Ordines Triariorum beareth to one of the Ordines Principum and Hastatorum, and the number of Velites in Polybius Legion, falleth out to be twenty four persons. according to which reckoning to one footman they allowed a standing equal to a square somewhat more than eight foot every way.  
Of the other side of the street e. e. e. e. the lodgings of the Decem ordines Principum primae Legionis, and at their backs the lodging of the Decem ordines Hastatorum opening the one into the street e. e. e. e. the other into the street f. f. f. f. being also fifty foot broad, each of these twenty lodgings is square, every side containing an hundredth foot, and lodgeth an hundredth & twenty sui ordinis, & forty eight Velites beside: proportionably as in tabernaculis Triariorum we had for half so many men half so much ground.  
Of the other side of the street f. f. f. f. are the lodgings of the Auxiliares equites in dextro cornu, and at their backs the lodgings of the Auxiliares pedites in dextro cornu, the Horse opening into the street f. f. f. f. the Foot into the void place between the lodgings and the trenches, of which we shall have occasion to speak anon. Now the Equites auxiliares of a Legion (the extraordinary Band being deducted) amounting according to Polybius to four hundredth horse, and allowing to three hundredth Legionary horse ten lodgings of a hundredth foot every way, we are to allow to these, following the same proportion, ten lodgings each a hundredth foot in length (for that way we may not increase them) and a 
d Mathematically 133⅓. but Polybius useth not to mince it so nicely. neither were the Romans so great Masters in that kind of learning, if we may believe their own poet excudent al●j ●pirantia mollius aera etc.  hundredth fifty in breadth, to make the one as conveniently lodged as the other. And so Polybius expressly signifieth in these words; 
1 That is, In framing their camp, the lodgings of the auxiliary horse they make equal to the Legionary in length, increasing the breadth proportionably to the number.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Likewise the footmen after the deduction of the extraordinary Band being three thousand three hundredth sixty, that is three hundredth thirty six persons for every lodging, seeing as the lodgings in length are but a hundredth foot, we must make them in breadth two hundredth, twice as broad as the lodgings of the Principes or Hastati, seeing they contain twice as many men. For so Polybius warranteth us here also 
2 To increase the breadth proportionably.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Upon the left hand of the street c. c. c. c. are the lodgings of the second Legion with her Auxilia in the same proportion and order in all points with the first. And so have we the breadth of the camp from the utmost Auxiliary footmen of the one Legion to the like of the other a thousand six hundredth fifty foot, or three hundredth thirty pace, accounting five foot for a pace.  
VIA QVINTANA: is a street fifty foot broad, passing from side to side thorough the whole breadth of the lodgings, so named à Quintis ordinibus which quarter all upon it. In this street, as being in the middle of the soldiers quarter, and therefore fittest for such a purpose, was holden a market, forum rerum utensilium, saith Festus.  
Now of the hundredth fifty foot, which as we noted were between the soldiers quarter and the PRAETORIUM, a hundredth foot was the breadth of VIA PRINCIPALIS, of which street, saith Polybius, special care was had, that it should be sweet and handsome, because it was the usual place of resort for the soldiers in the day time. In the other fifty foot toward the PRAETORIUM was a row of lodgings opening upon VIA PRINCIPALIS, each lodging bearing every way fifty foot, for the twelve Tribuni & twelve Praefecti sociorum, their train, horses & carriage. a. a. a. a. a. a. are the lodgings of the six Tribunes of the first Legion, the first lodging answering directly to the legionary horsemen's quarter, and the last to the street. f. f. f. f. with passages between of thirty foot. b. b. b. b. b. b. are the lodgings of the Praefecti, (whom as it seems Polybius had forgotten to lodge) answering precisely to the breadth of the Auxiliary quarter, with a void space of fifty foot between the third & fourth tent. and so of the other side for those of the other Legion, a void space of fifty foot being left at. o. to answer the street c. c. c. c.  
g. g. g. g. a cross street before the PRAETORIUM being a hundredth foot broad, where I suppose was settled the watch mentioned by Polybius p. 185. 
1 That is, Every day one ensign by course keepeth watch & ward at the Gen●●als pavilion both for the safety of his person, and majesty of his place.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Extraordinarij Equites. and Extraordinarij Pedites.) a plot of a hundredth fifty foot in length (for so it will fall out if we make the whole ground for the lodgings, as we must, perfectly 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  square) and four hundredth & fifty in breadth, answering to the QVAESTORIUM & part of the PRAETORIUM for the Extraordinary band of the Auxilia primae Legionis, consisting of two hundredth horse, and eight hundredth forty foot (some 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  selected out of them only excepted, which are lodged else where) the footmen quartering toward the trenches, and the horse toward the camp. And so of the other side for the other Legion.  
Auxilia externa) a plot of the same length and in breadth three hundredth and fifty foot for the foreign Aids such as by occasion come in.  
Selecti ac voluntarij Equites, and Selecti ac voluntarij pedites.) a plot of two hundredth foot in length, and three hundredth fifty in breadth, where the selected out of the Extraordinary band of the Auxilia primae Legionis are placed, the foot quartering toward the trenches, & the Horse toward the PRAETORIUM: & so of the other side for the other Legion, reserving in both place for voluntary men, which upon kindred or friendship, or other respects follow the General. These Selecti and Voluntarij do not only saith Polybius quarter near the General, but also in marching, and at all other times of any service are continually attendant upon the General and the Quaestor, in the nature peradventure of a Cohors Praetoriae.  
QVAESTORIUM) a plot of two hundredth foot in length & three hundredth seventy five in breadth, for the Quaestor and his train with their treasure & provision, for the pioneers, carpenters, smiths, armourer's &c. with their tools and officers. There was also the Auguraculum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and peradventure the public prison.  
FORUM.) a plot equal in both dimensions to the QVAESTORIUM. Here was the place of public assemblies, and the Tribunal with the 
c Sedescurulis.  seat of estate, here also in likelihood were those 
2 Seats.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof 
d 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, cap. 6.  josephus maketh mention, on which the Tribune's and Centurion's sat in judgement to decide the controversies happening between the soldiers. In the FORUM also the Eagles and ensigns of the Legions with their bearers Aquiliferi and Signiferi, certain images of the gods, in later times of the Prince and his children, & sometimes of his 
e Colique per theatra & fora effigies Sciani, tute●que princi. a legionum sinere●. Tac. 4. An. quaedam m●nera Syri●cis legionibus largtius est qu●d solae nullam Setani imaginem inter signa coluissent. Su●t. Tiberio. cap. 48.  great favourits also, were quartered. Tacitus 15. 
f pag. 322.  Ann. describing a solemn assembly in that place Ind, saith he, eques, hinc agmina legionum stetere fulgentibus aequilis signisque & simulacris deûm, in modum temple. Medio Tribunal sedem curulem, & sedes effigiem Neronis sustinebat. The Eagles, except peradventure in time of assemblies, stood in little chapels. Dio: 
3 That is, In all the Roman armies there is a little chapel, and in it a golden eagle doth stand. lib. 40 p. 82.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The ensigns were placed subdio, as indeed, being certain long spears covered with silver with the Prince's image hanging upon them under the Empire, they could hardly be planted under a tent. and yet Herodian seemeth to place them all in one chapel. 
4 That is, he sat down in the chapel where the en●eignes and images are adored. lib. 4 pag. 481.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sayeth he, for as well the Aquilae and signa as the Simulacra deûm, and imagines principu● were by the Roman soldiers adored as gods, and therefore the place of their ●●nding accounted sacred. for by Principia so often remembered in 
g 1. Hist. In ipsi● princi●● slup●um ausa 3 Hist. Nox prodition● electa ut caeteris ignaris soli desectores in principia co●rent. ibidem. secreta castrorum affectanum principia vocat. Paulo post. sed ubi tot●ca. str●●n fama proditio recurre●s in principia miles.  Tacitus and o●hers I take the FORUM to be principally meant, although in some places of the sto●es Principia may seem particularly to be intended of that row of lodgings where the Tribuni and Praefecti are quartered, specially in that place of Tacitus. 
h Principia, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the leaders lodgings.  1. Ann. Prima Vari castra lato ambitu, & dimensis Principijs trium legionun manus ostentabant. and in some other places of the same 
a 2. Hist. primani stratis vnaetuice simano●um principus Aquilam abstulere. 4. Ann effigies Sc●ant inter principia legionum.  Tacitus this word Principia seems to be taken pro ipsâ Aquilâ signisque.  
N. N. N. N. &c.) a void room of two hundredth foot broad, round about between the lodgings and the Trench. The use of this void room is for the commodious entering and issuing of the Legions, for the safe custody of the cattle in the night season which are provided for the use of the camp, or otherwise catched from the enemy. But the principal commodity is that the enemy upon sudden approaches by night to the trenches cannot throw any fire work, or dart to do any great hurt in so great a distance.  
P. Q. R. S.) Agger or Vallum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the trench which compassed the whole camp. Agger signifying generally cuiuslibet rei coaceruationem, as 
b Servius in 10. Aeneid.  one of the Grammarians saith, is here appropriated to that mound of earth, which is raised for defence about the camp: in which certain stakes called Valli were pitched with two, three, of foure-forked heads to close and wreath one within another, and were for that purpose prepared and carried by the soldier, each man carrying three, four and sometime usque ad septenos vallos, saith Livy. Of these valli the whole fortification of the Camp is called Vallum. 
c Vallum, saith Servius in 9 Al●ne●●, ipsa munitio valli, fustes quibus vallum munitur.  In the Vallum in convenient distances were raised and cast out certain platforms like turrets, and on the 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ioseph. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 6.  curtain between the turrets were placed Balistae, 
1 catapultaes, balistae, and all engines or shot ready bend.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such artillery as that age did afford. And about the Vallum they cast a ditch of six foot deep and as much in breadth.  
In the Vallum of the camp were four gates. Livius lib. 40, fol. 339, B. Aemilius ad quatuor portas exercitum instruxit, ut signo dato simul ex omnibus partibus eruptionem facerent. & joseph. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
2 That is, In every side of the camp a gate is built.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that the sides of the camp being four, the gates must also be four.  
H. Porta Praetoria, so called a PRAETORIO which standeth near it: the foregate of the camp, and in times of danger, next to the enemy.  
K. Porta Decumana, so called a Decimis ordinibus ibi tendentibus (as appears by the former description) the backegate of the camp, and in times of danger furthest from the enemy. Otherwise in places of safety, as appears by Polybius, opportunity of water & forage was rather respected in the placing of that gate, because all the common soldiers in a manner were quartered upon that side.  
M. The third gate of the camp called Sinistra Principalis: and L. the fourth called Dextra Principalis, so denominated, because they open into Via Principalis. Livy in the place 
e ●●. 40.  above alleged nameth them thus: ¹ Extraordinaria, ² Dextra Principalis, ³ Sinistra Principalis & ⁴ Quaestoria: whereof Extraordinaria is without all question the same with Praetoria, so named of the Extraordinary band who quarter there: so that Quaestoria in that place must be all one with Decumana, belike because in his conceit the QVAESTORIUM was not far from Decumana. And so it may seem he conceived of it by another place lib. 10, Fol. 119, F. Ab tergo castrorum Decumana porta impetus factus: itàque captum Quaestorium. But that placing of QVAESTORIUM cannot stand with Polybius description, whom in this case we are rather to believe. Now that Praetoria was nearest to the enemy, and Decumana furthest of, it is evident by Caesar lib. 3. de belliciu. Pompeius, sayeth he, acre excessit, protinusque se in castra equo contulit, & iis centurionibus quos in station ad Praetoriam portam posuerat, clarè, tutamini, inquit, castra. and immediately after, Pompeius cum intra vallum nostri versarentur, equum nactus Decumana poru se ex castris eiecit. That Praetoria was the foregate, and Decumana the backegate it appears by the place of Livy above alleged lib. 10. ab tergo castrorum Decumana por● impetus factus: and yet Polybius calleth the side where K. standeth perpetually 
3 The foreside of the camp.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
4 The backside of the camp.  and that other wherein H. standeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as I think, only by way of supposition and docendi causa, because in his description of the lodgings he beginneth at the PRAETORIUM and proceedeth on forward toward Porta Decumana.  
Thus have we a description for two of Polybius ordinary Legions with their Auxilia, which was the ordinary army of one Consul: a camp perfectly square, not as the Grecians (although according to Frontinus the Romans took this whole learning of Pyrrhus a Grecian) who framed their camp according to the ground, whereas the 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. josephus.  Romans framed the ground to their camp, and distinguished it with streets and passages in so good an order, that a man might as readily find his place there, as his own house in the town where he was borne. The whole perimetre within the trenches amounted to eight thousand two hundredth foot, or one thousand six hundredth fifty paces: every side, according to the positions already laid, containing two thousand fifty foot. Now when the Legions were much fuller than ordinary, in lodging both horse and foot the 
b Polyb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  partitions were made proportionably bigger as well in length as in breadth, and so the square figure still retained. But if the Auxilia do exceed, first they contrive the QVAESTORIUM and FORUM into one, and lodge them in the other: or if that do not suffice, they make more rows of lodgings upon the right and left hand of the Auxiliary quarter, enlarging the figure in breadth by that means, and retaining the former length. And likewise if more than two Legions under one General were to be encamped together, the figure was, I suppose, 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  a long square, enlarged only in breadth with more rows of lodgings on both sides the street c. c. c. c. For Tacitus in a place above alleged signifieth that by measuring the Principia we might find out the number of the Legions, which presupposing, the enlargement in length could not by that means be so well discerned. But when four Legions under two 
d Polyb. p. 184. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for so it must be red, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and in the next line for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we are contrarily to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Consuls were to be joined in one camp, if it pleased the Generals to keep their standings a part it was likewise a long square, but doubled in length, in all other respects agreeing with this description: & the Camp so doubled contained twice as much ground, perimetre half as much more with six gates, two Decumanae, two Sinistrae Principales, and two Dextrae without any Praetoria at all. But when it pleased them to pitch together they placed the FORUM, QVAESTORIUM & PRAETORIUM in the middle between the two armies; the Extraordinarij and Auxilia externa quartering, as it may seem, in this case, between the Tribunes and soldiers lodgings in the same quantity of ground as before, and with convenient streets on both sides.  
The General officer over the Camp was called Praefectus Castrorum: 
e Veget. l. 2. c. 10.  to whose charge appertained to stake out the Camp and see it kept sweet, to appoint and order the trenches and ditch, to quarter the soldiers with their carriage in their lodging, to provide diet and physic for the sick and pay the physician etc. 
f Veget la. c. 11.  Particularly over the smiths, carpenters and other artificers with the engineers and such like the officer was called Praefectus fabrûm. Both of them, as I think, lodged in QVAESTORIO, where it is likely the Legati legionum also were quartered, & in the free state the Legati consulares.  

g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Polyb. lib. 6. & lib. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Assoon as ever the tents were pitched, and camp settled, all which followed the camp both bond and free received an oath called sacramentum castrense, which according to Polybius was, 
g That is, That he should steal nothing out of the camp, but if any happened to find aught he should carry it to the Tribunes. lib. 6. p. 184.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & in another place he toucheth a matter of greater importance, concerning the just representation of the spoil in the sacking of cities, a point most profitably induced, whether the spoil were to be reserved to public uses, or else divided among the soldiers, whereof the worst sort are commonly most nimble that way. But chiefly it stayed the minds of those, who by the General's commandment remained in arms in the Market place against all sudden mischances of war, being assured thereby of equal part with the rest in the pray which should be taken by others. A. 
h Lib. 16. c. 4.  Gellius setteth the very form of the oath down in more particular terms out of Cincius de re militari; In exercitu decemque millia passuum propè furtum non facies dolo malo solus, neque cum pluribus pluris numi argentei in dies fingulos. extraque bastam, hastile, ligna, pabulum, utrem, follem, faculam, si quid ibi inveneris ꝙ pluris numi argentei erit, uti tu ad Coss. sive ad quem eorum alter iusseret perferas, aut prositebere in triduo proximo quicquid inveneris sustulerisue dolo malo, aut domino suo cuium id censebis esse reddes, uti quod rectè factum esse voles.  
In service the Legionary soldier had allowance of pay, corn and apparel: and at the end of his service a consideration in money, or land of inheritance, and sometimes both. For the pay Livy 
a Lib. 4. fol. 55.  writeth thus. Anno urbis condita 349. decrevit Senatus ut stipendium 
b The footman alone: for three years after Equiti primùm certus numerus aeris est assignatus. Livius.  miles de publico acciperet, cùm anteid tempus de suo quisque functus co munere esset. The quantity Polybius limiteth in the sixth book, at least as it was in his time, assigning to a footman the third part of a 
c Drachma is the eight part of an ounce, about 7d. ob English.  drachma, or two oboli by the day, which Polybius in another place resolveth into four asses, to a Centurion twice so much, to a horseman a drachma, or Roman denarius then currant for twelve asses. This pay continued, as I suppose, in this form till Caesar's time, qui legionibus stipendium in perpetuum duplicavit. Suetonius julio. cap. 26. So that the footman had by the day eight asses, the Centurion sixteen, the horse twenty four. Augustus' increased the footemen pay to 
d Tacit. 1. Ann. p. 225. lin. 5, 11. p. 228, lin. 25.  ten asses a day, and as it seemeth shortly after it rose to a full denarius. Beside wages the soldiers received in later times vestem de publico, as it were some livery garment, not all his apparel, as I suppose. Plutarch Gracchis, among the laws which were established by C. Gracchus' one was, sayeth he, 
1 That is, Military, commanding a garment to be given the soldier by the officer without any deduction of wages therefore.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for before, as it appeareth by Polybius, they received apparel, and other necessaries of the Quaestor, but the price was set up in their wages. Vegetius lib. 2. cap. 19 Imperatoris miles, qui vest & annonâ publicâ pascitur. Thirdly they received frumentum. Vegetius in the place above alleged, Imperatoris miles qui annonâ publicâ pascitur. And in the free state. Sallust. jugurth. Miles frumentum publicè datum vendere, panes in diem mercari. In Polybius time the price was deducted out of their wages, and so it continued long afterward: for Nero was the first, which unto the Praetorians (who were in all preferments the foremost) dedit sine pretio frumentum, which before they had at some under price. Tacit. 15. Annal. p. 542. The measure was to a footman for a month two thirds of an Athenian medimnus of wheat: to a horseman two Medimni of wheat, and seven of oats or barley: as having, as it may be supposed, a spare horse, and an attendant or two allowed. Polyb. lib. 6. pag. 187. Donat upon Terence limiteth dimensum servi to be four modij the month, precisely agreeing with the rate of Polybius footman in this place. For a medimnus containeth justly six modij, according to Tully Frumentariâ in Verrem, Suidas, and others. Notwithstanding the dimensum servi grew afterward, as it may appear by the words of Marcius in Sallust, and by 
e Ep. 81.  Seneca, to five modij a month. Herodotus Polymnia vittaileth Xerxes' people at a choenix (that is the forty eightth part of a medimnus) a day, and that was indeed 
2 That is, A days allowance. Suidas & alij.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 among the Grecians, somewhat less than Polybius rate, who alloweth thirty two choenices the month. For the quantity of medimnus and modius thus we may gather it. Quadrantal is the measure of a cubical 
f The Roman foot less than ours by half our inch.  Roman foot. Festus and others. Now quadrantal containeth tres modios according to Volusius Moetianus, which is half a medimnus. So that a measure of a square Roman foot in the bottom, and the third part of a foot high, is the Roman modius: and of two foot high with the same bottom, an Atticall medimnus. Of our vulgar measures medimnus being less than a bushel and an half, and modius, which our common learning construeth for a bushel about a pint less than a peck. For consideration at the end of their service the old soldier had oftentimes an assignment in land of inheritance, as after the second Punic war the Senate 
g Lin. lib. 31, fol. 244. C.  awarded to them which had served in Africa quod agri Samnitis & Appuli publicum populi Romani esset, and at other times upon like occasions. Sylla to the 
h Appia. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 199. Which were, saith he, thirty two. Livim in epitoma 89. forty seven, as I think, by corruption of copy.  Legions which had served vnd● him in the civil wars 
3 That is, Distributed much land in Italy; some which had lain in common before; and some taking it by force from the owners.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not only as in recompense of th● former service, but much more to have so many good soldiers at hand, whose fortune could not be severed from his, and whom he might raise in a moment the case so requiring. The like upon like respects did Caesar julius placing his veteranas legiones in colonies about him. Antonius and Augustus conspiring against the state named before hand eighteen of the fairest and richest cities in Italy as Capua,, Rhegium, Venusia, Nuceria, Beneventum, Ariminium etc. which they promised to distribute and part among the soldiers after the war 
1 Both land: and houses.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, voiding all the old inhabitants, and accordingly for the most part performed it. under the Empire all provinces were replenished with such military colonies. For consideration in money at the end of their service before Augustus' time I find no stint set down. At the triumph after some great war the soldier had some little remembrance: at the triumph of 
a Liu. li. 30 f 213.  Africanus forty asses a piece, two shillings six pence English. At the triumph of 
b Liu. i 45 f 387.  Paulus forty five asses, double the Centurion, triple the horse. At the triumph of 
c Appian. Mithr. pag. 159.  Pompey out of Asia 
d 46.li. 3. ˢ 9.d.  fifteen hundredth drachmas a common soldier, and the rest in proportion. so much was either wealth or ambition grown in so few years. At the Triumph of 
e App. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 244.  Caesar after the civil wars the soldier 
f 156.li. 5.s.  five thousand drachmas, the Centurion ten thousand, the Tribune twenty thousand. Augustus' reducing it to a certainty upon the Garde-souldier at the end of sixteen years service 
g Dio. li. 55. p. 384.  bestowed five thousand drachmas, upon the legionary at the end of twenty, three thousand. For the pay of the Auxilia, the allies in the free state had their pay and 
h Polyb l 6. p. 187.  paymaster from home, as living in some equality of alliance, and yet recognizing a superiority. Some allowance in corn they had even in Polybius days from the Romans. In Augustus' time first and so in the Empire the social Auxilia carrying arms more for the maintenance of the Prince's estate, then for the interest of their own liberty, received their pay and other commodities of the Prince as well as the Legions.  
It remaineth now to consider the number of the Legions and men which the Romans commonly armed, or armed at the highest, or possibly could arm. Rome in her infancy had only one Legion, according to Dionysius and 
i Livy in Romulus' time. fol. 3. F. ad hos Romana legio ducta, saith he, in the singular number: and fo. 6, F. in the beginning of Tullus Hostilius, Romanas legiones ium spes deserve. rat in the plural.  Varro, consisting of three thousand footmen, and three hundredth horse, as before it is showed: notwithstanding the words before alleged of 
k Romulo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Plutarch, a man of a base alloy, seem to import a multitude. After the Ceninenses, and Antennates were incorporated, the Romans had then, saith Dionysius. lib. 2. pag. 77, six thousand 
l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  legionary footmen, that is according to the usage of that time, two complete Legions. In his army against the Sabins, Romulus armed of his own people, and from his grandfather twenty thousand footmen, and eight hundredth horse. Dionysius. pag. 78. Afterward the Sabins being received into the City, and the Camerini with others, at his death Romulus 
m Dionys. l. 2. p. 67.  left the City furnished of forty six thousand footmen, and little less than 
n According to Livy lib. 1. fol. 4, B. & 9 E. 900. horse in tribus centurijs.  a thousand horse; a great and almost incredible increase in one man's reign. In the time of Tullus Hostilius third king of the Romans by the ruins of Alba the Roman forces were 
o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  doubled. Dionysius. lib. 3. pag. 130. Which if it be true in grammatical understanding, the state of Rome at that time was able to make wellnigh an hundredth thousand men to the field: an excessive number of soldiers, seeing the whole cense, which contained all men above seventeen years, not 
p Dionys. l 9 pag. 430.  bond nor mechanical, in servius time amounted but to eighty thousand, or eighty four thousand seven hundredth, as Livy, and the same Dionysius pag. 167 do witness; although Fabius Pictor indeed maketh it the number of men able for service, something approaching to our number collected by consequence out of Dionysius words. In the free state, from the beginning in a manner without interruption, they commonly armed every year four Legions with their Auxilia, as 
q lib 1. pag. 6. 3. pag. 101. 6. pag. 180.  Polybius an eywitnesse, and 
r lib. 8, fol. 91, E.  Livy do testify. which according to the lowest reckoning of those times with the Auxilia make thirty two thousand footmen, and four and twenty hundredth horse. And this was their ordinary yearly stint, observed even in peaceable times, & as it were to keep their hands in: a point of great consideration and necessary use in a warlike common wealth. But how many they armed upon occasions, or possibly could arm is another consideration. In the battle ad lacum Regillum, Anno Vrbis conditae 257, the Romans 
s Dionys. l. 6. p. 225  put in the field twenty four thousand, that is six complete Legions, as the Legion was then, and three thousand horse, five hundredth as it seemeth to a Legion, which exceedeth greatly the use of only twenty, lacking (beside the same nine which are wanting in Dio) septima Galbiana, & the Vicesima which we have placed in Syria. Now thirty one Legions Imperial, which in Galba's time we do find, according to our suppositions contain an hundredth eighty six thousand footmen, and eighteen thousand six hundredth horse. The Auxilia of the one kind and of the other in number not much otherwise. So we have in these times usually maintained by the Empire, footmen three hundredth seventy two thousand, and horse thirty seven thousand two hundredth at the smallest reckoning. Whose ordinary pay, beside corn and some apparel, at one denarius or drachma a day for the footman, and three for the horse, beside the increase of wages given to the officers, amounteth by the year to an hundredth seventy seven millions five hundredth fourteen thousand denarij, in our money five millions five hundredth sixteen thousand sixty two pounds and ten shillings: which is more than the great Turk at this day receiveth in two years toward all charges. And yet they maintained beside a guard of many thousands for the Prince with double pay, another for the Provost of the city, with many Cohorts of Nightwatchers; and many armadaes with proper soldiers annexed, as shall be declared. Neither can we find throughout all the Roman story for lack of pay any disorder or mutinee to have grown among the soldiers though otherwise very mutinously disposed.  
The service at home in the City was performed by three sorts of soldiers principally; Praetoriani, Vrbani and Vigiles. Praetorium, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the General's pavilion, be he Consul or Praetor, or else whatsoever: and Praetoria cohors a band of chosen men to the guard of his person, so named by Scipio Africanus, but induced before in Romulus' time by the name of Celeres, selected ex fortissimis & nobilissimis, 
1 That is, Whom always he had about him being 300. in number, for the guard of his person and dispatch of urgent affairs.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (
a Livius.  non in bello solùm sed etiam in pace) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys. lib. 2. p. 65. in the free common wealth not used, but 
b As in the battle ad Reg●llum the Dictator had cohortem delectam circa le praesidij c●●sa. Liu l. 2. f●. 18. D.  abroad in the war, till Sylla and Caesar usurping the state retained also at home as among enemies their usual guard. But Sylla 
c Appian. 1. & 2 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 200. 240. Sallust, and other.  resigning the state and his guard both at once, howsoever he is charged by Caesar nescire literas, may seem to have followed a better grammar than Caesar himself; who dismissing his guard and not his government, committed a notable and dangerous solecism in matter of state, and opened the way to his own destruction. After the death of Caesar the state being troubled, Antonius by permission of the Senate 
2 That is, Put a guard about his person.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of six thousand chosen men. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 265. And Octavius pretending enmity against Antonius returned out of Campania 
3 That is, Bringing with him 10000 men under one ensign for the guard of his person only.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 279. and in the page following Antonius marching from Brundisium to Rome 
4 That is, Selected out of his whole army a Praetorian cohort of the best & choicest men.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In bello Philippensia Praetorian cohort of two thousand going towards Octavius was intercepted at sea by those of the contrary part. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 337. and after the war Antonius and Octavius 
5 That is, Received into service 8000. soldiers which desired to continued in pay, and distributed them into Praetorian cohortes.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 347. and after the battle at Actium Augustus eschewing his father's fault, and thinking it expedient for the safety of his person, maintenance of his state, and dispatch of affairs to have in a readiness a convenient company of soldiers in arms, established under the name of Praetoriani a guard often thousand men divided into ten cohorts: saith Dio. 
d pag 384.  lib. 53. Tacitus 4. 
e pag. 333.  Annal mentioneth but nine in Tiberius' time. In Vitellius time pravitate vel ambitu confusus ordo militiae, sedecim praetoriae, quatuor urbanae cohortes scribebantur, quibus singula millia messent. 2. Hist. p. 104. This guard of Praetorians consisted è militibus Etruria fermè Vmbriaque delectis, aut vetere Latio, & colonijs antiquitùs Romanis, differing in that point only from the guard of tyrants in ancient times, which commonly consisted of mercenary strangers, and so the Emperors had also another guard of Germans, Tacitus. 1, Annal. robora Germanorum qui tum custodes imperatori aderant. 13. Annal. Germanos super eundem honorem custodes additos. Sueton: 
f cap. 34.  Nerone. abductaque militum & Germanorum station. which guard Galba dissolved. Suet. cap. 12. Germanorum cohortem à Caesaribus olim ad custodiam corporis institutam multisque experimentis fidelissimam dissoluit, ac sine ullo commodo remisit in patriam. Dio, lib. 55. maketh mention also of certain horsemen of Batavia attending upon the Prince. 
1 That is, Certain choice horsemen stranger, whom they call Batavi of Batavia an ●le in the Rhine; but the number of them I cannot precisely set down.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of the Praetoriani some were horsemen: Tac. 1. Annal, Additur magna pars praetoriani equitis. Suet: Claudio. c. 21. Africanus exhibuit Claudius conficiente turmâ equitum praetorianorum, ducibus tribunis ipsoque praefecto. most footmen, as Spiculatores, and other. Their proper office was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (and so they are called of the Greek writers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to watch and ward at the Palace every Cohort in their turn, or to accompany the Prince abroad in Forum, in Curiam, in conuivium etc. Tac. 1. Hist: Consultantibus placuit tentari animum cohortis, quae in palatio stationem agebat. and again, Annal: 12. Egreditur Nero ad cohortem quae more militae excubijs adest. Suet, 
a cap. 6.  Othone: Obstitit respectus cohortis quae tunc excubabat. Tac. Annal. 1: Miles in forum, miles in curiam comitabatur. Dio. li. 60. 
2 That is, At banquets Claudius had always some soldiers attending upon him. which custom begun by him is continued even to this day. p. 457.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And not only the Prince himself, but his wife, mother and children had likewise some of these Praetoriani attending upon them. Tac. 13. Annal. Excubias militares, quae ut coniugi imperatoris olim, tum & ut matri seruabantur, digredi jubet. With Germanicus in Germany were duae praetoriae cohortes, 2. Ann. whether of the body of the Roman Guard, or after the ancient use of the word, I can not determine. And 1. Annal. Tiberius sendeth with his son Drusus into Pamnonia duas praetorias cohortes. At the plays I find that a cohort assisted to keep good order. Tac. 13. Ann. Statio cohortis assidere ludis solita demovetur. Moreover in accompanying Ambassadors sent from the Prince, in doing executions and murders, and many other serviceable points they were by the Princes employed. In the war but seldom upon urgent occasions. Tac. 1. Hist. Quod rarò aliâs praetorianus, urbanusque miles in aciem deducti. Of the Praetorian soldiers the principal officers were called Praefecti praetorio, Captains of the guard we may term them, chosen at the first out of military men till upon the danger discovered that way, how unsafe it was to put such strength into men's hands of that quality though of mean birth, wisdom in later times and skill in law was in that choice rather respected, as it appeareth by Papinian, Ulpian and other famous Lawyers preferred to that room: by means of whom peradventure the place became in the end more 
b Cui princeps rerum iudiciorumque summam commisitiqui & vice sacra judicat & cunctarum provinciarum maximam posestatem habet: praeier qu●m vel vicarium eius nullus magistratus hab●t plenissimum imperium merum.  judicial than military; but at all times the greatest office in the state. Zos'. lib. 2. 
3 That is, the office of the Praefictus Praetorio is esteemed the next degree to the Prince. p. 687  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The number of them at the first institution was two. Maecenas apud Dionem lib. 52. in his advise to Augustuo, 
4 That is, I counsel you to appoint two of the most choice persons of the Equites for captains of your guard. ●o commit it to one may bre●●●e danger, and to more confusion. wherefore let there be two Prafecti Praetorio, that if one besicke, you may not want one to perform so necessary a charge. p. 325.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
c Some other Grecians call the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Agrippina persuaded Claudius to reduce the whole government to one. Tacit. 12. Annal. Distrahi cohortes ambitu duorum, & si ab uno regerentur intensiorem fore disciplinam asseverante uxore, transfertur regimen cohortium ad Burrhum Afranium egregiae militaris famae. After whose death Nero again duos praetorijs cohortibus imposuit. Ann. 14. In Galba's time ●aco was only without any fellow. Otho made two, Plotius Firmus, and Licinius Proculus, as appeareth by Tacitus. 1. Hist. and so consequently afterward, sometime one, sometime two, as it pleased the Prince. Now that which Maecenas counseleth Augustus to choose them ex equitibus Romanis & no higher (least their high birth should give them courage perchance to attempt against their sovereigns) was observed in a manner continually till the time of Alexander Mammaeae, qui Praefectis Praetorij suis, saith Lampridius, senatorian addidit dignitatem, ut viri clarissimi & essent, & dicerentur: quod ante à vel rarò fuerat, vel omnino non fuerat: cousque ut si quis imperatorum successorem Praef. Praet. dare vellet, laticlavium eidem per libertum submitteret. Notwithstanding in Vespasians time Titus praefecturam quoque praetorij suscepit, nunquam adid tempus nisi ab equity Romano administratam. Suet. 
d cap. 6.  
d Festus.  Tito, which opinion of Suetonius I find checked by Tacitus. 4. 
e pag. 190.  Hist. where Aretinus Clemens before that time, quanquam senatorij ordinis, was made Praefectus Praetorio. Beside the two Captains there was one Praefectus castrorum, Tribuni as many as Cohorts: and under the Tribunes Centuriones, and other petty officers, as in the armies abroad. Their pay was in the free state ᶠ sesquiplex, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Empire double to that of the Legionary soldiers. The Senators, saith Dio. li. 53, 
5 That is, Immediately established a law that those which should be of Augustus guard should receive double pay to the rest of the soldiers, to the end they might be more diligent and watchful in their charge.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tacitus 1. Annal. limiteth the sum, An Praetorias cohortes, quae binos denarios acceperint, etc. that is in our money fifteen pence, which no doubt is meant of the simple footman only, for a Legionary horseman had more. These Praetorian bands in Augustus and part of Tiberius' time, lying dispersed in the City and colonies about, were by Sejanus united and placed together in castris prope vivarium constructis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they called it in Greek. Sejanus, sayeth Tacicitus. 4. Annal, vim praefecturae modicam antea intendit, dispersas 
a Su●t. Augusto. ●. 49. neque unquam plures quam tres cohortes in urbe esse passus est. Augustus, easque sine castris, reliquas in hiberna & aestiva circa finitimae oppida dimittere assueverat.  per urbem cohortes una in castra conducendo, ut simul imperia acciperent numeroque & robore & visu inter se, fidueia ipsis, in caeteros metus crearetur. praetendebat lascivire militem diductum. si quid subitum ingruat, maiori auxilio pariter subveniri, & severius acturos si vallum statuatur procul urbis illecebris. Suetonius 
b cap. 37.  Tiberio. Romae castra constituit, quibus praetorianae cohortes vagae ante id tempus & per hospitia dispersae continerentur. The ruins are under the walls of Rome, as it is now not far from Saint Laurence gate. For afterwards Constantine the great, perceiving the order to have more of the bad in it then of the good, 
1 That is, Ca●sed the Praetorian soldiers, and destroyed their camp. lib. 2 p. 677.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sayeth Zosimus, retaining the name of Praefectus Praetorij still, but matring the office ● (sayeth the same 
c lib. 2. pag. 688.  Zosimus who seldom sayeth well of that Prince) by dividing it into 
d Praefectus Praetoris orientis. Praefectus Praet. Illyric. P. P Jtaliae. P, P. Galliae.  four, and weakening their authority. Milites urbani in Augustus' time (if Dio be not deceived, as I think he 
e For in another place he writeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and Tacitus 3. Hist. maketh 1000 an excessive and disorderly number for the Vrbani. pa. 104.  is) were in number six thousand, distributed into four Cohorts, or companies. Dio 
f pag. 384.  lib. 55. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Tiberius and cain's time into three only. 4. 
g pag. 333.  Annahum. Tres urbanae cohortes. and josephus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
h cap. 18.  lib. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which, as it appeareth by Suetonius 
i cap. 10.  Claudio, were the cohortes urbanae. in Vitellius time quatuor urbanae cohortes quibus singula millia inessent. Tacitus. 2. Hist. pag. 104. Their governor was called Praefectus urbis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 taken ex senatorio ordine. whose office Dio describeth lib. 52 in Maecenas oration; 
2 That is, Let there be a Praefectus urbis one of the greatest countenance & such as before hath passed all degrees of honour with commendation, not to govern in absence of other officers, but to undertake the government of the city both in other matters, & namely to judge in cases of appeal from other magistrates, and in criminal not only within the city but within 650 stadia round about.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (leg. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. veletiam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
k 1. Dig. quic quid intra urbem ad. vuttuur, ad praefectum urbi vide tur pertinere. sed & si quid intra centesimum millia●tum admissum sit. ad praefectum urbi pertines. so that Dio in this place seemeth to make six stadia and an half answerable to a Roman mile.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. His office dured for life, unless it pleased the Prince otherwise upon desert or displeasure to deprive him. Dio. lib. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tac. 6. An showeth the occasion of the foundation of the office in the old common wealth, and the use of it in the new. L. Piso praefectus urbis recens contiwam potestatem, & insolentia parendi graviorem mirè temperavit. Namque antea profectis domo regibus, ac mox magistratibus, ne urbs sine imperio foret, in tempus deligebatur quitus redderet, ac subitis mederetur. Caeterum Augustus bellis civilibus Ciluium Maecenatem equestris ordinis cunctis apud Romam atque Italiam praeposuit. Mox rerum potitus, ob magnitudinem populi, ac tarda legum auxilia, sumpsit è consularibus, qui coerceret seruitia, & quod audacia turbidum, nisi vim metuat. Notwithstanding this new office, the name and shadow of the old remained still, when the Consuls going forth ad instaurandum sacrum in Albano monte one or two of the young nobility were left for fashion sake, with title of Praefectus urbis, and authority of the Consuls. Tac. 6. Annal. Duratque adhuc simulacrum, quoties ob ferias Latinas praeficitur qui consulare munus usurpet. read Suetonius Claudio. cap. 4. Nerone. cap. 7. Aulus Gellius lib. 14. cap. ultimo. but principally 1. Digest. tit. 12. and 1. cod. tit. 38. where the points of this office are set down particularly. Vigiles were night walking soldiers appointed by Augustus ad restinguenda incendia, prohibenda 
l Cassiodorus de praefecto vigilum qui surta in suribus facis, dum illos noctu circumuents.  furta nocturna etc. ex libertinis and afterwards of others too, severed into seven companies, with one Praefectus Vigilum, a 
m Deo officio praefecti vigilum vide Dig. 1. tit. 15. cod. 1. tit. 43.  Gentleman of Rome, Tribunes and other officers. Strabo. lib. 5, 
3 That is, Against the inconvenience of fire by night Augustus appointed bands of soldiers taken ì libertius generis hominibus.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dio lib. 55. 
4 That is, Because about that season many parts of the ci●ty— were wasted by fi●e, ●gustus to me●●e with such mischances chose ●a●● l●bertinis seven companies appointing an Eque● for their governor, meaning it only for a time. Howbeit by experience finding the use and necessity of that institution he retained it still. & so they remain even to our days, collected not only e libertin. 1. but of other, also and have their camps in the cit●● and pa●●f the state.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 385.  
The city of Rome though opportunely seated for sea matters, as being distant only fifteen miles from mare Tyrrhenum, and having the river of Tiber passing thorough the city of convenient breadth, and for depth able to carry small vessels, nevertheless many hundredth years neglected the service. Which thing peradventure among others was not the least cause which maintained the state in integrity, and preserved it so long without corruptions, of which the traffic, and service by sea, as these politics make us believe, is the principal mother and nurse. Notwithstanding a conquering state, and they which will live 
1 That i●, by thei● a● La●ds of others or in liberty themselves, must necessarily have a competent p●wer that was also Arist 7. Politico●um.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, must necessarily have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And generally no state may look to stand without notable molestation, and danger of ruin, much less to enlarge, which in any kind of service, on foot, or one horseback, or by sea is quite defective and utterly disfurnished, although perhaps it cannot in all attain to that degree of perfection, which some of their neighbours have attained unto. Wherefore the Romans in the first Punic war having to deal with the Carthaginians, undoubted lords of the sea 
2 Of a long time even from their ancestors.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and perceiving the error, in the year ab urbe conditâ 490 determined to apply themselves, and diligently to attend to that part of service: having before, as Polybius reporteth, not only no naves tectae, but no naves longae at all, no not so much as any lembus or passage boat, but only upon borrowing. As for the Quinquereme a principal ship of war, their shipwrights knew not any way what it meant, till such time as one of the Carthaginians by great good chance was in the straight at Rhegium run upon ground, and so being taken by the Romans, the shipwrightes used it for a pattern. Again the men which were mustered, having never served at sea, were set upon benches in the same order, and taught by practice upon the dry land to keep their time and measure in strokes. And this was indeed the first time the 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polyb. li. 1. pag. 9  Romans attended to service by water; although some Roman 
b Apud Livium lib. 4 50. D.  writers upon a vanity and ambition have reported, anno urbis conditae 329 class ad Fidenas pugnatum fuisse cum Verentibus. which perhaps was some brawl between bargemen; as indeed the river is so straight at that place, that scarce two barges can pass one by another. And 
c lib. 9, f. 106, K. 109, A etc. and Florus lib. 1, c. 11 about the time of the waire with the Latin's: extant & partae de Anno spolia, capta hostium class; si tamen illa clas●is. nam sex fuere rostratae sed hic numerus illu ini●●s nauale bellum fait.  Livy not altogether free of the humour, in his former books maketh solemn mention of the navy, of Praefectus orae maritimae, Duumutri navales, socij navales and so forth, which either were not at all, or not to any purpose of war. For as concerning matter of merchandise, many years before, Ancus Marcius perceiving that Tiber at the mouth yielded commodity of haven, builded Ostia to lad and unlade wares there, 
3 That is, So that Rome was not only served of whatsoever the country about did afford but by that means provided also of sea commodities.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionysius. 
d pag. 136.  lib. 3. And yet to say true, I see not how that opinion of Polybius can in rigour stand with the causes of the Tarentin war some years before that time, alleged by the common consent of all the Roman stories, but specified most particularly by Appian pag. 443. in his fragment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Epitome of Livy. lib. 12. first that there was an ancient league with the Tarentines, 
4 That is, That the Romans with their ship should not pass the point called Lacintum.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which showeth that the Romans haunted the sea. Then that the Roman Duumuir went with ten naves 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  tectae to survey the coasts of Magna Graecia, whereof four were sunk, one taken, and the Duumuir slain. But whether now first or otherwise, the Romans upon the occasion before mentioned entering the sea brought thither from their service by land, saith Polybius, a kind of violent proceeding, as though wind and weather notwithstanding, what once they had determined to do, that they must necessarily go thorough withal. Which manner of contending and striving or rather enforcing of Fortune, as it is by land commendable, and to the Romans hath been cause of infinite good, so by sea against that wild element it did them more harm, than their enemies the Carthaginians did; who although through their long experience by sea they excelled the Romans in skill and agility 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet 
1 That is, At handy strokes in grappling, and valour of soldiers.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being inferior, they were at the length inferior in the whole.  
Ships, as far as concerneth our purpose, were of three sorts: of war, of burden, and of passage: the first rowed with oar, the second governed with sail, and the last often towed with cords. Ships of passage by sea, were either for transportation of men, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: or of horses, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hippagines. over a river, or some short cut peradventure by sea, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, feriboates, if the number were few; and to pass whole armies with their carriage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rates, planks or faggots tied together. Ships of burden, onerariae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 
2 Hulks.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which word our vulgar language also retaineth, were for carriage of victual and other provision, sometime for 
a Caesar. 4. come. appointeth 80. onerarias ad duas legione● transpor●andas.  transportation of soldiers also. Of ships of war the most principal and of greatest service were naves longae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so named of their form most apt both to be weelded and to make way, whereas ships of burden were commonly built big in the belly, and more round for capacity. Now Longae were sorted again into their several kinds, according to the number of 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith one.  banks & oars placed one above another, as I take it, though peradventure not directly. some I know have concluded otherwise, that in the Trireme for example, three men with three oars sat upon one bank, and some other that three men pulled at one oar, directly against both the authority of ancient writers produced by themselves, and contrary to the ancient portraitures of triremes remaining yet to be seen: so incredible a thing it seemed to believe that which in our galleys now adays they never saw: where as in truth Zosimus telleth us, that very many years before his time they had discontinued to make any triremes at all: as indeed from the battle at Actium, till the battle between Constantin the great and Licinius at Hellespont, I do not remember by sea any action of moment. His words be li. 5. p. 797. 
3 That is, These ships (speaking of the Liburnicae) are as swift at sea as the Galley of fifty cares, but nothing of the like service to the Triteme, which kind of ship this many years hath not been built, although Polybius describeth the measures and proportions of the Hexeres an usual ship in the wars between the Carthaginians and Romans.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But howsoever, some different circumstance in the manner of rowing produced the different kinds of Naves longae. For generally the ships of war, as before we have said, although in the flight, and otherwise for speed both oar and sail were used, in the 
c Dio. li. 50. p. 297. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  combat were directed only by oar, as being a thing very serviceable in those calm seas, and more at commandment. The most usual kinds of Naves longae in the Roman wars, especially ancient, were these three, Triremis, Quadriremis, and Quinqueremis: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exceeding one another by one rank of oars, and consequently rowed with more strength, and builded more high. In the nienth year of the first Punic war the two Admirals were Hexeres. 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Polyb. l. 1. And in the writers of Roman stories we have mention also above this number, though seldom used in the Roman wars, as of Hepteres, Octeres, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Philippe of Macedon father to Perseus had an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polyb. in fragm. p. 17. which place 
e lib. 33 fol 264.  Livy translateth thus: Regiam vnan inhabilis prope magnitudinis, quam sexdecim 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  versus remorum agebant. And yet the Egyptian Kings exceeded usque ad viginti, & triginta versus remorum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: and Philopator, as 
g Demetrio. pag 1666.  Plutarch and 
h lib. 5.  Athenaeus testify, built one of forty rank 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, more like to a castle or palace, than a ship, being in length fore hundredth and twenty foot, and in height seventy two, containing four thousand rowers, other mariners four hundredth, and almost three thousand soldiers. On the other side under Triremis there were two perfect kinds, Biremis and Moneres, and two unperfect, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Biremis, in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and more usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 consisted of two ranks of oars; of which the fittest for ser-seruice both for lightness and swiftness were called Liburnicae, as 
i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 62.  Appian saith, of the Liburni a people in Dalmatia who were the inventors of that fashion & building: albeit in later times, as it may seem by Vegetius and others, all ships, though of more or fewer ranks than two, built after that manner were generally called Liburnicae. 
a Tacitus 1. Hist. pag. 213. comple● quod bitemium, quaeque simplies ordine agebantur, interpreting Moneres into Latin.  Moneres mentioned by Livy lib. 38. was a galley consisting of one simple rank, whereof I remember five kinds specially named: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Actuaria viginti remorum, of twenty oars, 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. incertus author adfinem Atliani.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which had thirty (named also by 
c pag. 71.  Polybius in fragmentis, as it seemeth to me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which had forty, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which had fifty, as the galleys now a days commonly have, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which had an hundredth. The Grecians use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and more usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which 
d lib 10 c 25.  Gellius translateth celox as equivalent to Moneres: and so that gradation in the sixth of Polybius seemeth to induce; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Of the unperfect kinds, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seemeth to have been a ship furnished with one rank and a half only, as it were between a Moneres and a Biremis: and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, between a Biremis and a Triremis, with two rows and an half. These four kinds under the Trireme, although being built as I suppose, ad forman longarum navium, yet are not so generally comprehended by the name, but in the writings of approved authors stand oftentimes in opposition to longae, and some of the kinds to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also. Livius libro. 21, severeth celoces, and lib. 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from longae. 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Thucydides in his poem seemeth not to allow the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and yet to some other under the Trireme, whereas Herodotus, Cho, expressly nameth it inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the same which in 
f Polymnia.  another place setteth both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in opposition to ships of war: and so doth 
g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Plutarch, Catone, by oversight Liburnicae. and that some of the Moneres also were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is clear by Livy libro. 38: Neue monerem habeto ex belli causa, which else were a vain and needless addition. Beside these sorts diversified, as we see, by the number of rows, we have in the stories particular mention of others, as Myoparones, Pristes, Phaseli, Cercuri, etc. differing peradventure from those we have reckoned in the fashion and manner of building, as being in some part built like to the Longae, and in part to the Hulks, as Appian, 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, witnesseth namely 
h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Phaseli trieritici. And these kinds of shipping we find also to have been employed in service by sea, sometime principally, and sometime 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and as accessaries to others. And thus much of the different fashions of ships of war, which again were divided in tectus & aportas: rostratas, turritas, and such as were otherwise. Tectae, or constratae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so called because they had 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, hatches: apertae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having none: although Aphractum in the neuter gender in some places of Tully, Diodore, Plutarch etc. seemeth to stand for some special kind of ship, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Polybius for a Quinquereme. The greater ships, as Quaariremis and upward, had always, as far as I remember, hatches: the Triremes and 
i Liburnica constrata. Plutarch. Antonio. and contrarily the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in opposition to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Appianus Mithridat.  Biremes sometimes otherwise: the rest that were under in a manner always apertae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were induced to the end that the ship might be more capable of soldiers for her defence, nam anteâ, saith Pliny. libro. 7, ex prorâ tantum & puppi pugnabatur. Rostratae, aeratae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, were such as had rostra ex aere, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rostra were common to all ships of war, greater or smaller, covered or open, to all such at the least, which were to encounter with the enemy: in Speculatorijs, and such like that were merely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being not greatly material. For whereas in their manner of fight by sea there were three ordinary ways to offend, either to break the enemy's ship by running against it, to wipe away her oars, or to kill the soldiers which stood at defence upon the hatches and so board her, for performing the first it was meet that their own should be surely and strongly headed for that encounter. Turritae, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which had ad proram & puppim turrium propugnacula, ut in mari quoque, sayeth 
k lib. 32.  Pliny, pugnaretur velut è muris. Pollux maketh mention of 
1 The right and left turret.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which were on the sides.  
The officers in the navy were Praefectus classis, Admiral of the whole Armada; Duumuiri in the ancient story, when as two were joined in the commission. Trierarchus governor of a particular ship, than Gubernator the Master, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and other under officers: the rest socij navales or milites, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. again socij navales of two sorts, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, remiges to handle the oar, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whom Caesar calleth nautas, for the other services in the ship. Socij navales in the free state were collected ex ultimae classis hominibus, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 
a lib. 6. p 180.  Polybius speaketh; in later times ex 
b 3. Hist. 132. etc.  Dalmatis, Pannonijs etc. The soldiers, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, most commonly Legionary, accommodated both to fight at sea, and upon occasion to make their descent into the land: and in later times to every Armada was 
c Veget. l. 4. c. 31.  annexed his proper Legion with the Legionary officers appertaining. In the first Punic war we have example in 
d lib. 1. pag. 11.  Polybius of three hundredth remiges, and an hundredth and twenty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in each of the ships of war: and likewise a division of the Armada into four ranks: the first called 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  prima legio, and prima classis: and in consequence the second, and third; the fourth triarij: but I find little mention of this division in the practice of later times. In the fourth year of the first Punic war, and first of their service by sea against the Carthaginians, the Romans manned out an 
f Polyb. lib. 1. p. 9  hundredth Quinqueremes, and twenty Triremes. Florus. 
g cap 2.  libro. 2. increaseth the number, 160. navium classis intra sexagesimum diem quam caesa silva fuerat, in ancoris stetit: of so wonderful a dispatch must they be, which will be lords of the world: and yet that of the elder Scipio was more marvelous, who 
h Livy lib. 28 extremo.  die quadragesimo quinto quam ex siluis detracta materia erat, naves instructas armatasque in aquam deduxit and that being not assisted by the public purse. In the eightth year of the said Punic war, three hundredth, as it may be collected by 
i pag 11.  Polybius were manned. Regulus sailed into Africa with three hundredth and fifty. Appian 
k pag. 14.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aemilius and Fuluius had 
l Polyb. li. 1. p. 16.  three hundredth sixty four ships of service in the same war, which number can hardly be matched again in the Roman state in many years after. In the second Punic an hundredth and sixty, and two hundredth, or not much above. Against Antiochus they manned but eighty, and at other times the like in their more flourishing state. Which doubt Polybius also noteth in 
m lib. 1. pag. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  his stone, but leaveth the solution to another place. For although the number of three hundredth sixty four seem not so excessive, yet such and so great was the fleet, by reason of the quality of the ships, that not only the Grecian, and Macedonian, but even the Persian power, which covered the sea with twelve hundredth sail, could not by Polybius judgement stand in comparison. After Polybius time Pompey in bello 
n Appian Mithridat. p. 150.  Piratico had not above two hundredth and seventy. But in the civil war he had as 
o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. p. 225.  Appian witnesseth six hundredth naves longas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Augustus after he had driven Sex Pompeius out of Italy 
p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5. p. 387.  six hundredth longas naves of his own, beside seventeen which fled with Pompey, and the navy of Antony; who shortly after at the battle of Actium furnished five hundredth ships of war (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) where Augustus had two hundredth and fifty. Plutarch 
q pag. 1: 78.  Antonio. And this was, as I take it, the greatest reckoning in the Roman state. For whereas we read of 
r Appian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 190.  sixteen hundredth with Sylla out of Asia; 
s Tacit. Ann. 2. pag. 258.  a thousand with Germanicus in Germany, and such like; they are not to be otherwise intended but as vessels to transport, not for the war.  
After the civil wars ended Augustus having as it were walled the state with Legions & Aides by land, as before we have showed, established also, to guard the Empir● by sea, two ordinary Armadaes in Italy, the one at Misenum in mari infero to protect keep in obedience France, Spain, Mauretania, Africa, Egypt, Sardinia and Sici● another at Ravenna in mari supero to defend and bridle Epirus, Macedonia, Achai, Asia, Creta, Cyprus etc. & out of Italy one in 
t Tac. 2.3. Hist. pa. 90. 130. Arrian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. point Euxivi.  Ponto Euxino for defence of those cuntreies' consisting of forty ships at the beginning of Vespasians time. Egesippus lib. 2. Beside these Armadaes which remained ordinary for defence of the Empire, proximum Gallae littus, saith 
u 4 Ann. p. 333.  Tacitus, rostratae naves praesidebant, quas Actiacâ victoriâ captas Augustus inepidun Foroiuliense miserat valido cum remige: & beside apud idonea provinciarum sociae triremes. Claudius' adjoining Britamny to the Empire adjoined also the British Armada. And not only by sea, but also upon the rivers, which bordered the Empire, several navies were maintained, as Germanica classis upon the Rhine, Danubiana classis, & Euphratensis. Tacitus and others.   

THE EXPLICATION OF A PLACE IN POLYBIUS' WITH A DEFENCE OF THE COMMON copy against the opinion of certain great learned men, wherein also the reason of the military stipend is declared.  
POLYBIUS' lib. 2. discoursing of the excellent and miraculous fertility of Lombardie, maketh report that a man in his inn might there be well and plentifully entreated for half an assis a meal, which is, saith he, the fourth part of an obolus. His words in our common printed books be these. p. 41. 
1 That is, They which travel that country, are entertained in their inns not bargaining by parcel, but demanding how much in gross they must pay for a man. and for the most part the hosts give entertainment with allowance of all necessary things for half an assis, that is, the fourth part of an obolus, seldom exceeding that rate.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For the better declaration whereof we are to understand, that Drachma was a Grecian silver coin weighing precisely the eightth part of an ounce, and usually divided into six Oboli: That Drachma and Denarius, according to the most testimonies in number and most pregnant in proof against the fewer and more doubtful, of the ancient stories are interchangeably used, and to construed in the one and the other tongue, as precisely equivalent: That Denarius contained precisely and in all ages four Sestertij: and at the first was currant for ten Asses only, as the 
a Denarius, quasi dena aera.  name also importeth: but afterward went at a higher reckoning, sometime for sixteen. So that of our silver, whereof five shillings sterling maketh the ounce, Drachma or Denarius weighed seven pence halfpenny: and Obolus was in value penny farthing: Sestertius, penny halfpenny farthing 
b A cue I call the eightth part of our penny; a ●ee, the sixteenth; a prick the two and thirtieth.  cue. Assis at the first institution, halfpenny farthing: & when the Denarius went at sixteen Asses, of our money but farthing cue cee prick. And if at any time Denarius was current for twelve Asses, as Polybius seemeth to make it in this 
c For if half an Assis be the quarter of an Obolus, one obolus is equal to two asses, and consequently six oboli, that is the Drachma or Denarius to twelve asses.  place, than one Assis was worth halfpenny cue of English money; and an half Assis, farthing cee, the price of a man's dinner in his inn in Lombardie. This saying of Polybius seemeth to Budaee an impossibility, and to D. Hottoman, pag. 20. of his book de re nummariâ, a miracle. Which if Hottoman had said, and said no more, it had been well said: for as a miracle Polybius put it down, and so it may seem much more unto us, considering the prices of things in our age. But Hottoman not contenting himself to accept it as a miracle, not with that most true and justifiable consideration, as anon shall appear, that money hath his value by position and not by nature, by the help of that blessed art of correcting old copies proceedeth to 
d Mihi tamen, saith Hottoman p. 23. tantuli nummi pretium cogitinu venit in mentem suspicari duofoedissima in illo Polyb●j loco menda subasse etc.  amend the place, in steed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Half-assis, reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is two Asses and an half: and in steed of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the fourth part of an Obolus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the fourth part of a Drachma: the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as he guesseth, being written not at large, but by note. . which the next copyer not understanding left out: and the note. ∽. signifying a Drachma easily slipping into ›, which signifieth an Obolus. And to strengthen his correction he addeth further, that it is a thing never heard of, ut   

Translations of the marginal Greek.  
In the margin of Tacitus.  

Pag. 2. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, destroyed. ● For virtue, wealth or nobility was with him a public crime against all men.  
4. ᵃ Galba lost opinion of orderly proceeding & popularity, in putting to death certain noblemen without form of law, though peradventure they had justly deserved to die.  
5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to be slain by treason.  
7. ᵃ He that is sent governor into Egypt sustaineth the person and place of the King. * In extortions & murders upon cruelty & avarice.  
12. ᵃ He gave to the judges of the Ludi Olympici a million of sesterces, which afterwards Galba demanded of them back again. ᵇ Galba sought out those who had bought or received in gift any thing of Nero's favourites, and of them he exacted it.  
20. Intending to make sacrifice to jupiter, and be seen of the citizens.  
21. He kissed his fingers and cast towards every one of them.  
22. They ravened, rob, and spoiled all things they could lay their hands on.  
23. * Getting up on the porches & high places about the Place of assembly, as it were to behold a play.  
24. With which the Centurions scourge them that deserve punishment.  
25. Otho fearing to contradict them, answered that he would make the man away, but not so suddenly; for that he had matter of importance which he must first learn out of him.  
27. Galba's body helvidius Priscus took up by Othoes' permission, & Argius his freedman buried it by night.  
28. This year Sulpicius Galba conquered the Chatti.  
29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, universally one and other.  
31. Missing of their desire in Verginius, they sought to fulfil it in some other.  
41. Otho dispatched towards Tigellinus lying at Sinuessa. for there he sojourned, having ships attending in the road as though he would have fled further. & first he attempted to corrupt him who was sent, offering him store of gold to let him escape: than not obtaining his purpose he gave him notwithstanding the gold, praying him that he would yet have patience a little till his beard might be shaven, and himself taking the razor cut his own throat.  
45. ᵃ Least being in wine you fall to quarreling amongst yourselves, & wound one another, & so dishonour the banquet. for the sight of arms draweth men often to handling of them. Telemachus excuse why he removed his father's armour & weapons out of the place where the wooers used to eat. ᵇ 2. Centurions. ᵈ 80 Senators. ᵉ Sending them out by a back gate.  
49. ᵃ And the common people accounted the rising of Tiber as an evil sign. ᵇ The river did most harm in the corn market, whereupon followed a great dearth for many days.  
53. To do his reverence to the Prince, & receive commission from him concerning the affairs of jewry.  
54. ᶜ Some say that the Island was called Cyprus, of Cyprus the son of Cinyrus. ᵉ The said altar was placed in the open air without any covert, as others also in Homer seem to have been, on which those that travailed by the way did offer. ᶠ It is reported and believed amongst the Bargylietae that the image of Diana named Kindyas though lying open to all weather is yet neither touched with snow, nor rain at all.  
78. Slaying all those of the vanguard.  
81. One of the common soldiers stretching out his sword and crying, We are thus resolved for thee all o Caesar, slew himself.  
84. Supposing it madness to receive the Empire at the conquered hands, having refused it before at the conquerors. and fearing to go in Embassy to those of Germany whom he had forced to many things against their own will.  
100 Nothing amazed at the change determined to go on his journey to Rome.  
142. Small vessels strait and light of some 25 men a piece; seldom and at the uttermost not above 30. the Grecians call them Camarae.  
159. ᵃ The temple of jupiter, & juno & Minerva. ᵇ At what time also the Capitol was burnt. which foul act some imputed to Carbo, some to the Consuls, others said it was done by Sulla's commandment. The certainty was not known. neither can I conjecture the cause why it was done. ᶠ Appian. for his felicity against his enemies his flatterers named him the Happy, which name proceeding first of flattery was afterward confirmed to him by common consent. Plut. Lastly upon these accidents he commanded himself to be called The happy: for so much doth the word Felix signify.  
165. And fight in 3. several places in the city, they were all made an end of.  
171. To have 12. fasces always and in every place borne before him, and to sit between the present Consuls in a chair of estate.  
185. An escape of memory.  
200. ᵃ Being brethren, and in a manner of the same years, and never doing any thing the one without the other, but being always united, and communicating as in blood, so in their counsels & wealth, they governed a great while the 2. Germanies' together, afterward being sent for by Nero into Greece as though he had stood in need of their sufficiency, they were according to the nature of those times accused, and both of them let themselves blood to death.  
207. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, archers on horseback.  
220. ᵃ He hid himself in a cave under ground, and there lay secret the space of 9 years with his wife, on whom he begat 2. sons. ᵇ As it were by divine providence.  
234. Dionysius in his periegesis speaking of Alexandria, where is, sayeth he, the temple of the great god jupiter Sinopita beautified with much gold, than the which there is no one temple in the world more goodly and glorious.  
235. For he brought not with him that name from Sinope, but after his coming to Alexandria the name of Sarapis was given him, which in the Egyptian language signifieth Pluto.  
239. In these times the noblemen of Rome, such as be desirous of good learning, in steed of travailing to Athens go to Massilia. and in another place he attributeth to them the commendation of wariness in dispense, and modesty.  
243. Xiph. Agricola the first Roman that we have memory of discovered Britanny to be an Island. Dio. In process of time first under Agricola Propraetor, & now under Severus the Emperor it was evidently known to be an Island.  
250. For as the proverb saith venture must be made in the Carian (that is the common mercenary soldier) not in the General's person.  
262. Making an expedition into Germany he returned not having so much as once seen the enemy. now it is needless to report what great honours therefore were then bestowed upon him, and always after upon other Emperors his matches, lest that suspecting by the smallness of the honours their actions to be checked they should wreak their anger upon the Senators. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, worthy to be led in triumph, or triumphed over.   
FINIS.   

In the margin of the Annotations.  

Pag. 2.f. Dio. Wherefore it becometh us not to mourn for him, but to magnify always his spirit, as a god. ʰ Afterward the Centurions with torches put fire to the pile, which was soon consumed, and out of it an eagle let lose flew up, as carrying forsooth his soul into heaven.  
p. 16. Appian. To be sacred and not to be touched himself, and whosoever else should fly unto him. Dio. The prerogatives granted to the Tribunes were conferred upon him, so that if any man should injury him in word or deed, he was to be reputed as a sacrilegious & detestable person.  
p. 18a Antony allotted soldiers to death, not those who had stirred mutinies, forsaken their place in watch, or standing in battle, upon which crimes only the law of arms hath laid so rigorous and terrible a punishment, but etc. ᵇ Called then Lugudunum, now Lugdunum.  
p. 36. ᵃ Northerly winds blowing yearly after the summer solstitium some xx. days, about the rising of the Dogstarre. ᵇ Being mixed of the northerly and western winds.  
p. 39 ʰ One day after Antonius entered the city, being the third of the month Apellaeus.  
p. 40. ᵃ Of the Roman wars he spared to triumph, as being civil, and neither much beseeming himself, and much misliked and abhorred of the people, yet did he notwithstanding carry in triumph all the accidents of those wars in diverse pictures, and the images of the captains and principal men, saving of Pompey. whom only he eschewed to show as being yet in all men's hearts greatly desired, and wished for. ᵇ The show in his triumph of the citizens slain in Africa did much grieve the people. p. 47. Dionysius gloried much more in his poems, then in the happy success of his wars. & amongst other poets that lived in the Tyrant's court Philoxenus a maker of Dithyrambi, a man of great reputation and renown in that kind of poem, the tyrants verses being read in banquet which indeed were nought, was askeed his opinion of them. Who speaking somewhat freely his mind the Tyrant was offended with his answer: & crying out that upon envy he had spoken ill of his poems, commanded those that attended to carry him forthwith away into the quarrie-pittes  
p. 48. This kind of knavery & envious juggling and deceit, not by dispraising but by commending to ruin your neighbours, was first & principally found out by such as remain in Prince's courts, upon controversy & ambition they have one to out-growe another.  
p. 50. ᵈ Every one of the Legions is of 4000 a piece. ᶜ Ten Legions were enroled of 4000 a piece.  
p. 51. ᵈ There followed him the horse belonging to the Legion. for every Legion hath annexed to it an hundredth and twenty horse.  
p. 53. ᶜ For dividing themselves into pairs, of the 6. months they keep the field each pair commandeth two months. ᵍ The law commandeth all the 60. centuries to obey and do what is commanded by him.  
p. 54. ᶜ After that Augustus was settled in the monarchy, he quit the Italians of the pains of service, and utterly disarmed them. ᵍ The gentlemen on horseback must of necessity serve ten years, the footmen 16. before they be 46. years of age.  
p. 55. ᵉ When they will take up any soldiers, they call the tribes one by one, as the lot falleth.  
p. 56. ᵍ The same form of government the Praefecti also use with the allies.  
p. 58. ᶠ The first day of the year they both swore themselves, and caused others to swear, that they would accept for good all Caesar's acts. which thing is used even at this day for the acts of the present Emperors, and for those of all their predecessors whose memory is not disgraced.  
p. 61. ᵃ The whole figure of the castrametation is a square of equal sides.  
p. 63. ᵃ If the place chance to be uneven, they make it plain and even. ᵍ When they are first gathered together into the camp, and ready to enter the enemy's country.  
p. 65. ᵏ Romulus divided his people into Legions, and every Legion consisted of 300 persons. ᵒ He resolved to make war against the Sabins arming all the Roman forces, which were double to that they were afore the taking of Alba.  
p. 70. ᵉ The Provost of the city having but few soldiers under his government.  
p. 71. ● Having never so much as imagined of sea service, them first they entered into conceit thereof.  
p 72. ᶜ For being without sails, and prepared only for the fight, they did not follow in chase those which fled. ⁱ Liburni a people of Illyrium, who with light and swift ships moved about the Mare jonium, and islands there. Whereupon at this day the Romans call the lightest and swiftest of the Biremes Liburnicae.  
p. 73. ᵇ Triacontoros and Tessaracontoros and Pentecontoros have their names of the number of their oars. Moneres & Biremis & so in consequence have their names according to the number of ranks of oars one above another. ᵉ Using but few Triremes but furnished with Pentecontori, and long ships. ᵍ Ships of service there were some five hundredth, and of Liburnicae an infinite number.  
p. 74. ᵐ A man may well doubt what the reason should be why the Romans being now lords of all, and in a far greater height than before, can neither man out so many ships, nor sail with so great navies.   
The rest which are not here translated are but either some few words, or else Greeke of that, the substance whereof is in the text.  
FINIS.   

A NOTE OF THE EDITIONS USED IN SUCH authors as are cited by page.  

Appianus. in folio. Lutetiae apud Carolum Stephanum anno. 1551.  
Arrianus. in folio. apud H. Stephanum anno. 1575.  
Cicero. in 8o. Lutetiae apud jacobum du Puys anno. 1573.  
Dio. in folio. Lutetiae apud Robertum Stephanum anno. 1548.  
Dionysius Halicarnasseus. in folio. apud Rob. Stephanum anno. 1546.  
Diodorus Siculus. in folio. apud Henr. Stephanum anno. 1559.  
Herodotus. in folio. apud Henr. Stephanum anno. 1570.  
juvenalis cum Scholiast. in 8o. Lutetiae apud Mamertum Patissonium. 1585.  
Livius. in fol. Venet. apud Paulum Manutium. 1566. & 72.  
Maximus Tyrius. in 8ᵒ. apud Henr. Stephanum. 1557.  
Olympiodorus. in folio. apud Aldum anno. 1550.  
Philostratus de vita Appollonii. in folio. apud Aldum.  
Plutarch. in 8ᵒ. apud H. Stephanum anno. 1572.  
Polybius. in folio. apud Heruagium anno. 1549.  
Polybius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 4ᵒ. apud Plantinum. 1582.  
Plinij epistolae cum Panegyricis. in 16ᵒ. apud H. Step. 1576.  
Romanae Historiae scriptores. 

Velleius Paterculus.  
Suetonius.  
Ammianus.  
Vopiscus.  
Trebellius Pollio.  
Lampridius.  
Vulcatius Gallicanus  
Spartianus.  
Xiphilinus.  
Herodianus.   8ᵒ. Apud Henricum Step. 1568.  
Synesius. in folio. apud Hadria. Turnebum. 1553.  
Strabo. in folio. ex editione Casauboni anno. 1587.  
Sophocles. in quarto. apud Henr. Stephanum. 1568.  
Tacitus. in 8ᵒ. apud Plantinum. 1574.  
Varro. in 8ᵒ. apud H. Stephanum. 1573.  
Xenophon. in folio. apud H. Stephanum. 1561.  
Zonaras. in folio. Basileae apud Oporinum. 1557.  
Zosimus. in folio. apud Wecheli haeredes. 1590.    

Errors of the print, or changes.  
In the end of Nero and beginning of Galba. pag. 2. direst. direct. 11. tiles. titles. 14. without. with. 16. Septinius. Septimius.  
In the translation of Tacitus. pag. 1. to found. to be found. in some copies only. 5. The countries of Gallia. Those of Gallia. p. 20. puts on a breastplate. or rather a privy coat. 22. when they shall see my ensign. or when they shall have my watch. word given them. 23. The standing in temples and churches, or thus, The standings upon the common halls & temples on every etc. 32. In higher army. In the higher army. p. 44. was honoured with a triumphal. honoured with a ⁸² triumphal. for reference to the annotations. 49. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 53. which put up in divers regions and according. or which diversly according. 59 five Paetorian. Praetorian. 60. XI. VI 77. Po & Olium. Olius, or Oglio. 78. and the sides knowing. and the parties knowing. 116. Septinius. Septimius. 243. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the translation for billmen read always spearemen.  
In the annotations. p. 2. the last Charles. late Charles. p. 5. praedicari. praedicare. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 23. during the name of the time of. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. nei- Livy. neither Livy. in the margin. never wrote to the Senate. neither wrote. 26. losing figure. lozing-figure. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 30. succeed. succeeded. 52. A. M. Acilio. a MY Acilio. 54. Dionysius lib. 54. repugnant places of Dionysius. read Dio in both places. 58. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 62. two, three, of foure-forked. or foure-forked. 69. Africanus exhibuit. Africanas. 74. point Euxini. ponti Eux. Some other small escapes; as in the Greek mistaking of an accent or spirit, an ο for ω, an ε for an η or contrary; in the Latin an υ for an η, the multitude or want of comm●es, the dark printing and sometime leaving out of a letter, as evident to every one we have not regarded.   

PRINTED AT OXFORD BY JOSEPH BARNES FOR RICHARD WRIGHT.   

CUM PRIVILEGIO.