THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  
THE DESCRIPTION OF GERMANY.  
M. D. XCVIII.   

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE ROBERT EARL OF ESSEX AND EWE, EARL Marshal of England, Viscount Hereford and Bourchier, Lord Ferrer of Chartley, Bourchier and Louvain, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Master of the Queen's majesties horse, and one of her majesties most honourable privy Council.  
THE worthiness of this Author well known unto your honour, putteth me in some hope of pardon for my presumption: in presenting unto your honours view, and craving a favourable acceptance of my bold unskilfulness. For if History be the treasure of times past, and as well a guide, as image of man's present estate, a true and lively pattern of things to come, and as some term it, the workmistresse of experience, which is the mother of prudence: Tacitus may by good right challenge the first place among the best. In judgement there is none sounder, for instruction of life, for all times, to those which oft read him judiciously, nothing yielding to the best Philosophers: no word not loaden with matter, and as himself speaketh of Galba, he useth Imperatoria brevitate: which although it breed difficulty, yet carrieth great gravity. I present him therefore to your honours favourable protection in regard of himself: but yet no otherwise then as a glass, representing in lively colours of prowess, magnanimity and counsel; not only worthy personages of ages past and gone, but also your L. own honourable virtues, whereof the world is both withes & judge. If your L. vouchsafe to receive him (though greatly darkened of that he first was, and very much dimmed in respect of the History already in our tongue) into any degree of favour, I little doubt but others will both look on him, and the better like and allow him; for here below we receive either light or darkness from above. Vespasians example wrought more than a law: for obsequium in principes, and aemulandi amor, to speak with Tacitus, maketh that to be in greatest request, which perhaps in itself deserveth least. Whatsoever my unskilful pains hath been, my zeal and devotion to your Honour I present with it; unto whom I wish all good hap and felicity, with the accomplishment of virtues and Honourable desires.  
Your honours most humbly devoted RICHARD GRENEWEY.   

TO THE READER.  
THat which most men allege (courteous Reader) as a cause of publishing unto the world their commendable endeavours; as commandment of superiors, entreaty of friends, or such like: causes yielding some excuse, if things well done by them needed any; that can I no way pretend: though no man hath juster cause to invent somewhat to excuse that, which (well knowing and confessing my own insufficiency) I should by no inducements have been drawn unto. For I wanted not judgement to know, that to perform this I undertook as I ought, was a matter beyond the compass of my skill: yet nevertheless my will overcoming my own judgement and reason in undertaking, I have ventured my credit to the wide sea of common opinion, and dangerous censure; and knowing the best have followed the worst. A fault perhaps pardonless, in the rigoroust censure, and which bred in myself a long time distrust and fear: yet at last, encouraged by hope to find some milder judges for my boldness, I ventured this labour, and performed it thus meanly as thou seest: trusting the courteous Reader, if in aught I have pleasured him, will afford me his good word for my good will, and in that I have done amiss pardon, and a favourable construction for my pains. And although in reason it seemeth, I should most of all fear the censure of the learned (if any such vouchsafe to read this translation) in regard they best can, and with quickest insight pierce into my want of skill, judgement, and understanding; yet in those is my greatest hope, because they be learned. cause sufficient to fear no captious or carping constructions, as a property ill beseeming their good quality and education. I was well assured that he who best might, would take no further pains in this kind: nor hearing of any other which would, I thought some could be contented to have it rather il done, than not at all. Friendly Reader, I crave pardon for my faults, and desire thou wouldst favourably bear with my oversights.  
Farewell.   

THE FIRST BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

The poem of Tacitus, containing the form of government until Augustus' time: with the subject of this work.  
THE city of Rome was in the beginning governed by Kings. Liberty and the Consulship L. Brutus brought in. The Dictator's were chosen but for a time: the Decemuiri passed not two years: neither had the consulary authority of the Tribunes of the soldiers any long continuance: nor Cinna, nor Silla's dominion: Pompey and Crassus quickly yielded to Caesar's forces: Lepidus and Antony to Augustus; who entitling himself by the name of Prince, brought under his obedience the whole Roman state, wearied and weakened with civil disorders. But as well the prosperous, as unprosperous successes of the ancient Commonwealth, excellent writers have recorded: neither wanted there worthy & singular wits, to deliver Augustus' exploits; until they were by the overswarming of flatterers utterly discouraged. Tiberius, Caius, Claudius and Nero's actions, they yet living and flourishing, were falsely set down, for fear; and after their death, through fresh hatred, as corruptly as before. Whereupon I intent to deliver some few things done in Augustus' later times: then Nero's reign, and other occurrents as they fell out, without passion or partiality, as being free from motives of both.   

1. The means by which Augustus came to the empire: and whom he chose to succeed.  
AFter that Brutus and Cassius were slain, and no arms now publicly borne; Pompey defeated in Sicily; Lepidus disarmed; Antony killed; and no chief leader of julius Caesar's faction left, but only Augustus: he would no longer be called Triumuir, but in show contented with the dignity of a Tribune to defend the people, bearing himself as Consul: after he had wound into the favour of the soldier by gifts; of the people by provision of sustenance; and of all in general with the sweetness of ease and repose; by little and little taking upon him, he drew to himself the affairs of Senate; the duty of magistrates and laws, without contradiction of any: the stoutest by war or proscriptions already spent, and the rest of the nobility, by how much the more serviceable, by so much the more bettered in wealth, and advanced in honours: seeing their preferment to grow by new government, did rather choose the present estate with security, than strive to recover their old with danger. That form of government the provinces disliked not, as mistrusting the Senates and people's regiment by reason of noble men's factions; covetousness of magistrates: the laws affording no security, being swayed hither and thither by might, ambition, and corruption. Besides this, Augustus labouring by some stay, to settle the sovereignty, advanced Claudius Marcellus his sister's son being very young, to the pontifical dignity and Aedilship: and M. Agrippa meanly descended, but in martial exploits warlike, and a companion in his victories, to be twice Consul together; and after Marcellus death chose him to be his son in law. And his own house not failing, he bestowed the title of Emperor upon Tiberius Nero and Claudius Drusus his wives children; and adopted Caius and Lucius, Agrippaes' children: and making show to the contrary; yet his earnest desire was, they should be called Princes of youth, and chosen Consuls elect, before they had cast off their pretext or infant's garments. But when Agrippa was dead, and Lucius going into Spain to take charge of the army, and Caius returning wounded out of Armenia, by hasty fate or treachery of their stepmother Livia: Drusus also dead long before, only Nero was left of all Augustus sons in law. Unto him all men now crouched and fawned; being received the adopted son of Augustus; copartner of the empire; associate of the Tribunitian dignity; shown to the camp as successor; not as before by secret devices and practices of his mother, but openly persuading the Emperor thereto. For she had so enthralled the silly old man, that Agrippa Posthumus his only nephew, he had confined in the Island Planasia: in deed, badly trained up in liberal sciences, and sottishly bragging of his strength and activity of body; but yet never detected of any notorious vice. He gave Germanicus son unto Drusus, charge over eight legions, by the river of Rhine; and commanded Tiberius (albeit he had a son of his own) to adopt him, the better to establish the succession with more stays than one. Wars there were none at that time, but only against the Germans; not so much in regard of enlarging the empire, hope of booty or reward, as to blot out the dishonour received, when he lost his army with Quinctilius Varo. All was quiet in the city; the old names of the magistrates unchanged; the young men borne after the victory at Actium, and the greatest part of the old, during the civil wars: how many were there which had seen the ancient form of government of the free Commonwealth? Thus than the state of the city turned upside down, there was no sign of the old laudable customs to be seen: but contrary, equality taken away, every man endeavoured to obey the prince; misdoubting nothing whilst Augustus yet strong in body, was able to defend himself, his house, and peace. But when he grew old and feeble with sickness, and that the end of his government, and hope of a new was not far off: some few, but in vain, discoursed of the commodities of liberty; some feared war; some desired it: but the greatest part used lavish speeches, and spread rumours against the next conjectured successor. Agrippa they accounted by nature cruel, and through the indignity of his late disgrace easily kindled; young, and raw in state matters; unable for so great a charge. In deed, Tiberius was of convenient and ripe years, expert in feats of war; but possessed with the hereditary pride of the Claudian family: yea many apparent sparkles of cruelty did burst out in him, howsoever he went about to suppress them. Besides, he was brought up in a house, which knew how to reign: the Consulship was more than once cast upon him with triumphs. During the time that he was at Rhodes (cloaking his exile under colour of retiring himself) he dreamt of nothing but revenge, dissimulation, and secret means of licentious lusts: withal, he had his mother at hand; untolerable in all imperfections incident to the sex: and thereby they were to obey a woman, and two young men, which would in the mean space oppress, and in time rend in pieces the Commonwealth.   

II. The death of Augustus: and Tiberius Nero made Emperor.  
Whilst they thus debated the matter, Augustus' malady increased; and as it was suspected by some, through the lewd practice of his wife. For not many months before a rumour was spread, that Augustus with the privity of a few, accompanied only with Fabius Maximus, had conveyed himself to the Island Planasia, to visit his nephew Agrippa, both weeping tenderly at their meeting, with manifest tokens of love, and a hope conceived that the young man should be recalled and restored to his Grandfather's house. Fabius' disclosed this to Martia his wife, and she to Livia, and C. Naws to Caesar: for not long after Fabius (doubtful whether by his own procurement or not) being deceased, his wife Martia among other her lamentations at her husband's funeral, was overheard to accuse herself, as the cause of her husband's death. But howsoever the matter passed, Tiberius had scarce put foot in Illyricum, when by letters from his mother he was recalled in post haste: not being well known, when he arrived at Nola, whether there were any breath yet left in Augustus or not. For Livia had beset the house with a watchful and strait guard, sometimes giving out that Augustus was on the mending hand; and so having made all sure on all hands, as the time and occasion required: the same rumour which not long before gave joyful news of Augustus' amendment, now published that he was dead, and Nero in possession of the Empire. The first exploit this new Prince did, was the murdering of Posthumus Agrippa; whom a Centurion resolute and appointed for the purpose, and taking him unarmed, and misdoubting nothing, yet could hardly dispatch. Tiberius made no words of this to the Senate, but pretended that it was done by his father's appointment; who (as he said) had given charge to the Centurion which had the guarding of him, to make him away incontinently after he had intelligence of his death. Little doubt but Augustus, complaining of the young man's untowardly behaviour, caused his exile to be confirmed by decree of the Senate: but yet he never persisted long in desiring the death of any of his; neither was it credible that to assure the estate to his wives son, he would seek the blood of his own nephew. But very likely it is, that the young man's death was hastened by Tiberius' fear, and Livia's hatred: the one as jealous, lest he should bandy for the sovereignty: the other through the natural hatred incident to all stepmothers. When the Centurion brought him word (as the manner of service was) that he had fulfilled his commandment, he answered presently, that he commanded him no such matter, and that he should answer it before the Senate. When this news came to Crispus salustius ears (who being inward in greatest secrets with Tiberius, had by letters given the Centurion order how to proceed) fearing lest his own turn should be next, dangerous to him alike: to confess the truth, or to stand to a lie: advised Livia that she should not in any wise diwlgate the secrets of her house, the counsel of friends, and services of soldiers; and that Tiberius should beware of weakening the power of sovereignty, in referring all things to the Senate: the quality of absolute rule being such, that it could not stand but in one alone. Now at Rome the Consuls, the Senators, and Gentlemen ran headlong to servitude; and the more nobler the fairer show, and the more hasty; but with a composed and settled countenance, lest they should seem overglad of the death of the last, or discontented with the new Prince; they tempered their grief with joy, and lamentation with flattery. The two Consuls sixth Pompeius, and Sext. Apuleius did first swear allegiance to Tiberius Caesar: and after into their hands, Seius Strabo, and C. Turrianus, the one Captain of the Guard, the other chief officer for provision of corn. After them the Lords of the Senate, the soldiers, and the people. For Tiberius would have all things begun by the Consuls, as the manner was in the ancient free common wealth: as though he had not resolved with himself whether it were best for him to accept of the Empire or not. No not so much as the Edict to call the Lords of the Senate to counsel, but was proclaimed in virtue and authority of a Tribune; which dignity he had received in Augustus' time. The words of the Edict were not many, and delivered in modest terms. That he would only consult what pomp and honour were fit to be done for his father: and that he would not departed from the body: which should be the only public charge he would undertake. Nevertheless when Augustus was dead, he gave the watchword to the guard: placed the watch: disposed of the soldiers: managed all the affairs of Court, as if he had been Emperor. The soldiers waited on him to the place of public assemblies; to the Senate house; and dispatched letters to the Camp; as though he had been in full possession of the state; irresolute in nothing, but when he should speak in the Senate. The chiefest cause proceeded of fear; lest Germanicus, who had so many legions at commandment; such strong aids of confederates; and so exceedingly beloved of the people; should rather hold, then expect the possession of the Empire. He stood on his reputation likewise, and seemed rather to be called and chosen by the Commonwealth, then creep in by the canvasing of a woman, and adoption of an old man. It was afterward further known, that he used that linger doubtfulness, the better to sound the affection of the Nobility; for observing their countenance, and wresting their words to the worst, he bore them all in mind. In the first meeting of the Senate, he would have nothing debated, but Augustus last will and testament; which being brought in by Vesta's Virgins, declared Tiberius and Livia to be his heirs: and that Livia was adopted into the julian family, and entitled by the name of Augusta. After them he substituted his nephews, and nephews sons: and in the third place the Peers of the city, which in general he hated: yet he did it to win fame and glory with posterity. His legacies were moderate, like unto other citizens, saving that he gave as well to the common sort, as the rest of the people, four hundred and thirty five thousand nummos: 
* Three pound ven shillings 11. pence q. cee.  to every soldier of the Praetorian band a thousand; 
* 7. li. 16. s. 3. d.  to every one of the legionary cohorts which consisted of citizens of Rome, three hundred 
* 46. s. 10. d. ob. .   

III. The solemnities of Augustus' funerals, and the censure which men gave of him.  
AFter that, consultation was had concerning the pomp and solemnities of the funerals; among which the most honourable and magnificent were judged to be these. Gallus Asinius thought it meet that the dead corpse should be brought through the triumphal gate; and L. Arruntius, that the titles of the laws by him ordained, and the names of the nations by him vanquished, should be carried before him. Messalla Valerius added, that it was convenient the oath of allegiance should every year be renewed in Tiberius' name. Who being demanded of Tiberius whether he had commandment from him so to advise? answered, that he did propound it of his own free motion: and that in matters concerning the commonwealth, he would use no man's advise but his own, although it should be with danger and offence: so far had flattery spread itself, that that only kind remained unpractised. The Lords of the Senate after that cried with one voice, that they themselves would carry the corpse to the funeral fire on their shoulders: which Caesar did yield unto with a modesty, yet savouring of arrogancy. And admonished the people by Proclamation, that they would not (as in times past they had disturbed the burial of julius Caesar of famous memory) carried away with overgreat affection, so desire now that Augustus' body should rather be burnt in the place of public assemblies, then in Campus Martius, a place deputed to that use. The day of the funerals being come, the soldiers were placed as it were a guard to the body, when as such as had either seen, or heard their father's report, of the fresh and late yoke of cruel servitude unluckily attempted to be shaken off, and recover their ancient liberty: then I say when the murdering of julius Caesar the Dictator, seemed unto some a wicked, and unto others a worthy deed; laughed to see that now an old Prince which had reigned so many years, and provided heirs to succeed him in might and wealth, should need a guard of soldiers quietly to celebrate his funerals. This bred sundry speeches of Augustus, many marveling at vain and frivolous things: as that his death fell on the same day he was made Emperor: that he died at Nola in the same house and chamber, that before him his father Octavius did: they made it a great matter that he alone had been as oft Consul, as Valerius corvinus, and C. Marius both together: that he had continued Tribune seven and thirty years; had been honoured with the name of Emperor one and twenty times; with many other old and new dignities bestowed or invented for him. But among the better sort his life was diversly commended or discommended: Some said, that the love of his father, and the care of the Commonwealth, at that time when all laws were dashed, drove him to civil wars, which can never be begun or prosecuted by any good means: and that he had yielded in many things to Antony, and to Lepidus in like manner, because he would revenge his father's death. For seeing the one grew careless with age, and the other wasted with lasciviousness, there was no other means left to redress all discords in the commonwealth, then to bring her under the obedience of one alone, who should govern; nevertheless not as King or Dictator, but as Prince. The Empire he had bounded with the Ocean, and other Rivers far off: the Legions, Provinces and Navy, were linked and knit in peace and unity: justice was ministered in the cities: the allies entreated with modesty: the city beautified with sumptuous building: and if any rigorous dealing had been used against some few, it was for settling of quietness in the whole. Contrarily some said, that the love of his father, the corruption of times, served him but for a cloak and colour: and that he had stirred up the old soldiers by gifts and bribery, through ambition and desire of rule; that being yet but young and a private person, he had gathered a power; corrupted the legions of the Consuls; that he made a show only of favouring Pompeius' side: but had no sooner gotten by order of the Senators the fasces or knitch of rods, and the Praetorship; after the death of Hircius and Pansa, (both slain by the enemy, or Pansaes' wound poisoned, and Hircius murdered by the soldiers, or by Caesar the contriver of the feat) but he seized on both their forces, extorted the Consulship, maugre the Senators; and the power assigned him to subdue Antony, he converted against the Commonwealth. He banished the citizens, divided their lands, and gave away their goods, which were things by the doers themselves discommended. In deed, the revenge and pursuing his father's death upon Cassius and Brutus maybe tolerated (albeit it had been convenient for a public benefit to have laid aside private grudges) but he deceived Pompey under colour of peace, and Lepidus under a shadow of friendship. Afterward he tolled on Antony with the treaty of Tarentum and Brundisium, and marriage of his sister, which deceitful alliance he paid with the loss of his life. Doubtless a peace ensued this, but a bloody one, as may witness the death of Lollius and Varus, and in Rome itself, of Varro, Egnatius and julus. Neither did they forbear to discourse of his domestical affairs: as that he took Nero's wife from him, & asked the opinion of the pontiff in a scoff, whether there might be a lawful marriage betwixt them, she being with child by her other husband, but not yet delivered. They forgot not L. Atedius, and Vedius Pollios' riot and lasciviousness. Finally, that Livia was an intolerable and burdensome mother to the common wealth, and to the house of the Caesars a dangerous stepdame. There was no honour left for the gods, seeing he would himself by the Priests and Flamines be worshipped in the temples, with all the ornaments belonging to the gods. Neither was Tiberius chosen successor to the State for love of himself, or care of the Commonwealth, but deeply inseeing into his lofty and bloody disposition, he would by being so unequally compared with so outrageous a mate, win glory afterward to himself. And although Augustus had not many years before uttered honourable speeches in Tiberius' behalf before the Lords of the Senate, when he sued to make him once again Tribune: yet he interlaced some things among, touching his attire and behaviour, which in the excusing of him, seemed to turn to his disgrace and reproach.   

FOUR Tiberius dissembling colour in refusing the empire: Augustus judgement of three which were desirous or worthy of the Empire.  
Avgustus' funerals being ended according to the usual manner; a temple and religious ceremonies were instituted in honour of him: from that time forward all suits and requests were made to Tiberius, who discoursing diversly of the greatness of the empire, and in modest terms of his own insufficiency, thought Augustus' wisdom only capable of so weighty a charge; that himself being assumed by Augustus, as an associate and partner in the state, had by good proof learned, how hard a matter, and how subject unto fortune's change: rule and sovereignty was. And seeing the city was replenished with so many famous and worthy personages, better it were and more ease, that many, joining their studies and cares together, should undertake the charge, than cast all upon one man's shoulders. This speech carried greater majesty than truth: for Tiberius either by nature, or by custom, yea even in those things which he would have known, spoke always darkly and doubtfully; but then of set purpose endeavouring to hide his drifts, wrapped himself more than ever, in a dark cloud of uncertainty and ambiguity. But the Lords of the Senate fearing all one thing (which was least some peril might ensue, if he should doubt that they perceived his dissimulation) began to lament; complain; offer up vows; and lift up their hands to the gods; to Augustus' image, and to his own knees; until he commanded the book of remembrances to be brought forth and read. That book contained the wealth of the public treasure; how many citizens and allies were in arms; what strength there was by sea; how many kingdoms, provinces, and countries yielded obedience to the empire; what tribute was levied; what customs; what necessary charges issued out; what gifts; and all written with Augustus own hand. Withal he gave a politic instruction (yet whether for fear or envy uncertain) how to restrain the empire within bounds and limits. Whilst these things were a handling, and the Senators in most low and humble manner entreating, that he would accept the charge: Tiberius letting slip a word by chance, that as he was unable to take charge of the whole; so he would undertake the protection of any one part they should assign him. Asinius Gallus asked him, what part, Caesar, wouldst thou have committed to thy charge? Who being strooken into amaze with this unlooked for demand, stood mute a while: then gathering his spirits to him, answered; That it ill befitted his modesty, to choose or refuse any one part of that, from all which he desired to be excused. Gallus replied (for by his countenance he conjectured he was offended) that he did not therefore demand that question, as thought he would sever that, which was inseparable; but by his own confession convict him, that the Commonwealth was but one body, and therefore to be governed by one's only wisdom. And continuing his speech added many things in commendation of Augustus: and called to remembrance Tiberius own victories, and divers notable things done for many years in time of peace. But all this could not appease the Prince's inveterate hatred against him: as though by marrying Vipsana daughter to M. Agrippa, once wife to Tiberius, he had carried too lofty a courage, and higher aspiring mind, than the private calling of a citizen; and savouring of the heady and fierce humour of Asinius Pollio his father. After that L. Aruntius using speeches not unlike unto Pollio, offended alike. And although he bore Aruntius no old grudge, yet because he was wealthy, bold, learned, and in reputation with all men, he had him in jealousy. When Augustus drew towards his later end, discoursing who were likeliest to possess the place after his death; who would refuse it although they should be chosen as meet: who being unmeet and unable, yet would desire it: who could discharge it, and would undertake it: said that M. Lepidus was for his sufficiency able, but would refuse: Gallus Asinius greedy to lay hold on it, but was insufficient: L. Aruntius was not unworthy, and if occasion were given would venture for it. All men agree that the two first were so named, but for Aruntius some put Cn. Piso: and howsoever it was, all saving Lepidus, through Tiberius' practice, for sundry pretended crimes were made away. L. Haterius likewise, and Mamercus Scaurus troubled his jealous head: the one by saying, How long Caesar wilt thou suffer the commonwealth to want a head? The other because he hoped that the petitions of the Senators should take effect, seeing he did not as he might, withstand the relation of the Consuls by being Tribune. He invaied sharply, and that incontinently against Haterius, but let go Scaurus without any word: although he were more implacably offended with him then the other. And being wearied with the clamours of all in general, and importunity of some in particular, by little and little yielded unto their requests: not so much because he would confess, he took the charge of the Empire on him; as to make an end of refusing, or being any more entreated. Certain it is, that as Haterius went to the palace to crave pardon of Tiberius; he narrowly escaped from being slain of the soldiers: because that casting himself at his knees as he was walking; either by chance, or happily hindered by Haterius, the Emperor fell: yet that danger did nothing mitigate his wrath: until Haterius making entreaty to Augusta, by her earnest suit was protected. Exceeding great flattery was used towards her by the Senators, some being of opinion that she should be called the foundress of the commonwealth, some the mother: and many that beside the name of Caesar, the son of julia should be added. But Tiberius answered that titles of honour ought to be moderately given unto women: and that he would use the same moderation in such, as should be bestowed on himself. This he did upon envy and jealousy: and therefore thinking her greatness to be his own abasement, would not suffer her to have a sergeant before her, or an altar to be dedicated in memory of her adoption, nor any such like honour. He entreated nevertheless that proconsularie authority might be given Germanicus Caesar, which was sent him by ambassadors, with commandment to comfort him for the death of Augustus. The reason why the like was not demanded in favour of Drusus, was because he was there present and Consul elect. And as Augustus had ordained before, he did nominate twelve competitors, for the Praetorship, and bound it with an oath he would not pass that number, although the Senators exhorted that they might be increased. That was the first time that the election of Magistrates was taken from the people, and transferred to the Lords of the Senate. For although until that day all matters were swayed as best liked the Prince: yet some things were left to the favour and voices of the Tribes. Neither did the people but with a vain rumour complain, that their right was taken from them; and the Senators seeing themselves delivered of many bribes and unseemly suits, were well contented to accept the authority: Tiberius so moderating the matter, that he commended only four competitors, which should be elected without suit or fear of repulse. The Tribunes of the people made request, that it might be lawful for them to set forth plays at their own costs, and record them in the Calendar of the City, and call them Augustales, by the name of Augustus. The Plays were granted: but the costs and expenses were to rise out of the public Treasury: and that it should be lawful for them to use the triumphal rob in the race, but not be carried in a Chariot. Not long after the annual celebration of these Plays, was cast upon the Praetor, which was judge between the citizen and the foreigner.   

V A rebellion in Pannony, stirred up by Percennius.  
THis was the estate of the city affairs, when the legions of Pannony mutined: for no new occasions, but only because the change of the Prince gave licence of hurlyburly, and hope of gain by civil wars. These were three legions of the summer camps committed to junius Blaesus charge, who advertised of the death of Augustus; and Tiberius entering to the government (in regard of the vacation which then happened, or joy conceived) neglected the accustomed care of his duty. Hereupon the soldiers began to grow licentious and quarrelsome, and gave ear to the most dissolute and disordered: and in fine, hunted after riot and ease; set nought by all military discipline, and refused travel and labour. There was one Percennius in the garrisons, who had been sometimes a ringleader of factious companions on Stages and theatres; afterward a common soldier; an impudent and saucy prater; well practised in disturbing assemblies, to show favour unto such actors as he favoured. This Percennius after the better sort were gone to their lodgings, by little and little in secret conventicles in the night, or in the shutting of the evening, gathered together, and stirred up the unexpertest of the soldiers, and such as were most doubtful what entertainment they should expect after the death of Augustus. And when he had gathered about him of the most licentious a sufficient rabble, and readiest instruments of sedition, in manner of an Oration he began to question with them thus: Why they would like bondslaves be subject to a small number of Centurions, and a smaller of Tribunes? when dared they seek a redress, if they would not now present themselves to the Prince with entreaty or the sword; whilst he is new, and not fully settled in the state? they had through cowardliness held their tongue many years, some thirty, some forty in pay, overgrown with age, and many their limbs lost in service. And after they were licenced to departed, yet they were not at an end of service; but detained under ensigns, endure as great toil as before under a new name. And if any escaped so many hazards alive, they were drawn into sundry countries, where under a colour of some lands, either moorish bogs, or barren mountainous crags were allotted to their share. Besides, service was painful in itself and unprofitable; their lives and bodies valued but at ten asses 
* 7. pence ob.  a day: having no better allowance to furnish themselves with weapons, apparel, and tents; and redeem themselves from the cruel usage of the Centurians; pay fees of vacations from servile ministries: yet their stripes, wounds, hard winters, scorching summers, bloody battles, and fruitless peace had no end: and hope of redress there was none, unless certain laws were set down for such as enter into service; as that every one's pay should be bettered to a denier 
* 9 pence, counting the denarius as 12. asses.  a day; and none bound to serve above sixteen years; that from that time forward, they should not be detained under ensigns, but receive in the same camp they served, their recompense in ready coin. What? did the Praetorian bands, which received two deniers 
* 18. pence.  a day, and at the end of sixteen years were sent to their houses, oppose themselves to greater dangers than they? yet he did not speak this to deprave or diminish the credit of the citie-gard, but because they should consider what a hard part they were offered; yet he for his own part being lodged among savage and barbarous people, did from his cabin see the enemy every hour. The base sort came murmuring about him, and stirred up others with divers encouragements: some reproachfully showing the wales of their stipes; some their grey hairs; some their ragged torn coats; some their naked bodies. At last they grew into such a fury and rage, that they purposed of three legions shuffled together to make one: but they changed that devise very quickly, every one through emulation coveting that honour for his own legion: and pitched the three standards and ensigns together: withal they threw up mounds of turfs, and placed on it a Tribunal, to the end the seat might be more conspicuous. As they hastened to finish the work, Blaesus came in among them, rebuking some, and hindering now one, now another, and crying aloud, In my blood rather imbrue your hands; for it is a lesser offence to slay the Lieutenant, then fall from the obedience of the Emperor. I will either with my life keep the legions in faithful allegiance; or being slain by you, hasten your repentance. Nevertheless they held on their work until they had brought it breast high; when at last being overcome with his importunacy, they gave over their enterprise: then Blaesus did in good and eloquent manner show unto them, that it was not convenient that soldiers petitions should be carried to the Emperor by mutiny and rebellion. Neither did the old soldiers under Emperors in times past, nor yet they themselves demand of Augustus such unlawful and new requests; and that in an unseasonable time: the new Prince was burdened with cares in the beginning of his Empire. Notwithstanding, if their purpose was to obtain that in a time of peace; which being conquerors in civil wars, they never attempted; yet why do they contrary to the duty of allegiance, and order of service use force? they should rather depute some Ambassadors to Caesar, with public commission, to declare their requests. They all cried immediately, that Blaesus son a Tribune, might undertake the Embassy, and entreat that all such as had served sixteen years, should be dismissed and sent home: which being granted; then they would enjoin him the rest of his charge. The young man being departed with this message, they surceased their rebellion. But the soldiers grew proud that the Lieutenant's son undertook to plead the common cause; as being an evident token that they had wrung out that by force, which by modest demeanour they should never have obtained.   

VI The rebellion continueth: a practice of Vibulenus against Blaesus.  
IN the mean season, certain bands of soldiers sent to Nauportum before the rebellion began, to see the ways clear, the bridges safe, & other conveniences for the war: understanding of the mutiny grown in the camp, snatched up their ensigns; and sacking villages adjoining, & Nauport itself, which might have passed for a reasonable free town; injuried & reviled the Centurions which went about to bridle them; first with scoffs and reproachful terms; then with blows & stripes. But they had an especial hart-burning against Aufidienus Rufus, the camp-master; whom they pulled out of his chariot, and loaded with a farthel of stuff, & made him march foremost of all the company: now & then ask him in a mockery, whether he bore so great a burden willingly or not; or whether so long a journey seemed not tedious unto him? This Rufus had long been a common soldier; then a Centurion; then the Camp-master: and sought to renew the ancient rigour of service: and being himself hardened to bear any labour and travel, was so much the more cruel, because himself had endured the like. These companies joining with the other legions, began to rebel afresh; and straggling some one way, some another; destroy and waste all about them. Blaesus to terrify the rest, commanded some few, and especially such as had the greatest pillage, to be apprehended, whipped and cast into prison; for even then the Centurions, and the better sort of the soldiers were obedient to the Lieutenant. But the prisoners drew back, and resisted such as led them, catched hold and embraced the knees of the standers by; calling everieman by his name, or by the name of the band he served under, or cohort, or legion; crying that they should drink all of the same cup: withal, they heaped injury upon injury against the Lieutenant: called to witness the heavens and the gods; and left nothing undone or unsaide, which might serve to stir hatred, move compassion, breed fear, or provoke anger. The soldiers clustered all together, broke open the prisons, set at liberty the prisoners, and shuffled in among themselves, the fugitives and condemned of capital crimes. This kindled the rage of the soldier: and more ringleaders joined with them. Among whom one Vibulenus a common soldier, lifted on the shoulders of the standers by, before Blaesus Tribunal, began to speak unto the disordered and attentive soldiers in this manner. You have given light and life to these innocent and miserable wretches; but when will you restore life to my brother; and my brother to me? who, being sent unto you from the German camp, to entreat of the common profit and good, was this last night murdered by his Fencers, which he hath always ready armed to cut the soldiers throats: answer Blaesus, where hast thou thrown his body? for the enemies themselves envy not that I should bury him? And when I shall have filled my grief with kissing, and weeping over him, command me to be murdered also: so as these our companions bury him and me; slain for no other offence, but because we furthered the common good and profit of the Legions. He inflamed his words with tears, beating himself on the face and breast: then thrusting them from him on whose shoulders he was carried, and throwing himself at every man's feet, drove them all into such amaze, and stirred such hatred, that part of the soldiers laid hands on Blaesus Fencers, and bound them; part on the residue of his family; and part ran hither and thither, to seek for Vibulenus brothers body. And if it had not appeared incontinently, that there was no such body found; if his slaves by torture had not denied any such pretended murder to have been committed; and further, that Vibulenus never had any such brother: the soldiers would hardly have spared the Lieutenant's life. Nevertheless, they thrust out the Tribune and Camp-maister, spoiled & rob such as fled, slew lucilius a Centurion, whom the soldiers by a nickname called Cedo alteran, give me another, because that when he had broken upon a soldiers shoulders his vine wand, his manner was to call aloud, give me another; and when that was broken, another. The rest were saved by hiding themselves; only julius Clemens they kept alive, because that having a ready and quick wit, they thought him a meet man to be employed as an Ambassador in the soldiers behalf. Besides this, the eight and the fifteenth legions, were now ready to go together by the eats, because the eight legion demanded Sirpicus a Centurion to death, whom the fifteenth defended: if the ninth legion had not interposed herself, first by way of entreaty; then menacing such as made light of them.   

VII. Drusus is sent to appease the rebellion in Pannony: and the ringleaders punished.  
WHen Tiberius had intelligence of these mutinies; although he were close, and a great dissembler of bad tidings; resolved to send his son Drusus unto these legions, with certain of the principallest Gentlemen of the city, and two Praetorian bands; without any limited commission, but to determine there, as occasion best required. These bands were of extraordinary choice men, and stronger than any other were used to be, and a great part of his guard of horsemen, and the ablest Germans of his own guard. Aelius Sejanus also Captain of the guard was sent with him, once an associate and companion to Strabo his father, and a man highly in credit with Tiberius; as well to be a guide to the young Prince, as to show unto others the danger or reward of ill or well doing. When Drusus was come near unto them, the legions met him as it were to do their duty; but not as the manner was, cheerfully with glittering ensigns, but in base and abject habit; and in countenance although pretending sadness, yet in deed were nearer wilful obstinacy. After he was entered the trench of the camp, they set a strong guard at the gates, commanded some troops to attend at certain places of the camp, and the rest came and environed the Tribunal in huge multitudes. Drusus stood up, and with his hand commanded silence to be made. When the soldiers beheld what a multitude they were, they made a dreadful noise with hideous tunes; then anon turning their eyes towards Caesar, they quaked for fear: after that, they made a confuse murmuring and buzzing; then a cruel outcry; and on a sudden all was hushed again; which bred as men were diversly affected, either a fear in themselves, or in others. At last the tumult ceasing, he read his father's letters, which contained what a special care he had over those most valorous legions, with whom he had sustained many battles; and that as soon as his mind could be at rest, and the mourning for his father past, he would deal with the Lords of the Senate concerning their demands: that in the mean space he had sent his son which should grant without delay, as much as for the present could conveniently be yielded: and that the rest should be reserved to the consideration of the Senate, whom it was convenient should judge as well what deserved favour, as rigour and severity. They answered all in general, that Clemens the Centurion had charge to propound their demands: he began with licence to departed after sixteen years, with recompense after the end of their service: and that their wages might be a denarius a day; that the old soldiers should not be constrained to continue under ensigns. But when Drusus began to pretend, that these were fit matters to be referred to the Lords of the Senate, and his father's consideration; they cut off his speech with clamours, expostulating: That seeing he had no authority to augment their pay; nor ease them of their labour; nor benefit them any way; to what purpose was he come thither? But to beat and put them to death, every man had authority. It was an old trick of Tiberius to frustrate the legions desires, with the name of Augustus: and Drusus doth now put the same in practice. Shall they never have any sent them, but such as are under the power of another? It was strange, that the Emperor should refer only that to the knowledge of the Senate, which concerned the soldiers commodity. It were as requisite the Senators advise should be known, when a soldier should be punished, or brought to fight in battle. Did it stand with reason, there should be masters appointed, to dispose of their rewards and recompense; and that without any judge their punishments should be arbitrary? At last they go from the Tribunal and threaten with their fists those they met, of the guard, or Caesar's friends and familiars, as desirous to pick quarrels, and raise sedition. But they bore a special grudge unto Cn. Lentulus, because that he, for his years, and experience in martial feats, in greater reputation than the rest; was thought to animate Drusus against the soldiers, and first of all reject their licentious demands. Whom not long after (foreseeing the danger he was in) going with Caesar to the standing camp, they environed him, ask whither he went? towards the Emperor, or towards the Senate? whether there he would be also against the legions profit? And withal coming fiercely upon him, and throwing stones at him, all imbrued in blood, and certain of present death, yet was succoured by such as came with Caesar. That night, which menaced great disorder, and outrageous behaviour, was quieted by a mere chance. For the Sky being clear and bright, yet the Moon seemed to be eclipsed on a sudden; which the soldiers, being ignorant of the cause, construed as a presage of present ill luck: and comparing their attempts, to the eclipse; were of opinion that their success should be prosperous, if the goddess should become clear and bright again. Whereupon they began with trumpets, Cornets, and other brazen instruments, to make a loud noise, now joyful, now sad, as the Moon appeared either clear or dark. But when the black clouds, rising, took from them the sight of the Moon, supposing she had been hidden in darkness, and utterly lost her light: as troubled minds fall easily into superstition, they began to complain and lament, that, that portended their labours should have no end; and that the gods turned their faces from their wickedness. Caesar thinking it expedient to make his profit of their fear; and govern that by wisdom, which fortune had offered; commanded the Pavilions to be viewed; Clemens the Centurion to be called, and such others, as for their laudable virtues were best liked of the common sort: who thrusting themselves into the watch, the wards, and gate-keepers, increased sometimes their fear, and sometimes promised hope, saying: How long shall we besiege the Emperor's son? what shall be the end of our revolt? shall we swear allegiance to Percennius and Vibulenus? shall we look for our pay at their hands? shall they reward the old soldiers with lands? to be brief, shall they take upon them the government of the Roman Empire, in Nero's and Drusus stead? were it not better that as we were the last which offended; so we should be the first to repent? Demands in common are slowly granted: a private favour is no sooner deserved, then obtained. These speeches troubled their minds, and bred a mistrust among themselves: the young soldiers forsook the old: and one legion parted from an other. By little and little they returned to their allegiance; went from the gates which before they possessed: carried to their usual places the ensigns, which in the beginning of their rebellion they had pitched together. Drusus the next morning calling an assembly, although he were no great Orator; yet the worthiness of his birth supplying that want, he condemned their former, and commended their present behaviour. Assured them that he was not to be overcome with fear and threatening: but if he perceived in them a modest carriage, entreaty of pardon with submission; he would write unto his father, that forgetting that which was past, he would give ear to the legions suits. At their entreaty Blaesus, and L. Apronius, a Gentleman of Rome, and one of Drusus company, and justus Catonius a chief Centurion, were sent again to Tiberius. This done, Drusus counsellors disagreed in opinions: some holding it expedient, that expecting the Ambassadors return; the soldiers in the mean season should be gently entreated: some that sharp remedies ought to be used: affirming that there was no mean in the common people; and unless they were kept in awe, they would keep others under. That they might easily be dealt withal whilst they stood in fear; and therefore it was needful that they should be bridled by their General's authority: the ringleaders of the revolt executed, whilst yet the superstition held them in astonishment. Hereupon Drusus being naturally of a rough disposition, caused Percennius and Vibulenus to be put to death. Some say they were murdered in the governors tent; others that their bodies were thrown out of the rampire to the terror of the rest. After this, a search was made for the principal captains of the conspiracy: whereof some roaming about the camp, were slain by the guard: others the soldiers themselves delivered, as a testimony of their allegiance, into Drusus hands. But there did nothing more augment the soldiers distressed case, than an untimely winter, continual and cruel rains; that they could neither put foot out of their tents; nor meet together: nor hardly keep up their standards, through boisterous winds, and stormy showers, tossing them hither and thither. They were not yet rid of the fear, the heavens ire struck them into: imagining that the stars grew not dark in vain against their wickedness; and that the tempests fell upon them for their lewd and villainous demeanour. There was no comfort left, but to abandon those unlucky, and disloyal camps; and being purged of their offence by some propitiatory sacrifice, each legion to repair to his standing camp. The eight legion departed first; then the fifteenth. The ninth cried that they ought to tarry for Tiberius' answer: but being discomfited by the others departure, preventing imminent necessity, voluntarily went away. Drusus not expecting the Ambassadors return, seeing all quiet for the present, went back to Rome.   

VIII. A mutiny in Gallia, and many Centurions slain: Germanicus loyalty to Tiberius.  
ALmost at the same time, and for the same causes, the legions of Germany rebelled: so much the more violently, by how much the more in number: with great hope that Germanicus Caesar could never endure to be commanded by another: and that by following the humour of the legions, he would by main strength be master of all. There lay by the river of Rhine two armies: the one called the higher, under the Lieutenant C. Silius: the other the lower, under A. Caecina. But the Lord general over them all, was Germanicus, then greatly busied in levying of subsidies and taxations in Gallia. Those which Silius commanded, wavering and irresolute, looked into the success of others revolt: but the lower army grew into a rage and fury: the conspiracy beginning by the one and twentieth and fift legions, which drew also to their side the first and the twelfth: all of them being in the same summer camps, in the confines of Vbium, idle, or in very easy service. Advertisement being come of Augustus' death, a multitude of city-born bondmen, and after made free, newly mustered to be soldiers, given to licentiousness, and impatient of labour: began to fill the minds of the ruder sort, with these speeches. That the time was now come, that the old soldier might demand a shorter time of service; the new greater pay; and all in general an end of their miseries: and opportunity given to revenge the cruelty of the Centurions. This was not spoken by one alone, as when Percennius incited the legions of Pannonie▪ nor unto dastards looking that men of better courage than they should begin: but many seditious mouths and voices, were at once heard to say; that the whole Roman state was in their hands; that by their victories it was grown great: and that of them the Emperors took their surname. The Lieutenant, the rage of the multitude having taken away his constancy, durst not resist them: when on the sudden like frantic men, with their swords drawn (a very old subject of quarrel and hatred in soldiers, and a beginning of cruelty) they fell on the Centurions; threw them along; laid them on with stripes; three score to one, to make even number with the Centurions. And having thus mangled and torn them, and slain some, they threw them out of the trench, or into the river of Rhine. Among others Septimius fled to the Tribunal, and cast himself at Caecinaes' feet: but was with such importunacy demanded, that he could not but deliver him to the butchery. Cassius Chaerea (famous afterward to posterity for murdering C. Caesar) than a young man, but of a stout and brave courage, made way with his sword, through such, as armed, went about to hinder his passage. After that neither Tribune, nor camp-master was obeyed; the watch and ward, and whatsoever the present time required, was ordered, and distributed among themselves. Those which deeply looked into the disposition of soldiers; judged it a strong argument, of a great and implacable revolt, that they were not scattered and divided; nor any attempt given by a few; but grew insolent altogether: were quiet at once: with such a moderation and constancy, that thou wouldst have thought they had been governed by one head. In the mean season, news was brought to Germanicus (who as I have said, was levying of subsidies and tributes in Gallia) that Augustus was departed. Germanicus had married Augustus' niece Agrippina, and had by her many children, and was Drusus, Tiberius brother's son, and nephew to Augusta: but greatly perplexed, by reason of his uncles and grandmother's secret hatred towards him; so much the more deep and deadly, because unjust. This proceeded of the good will and remembrance which the people of Rome had of Drusus: all of them certainly believing, that if he had gotten the sovereignty, he would have sct liberty on foot again: and hoping the like of Germanicus, bore him the like affection. This young Prince was of a mild disposition, very courteous, nothing at all resembling Tiberius in countenance, or covert and arrogant speech. Besides this, women's quarrels were mingled among, Livia (as is the manner of all stepdames) exasperating Tiberius against Agrippina: a woman indeed easily moved: but through her chastity, and love towards her husband, though otherwise of an invincible stomach, yet turned all to the best. But the nearer Germanicus was to the highest hope, the more he laboured to settle Tiberius in the state: compelling the Sequans adjoining, and the cities of Belgia to swear their allegiance unto him. Then understanding of the hurly burly of the legions, departing in all speed, met the soldiers out of their camp, hanging down the head; repenting them of that they had done. He was no sooner within the trench, but there was heard a confuse lamentation and complaint among them: some taking him by the hand as it were to kiss it, thrust his fingers into their mouths, that he might feel they were toothless: others showed their crooked bodies with age. Who perceiving them confusely shuffled together, commanded to separate themselves into companies, the easier to hear his answer: and bear their ensigns before them; the better to discern their bands: wherein they obeyed slowly enough. Germanicus beginning with the reverence of Augustus, fell by little and little into the praise of the victories and triumphs, and especially the famous exploits Tiberius had done in Germany with those legions. Then extolled the unity of Italy; the loyalty of Gallia; and how all other parts of the empire were quiet. The soldiers gave ear unto all this with silence, or with a small murmuring: but as soon as he began to touch their mutinies; expostulating; What was become of the modest behaviour of soldiers? where was the honour of ancient discipline? whither they had driven their Tribunes and Centurions? they all unclothed themselves, showed him their wounds, scars, and marks of their stripes: then with a confuse note, how dearly they bought their ease and vacations; found fault with their small pay; the intolerable pains they were put to in working: by name condemning the rampires, trenches, seeking of stour, carrying of stones & timber, and all other provisions, either necessary in the camp; or to keep the soldiers from idleness. But the greatest clamours were heard to proceed from the old soldiers; whereof some having spent thirty years in service, some more; besought him to provide for such over wearied poor soldiers; and not suffer them to end the rest of their days, in misery and pain: but delivered of such labour and toils, that they might at length enjoy repose without penury. Some demanded the legacy bequeathed by Augustus' will, and wished Germanicus all good fortune; offering themselves to his devotion if he would take upon him the empire. Whereat, as though he had been distained with some villainy; he leapt from the Tribunal: and as he would have departed: the soldiers turned their weapons towards him in menacing wise: unless he would go back again. But crying that he would rather die, than falsify his faith: drew his sword from his side; bend the point of it towards his breast, ready to have thrust it in; if some which were near him by catching hold of his hand, had not withheld him by main strength. That part of the throng which was farthest behind, and which is scarce credible, some other getting nearer & nearer, encouraged him to strike boldly; and one called Calusidius, offered him his naked sword; saying that it was better pointed than his. But that even to the most furious, was thought a barbarous and savage part, and an evil precedent. Caesar's friends had time to conduct him to his pavilion: there they consulted what was best to be done; because news came, that the soldiers were in hand to dispatch ambassadors to the higher army, to draw them to the same attempt: and that they had determined to sack Colen; and having imbrued their hands with that pray, run on to pill and waste Gallia.   

IX. Order is taken against the disorder, by yielding to the soldiers requests: Germanicus sendeth away his wife and children.  
GErmanicus feared so much the more, because he knew the enemy would not fail to invade, as soon as he understood of the dissension within Rome, and that the rivers side was undefended. On the other side, if the allies and confederates should arm themselves against the legions, it was to begin a new civil war. And that it was to the state dangerous a like; to use either severity or liberality: and no less, to grant the soldier all thing or nothing. The matter being thus debated on both sides, it was thought good, that letters should be written in the prince's name, containing: that such as had served twenty years, should be fully dismissed: and such as sixteen, discharged also; with condition only to remain under ensigns, and repulse the enemy. That their legacies left them by Augustus, should be doubled and paid. The soldier perceived that those were sleights to win time; and therefore urged a present execution: licence of departure was presently yielded by the Tribunes; but payment deferred. The fift, and one and twentieth legion, refused to go to any standing camp; until they had their pay in the same camps they served in. Which they received of such provision, as Caesar could either make by his friends, or had to serve his own turn. Caecina the Lieutenant brought back to Vbium, the first, and the twentieth legion, in base & disorderly array: carrying between the ensigns and standards, masses of money, extorted from the Emperos treasure. Germanicus went to the upper army, and there without delay, took the oath of allegiance, of the second, thirteen, and sixteenth legion; the fowerteenth yet resting doubtful what were best. But they had all their discharge and money offered them unasked. At the same time, certain vexiliarie soldiers which continued under ensigns, and were placed for a guard to the country, of two legions which before were at jar, began a tumult in the country of the Chauceans: which was quickly suppressed by putting to death two of the soldiers. Which Mennius the Camp-master commanded rather for example, then right of his office. But the tumult growing hot, Mennius fled; and being found out, perceiving that there was no safety in lurking, tried what boldness could avail: saying; That they bent not their forces against the Camp-master; but against Germanicus their General, and Tiberius the Emperor: perceiving that those words daunted such as would have hindered him, snatching up an ensign, went to the river side; and denouncing him a fugitive and traitor which refused to follow; brought them to the winter standing camp, astonished, and not daring to attempt any thing. In the mean season the ambassadors sent from the Senate to Germanicus, found him at Vbium, at the place called the Altar. Where two legions, the first and the twentieth wintered, with the old soldiers lately dismissed and kept under ensigns. The timorous and troubled in conscience, were surprised with a sudden fear, lest some were come by commandment of the Senate, to make frustrate all, they had wrung out by rebellion. And as the manner of the people is, always falsely to accuse some one or other whom they suspect: so now they laid all the blame, on Munatius Plancus; who had been Consul and chief in the Embassy: affirming him to be the author of that decree. And in the dead of the night, went to Germanicus, importunately demanding an ensign which was in his house: and flocking together broke down the gates: entered his house; drew Germanicus out of his bed; and threatening to kill him, forced him to deliver the ensign. Then running up and down, they met with the ambassadors, hearing of the desperate tumult, going to Germanicus: the soldiers injuring them, and ready to kill them: and above others Plancus, who in regard of his dignity could not flee: having no other refuge left in distress and danger, then to fly to the camp of the first legion: where embracing the standard and ensigns, found safety as in a religious place. And had not Calphurnius, the standard bearer, guarded him from the fury of the soldiers (a thing which seldom happeneth, even among the enemies) an ambassador of the people of Rome, in the Romans camp, had with his blood polluted the altars of the gods. Assoon as it was day, that the L. General, the soldier, and the attempts might be known; Germanicus entered the camp: and commanding Plancus to be brought to him, placed him in the Tribunal by him. Then sharply rebuking their fatal rage, stirred up by the wrath of the gods, and not the soldiers will: he openeth unto them the cause of the ambassadors coming: their privileges: bewailing with great eloquence, Plancus undeserved hap; and the discredit of the legions. And having rather ravished then quieted the assembly, sent away the ambassadors with a guard of auxiliary horsemen. During this fear, every man blamed Germanicus, that he went not to the upper army, where he should have both obedience, and aid against the rebels: that his fault had been great enough, in dismissing the soldiers with money in their purses, and using them so courteously. And if he made no greater reckoning of his own person; yet he had no reason to leave his young son, and his wife great with child, as a pray to furious and mad men; breakers of all human laws. And that he should preserve them, at the leastwise, for their grandfather, and the commonwealth. He then weighing long what he were best to resolve: his wife refusing to forsake him; alleging, that she was descended from Augustus, and protesting that she would never degenerate from her blood, whatsoever danger might be presented: at last embracing both her and the child, with many tears constrained her to departed. Away then packed this lamentable company of women; and the General's wife: fleeing with his little son in her lap, with a heavy troop of her friends wives about her, lead away with her for company: those which remained behind, no less sorrowful than they. This resembled not a triumphing Caesar, marching out of his camp: but the bewailing and lamentation of a city, conquered and sacked of the enemy. Which piercing the ears of the soldiers: they went out of their cabbines; inquiring what that dolorous tune was? and from whence proceeded that lamentable noise? And perceiving those noble dames to go without any Centurion or soldier, to guard them; and their emperors wife destitute of her accustomed train, going towards Trevers, to commit herself to the mercy of strangers: were strooken into shame and compassion: when they called to mind Agrippa her father, Augustus her grandfather, and Drusus her father in law: and how she herself was for her chastity and child bearing, honoured of all: and how she had had, a child borne and brought up in their camp: whom by a military name they called Caligula: because that to win the favour of the common soldier, he wore the same kind of stocking or buskin as he did. But nothing did move them more, than the hatred to those of Trevers: and therefore began to entreat, and hinder their going; praying her that she would return and remain with them. Some ran before Agrippina; many turned back to Germanicus: who through the late occasions, yet full of grief and anger, uttered to the multitudes about him, this speech as followeth.   

X. Germanicus Oration to the soldiers: the fear the City was in.  
NOt my wife, or son, are dearer unto me, than my father and the Commonwealth: but him, his own Majesty; the Empire, the other armies shall defend. I do now remove my wife and children (which nevertheless I would willingly offer unto death, were it to your glory and honour) from the sight of raging mad men: that all your lewd actions be purged with my blood only; lest if you should murder Augustus' nephews son, and Tiberius' daughter in law, you should become guilty of more heinous crimes: for what have you not dared to attempt these days past? or what have you left unviolated? By what name shall I call this assembly? Shall I call you soldiers, who have besieged your Emperor's son even within the trench? or shall I call you citizens, by whom the authority of the Senate is so little regarded? You have broken that law which one enemy observeth to another: violated the sacred freedom of Ambassadors, and the law of Nations. julius of famous memory, repressed a sedition in his army with one bare word: calling such Quirites, which drew back contrary to their oath of allegiance. Augustus of sacred memory, daunted the legions at Actium, with his look. And as for us, although we be neither of them, yet being extract from them, we think it strange and unmeet, that the Spanish or Syrian soldier should contemn us. Thou the first legion, and thou the twentieth, the one having received ensigns of Tiberius, and the other a companion in so many battles, and enriched with so many recompenses, do you thus guerdon your General? Is this the message I shall carry my father (who receiveth but good tidings from all other Provinces) that neither the young, nor old soldier, can be satisfied with licence to departed, nor money in their purse? And that here only, the Centurions are murdered, the Tribunes driven away, the Ambassadors shut up? that the tents and rivers are stained with blood? and that I myself, hold my life but at the courtesy of such as hate me? Why did you snatch out of my hands, the sword which I meant to thrust through my breast, the first day of our meeting? O unadvised friends: yet he dealt better and more lovingly with me, which offered me his sword; for by that means I should have ended my life, before I should have seen so many outrages in my army. You should have made choice of a General, which would have left my death unpunished; yet have revenged the death of Varo, and of the three legions. The gods forbidden, that the Belgians, though offering themselves, should carry away the credit and the honour of succouring the Romans, and bridling the Germans. Let thy soul, Augustus of sacred memory, received into heaven, thy image father Drusus, and the remembrance of thee, together with these soldiers whom shame and glory do enter into, wipe away this blot, and convert this private rancour, to the destruction of the enemy. And you, in whom I perceive another countenance and another will, if you purpose to restore the Ambassadors to the Senate; yield dutiful obedience to the Emperor; and me, my wife and son: withdraw yourselves from the contagion of the seditious, and go from them which have been the authors of this rebellion: that shall be a sure token of your repentance, and a bond of fidelity. With these speeches the soldiers humbling themselves, confessed all to be true which was upbraided them: and besought him that he would punish the faulty, and pardon those which were seduced, and bring them against the enemy: recall his wife and the legions child; and not deliver him to the Gauls for an hostage. Germanicus excused the return of his wife by the nearness of her time, and winter; yet that his son should return again: and as for other things, that they themselves should see them performed. The soldiers then, being better persuaded, ran from place to place, laid hands on the most disordered persons, and brought them bound before C. Cetronius, Colonel of the first legion: who gave judgement and punishment on every of them in this manner. The legions called together, stood with their swords drawn before the Tribunal: and the offender shown by the Tribune out of a high seat: and if the soldiers did cry that he was guilty, he was immediately thrown down headlong, and cut in pieces: the soldier rejoicing in these massacres, as though himself thereby had been acquitted. Germanicus did not hinder them at all, seeing, that being done without his commandment, as well the fact, as the envy of it, should light upon their own necks. The old soldiers following that precedent, were anon after sent to Raetia, under colour of defending the province, from the invasion of the Swevians: but in deed, to draw them from those garrisons; yet breathing of cruelty, no less by that cruel means of redress, than memory of their former outrages. This done, he took a survey of the Centurions: who being called by the Captain, told their names, degrees, and country, what pays they had received, and how many years: what exploits they had done in service, and with what donatives rewarded. If the Tribunes and legions approved their valour and integrity, they kept their rooms: if by common consent, covetousness, or cruelty were laid to their charge, they were cassirde. Things thus settled for the present, there arose immediately, a matter of no lesser weight than the former, through the heady insolency of the fift, and one and twentieth legion, lodged in winter standings threescore miles off, at Vetera. For they first led the dance, and with their own hands, committed the lewdest outrages: Nothing terrified with their fellows punishment, continued impenitent, and still harboured anger in their breasts. Whereupon Caesar gathereth forces, prepareth a Navy with confederates and allies, to send down the Rhine: purposing if they were obstinate, to try it out in a main battle. No tidings being all this while brought to Rome, of the success in Illyricum: and understanding of the rising of the German legions; the city trembling with fear, began to blame Tiberius, that counterfeiting a doubtfulness of taking on him the Empire, mocked the Lords of the Senate, the weak & unfurnished common people, and suffered the seditious in the mean time to rebel, which by the weak authority of two young men could not be suppressed. That he should therefore have gone himself in person, and opposed his imperial majesty against them; at whose sight they would presently have yielded, being by long experience skilful, and carrying with him power to punish, or reward. If Augustus stricken in years, could make often journeys into Germany: should Tiberius being of a strong and able body, sit in the Senate, carping the Senators words? He had taken good order how to keep the city in servitude: and that it was now time to apply some medicine to the soldiers mind, to induce them to a disposition of peace. Notwithstanding Tiberius standing stiff in his determination, resolved not to forsake the head of the empire, and hazard himself and the whole state. Many things troubled his mind: as that the German army was the strongest: and the Pannonian near at hand: the one leaning to the strength of the Gauls: the other, lying in the confines of Italy: doubtful himself which first to go to; lest the other being postposed should take it in disdain. But his sons, might visit both: as a thing standing well with imperial majesty, bearing greater state farthest off. The young men might be excused if they referred some things to their father: and if they should resist Germanicus and Drusus, he should be able to appease or overthrow them. But if they should set light by the Emperor, what remedy could be then looked for? Nevertheless as though he would departed out of hand, he made choice of his followers, provided his carriages in a readiness, prepared shipping; then excusing himself, now with the hardness of the winter; now with this, now with that: he deceived first the wise, than the vulgar sort, and the provinces a very long time.   

XI. The first and the ninth legion kill many of the rebels: Germanicus over cometh the Marseans, beateth down the temple of Tanfana. The death of julia.  
But Germanicus, although he had an army in a readiness to revenge upon the rebels: thinking it convenient nevertheless, to give them some respite; to see whether they would be reclaimed by the example of the other legions: sent letters before to advertise Cecina, that he was coming with a power: and that if they would not punish the offenders before his coming, he would without any respect make a general slaughter of them all. These letters Cecina secretly imparted to the standard and ensign bearers, and the better sort: persuading them to deliver all in general from infamy, and themselves from death. For in time of peace each man's cause and merit was weighed; but in war, the guilty and guiltless perished alike. They then sounding the minds of those they thought fittest, and finding the greater number of the legionary soldiers to continue dutiful; following the Lieutenant's advice, set down a time when to cut off the lewdest, and most seditious among them. Then the watchword given, they break into their tents; slew them; none privy to the cause but such, as were of counsel in the enterprise: neither imagining the beginning, nor the end of this butchery. The strangest manner of civil war that ever happened was this: for without order of battle; not sallying out of divers standings; but out of the same beds, in which they had eaten by day, and slept by night: they banded into factions; lanced their darts: outcries were heard; wounds given; blood shed; but the cause unknown: fortune ruled the rest, and some honest men were slain among. But it was no sooner known against whom this watch was intended, but the worst persons snatched their weapons likewise: no Lieutenant, nor Tribune present to bridle them: but every man licensed to revenge his fill. Germanicus anon after entering the camp, with many tears calling that a butchery, and not a medicine, commanded the bodies to be burnt. The bloody soldiers thirsted after the enemy, as a satisfaction of his fury: supposing that the ghosts of their companions could by no other means be appeased, then by receiving honourable wounds in their wicked breasts. Caesar followed the soldiers heat, and building a bridge over the river, passed over twelve thousand, drawn out of the legions; six and twenty cohorts of allies: and eight wings of such horsemen, as during the mutiny, were of good and modest carriage. The Germans not far off were jocund: whilst we for the death of Augustus, and by civil discords, kept holy day. The Roman army marching with speed, past the wood Caesia; and the bond begun by Tiberius, and encamped upon it: fortifying the front and the back with a trench, and the sides with loppings of trees. From thence they marched through dark forests, and consulting of two ways, which was best: the short and usual: or the unbeaten and hardest: and therefore least doubted of the enemy. And having made choice of the longest, they hastened other things the more. For the scouts had brought word, that the Germans would spend that night in solemn feasting and banqueting. Cecina had charge to lead the way with a cohort lightly armed, and make plain the passage of the wood; whom the legions immediately followed. The starlight helped them, till they came to the villages of the Marsies: whom they beset round; being yet either a bed, or at table; without fear, and no watch set. So far had they left all things at random; nothing misdoubting war; nor, being drunk, greatly caring for peace. Caesar divided the legions greedy of pillage to waste the more ground, into four pointed battles; and destroyed with fire and sword, fifty miles; neither age nor sex, moving him to pity: profane and sacred places, and the temple called Tanfana, a place of great fame among those people, he battered to the ground: the Romans receiving no wound, but slaying the enemy half a sleep; or unarmed, and straggling without order or array. That slaughter stirred up the Bructeri, Tubantes, and the Vsipetes; who beset the wood, that way the army should return. Whereof the Captain being advertised, he marshaled his men in order at once, both to march and fight. Part of the horsemen with auxiliary cohorts lead the way: after them followed the first legion: the carriages enclosed in the midst, had on the left side the 21. legion; on the right, the fift: in the rearward, the twentieth; and after them the rest of the confederates. But the enemy stirred not whilst the Roman camp marched through the wood: then lightly skirmishing with the flanks and the foremen; set amain on the hindmost: who being but slenderly appointed, and amazed with the thick troops of Germans, were ready to shrink: had not Caesar stepped to the twentieth legion; crying aloud, that now was the time to blot out the infamies of their former conspiracies: and show valour; and make haste to turn their former fault into glory and honour. This speech so inflamed their courages, that breaking in suddenly upon the enemies, drove them to an open place, and hewed them in pieces: and the vanguard getting out of the wood, began incontinently to fortify and entrench. After that, they marched without disturbance: emboldened with their late success, and forgetting what was past, were brought to their standing camps. These news made Tiberius both glad and sorry: glad, that the sedition was suppressed: sorry, that Germanicus had purchased the soldiers favour by largesse, and timely dismissing them: not a little grieved also with the glory that Germanicus got in that war. Yet he imparted these news to the Senate, highly commending his exploits: rather in colour and show of words, then believed that he spoke from the heart. Drusus he commended also; and the success of the Illirian rebellions, in fewer words, but more unfeignedly, and with better affection; yet confirmed all that Germanicus had granted; and gave the like to the armies in Pannonie. The same year julia died: confined first by Augustus her father for her unchaste life, in the Island Pandateria: then in Rhegium, a town seated upon the Sicilian sea. She had been Tiberius' wife, whom she contemned as an unfit match for her; whilst Caius and Lucius flourished: which was the very inward and secret cause, why Tiberius withdrew himself to Rhodes. But having gotten to be Emperor, and that by the death of Agrippa Posthumus, her hopes were cut off; banished and infamous, with great want hunger-starved her: persuading himself that her long banishment, would have smothered the speech of her death. The like occasion egged him to the like cruelty against Semp. Gracchus: who nobly descended, quick witted, and eloquent to persuade to naughtiness; seduced the same julia to lewdness when she was M. Agrippa's wife. Neither was that the end of their licentiousness; but the wilful adulterer abused her company, when she was Tiberius' wife: incensing her to disobedience and dislike. divers supposing that the bitter letters, which she sent to Augustus her father against Tiberius, were of his inditing. Whereupon being banished to Cercina, an Island in the African sea, after fourteen years exile: the soldiers sent to put him to death, found him on the shore as one expecting bad tidings. Of whom he requested some short time, to write his last will to Alliaria his wife; which being done, he offered his neck to the executioners: in the constancy of his death, not unworthy the Sempronian name; though in his life he had degenerated. Some gave out, that those soldiers were not sent from Rome, but from L. Asprenas, Proconsul of Africa, by Tiberius' appointment; hoping though in vain, that the infamy of the murder should redound to Asprenas discredit. This year were instituted new ceremonies, by founding a society of Priests, called Augustales: as in times past T. Tatius, desirous to continue certain religious solemnities of the Sabins, ordained a company of Priests called Titians. One and twenty of the chiefest of the city were drawn by lot, and Tiberius, Drusus, Claudius, and Germanicus added to the number. These plays at their first beginning, were disturbed by a contention rising betwixt stage players: Augustus himself favouring the sport, to please Maecenas; who was exceedingly carried away with affection towards Bathillus, and himself not disliking them, thought it no uncivil matter, to show himself at those disports, amongst the common people. But Tiberius was of an other humour; yet durst not on the sudden reduce the people to a straighter course, which so many years before had been nuzzled in pleasure and easy usage.   

XII. Germanicus invadeth the Chatti. A strife between two noble men of Germany, Armihius and Segestes. Arminius wife is taken.  
DRusus Nero and C. Narbo being Consuls, a triumph was ordained in honour of Germanicus, the war yet continuing: for which although great preparation was made for the summer following; yet he by a sudden incursion made on the Chatti, did anticipate it in the beginning of the spring. For a rumour bred a hope, that the enemies were banded into factions, some favouring Arminius; and others Segestes: the one most loyal; and the other most disloyal unto us. Arminius disquieted Germany: Segestes discovered often to Varus, but especially in the last banquet, after which arms were taken, a rebellion intended: and counseled him to cast himself, Arminius and the chiefest of the conspirators into prison: the people not daring any attempt, the ringleaders being taken away; and that he should have time thereby to sift out the offenders from the innocent. But Varus by destiny, and Arminius violence died. And although Segestes was by common consent drawn to the war, yet he showed himself very backward by his private grudge against Arminius increasing more and more; because he had taken away by force his daughter betrothed to another. Thus than the son in law being odious to the father: the fathers in law at utter defiance betwixt themselves; that which should serve for a bond of friendship among friends, served here for a provocation of wrath and malice. Whereupon Germanicus committed four legions to Cecinaes' charge, five thousand auxiliaries, and certain german bands levied in haste, inhabiting the hither side of Rhine. Himself conducted the like number of legions, with twice as many confederates: and having builded a fort on the hill Taunus, where his father before him had appointed a garrison, led his army without encumbrance against the Chatti; leaving L. Apronius behind him, to mend and make sure the passages by land and rivers: for by reason of a drought, and lowness of the waters (a thing seldom seen in that country) they had marched a good way without danger; but feared rain and rising of the water at his return. But his coming was so sudden upon the Chatti; that the weaker sort by age, or sex, were presently either taken or slain: the young men swum over the river Adrana, and drove back the Romans, which began a bridge: But at last driven away themselves with shot of arrows and other engines, entreating in vain of conditions of peace: some fled to Germanicus: the rest abandoning their villages and houses, dispersed themselves in the woods. Germanicus having burned Mattium the capital city of the country, returned toward the Rhine: the enemy not daring to set on him as he retired, as his manner is, when he gave ground, rather upon policy then fear. The Cherusci would willingly have succoured the Chatti; but Caecinaes' army fleeting from place to place, kept them in awe: and overthrew the Marsi, which ventured to join battle with him. Shortly after ambassadors came from Segestes, to crave aid against the violence of his countrymen, which had besieged him: Arminius bearing greater sway, because he incited them to war. For among barbarous people, the more audacious a man showeth himself, the more loyal he is reputed; and the fittest instrument in troubled times. Segestes joined his son Sigismond to these ambassadors; but being touched in conscience, was unwillingly drawn to it: because that when the Germans rebelled, being priested at the altar of the Vbians, he broke his head-bande, which was the mark of his calling, and fled to the rebels. Yet trusting in the Romans clemency, fulfilled his father's commandment; and being courteously, received was conveyed with a guard, to the shores of Gallia. After this Germanicus thought it convenient, to convert his power against those which besieged Segestes, whom he delivered, with a great number of his kindred, and followers. Among whom there were many noble dames, and Segestes daughter, Arminius wife; affecting rather her husband than father; and being taken, not once falling a tear, nor craving favour, joining her hands on her breast, looked down upon her great belly. The spoils of Varus overthrow were at the same time brought in and distributed, as a booty to the greatest part of such, as had yielded themselves with Segestes. Who with a comely majesty, and bold courage, and loyalty to the Romans, began a speech in this manner. This is not the first day that the people of Rome, hath had experience of my constancy and loyalty: for since Augustus of famous memory, gave me the privileges of a citizen of Rome; I made choice of such friends or enemies, as might stand you in stead: not for any hatred to my country (for traitors are odious even to those whose instruments they be) but because I judged it profitable alike to the Romans and Germans: and preferred peace before war: for this cause I accused Arminius, ravisher of my daughter, and infringer of the league concluded with you, before Varus the general. But when I was by the slackness of the general deferred to a farther day of hearing, having small hope of support in laws; I besought him earnestly, that he would commit me, Arminius, and the rest of the conspirators, to strait custody. I call to witness that night (which if it had pleased the gods I would it had been my last) in which those things ensued, which deserve rather to be bewailed, than maintained. In fine, I laid irons on Arminius, and suffered the same in myself, by his faction. But seeing you have vouchsafed me your presence; I prefer old quietness before new garboils; not hoping for any reward thereby; but only to excuse myself from disloyalty, and to serve for a convenient means of reconciliation for the Germane nation, if they will rather repent than perish. For my sons youth and error I crave pardon: my daughter I confess, was drawn hither by force. It resteth in you to determine, whether it ought to be of greater force, to be with child by Arminius; or be begotten by me. Caesar with a mild answer, promised his children & his kindred safety: and himself his ancient seat in the province. This done he bringeth back his army, and with Tiberius' liking, took upon him the name of Emperor. Arminius wife was delivered of a son; which was brought up at Ravenna; of whom we will speak more hereafter, and how he served for fortunes scorn.   

XIII. Arminius stirreth the Germans to war: seeketh revenge: What danger Caecina was in. Germanicus burieth the legions which were slain with Varus.  
THe news being spread of Segestes yielding, and gentle usage, as men's minds were affected to peace or war; so they were moved with hope or grief. Arminius being fierce of his own disposition understanding that his wife was taken prisoner, and the fruit of her womb, a bond slave; became as it were mad: and ranging the Cheruscians country; craved for secure against Segestes, and Caesar; not being able to contain for outrageous speeches: saying That, that must needs be a brave father, a mighty Emperor, a worthy army, that could, with so much help, carry away one silly woman. He had defeated three legions, and so many lieutenants: not by treason, nor against women great with child, but in the face of the enemy, and against armed men, achieved his enterprises. And that the ensigns, which he had taken from the Romans, were to be seen in the woods of Germany, offered up in honour of their country gods. Let Segestes inhabit the conquered banks; and restore his son to his priestly dignity: that the Germans could never excuse it: that the Romans have been seen to bear their rods, their axes, and gowns between Abbiss and Rhine. Other nations being strangers to the Roman government, could speak nothing, of their cruel punishments and grievous tributes: and seeing they had shaken off those burdens; and that, that Augustus whom they placed among the gods, and Tiberius chosen after him, lost their labour; they should not fear an unexperienced young man, nor his mutinous company. If they preferred their country; their kindred; their ancient life, before new lords, and new colonies; they should rather follow Arminius, protector of their glory and liberty, than Segestes the author of reproachful servitude. These speeches incensed not only the Cheruscians, but the neighbours adjoining also; and drew Inguiomerus, a man once in credit with the Romans, and uncle to Arminius by the father's side, to their party, which increased Caesar's fear the more. And therefore lest the whole weight of the war should at once fall upon him: he sent Caecinna with forty cohorts of Romans, to seavet the power of the enemy through the Bructeries country, to the river of Amisia. Pedo the Camp-maister had the conducting of the horsemen, by Frisia: himself embarked four legions, and lead them through the lakes: all the horsemen, footmen, and the whole navy meeting together at the said river; and received the Chauceans among them, who had promised them aid. The Bructeri burning their own country, Stertinius overthrew with a company of light harnessed soldiers, sent against them by Germanicus▪ and found between the slaughter and the booty, the banner of the nineteenth legion which was lost with Varus. From thence the army marched to the utmost confines of the Bructeri, all the country wasted betwixt the river Amisia, and Luppia: not far from the forest Tentoburgh; where the relics of the legions which Varus lead, were reported to lie unburied. Whereupon Caesar had a great desire to celebrate the captains, and soldiers funerals; all the army moved to compassion: some calling to mind their kinsfolks; some their friends: and some in consideration of the hazards of war, and the slippery estate of man subject unto fortune's change. And having sent Caecina before, to search out the secret places of the forest, and cast bridges and causeyes over the moist and deceitful passages of the bogs, they marched those doleful ways, irksome to behold, and dreadful to remember. Varus first encamping seat, by the large circuit of ground it contained, and dimensions of the 
* Principia, the place in the camp where the standard and ensigns are pitched. Sau. in mar. lib. 1. cap. 7.  Principia, did show that the enclosure was capable of three legions: then by a rampire half broken down, and a shallow trench, they perceived where the overtoyled remnant was retired. In the middle of the field lay white bones, either scattered, or on a heap, as they had either resisted or fled: hard by, trouncheons of weapons, and horses ribs; and before them men's heads, fastened upon the bodies of trees. In the woods were their barbarous altars, on which they sacrificed the Tribunes and chief Centurions. Those which escaped alive, or broke prison after the butchery, told that here the Liutenants were slain; there the standards taken: where Varus received his first wound; where with his own unlucky hand he slew himself. On what Tribunal Armin ius made his oration. How many gibbets he had set up for captives, and what ditches: and with what proud disdain he skoffed at the ensigns and standards. The Romans then which were present, six years after the slaughter, oppressed with grief, yet more than ever kindled with rage against the enemy; covered with earth the bones of the three legions: as if they had been all their friends or kindred; howbeit it was uncertain whether they buried the stranger or friend. Caesar to show a grateful memory of the dead, and himself to be partaker of their grief, with his own hands put the first turf on their tombs; which Tiberius misliked: either as construing all Germanicus actions to the worst; or because the sight of the dead, unburied, would make the soldiers more fearful of the enemy, and less forward to fight: and because a General honoured with the augural dignity, and devoted to most ancient ceremonies, ought not to meddle in mortuaries. But Germanicus pursuing Arminius, already crept into inaccessible places; as soon as he found conveniency, thrust his horsemen on him, and recovered the field which the enemy occupied. Arminius gathered his men together; and commanding them to draw near the wood, turned short on the sudden, and gave them the watchword which he had hidden there before, to break out. Whereat the horsemen amazed, and the cohorts sent for a supply, borne back with those which fled; augmenting their fear, were almost thrust into the bogs, well known to the conquerors, and dangerous to the Romans; had not Caesar come on with the legions in battle array. Which struck a terror into the enemy, and assured the courage of the soldier: both the armies in the end parting on even hand. Anon after the army being brought to the river Amisia, he conducted the fleet and the legions back again, in the same manner they came thither. Some of the horsemen were commanded to return to the river of Rhine, still coasting the Ocean shore. Caecina who conducted another company, although he was skilful in the ways, yet was charged to return with all diligence by the long bridges; which was a narrow causey betwixt wide marshes, thrown up in times passed by L. Domitius. The rest of the country was miry, and full of fast binding clay, with some doubtful brooks. Round about were woods, ascending little and little, which Arminius had filled, by a nearer way, and light army, preventing the Romans, laden with armour and carriages. Caecina doubting how he should at once, repair those bridges, already decayed with age, and drive back the enemy; thought it best to encamp in the same place; that whilst some were fortifying, others might skirmish with the enemy. The barbarians used all force to break the wards, and make way to the trench-makers: set on them, compassed them in; ran from place to place; leaving nothing undone, to disturb them. The labourers and the fighters made one confuse cry: nothing prospering on the Romans side. The place was nothing but a deep mire, not firm to tread on, and slippery to march: the weight of their corselets an hindrance, and they unable to lance their javelins in the waters. Contrarily the Cheruscians being a great limmed people, and accustomed to fight in bogs, were with huge spears able to hurt a far off. To be brief, the night delivered the legions from an unlucky battle. The Germans through prosperous success, nothing wearied, but forbearing from rest; turned all the waters which rose in the mountains, into the under grounds: whereupon the plain being drowned, and so much of the work overthrown as they had cast up, the Roman soldier was put to a double labour.   

XIIII. The Romans escape a great danger through the good conduct of Caecina.  
CAEcina had then in quality of a soldier of commander forty year received pay: and therefore being acquainted as well with the changeable events of fortune as prosperous successes, fell nothing at all in courage: but pondering in his mind what might follow, found nothing more expedient, then to enclose the enemy in the wood, until the wounded, and the carriages were gotten before. For betwixt the hills and the marshes, there stretched out a plain, capable of a small army. The legions were so placed, that the fift should be in the right flank; the one and twentieth in the left; the first to lead; and the twentieth to defend, if they were pursued. The night was unquiet for divers respects: the barbarous enemy, in feasting and banqueting, songs of joy, and hideous outcries filled the valleys and woods, which redoubled the sound again. The Romans had small fires, broken voices, lay near the trenches, went from tent to tent, rather disquieted, and not able to sleep, then watchful. The general had that night a heavy dream; which drove him into a fear: for he thought that he had seen Quinctilius Varus, rising out of those bogs, imbrued all in blood, calling him by name, and stretching out his hand towards him; which he thrust back refusing to follow. At day breaking, the legions appointed for the flanks, either for fear, or contempt, abandoned their standings; and seized on the field adjoining beyond the marshes. Arminius although he might safely have, assaulted them, yet forbore a time. But he no sooner perceived their bag and baggage to stick in the mire, and ditches, and the soldiers troubled about it, disbanded and out of order, and the ensigns confusedly disordered; as it falleth out in such times, every man busy to help himself, and deaf to hearken what was commanded; but he encharged the Germans to break in, crying aloud. Behold Varus, and the legions once again vanquished by the same destiny. Having thus said, accompanied with a choice band of horsemen, breaketh the ranks of the Romans, and especially woundeth their horses: which slipping, by reason of their own blood, and moisture of the bogs; overthrowing their masters, either trod underfeete, or scattered all they met. Much a do they had about the ensigns, which they could neither bear up, the shot came so thick: nor pitch on the ground, it was so miry. Whilst Caecina maintaineth battle, his horse was killed under him; from which being fallen, he had been taken by the enemy, if the first legion had not opposed herself. The greediness of the enemy was some help unto them; being more thirsty of pillage then blood: whereby the legions had leisure towards the evening, to win the open firm land. And yet their miseries did not thus end: They had defences to make: and stuff wherewithal, to seek: their tools to cast up earth, or cut turfs, were almost all lost: tents they had none to cover them: nor medicaments to heal the wounded: and dividing their meat partly stained with blood, or beraied with dirt, they bewailed that unfortunate darkness; and that only day left for so many thousands to live. By mere chance a horse broke lose in the camp, and praunsing up and down, affrighted with noise, overthrew all he met in his way: which stroke such a fear and terror in the soldiers hearts, that thinking the Germans had broken upon them; ran all to the gates of the camp, and especially to the Decumana, which was farthest from the enemy, and safest to flee away. Caecina being assured that it was but a vain fear, yet not being able either by his authority, entreaty, or forcible means to stay their fleeing; cast himself a cross the gate; and so moved them to pity, stopping the passage; because they would not tread on their captains body. The Tribunes and Centurions showed them withal, that their sear was false and without cause. Then assembling them in the Principia, and commanding silence, admonished them of the time and necessity they stood in. That their safety only consisted in their weapons; which yet they were to moderate by discretion: keeping still within their trench, until the enemy, with hope to break upon them, should draw near: and that then they should rush out on every side, and so get to the river of Rhine. Whereas if they should fly, they should pass through more woods, find deeper bogs, and the enemy more cruel than ever: but by conquering they should purchase glory and renown: putting them in mind of those things which were esteemed dear at home, and of credit in camp: not once mentioning their disgraces and adversities. This done, he assigned to the most courageous a horse: beginning with his own; then with the Tribunes and Centurions, not respecting calling or quality: to the end that they should first invade the enemy, and the footmen follow. The Germans, what with hope, what with greediness of pray, what with disgreeing opinions of captains; were as much disquieted as the Romans'. Arminius thought it best to suffer them come out of their fort, and set on them in the bogs and marshes: but Inguiomerus advise, though more cruel, was most pleasing to the barbarians: which was, that they should besiege the camp: persuading that by that means, the assault would be easier; more captives taken; and the booty entire and untouched. Assoon then as it was day, they beat down the trenches, filled them up with hurdles, grappled up to the top of the trench, few soldiers resisting them, and those all stock still in amaze. The cohorts within had the alarm given; the cornets and trumpets sounded; and with a great clamour sallied out courageously, and hemmed the enemy in: casting in their teeth, that here there were neither woods nor quagmiers, but the places and the gods indifferent to both. The enemies imagining it but an easy conquest, and that there were but a few to resist, and those but half armed; hearing the sound of the trumpets, and seeing the glittering of the armour; which seemed so much the greater, by how much the less they were esteemed: on a sudden were beaten down and slain, as men in prosperity greedy, and in adversity, uncircumspect. Arminius and Inguiomerus fled, th'one not hurt, and the other grievously wounded. The common sort were slain as long as the day and anger lasted: the legions returned at night to their fort. And although there were more wounded than the day before, and no less want of victuales: yet with the victory they thought they had recovered, strength, courage, health, and all other necessaries.   

XV. The danger the legions were in under Vitellius. Tiberius reneweth the la of treason.  
IT was noised abroad in the mean season, that the legions were besieged; and that the German host was entering Gallia. And if Agrippina had not hindered the pulling down of the bridge over Rhine; some through fear would have ventured so lewd an action. Who being a woman of a great courage, took upon her for some days the office of a Captain: relieved the soldiers, as they had most need, with apparel and medicine. C. Plinius a writer of the German wars, recounteth; that she went to the end of the bridge and there stayed, praising and thanking the legions as they returned. A matter which entered deeply into Tiberius' mind: imagining with himself that it was not for nought, that she used such care and courtesy: that she sought not the favour of the soldier against the stranger. That there was nothing left for the Emperors to do, if a woman took once upon her to visit the bands, go to the ensigns; and seek means to corrupt the soldier? As though it had been but a small point of ambition, to carry her son about the camp in the attire of a common soldier, and call him Caesar Caligula. That Agrippina was now of greater credit with the army, than the Lieutenants and Captains; and that a woman had suppressed a sedition, which Caesar's name and power could not do. All this was aggravated by Sejanus, well acquainted with Tiberius' humour; and who had long before sown seeds of hatred: which for the time he smothered, because they should burst out the greater in the end. But Germanicus gave P. Vitellius charge of the second & fowerteenth legion, which he had brought by sea, to conduct by land: to the end the ships might in the low water sail more easily, or in the ebbing lie a ground more lightly. Vitellius had a quiet beginning of his journey, a dry shore, and small float: but by and by through a gale of northern wind, the aequinoxe falling out the same time, and the sea swelling extraordinarily; his army was tossed hither and thither: the face of the earth was covered with waters, the sea, the shore, the fields, were all but one. The uncertain sands could not be discerned from firm land: nor the shelves from the deep seas: their horses and carriages were drawn under water, and swallowed in the gulfs: dead bodies flotted and met one another: the soldiers disorderly mingled, now breast, now chin high in water; and sometimes losing footing, either drowned or scattered. Encouragments took no place: & being thus tossed with waves, the valiant man was not distinguished from the coward: the wise not known from the fool; nor no difference betwixt counsel and chance; but all wrapped up in like violence. In the end Vitellius having gotten the higher ground, brought the rest of his company thither, where they passed all that night without vtensiles, or fire: the greatest part either naked, or moiled, in no less miserable a taking, than the besieged by the enemy: for the end of those is glorious, and the death of these without honour. The day showed them land, and they passed to the river Visurgis, where Caesar was arrived with the whole fleet: into which he received the legions, reported to have been drowned, and never believed to be alive, until they saw Caesar and the army returned. Now Stertinius sent before to receive Segestes brother Segimerus, who had yielded himself; brought him and his son to Colen; and both pardoned; though Segimerus easilier than his son: because it was laid to his charge, that he had skoffed at Quinctilius Varus body. But to supply these losses which the army had sustained; Gallia, Spain, and Italy, strove who should furnish most; offering armour, horses, gold, and such things as they had most in a readiness. Germanicus commending their love and affection, accepted only their armour and horses, and furnished the rest with his own charges. And to comfort and mitigate the remembrance of their overthrow, with some courteous usage; he went about to visit the wounded: praising in particular every one's valiantness, and looking on their wounds; fed one with hope, and an other with praise: won all by good words, and care, and made them constant to himself, and resolute to fight. The same year by decree of Senate, the marks of triumph were ordained for A. Caecina, L. Apronius, C. Silius, for their noble exploits achieved under Germanicus. And Tiberius refused the Title, of father of his country, which the people had often cast upon him. Nor would not suffer any to swear, to the observation of his ordinances, although the Senate were thereto consenting: affirming, that all mortal things were mutable and uncertain; and the higher he should climb, the slipperer his estate should be. Notwithstanding all this, they could not be persuaded that he meant well to the citizens; because he had put on foot again the law of treason, known to the ancients by the same name. But by virtue of that law other things were brought into question: as if any had betrayed the army; stirred the people to sedition: badly managed the affairs of the commonwealth: impaired and weakened the majesty of the people of Rome. But than deeds only were punished, words went scotfree. Augustus was the first, who under colour of this law, comprehended the examination of infamous libels: moved thereto by the insolent behaviour of Cassius Severus, who had defamed honourable persons, both men and women, with scandalous writings. Tiberius also, when Pompeius Macro the Praetor asked whether judgement should be given, touching the said crime, made answer; that the laws were to be observed. Tiberius was the more exasperated, through certain verses cast abroad by an uncertain author, against his cruelty, pride, and disagreeing with his mother. It shall not be amiss, if I rehearse, with what pretended crimes, Falanius and Rubrius, both mean Gentlemen of Rome were charged: to make it known by what beginnings, what sleights of Tiberius, an utter ruin of the commonwealth was intended, then suppressed; afterward revived again, and in the end, overmastered all. Falanius accuser objected against him, that amongst other worshippers of Augustus (for such fellowships there were almost in every house as it had been Colleges) he had received one Cassius a stage-player, and infamous of his body: and that with his gardens he had sold Augustus' image. Rubrius was accused to have violated an oath made in Augustus' name. When these things were brought to Tiberius' notice, he answered: That his father had not a place assigned him in heaven by decree of Senate, because that honour should be converted to the overthrow of the citizens. That Cassius the stage-player, was wont to be admitted with others of the same trade, to the plays which his mother had consecrated to Augustus' memory. That there was nothing done against religion, if his image was sold, as the counterfeits of other gods were, in the sale of their gardens and houses. And as for Rubrius oath, it was to be held in the same account, as if he had deceived jupiter himself: and that the injuries done unto the gods, aught to be referred to the care of the gods.   

XVI. An accusation against Granius Marcellus, Orders against suing for dignities.  
NOt long after, Granius Marcellus Praetor of Bythinia, was accused of treason by Caepio Crispinus his Quaestor: Romanus Hispo subscribed thereto: who entered into a course of life, which the calamities of times, and men's boldness made famous. For being needy, obscure, and a busy companion, by secret information he so crept into the cruel humour of the Prince, that he was able in short time to endanger the estate of the best in the city: thereby getting credit and authority with one, and hatred of many. He gave an example, which many following, of beggars became rich, of base and contemptible persons, feared; procuring destruction to others, and in the end to themselves. He accused Marcellus to have uttered bad speeches against Tiberius: which was an accusation inevitable; because that having chosen out the greatest blemishes of Tiberius' life and manners, because they were true; were believed. Hispo added, that Marcellus image was placed higher than those of the Caesars; and that the head of another of Augustus being cut off, Tiberius' image was put upon it: which so incensed him, that breaking silence, he cried out that he would himself, and that sworn, give open sentence in that cause: to the end the rest should be enforced to do as he had done; for as yet there were some marks of dying liberty left in the Senate. Then said C. Piso. What place wilt thou take Caesar to deliver thy censure? If thou wilt speak first, I shall have a precedent to follow: if last, I fear I shall serve from thee uncircumspectly. Abashed with this, the hotter unadvisedly he had grown, the more repenting; he suffered the arraigned of treason to be quit. As concerning the extortions, the cause was put over to the delegates. And not contented with the judgements of the Senators, he assisted in the hearing of causes himself, and sat in the end of the Tribunal, lest he should put the Praetor out of his chair. Many orders were given in his presence against canvasing for offices, and noblemen's suits: but whilst he laboured for justice, liberty went to wrack. Whilst these things were adoing, Pius Aurelius a Senator, complained that his house was decayed and grown to ruin, by the raising up of a public way, and conveyance of water: and craved aid of the Lords of the Senate in that behalf. And where the Treasurers opposed themselves against it, he was relieved by Caesar, who paid him the value of his house: desirous to employ his money in honest actions: which virtue he long retained after he had shaken off all others. He bestowed 
* About 7. thousand eight hundred and twelve pounds ten shillings.  ten hundred thousand sesterces upon Propertius Celer, once Praetor, and now craving licence to give up his room, by reason of the poverty his father left him in; and commanded others which made the same suit, to make it known to the Senate, that their petition was true: desirous to be accounted severe in things well done: which caused others rather to endure their poverty with silence, then by acknowledging it, receive a benefit at his hands. The same year, through continual rains the river Tiber rose so high, that it covered all the flat places of the city; and in falling, there ensued a great ruin of men and buildings. Whereupon a remedy being consulted of in Senate, Asinius Gallus was of opinion, that the books of the Sibyls should be searched: which Tiberius hindered; as one who would hide from them, as well things divine as human. But he committed that charge unto Ateius Capito, and L. Arruntius. Achaia and Macedonia complaining of their heavy taxations: it was agreed in Senate, that they should no longer be governed by a proconsul, but by Caesar. Drusus being made overseer of a play of fencers, set forth in his own and his brother Germanicus name; because he seemed to take over great pleasure in shedding of blood; stroke a fear into the people's minds, and as it is reported, was disliked of his father. Why Tiberius forbore to see this spectacle, it was diversly construed: some thought because he loathed to be in great assemblies: some because he was of a melancholy sad disposition: and also misdoubting lest some should fall into comparison, betwixt him and Augustus, who was wont to be present at such plays with courteous and mild carriage. I cannot think that his meaning was, to give his son occasion to show his cruelty, and move the people to offence; although some have so reported. The licentiousness begun in the Theatre the last year, grew now to a farther outrage: many not only of the common people slain; but soldiers and Centurions, and a Captain of the guard, whilst they went about to bridle the insolency of the people, and hinder them from using lavishing speeches against magistrates. That sedition was debated in Senate: many being of opinion that it it was convenient, that the Praetor should have authority to whip the stage-players. But Haterius Agrippa Tribune of the people contradicted him: whom Asinius Gallus rebuked in an oration: Tiberius holding his peace; suffering the Senate to use that shadow of liberty. Yet Haterius prevailed, because Augustus had once declared the stage-players to be free from stripes: and therefore not lawful for Tiberius to infringe it. Many orders were laid down touching the moderation and charges bestowed upon plays: and against the insolent behaviour of their favourers; whereof the chiefest are these. That no Senator should enter into a players house: that the gentlemen of Rome should not accompany them in public places: that it was not lawful to see their plays but on the Theatre. And that the Praetor should have authority to banish such lookers on, as behaved themselves disorderly. The Spaniards had licence granted them, at their request, to erect a Temple in honour of Augustus, in the free town of Tarracon; which was a precedent for all the other provinces to follow. The people making supplication, that they might be unburdened of the imposition of one in the hundred of all things bought and sold, which began after the wars were begun: Tiberius answered by an edict that it was the only stay of soldiers wages: and that the state would be overcharged if the old soldiers should not be dismissed after twenty years service: and by this means, the order wrung out to appease the soldiers, that the soldiers should be dismissed after sixteen years service, was abrogated. After this it was propounded in Senate by Arruntius and Ateius, whether for the repressing of the inundations of Tiber, it were convenient to divert the course of the rivers and lakes, which were cause of his rising. Upon this occasion, the ambassadors of other free towns and colonies were heard: and especially the deputies from the city of Florence; requesting that Clanis might not be turned out of his own channel into Arne, as a matter greatly to their hurt. The like speech the Interamnates used, showing that the fertilest tract of Italy should be lost, if (as it was intended) the river Nar should be cut into many branches; and so all become a standing pool, if the new channels were not capable of so much water. The Reatins did not in this case hold their peace: no way yielding that the mouth of the lake Velinus should be dammed up, where it discargeth itself into Nar: for so it would overflow all about it. And that nature had well provided for the necessity of man's use: having given all rivers, their course and mouth, and as well their bounds, as beginnings. That the religion of their allies was to be considered, who consecrated unto the rivers of their country, woods and altars. Yea that Tiber would not be deprived of his neighbour-rivers, and so run his course with lesser glory. In the end either through the entreaty of the Colonies, or difficulty of the work, or superstition, Piso's opinion was approved, which was, that there should be nothing changed. Poppaeus Sabinus was continued in the government of Maesia, and Achaia and Macedonia added to his charge. For it was Tiberius' manner, to continue men in their office and charge, either of war, or jurisdiction, sometimes during their life; whereof there were divers reasons given. Some said he did it, to avoid the tedious care of often providing; and that he would have that to continue which he had thought once well done: some did interpret it to be done of envy, because many should not enjoy them: some, that as he was of a subtle wit, so of no resolute judgement; as not choosing men of excellent virtue: and on the other side, hating vices. He feared least the best would attempt somewhat against him, and the worst dishonour the state. Which doubtfulness brought him to that pass at last, that he gave the government of provinces to some, which he would not suffer to departed the city. Concerning the election of Consuls, which was first observed under this Prince, and afterward by others, I dare assure nothing: not only the authors, but the Prince himself doth so much differ in his orations. For sometimes not naming the suitors, he described every man's beginning, life, and what pay he had received; that a man might easily guess who they were. At another time, not touching any of those particulars, he persuaded the suitors, not to disturb the elections, by bribing and canvasing: promising that himself would be a mean for them. And oftentimes he said, there were no more which pretended to be suitors, but such only, whose names he had presented unto the Consuls: and that others might bring in their names likewise, if they would trust either to their merit or favour. But all was but fair words, and in deed deceitful and without effect: and by how much the more they were masked with a colour of liberty, by so much the heavier and grievouser a servitude they were like to bring after them.    

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. The cause of the Parthian wars. Vonones driven out of his kingdom.  
SIsenna Statilius Taurus, and L. Libo being Consuls, the kingdom of the East, and the Roman provinces rebelled: the beginning thereof proceeding from the Parthians; who having demanded and received a King from Rome, yet contemned him as a foreigner, although he were descended of the Arsacides. Vonones was this King, who had been before given in hostage to Augustus, by Phrahates. For although Phrahates had repulsed the army and the Roman captains, yet he showed all duties and reverence to Augustus. And the better to confirm friendship, sent some of his children to him: not so much for fear of us, as distrust of disloyalty in his own subjects. After the death of Phrahates, and other succeeding Kings, through murders committed among themselves: Ambassadors came to the city, from the chief noble men of Parthia, to demand Vonones the eldest son of Phrahates. Caesar thinking that to be an honour to himself, enduing him with great riches delivered him: and the barbarians, as their manner is at the change of a new Prince, received him with great joy. Not long after the Parthian grew to be ashamed, that he had so much degenerated, as to demand a Prince from another country; trained up in the sleights of their enemies. That now the royal seat of the Arsacides was given and accounted among the Roman provinces. Where is the glory of those which murdered Crassus, and chased away Antony; if Caesar's bond slave after so many years servitude should command and rule over the Parthians? He himself kindled their difdainefull minds, by swerving from his predecessors manner of life; as going seldom a hunting; being careless of horses; carried in a chariot in the streets; and loathing their country fare: his Grecian followers were scorned, and himself laughed at, for keeping under his seal his basest vtensiles. But the free access unto him, his courtesy towards all men; unknown virtues to the Parthians; were accounted new vices: and because they were not used of their ancestors, were odious alike to the good and bad. Whereupon Artabanus, one of the Arsacides blood, brought up with the Dahes, was raised against him: who in the first encounter overthrown, recovered new forces, and enjoyed the kingdom. When Vonones was overcome he fled to Armenia, then without a King; and betwixt the Parthian and the Roman wealth wavering, through Antony's treachery: who having under colour of friendship tolled unto him their King Artavasdes, loaded him with chains, and in the end deprived him of his life. Artaxias his son, hating us for the injury done to his father, with the power of the Arsacides, defended himself and the kingdom against us. But when Artaxias was slain by the treason of his nearest friends, Tigranes was made King of the Armenians, and brought by Tiberius Nero into the kingdom. Yet Tigranes reign dured but a short time, nor his children's: although they were, as the manner of strangers is, linked in marriage with the Armenians. Then by commandment of Augustus, Artavasdes was appointed their King, and afterward driven out: not without a great slaughter of our men. After that Caesar was chosen to settle the affairs of Armenia; who with the good liking of the Armenians, appointed Ariobarzanes, descended from the Medes, to be their King: a man greatly reckoned of for the comeliness of his parsonage, and valiant courage. Ariobarzanes dying by misfortune, the Armenians would endure none of his race: but tried the regiment of a woman called Eratus, whom they expulsed in a short time: and lead an uncertain and lose kind of life, rather without a Lord, then in liberty: and in the end received the fugitive Vonones again. But when Artabanus began to use threatening; and that small aid was to be expected of the Armenians: and yet if he should be defended by our forces; it were to enter into war against the Parthians: Creticus Silanus governor of Syria sent for Vonones: and appointed him a guard: and suffered him to enjoy all pomp and sumptuousness, and name of a King: from which mockery how he purposed to deliver himself, we will set down in his place.   

II. Germanicus maketh war in Germany.  
But it displeased Tiberius nothing at all, that the East parts were in an uproar; because that under that pretext he might draw Germanicus from his accustomed legions, and by giving him charge over new provinces, expose him to treachery and hazard. But he, by how much the more affectionate the soldiers were towards him, and his uncle backward; by so much the more earnest he was to hasten the victory; and laid all the plots he could to give the enemy battle: Discoursing with himself, what fortunate or unfortunate successes had happened unto him those three years past, which he had spent in war amongst them: that the Germans in a pitched field and indifferent places would easily be vanquished: that they took advantage of woods, bogs, short summers, and timely winters: that his soldiers received not so great hurt by wounds, as by long journeys and weight of their armour: that Gallia was wearied with furnishing horses: the long train of carriage was subject to ambushes; and not easily defended. But if he should take sea, the possession was open for him, and unknown to the enemy. Withal, that so the war might be sooner begun: the legions and victuals brought together: the horses and horsemen conveyed by channels and mouths of rivers into the heart of Germany. Having thus resolved, he sent P. Vitellius, and Scantius to levy the subsidies of Gallia: Silius Anteius, & Caecina had charge of all preparation by sea. A thousand ships were thought to suffice: which were made ready with speed. Some were short, and narrow at the fore & hinder part, & broad in the middle, as stronger against the waves. Some were flat bottommed, to land without danger. Many had rudders at both ends, that the rowers altering their stroke on a sudden; might drive to land at either end. Many of them had bridges over, to carry both their engines, horses, and provision: swift of sail, and nimble with oars; in show gallant and fearful to the enemy, by reason of the soldiers cheerfulness. The place appointed to meet at, was the Island of the Batavians, as a place of easy arrival; and fit to receive the army: and from thence to transport them to the place of battle. For the river of Rhine keeping one channel, or else environing but few islands, at the entering of Batavia, is divided into two rivers, and keepeth his name and swiftness through Germany until he fall into the Ocean. But by the coast of Gallia it waxeth broader, and runneth not so swiftly: and changing his name, the inhabitants call it Vahales: which name, it afterward changeth again into Mosa: so continuing until it fall into the same Ocean, with a great breadth. Whilst the ships were a putting from shore: Caesar commandeth the Lieutenant Silius, with a band of men lightly appointed, suddenly to invade the Chatti. And himself understanding that the fort of Luppia upon the rivers side, was besieged, conducteth thither six legions. Silius by reason of sudden rains, did little else then bring away, some small booty, and the wife and daughter of Arpas, prince of the Chatti. Neither did those which had besieged the fort, stay to fight; but slipped away, when Caesar's coming was noised. Yet they had thrown down the tomb, lately built in honour of Varus legions, and the old altar erected for Drusus. The altar, the Prince re-edified; and in memory of his father, he and the legions ran a horse race; but thought it not convenient to set up the tumb again: but fortified all passages betwixt the fort, Aliso, and Rhine, with new mounds and bulwarks. By this time the Fleet was come: and having sent before all provision, and assigned the legions and confederates their shipping; himself entered the ditch, called the Drusian ditch, where he made a prayer to Drusus his father, that having undertaken the same enterprise, that he had done; he would willingly and benignly further him, with the example and memory of his counsels and exploits. From thence he sailed prosperously, by the lakes and Ocean, until he came to the river Amisia, where the navy was left, leaving the river on the left side of it. Wherein there was an oversight, that they brought the shipping no higher, the soldiers being afterward constrained to land on the right side: whereby many days were spent in making of bridges to pass them over. The horsemen and legions passed the first arm of the sea, the waters being yet but small, without fear: but the auxiliary soldiers which followed, and Batavians, whilst they sported themselves, and showed their skill in swimming, were some hindered and troubled, and some drowned.   

III. Arminius dehorteth his brother Flavius from the Romans service.  
AS Caesar was planting his camp, word was brought, that the Angrivarians were revolted behind him. And Stertinius was incontinently dispatched away with a company of light horsemen, which revenged their treason with fire and sword. Betwixt the Romans' and the Cheruscians ran the river Visurgis, and on the bank side was Arminius, with the rest of the nobility: who enquiring whether Caesar were come; and answer given him that he was: entreated that he might have licence to speak with his brother Flavius, who was in the camp: faithful and trusty to the Romans': and who not many years before, had lost one of his eyes, under Tiberius. His request was granted him: and as Flavius came near, Arminius saluted him. And causing his followers to withdraw themselves, requested that our archers which were placed in order on the bank side, should stand farther off; who being gone away, he asked his brother how he came to that blemish in his face. He named both the place and the battle. He asked him further, what rewards he had received? Flavius telleth him that his pay was augmented, showeth his chain, his crown, and other military gifts: which Arminius scorned as base rewards of servitude. After that, they grew to farther communication, the one extolling the greatness of the Romans: Caesar's wealth: the grievous punishments inflicted on the conquered: and the clemency used to such as yielded: that neither his wife nor son were entreated as enemies. Arminius alleged the duty of his country: their ancient liberty: the gods of the inward parts of Germany: that his mother and himself besought him; that he would not rather choose to be a traitor and forsaker of his country, than a captain of his kindred, allies and nation. Growing from thence by little and little to hard words, although the river was betwixt them, they had coped; if Stertinius had not run in, and held back Flavius, full of anger, calling for his armour and horse. Arminius was heard to threaten on the other side, and denounce battle: intermingling some latin words: for once he commanded his countrymen; and received pay in the Roman camps. The next day, the Germane army presented itself in battle array beyond Visurgis. Germanicus not thinking it the part of a commander, to hazard the legions, not having first made bridges, and appointed guards to defend them, passed over the horsemen at the ford. Stertinius and Aemilius, sometime captain of the principal ensign, were the leaders: who separated themselves far one from the other, to divide the enemy's forces. Cariovalda, Captain of the Batavians, where the river was swiftest sallied out: the Cherusci making as though they fled, tolled them to a plain, environed with woods: and there turning again, and spreading abroad, drove back those which made head; hotly pursued those which shrunk: then being gathered round in a ring, overthrew them; some near, some far off. Cariovalda having long sustained the brunt of the enemy; exhorted his soldiers closely together, to break into the enemy troops: himself venturing amongst the thickest, was beaten down with darts; and his horse killed under him, and many noble men about him. The rest either through their own valour, or aid of the horsemen, with Stertinius and Aemilius, escaped danger. When Caesar had passed the river Visurgis, he understood by a fugitive from the enemy camp, what place Arminius had chosen to give battle: and that other nations were assembled in a wood consecrated to Hercules, with intention to assail the camp by night. The runagate was believed: lights were seen: and the espiales getting nearer, reported they heard a great confuse noise of men and horses. Being therefore at a jump to hazard all, thinking it convenient to found the soldiers mind, he bethought himself what was the fittest expedient to try the truth. The Tribunes and Centurions brought him oftener, pleasing then true news: the freed men were of a servile disposition: in friends therewas flattery: if he should call an assembly, that which a few should begin, the rest would applaud. That their minds would be best known, when they were by themselves; not overlooked: in eating and drinking they would utter their fear or hope. As soon as it was night, going out at the Augural gate, accompanied with one alone, in secret and unknown places to the watch: casting a savage beasts skin on his back, he went from one place to another: stood listening at the tents: and joyeth in the praise of himself: some extolling the nobility of their Captain; others his comely parsonage: many his patience, and courtesy: that in sports and serious matters, he was still one man: confessing therefore that they thought it their parts, to make him some requital in this battle, and sacrifice the traitors and peace-breakers to revenge and glory.   

FOUR Arminius and the Germans overthrow.  
AMidst these things, one of the enemy camp, skilful in the Latin tongue: riding close to the trench: promiseth a loud in Arminius name, wives, and lands, & a hundred 
* About fifteen shillings seven pence.  sesterces a day, as long as the war continued, if any would flee from the Romans, and come to his side. That bravado did greatly exasperate the legious: wishing among themselves: O that the day were come, that we might once come to join battle with them: saying, that they would take possession of the Germans lands, and bring away their wives by force. They accepted of their words as a presage, and vowed they would have their wives and money for a booty. About the third watch the enemy assailed the camp, but threw no dart: because he perceived many in a readiness to defend their forts: and no man remiss in his charge. The same night Germanicus in a pleasant dream, thought he had been offering of sacrifice, and that his pretext or robes of his infancy, had been sprinkled with holy blood, and that he received another at the hands of Augusta his grandmother. Emboldened with that dream, and the Augurs foretelling lucky success, concurring with it: he called the soldiers to an assembly: and declared unto them what things by wisdom he had foreseen: and what he thought expedient for the imminent danger of the battle. That not only the open fields were commodious for the Romans to fight in, but the woods also and forests; if they proceeded by discretion. Neither were the barbarous huge targets, and long pikes so handsome, among trees and low shrubs; as darts and swords; and armour close to the body. They should therefore lay on thick load; and strike at their faces with their swords. That the Germans had neither coat of fence nor helmet: and their bucklers were not ribbed with iron, or sinews, but with osiers, or painted thin board. Their first rank was in some sort appointed with pikes: but the rest had but short weapons burnt at the point. And although they were grim in countenance, and of some courage for a short fit: yet being once wounded they would flee and be gone without shame of discredit, or care of their Captain: in adversity faint hearted and timorous: but in prosperity, unmindful both of divine and human laws. If they desired an end of their wearisome journeys, and sea; in this battle they might ease themselves. Albis' was now nearer than Rhine: Neither was there any further war to be made, if in that place treading the steps of his father, & uncle, they would make him Conqueror. The heat of the soldier being inflamed with this speech of the Captain, the sign of battle was given. Neither did Arminius nor the rest of the Germane nobility omit to encourage theirs on the other side, saying: These are the Romans which fled from Varus camp: who for fear of joining battle, had raised a rebellion. Wherofsom their backs loaden with wounds; & others their sides tired & broken with waves & tempests of sea; once more offered themselves to the enemy full of ire, without hope of good; the gods being against them. They took sea, and chose out the bieways of the Ocean, lest they should have been encountered as they came, or pursued, after they were repulsed. But when they shall come to handistrokes, they shall find small refuge in the wind and oars. That now they should call to mind their covetousness, cruelty, and pride: was there any thing else to be done, then to maintain their liberty; or die rather than be brought to servitude? Thus encouraged, and demanding battle, they were brought into a place called Idistavisum, betwixt Visurgis and the hills: not of one breadth, but now wide, now strait, as the river or iutting out of the hills did suffer. Behind them was a wood of high trees: and between those trees a plain and even ground, which the Barbarians had possessed with the entrance of the wood: the Cherusci put themselves on the tops of the hills, to fall furiously upon the Romans in the heat of the fight. The order of our battle was this. The aids of Gallia, and the Germans were placed in the front: followed with the foot archers: after them four legions; and Caesar himself with two Praetorian cohorts: and a choice troop of horsemen. After them so many legions more, with light horsemen, & bow men on horseback: and the rest of the confederates: all of them, most careful to keep their order and array. Germanicus perceiving the Cheruscians troops to come fiercely toward them; commanded the ablest horsemen, to charge him on the flank, and Stertinius with the other squadrons of horsemen, to environ him, and set on him behind: promising to be himself at hand if need required. In the mean season, eight Eagles (a very lucky sign) were seen to flee towards the entrance of the wood. Which the Emperor perceiving; cried that they should march on, & follow the Roman birds; the peculiar gods of the legions. Whereupon the footmen broke in, & the horsemen sent before charged them on the flank and on the back. And which is strange to report, two companies of the enemy took a contrary flight: those which kept the wood, ran to the plain: and those which held the plain, hastened to the wood. The Cherusci being between both, were thrust down from the hills: amongst whom with great valour, Arminius maintained the battle, with his hands, voice, and wounds. All his might he bent against the archers, to have burst out that way, if the cohorts of Gallia, of Raetia; and the Vindelicians, had not opposed themselves with their ensigns. Nevertheless, by strength of body, and courage of his horse, he escaped; having first died his face with blood, lest he should be known. Some report that he was known to the Cherusci, which were among the auxiliary bands of the Romans, and let pass by them. The same either valour or guile, gave Inguiomerus means to escape; the rest were slain on every side. And most of them endeavouring to swim over Visurgis, were either with the darts thrown after them, or force of the river, or weight of such as leapt after, or with the banks which fell, killed or overwhelmed. Some cowardly fleeing away, sought to clamber the tops of trees, and there hiding themselves in the boughs, were shot through by the archers in a mockery: and others bruised by the overturning of the trees. The victory was great, and unto us not bloody. From five of the clock, until night, the enemies were slain, which filled ten miles of ground with dead carcases, and armour. Some chains were found among their spoils; brought to emprison the Romans: as not doubting a prosperous success. The soldiers saluted Tiberius by the name of Emperor, in the same place where the battle was fought: and erected a mount of earth, as a token of victory: and put on it the armour of the enemy: and underneath the names of the nations which they had conquered.   

V A second battellwoon by the Romans against the Germans.  
THe wounds which the Germans received, and their overthrow, did not so much fret and grieve them as this spectacle: in so much that those which were on the point to abandon their dwellings, and make preparation to pass the river Albis; catch up their weapons, and demand battle. The common sort, the chief Gentlemen, young and old, assail and endanger the Romans. At last they chose a place; environed with woods and a river, which had a narrow waterish plain within it. The woods were environed likewise with a deep marsh: saving on one side, where the Angrivarians had raised up a broad causey, by which their territories were separated from the Cherusci. The footmen stayed there: the horsemen hid themselves in the woods adjoining: that when the legions should enter the wood, they might charge them on the back. Caesar was informed of all their plots: he knew their deseignments, their places, their open and secret devices, and turned the enemy's fraud to his own destruction. The charge of the horsemen and the plain he committed to Seius Tubero Lieutenant: part of the footmen marched in order of battle to the wood: and part went about to win the causey: the hardest he undertook himself; and the rest he committed to the Lieutenants. They unto whom the plain fell, did easily enter it: but those which were to assault the causey were sore gaulded, & put back, with blows from above as if they had scaled a wall. The Captain perceiving that the enemy had the advantage by fight so near, caused the legions to retire a little: and commanded the sling-casters and stone-casters to let freely at them, and drive them from their fence. Many darts and spears were shot out of engines; and the more the enemies were in sight, the more wounds they received. The causey being taken, Caesar himself with his guard, courageously entered the woods, and fought with the enemy hand to hand: who had behind him a marsh; and the Romans a river or mountains: the place brought a necessity of fight to both parts: their hope consisted in their manhood: and their safety in the victory. The Germans were no less courageous: but they were overcome by the advantage of weapons, and manner of fight. For being a great multitude, and the place narrow, they could neither thrust out, nor draw back those long pikes; nor use any nimbleness of body in running in, and stepping back: but were forced to fight, and not move a foot. Contrarily the Roman soldier, his shield close to his breast: his sword in his hand: gored the wide sided, and open faced barbarian: and by their slaughter opened a way through them. Arminius being now courageles, by reason of continual danger, or fresh bleeding wound lately received: but Inguiomerus slew up and down the army, wanted rather fortune than courage. And Germanicus to be the better known, unlaced his helmet, and besought them to continue the slaughter: captives there was no need of: only the general butchery of the nation, would make an end of the war. And in the evening he draweth out one legion from the army; to make ready the camps: the rest filled themselves until night with the blood of the enemy. And for the horsemen, it is hard to guess which had the better. Then Caesar having praised the valour of the conquerors in an assembly, made a great heap of armour with this proud title. The people betwixt Rhine and Albis being vanquished, Tiberius Caesar's army doth dedicated those monuments to Mars, jupiter, and Augustus. Of himself he added no word, for fear of envy: or because the memory of the fact was sufficient testimony for him. Immediately after he commanded Stertinius to make war against the Angrivarians, unless they would presently yield: who humbly entreating and yielding to all that was demanded, received general pardon. But the summer being now far spent, some of the legions were sent back to the standing camps; and Germanicus embarking many, conveyed them to the Ocean, by the river Amisia. At the first they had a quiet & calm sea: no noise heard, but the noise of the oars of a thousand vessels; which sometimes likewise were driven with sails: by and by hail pouring down out of black and thick clouds; and sundry storms and tempests, arising from all parts; and uncertain raging surges deprived them of all foresight, and skill in governing their shipping. And the soldier fearful and unacquainted with the dangerous adventures of sea, whilst he troubleth the mariners, or unseasonably goeth about to help; hindered the office of the more skilful. In the end, the heaven, and all the sea gave place to the southwind: which more and more prevailing, through the mountains of Germany, deep rivers, and huge clouds; and growing more violent and boisterous through the cold of the North, near which it is: tossed and scattered the shipping into the wild Ocean, or rocky islands, or dangerous and unknown quicksands. Which being a little, but with much a do escaped, by the changing of the sea, they went whither the wind drove them. They could neither cast anchor; nor pump out the water which came in on them. Horses of service and carriage; bag and baggage; yea their armour, they threw into the sea; that the ships might be lightened, which leaked at the sides; the billows swelling more and more. By how much the Ocean is more violent, than any other sea; and Germany exceedeth other countries in roughness and sharpness of air: by so much that misfortune exceeded others, in strangeness and greatness: happening at the shores of the enemies land, or in so deep and wide a sea; that it hath been believed to be the last, and beyond which there is no land. Some of their ships were drowned; many cast upon islands far off: the soldiers, the country being unhabited, perished by famine: unless it were such as relieved themselves with the horses as were cast a land. Germanicus galley only arrived at the Chauceans' country: who seeing himself all those days and nights upon rocks, and points; crying that he only was guilty of the casting away of so many persons: could hardly be kept and stayed by his friends, from casting himself into the same sea. At length the sea growing lower, and the wind more favourable; the lame and untackled ships, with a few oars, or their garments spread in stead of sails, or drawn at the tail of stronger, returned. Which Germanicus mending in haste, sent to search the islands: by which care many of the soldiers were gathered together and recovered. The Angrivarians lately received into protection, delivered some, which they had redeemed, of such as dwelled further in the land: some were cast into Britain, and sent back by the petty Kings. As every man returned from far countries; he reported strange wonders; tempestuous storms; birds never before heard of; sea-monsters; doubtful shapes, whether of men or beasts: which they had either seen, or imagined through fear.   

VI Germanicus being returned, wasteth the country of the Chatti: and recovereth an ensign, lost with Varus.  
But the fame of the navy lost; as it did put the Germans in a hope, of beginning a new war: so did it give Germanicus stomach to curb them. Whereupon he commanded C. Silius to go against the Chatti, with thirty thousand footmen, and three thousand horsemen: and himself invaded the Marsi with stronger forces. Their Captain called Malovendus; who not long before had yielded himself, gave notice how, that not far off, an ensign of Varus legion was buried, and kept but with a slender guard. A band of men was sent thither out of hand: with direction, that some should toll them out, and assail them in the front; and others by environing them behind, to open the earth and take out the ensign: fortune showing herself favourable to both the companies. This made Caesar more forward, and entereth further into the land: wasteth, forageth, rifleth the country; the enemy not daring to encounter him: or if at any time he did resist; he was strait driven back: never (as they understood by certain captives) fearing more in their lives. For they gave out, that the Romans were invincible, and not to be daunted with any misfortune; seeing that having lost their navy, and armour; and after that the shores were covered, with the carcases of their men and horses; they invaded them a fresh, with the same courage, and like fiercnes: yea as if they had increased their number. From thence the soldiers were brought back to their winter standing camps: glad that they had recompensed their misfortune by sea, with so prosperous a victory. Caesar used great largesse, recompensing every man, to the value of the loss he had sustained. Little doubt, but the enemy grew faint hearted, and began to consult, how he might entreat a peace: and that if the next summer the wars should have been continued, there would be an end of all. But Germanicus was solicited by often letters from Tiberius, to return and receive the triumph which was ordained for him: that he had passed through many chances and accidents: that he had had prosperous success in many battles: that he should remember what grievous and cruel losses he had sustained, not by any oversight of the Captain, but by the winds & waves of the sea: that he had been sent nine times into Germany by Augustus of famous memory: where he had achieved more noble exploits by counsel then force. So he had received the submission of the Sigambri: so the Suevians, and the King of the Maroboduans were enforced to make peace: that the Cherusci and other rebellious nations, seeing the Romans had had a sufficient revenge on them, might be left to war one against another. But Germanicus entreating for one year longer, to finish the enterprises he had begun; Tiberius assaulted his modesty more earnestly; offering him the consulship once more: which he should execute in person. He added further, that if there were any more wars to be enterprised, he should reserve that subject, for the glory of his brother Drusus: who no other enemy being left, could not but by warring against the Germans, get the title of Emperor, or win the crown of laurel. Germanicus made no longer stay, although he knew well that those were but colours, sought through envy, to draw him from the glory he had already purchased.   

VII. Libo accused of treason, killeth himself.  
ABout the same time Libo Drusus, one of the Scribonian family, was accused for practising against the state. The beginning, the order, and the end of that business, I will set down: because those things came then first to light, which for so many years had consumed and eaten the commonwealth. Firmius Cato a Senator, and one of Liboes' inward friends, induced this uncircumspect young man, and easily led to vanities, to give credit to the Chaldeans promises, Magicians ceremonies, and interpreters of dreams: vainly and boastingly putting him in mind, that Pompey was his great grandfather; Scribonia, who had been Augustus' wife, his aunt; the Caesars his cozen germane: and that his house was full of images and monuments of his predecessors. He incited him further to licentious riot: to take up and borrow money, making himself a companion of his want on lusts and familiarities, the better to wrap and convince him with many evidences. When he had found witnesses sufficient, and such also of his servants which were privy to the whole matter, he desired he might be admitted to the speech of the Prince: and by means of Flaccus Vescularius, a Gentleman of Rome, and one of Tiberius' familiars, discovered the matter, and the man. Caesar was content with the accusation, yet denied conference with Firmius the accuser: saying, that by the same messenger Flaccus, their speech might pass from one to the other. In the mean season he honoureth Libo with the Praetorship, inviteth him to his table, never changed his countenance towards him, nothing passionate in words (so skilful he was in concealing his anger) and although he could have prevented both his words and enterprises; yet he desired rather to know the manner of his proceed: until one junius, solicited to convince and raise infernal spirits by enchantments, uttered the matter to Fulcinius Trio, one amongst the promoters, counted quick and ready witted, and careless of discredit. This Trio accused immediately the party: went to the Consuls: and required that the Senators would hear the matter. The Senators were assembled, and given to understand that they were to deliberate of an important and weighty affair. Libo in the mean time changing his attire, went with certain noble women from one house to an other, entreated his cousins, and craveth their good word in his extremity: but all of them refused; some pretending one excuse, some another; fearing lest they should be thought partakers of the same crime. The day come that the Senate sat; being through fear, or as some report, feigning himself sick, weak and weary, was brought to the court gates in a chariot, leaning on his brother, and holding up his hands, craved pardon of Tiberius; who received him, never once changing countenance. Then Caesar read the libels aloud, & their authors; so moderating himself, that he was not thought either to mitigate or aggravate any way the crimes. Besides Trio and Catus, there stepped forth two other accusers, Fonteius Agrippa, and C. Livius, striving which had best right to plead against him; until Livius (because they would not yield the one to the other, and Libo came without any advocate) promised that he himself would set down severally every crime by him committed. Then he produced such sottish declarations, that among other things, they contained, how Libo had consulted with the Magicians, whether he should ever have money enough, to be able to cover the Appian way, from Rome to Brundisium; with many such simple & frivolous matters, and more mildly to term them, pitiful. Yet the accuser enforced one thing more: that in one writing of Liboes own hand, there were added certain dangerous and unknown characters, to the names of the Caesars and Senators. And the party arraigned denying it; it was thought good, that his bondmen which knew his hand, should be examined upon the rack. And because that by an ancient decree of Senate, it was not lawful to torture a bondman against the life of his Lord; Tiberius a subtle deviser of new laws, commandeth them all to be sold to a public Actor, that without prejudice of the decree, they might be tortured, as not being Liboes' bondmen. Whereupon Libo desired that the matter might be deferred to the next day. And being at his house, entreated his near kinsman P. Quirinius, to make the last intercession for him to the Prince: who had answer given him that he should entreat the Lords of the Senate. In the mean season his house was beset with a guard of soldiers, who in the entry made such a noise, that they might easily be both heard and seen. When as Libo loathing the very sight of the dainties ministered for his last comfort, began to call for some one to murder him: and taking his bondmen's right hands, and putting a sword in them; whilst they trembling with fear, and refusing to do it, ran from one place to another: overthrew the light on the table: in that mortal and deadly darkness, he thrust himself twice in the guts. At the groan when he fell, his freed men came running about him: but the soldiers seeing the murder, stood aloof. Notwithstanding, the accusation was prosecuted with like asseveration, and Tiberius swore, that if he had not voluntarily hastened his own death, he would have begged his life, although he had been guilty. His goods were distributed among the accusers, and praetors rooms were extraordinarily given to such as were of the Senate. Then Cotta Messallinus, gave his opinion, that Liboes' image should not be carried in the funerals of his posterity. C. Lentulus, that none of the Scribonian family should take upon him the surname of Drusus. By the advise of Pomp. Flaccus, certain days of general processions were ordained. L. P. and Gallus Asinius, and Papius Mutilus, and L. Apronius, were of opinion, that gifts should be offered to jupiter, Mars, and the goddess of Concord; and that the Ideses of Septemb. when Libo killed himself should be kept holy day. The dignities and flatteries of these men, I have thought good to register, that it might be known that that was always an old disease in the commonwealth.   

VIII. An expulsion of Mathematicians. Areformation of abuses.  
DEcrees of Senate were ordained, for the expulsing of Astrologers, and Magicians 
Vide annotat. li. 1. hist. nu. 40. cap. 7.  out of Italy: among whom L. Pituanius was thrown headlong from the Tarpeian rock: and the Consuls punished P. Martius without the Esquilin gate, with the sound of trumpets, according to the ancient custom. At the next meeting of the Senate, L. Haterius once Consul, and Octavius Fronto, who had been Praetor, spoke much against the superfluous excess of the city. Where it was decreed, that they should not serve at their table's vessel of beaten gold, nor men wear silk above their degree. Fronto went further, and demanded that there might be an order set down touching their plate, household stuff, and number of servants: for it was yet a thing in use; for the Senators to lay down that for a decree, which they thought expedient for the common wealth. Gallus Asinius spoke to the contrary: saying, that with the greatness of the Empire, private men's wealth was increased: which was no new matter, but of old times received likewise: that the wealth in Fabricius time differed from that in Scipios; and yet all referred to the common wealth: which being but in mean estate, the citizens houses were thereafter. But now that it is grown to that magnificence; the estate of particular men is bettered also. Neither is there anything too much or too little, either in plate, number of servants, or other furniture of household, but in respect of the quality of the owner. The revenues of a Senator were distinguished from a gentleman's: not because they differed in nature; but as they were preferred in place, degrees, and dignities, th'one before th'other. These things are procured for the recreation of the mind, or health of body. Unless peradventure they would that the most noble, should take most cares upon them, and hazard their persons in most dangers; and yet want those pleasures and comforts, which best served to lenify and make them more easy. The acknowledging of vices under honest terms, and the likeness of affections in the hearer's minds, caused Gallus to have an easy assent. Tiberius' added, that that was no time for reformation: & if there were any dissolution in manners, there should not want one to redress it. Among these things, L. Piso reprehending the ambition used in places of judgement, corruption of justice, cruelty of advocates, the threats of accusers; protested he would be gone & forsake the city, and lead his life far off in some retired and solitary place in the country: and in so saying went out of the Senate house. Tiberius was moved at this; and did what he could to pacify him with fair words: and withal, was earnest with his nearest kinsmen to stay him, either by entreaty or authority. Not long after the same Piso, gave no less free testimony of his grief, by summoning Vrgulania to appear in judgement; whom the favour of Augusta had privileged above the course of laws: But Vrgulania disobeying the summons being conveyed into Caesar's house, made small reckoning of Piso: yet he desisted not, although Augusta complained her credit was touched therein, and her calling embased. Tiberius' thinking it a part of courtesy, so far to yield unto his mother's request, as to promise he would go to the praetors Tribunal to defend Vrgulania: went out of the palace, the soldiers being commanded to follow a far off. The people which met him in the face, marked with what a settled countenance he went forward, protracting the time & the way with divers discourses, until that (Piso's friends labouring in vain to dissuade him from the suit) Augusta had commanded the money which was demanded to be brought to the Tribunal. That matter was so ended, not without some glory to Piso, and greater fame to Caesar. But Vrgulaniaes' credit and authority was so over great in the city, that she disdained to come, and give witness in a matter which was handled before the Lords of the Senate. And therefore the Praetor was sent to examine her in her house: when as the ancient custom was, that even the Vestal virgins were examined as witnesses, in the common place of pleading and judgement. I would not recite the matters propounded that year, but that the diversity of opinions, betwixt Gn. Piso, and Asinius Gallus in that point is worthy the knowing. For Piso was of opinion, that although Caesar had promised he would be present, that so much the rather he would prosecute his cause against Vrgulania: and that in the absence of the Prince, the Senators and Gentlemen might execute their charge, as a thing well beseeming the dignity of the common wealth. Gallus, because Piso had first taken upon him the colour of liberty, held, that there was nothing done with majesty, and answerable to the dignity of the people of Rome; but what was done in Caesar's presence: and therefore, the assemblies of Italy, and meetings of Provinces, were to be reserved until he would be present. These things were debated very hotly on both sides, Tiberius giving them the hearing, and holding his peace, and in the end they were deferred. There arose another controversy betwixt Gallus and Caesar. For Gallus was of opinion, that the assemblies for creation of Magistrates, should be from five to five years: and that the Lieutenants of the legions, who had executed that charge before they had been Praetors, should then be chosen Praetors elect: and that the Prince should every year nominate twelve. Little doubt but this advise went deep, and reached to a secret of state. Caesar nevertheless, as though his authority should thereby be made greater, said, that it stood not with his modesty to choose so many, and defer so many. And if the election should be every year, hardly could it be chosen, but some would be offended, although such as had the repulse, might be comforted with hope to be chosen the next year. And how would they hate me, which should be deferred above five years? how could it be known in so long a time, what every man's mind is, what his house, and fortune: If men grow too proud in one year, what would they be if they should be continued for five years? Magistrates should so be multiplied five for one: and laws subverted: which have prescribed a time for suitors to exercise their industry, and to procure and enjoy dignities. With this speech, in show plausible, he confirmed the state to himself: he bettered the revenues of certain of the Senators: and therefore it was the more to be marveled that he accepted no better of the request of M. Hortalus, a noble young man, fallen into manifest poverty. This Hortalus was nephew to Hortensius the Orator, and by the liberality of 
* About 7812. li. 10. s.  ten hundred thousand sesterces given him by Augustus, persuaded to marry, and have children, lest so worthy a family should be extinguished. Standing therefore with four of his sons before the entry of the Senate house, in stead of his opinion, in a full assembly of the Senate in the palace, casting his eyes sometimes on the image of Hortensius, placed among the orators, and sometimes on that of Augustus, began as followeth. These children, Lords of the Senate, whose number and tender years you see; I have not begotten of mine own accord: but because the Prince did so exhort me: and because my predecessors had deserved to have issue to succeed them. As formy own part, seeing I could neither attain to wealth, nor win the people's favour through the alteration of times; nor yet eloquence, which is the proper ornament of our house: I contented myself if my small ability, were neither a reproach to myself, nor a burden unto others. By the Emperor's commandment I took a wife: behold the offspring and progeny, of so many Consuls and Dictator's: which I speak not for envy to any, but to move pity. They shall enjoy O Caesar whilst thou dost flourish, such honours as thou wilt bestow upon them. In the mean space defend from poverty L Hortensius nephews sons, brought up by Augustus. Tiberius' perceiving that the Senators were inclined to his speeches, was the more readier to gainsay him almost in these words. If all such as are needy begin to come hither, and crave for money for their children, they shall never be all satisfied, and the commonwealth unable to supply their necessities. Neither have our predecessors permitted us to digress, from the matter put in deliberation; and when we should entreat of somewhat to the benefit of the commonwealth, debate how to better our private estates: and increase our substance with the hatred of the Senate, and Princes, whether they grant or deny our requests. These are not petitions, but unseasonable, importunate, unlooked for craving: to rise up in this place and with the number and age of children, when the Lords are assembled to handle other matters, to assail the modesty of the Senate, and use the like violence unto me, and as it were forcibly to break open the public treasury: which if we wast by ambition, must be supplied by unlawful means. Augustus of famous memory, hath given thee money Hortalus, unasked: yet not upon condition that it should always be given thee: for in so doing, industry would decay, and idleness increase: if men had not a fear and a hope in them. And if all men should carelessly expect relief from others, they would be to themselves unprofitable, and to us burdensome. These & the like speeches, although they were heard with the approbation of such, whose custom is to applaud all the Prince's actions, be they honest or dishonest: yet many held their tongue, or secretly muttered: which Tiberius perceived; and having paused a little: said that he had answered Hortalus: Nevertheless if it so seemed good unto the Lords of the Senate, he would give every one of his male children * two hundred thousand sesterces. The rest gave him thanks: Hortalus held his tongue, either for fear, or as retaining somewhat of the nobility of his ancestors, 
About 1562. li. 10. s.  even in extremity of fortune. Yet Tiberius had no compassion afterward on him, although the Hortensian family fell into shameful poverty.   

IX. Clemens a bondslave, counterfeiteth himself to be Agrippa: and his bold answer.  
THe same year, an audacious part of a bondslave had shaken the whole state with civil wars and discord; had it not been prevented in good time. A bondman of Agrippa's called Clemens, understanding of Augustus' death: with a courage more than servile, purposed to go to the Island Planasia, and by fraud or force bring away Agrippa to the Germane camp. But his enterprise was hindered by the slowness of a ship of burden: and in the mean season Agrippa being murdered, bending his mind to greater and dangerouser attempts; stealeth away his ashes: and being come to Coram, a promontory of Ethruria, in unknown places hideth himself, until his beard and hair were grown out; being in favour and years not unlike his Lord. This done, he whispereth it abroad, by fit companions of his secrets: first (as in things forbidden commonly it is wont to be) by privy rumours, that Agrippa was yet alive: then openly, in the credulous ears of the weaker sort; or busy headed and turbulent: and therefore most desirous of novelties. His manner was towards night to go to small towns; showing himself abroad, but seldom: nor stay long in a place. And because time, and the eye try out truth; and falsehood winneth credit on a sudden, and by uncertainties, he either left some speech of him where he had been, or prevented it, before any was begun. In the mean time it was commonly reported throughout Italy, and believed at Rome, that Agrippa by the goodness of the gods was preserved alive. In so much that being arrived at Hostia: there great multitudes, and in the city secret assemblies showed signs of joy: Tiberius being doubtful and perplexed, whether he should make away his bondman by soldiers; or suffer that vain credulousnes to vanish away with time. Thus wavereing betwixt shame and fear: sometimes thinking it no policy to make light of any thing: and sometime less to fear all things: in the end committed the matter to salustius Crispus. He chooseth two of his followers (or as some say soldiers) and persuadeth them, as though they had fled for some offence to go to him; offer him money; promise him loyalty; and that they would stand to him in all dangers. They fulfilling his commandment, espying a night when he had no guard: with aid sufficient, bound him, stopped his mouth, and drew him to the palace. And when Caesar asked him, How he was made Agrippa: it is reported he answered, As thou wast made Caesar. He could not be brought by any means to disclose his confederates. Neither dared Tiberius punish him openly; but in a secret part of the palace commanded him to be murdered; and his body privily to be conveyed away. And although many of the Princes own house, Senators, and gentlemen, were reported to have sustained him with their goods, & aided him with their counsel; yet there was no further inquiry made. In the end of this year a triumphal arch was erected near to Saturnus Temple, for the recovery of the ensigns lost with Varus, under the conduct of Germanicus, and Caesar's good fortune. And a Temple built also of strong fortune, near Tiber in the gardens which Caesar the Dictator had bequeathed to the people of Rome: and a Chapel dedicated to the julian family; and an image to Augustus at Bovilles.   

IX. Germanicus triumpheth: is sent to the East. The death of Archelaus King of Cappadocia.  
C. Coelius, and L. Pomponius being Consuls, the seventh Kalends of june, Germanicus Caesar triumphed for the victories gotten against the Cherusci, Chatti, and Angrivari, and all other nations inhabiting to the river of Albis. In which triumph were carried the spoils, and captives, and counterfeit of the mountains, rivers, and battles; and so the war was taken as ended, because he was forbidden to prosecute it any further. The comeliness of his person, and triumphal chariot, loaden with five of his children, made the show more gallant. But when they thought with themselves how unlucky the people's favour was in his father Drusus: that his uncle Marcellus was taken from them in the flower of his youth, & heat of the people's love: that the affection of the people of Rome was unfortunate, and of small continuance, they were all secretly stricken into a fear. And although Tiberius gave in Germanicus name, to every one of the people * three 
About 46. 1. 10. d. ob.  hundred sesterces a man, and made him his copartner in the Consulship; yet could never be accounted a sincere friend, but that he went about to remove the young man, under colour of honour, and forged pretences; or greedily taking hold of such as were offered by chance. King Archelaus had now fifty years enjoyed Cappadocia, greatly disliked of Tiberius, because that during his being at Rhodes, he had used no show of duty towards him: which Archelaus did not omit through pride, but because he was so admonished by Augustus' familiarest friends. For whilst C. Caesar yet flourished, and managed the affairs of the East, Tiberius' friendship was suspected, as dangerous. The house of the Caesars was no sooner extinguished, and that himself was in possession of the Empire, but he tolleth Archelaus by his mother's letters to Rome: who not dissembling her sons displeasure, offered him all gentle entreaty, if he would come to him with submission. He then ignorant of the treachery, or misdoubting violence if he seemed to perceive it, maketh haste to the city: where being churlishly received, and anon after accused in Senate; not for the crimes which were pretended, but by anguish of mind, or feebleness of age; and because not only base, but also things indifferent are strange and unusual to kings; he either willingly or naturally ended his life. The kingdom was afterward reduced into a province: and Caesar declaring, that with the revenues thereof, the tribute of one in the hundred might be eased; made a decree, that from thence forward one should be levied in two hundred. At the same time Antiochus, king of the Comageni, and Philopater, king of the Cilicians being dead, those nations were divided among themselves, some desiring to be governed by the Romans, and others by Kings. And the provinces of Syria and judaea, overcharged with taxes, made supplication that their tributes might be diminished. These things therefore, with those which I have rehearsed of Armenia, Tiberius showeth to the Lords of the Senate: and that the tumults of the Orient, could no way be pacified but by Germanicus wisdom. As for himself, he was stricken in age, and Drusus was not yet of ripe years. And thereupon by decree of Senate, Germanicus had the charge given him over all the provinces, divided by sea, and a greater command whither soever he went, than any, which either by lot or Princes sending received government. Now Tiberius had before removed from Syria Creticus Silanus, who was by marriage allied to Germanicus, his daughter being promised in marriage to Nero Germanicus eldest son; & in his room had appointed Gn. Piso to be Lieutenant, a man both rash and headstrong: not knowing what it was to obey, as having that fierceness of courage naturally from Piso his father: who during the civil wars, aided in most eager manner the sides which rose in Africa against Caesar: then following Brutus and Cassius faction; and licence granted him to return, forbore all dignities, until he was wooed to accept the Consulship, offered him by Augustus Caesar's own motion. But besides the hereditary courage of his fathers, the nobility and wealth of Plancina his wife, made him grow so insolent, that he would scarce yield to Tiberius, and contemned his children as far inferior to himself: not doubting at all but that he was chosen governor of Syria, to bridle and keep under Germanicus hopes. And some believed that he had had secret commandment by Tiberius so to do: and without all peradventure Augusta had put it into Plancinaes' head, (emulation being a usual matter amongst women) to contend and quarrel with Agrippina. The court was divided, some secretly favouring Drusus, some Germanicus. Tiberius did lean to Drusus, as his own, and of his blood: but the small affection Germanicus uncle carried him, was cause that others loved him the more: and because that by the mother's side he was more nobly descended, having M. Antonius for his grandfather, and Augustus for his uncle: whereas Pomponius Atticus, a Gentleman of Rome, great grandfather to Drusus, did not answer the honourable memories of the Claudians. And Germanicus wife Agrippina, did go beyond Livia Drusus wife, in fruitfulness, fame, and name. Nevertheless the brothers did exceedingly well agreed, nothing at all moved with the emulation and contentions of their kindred.   

X. The Germans are at variance between themselves: an earthquake in Asia.  
NOt long after, Drusus was sent to Illyrium, to be trained up in feats of war, and to win the soldiers hearts. And Tiberius thought it better, that the young man lustily given, by the wanton lasciviousness of the city, should be better fashioned in the camp, and himself in more security, both his sons being commanders over the legions. But the colour was, that the Swevians did crave aid against the Cherusci: for being rid of the Romans, and void of foreign fear, through emulation of glory, a thing usual in that country, they turned their arms against themselves. Odds there was none in the strength of the nations, or valour of Captains, but that the name of a king, which Maroboduus took upon him, was odious to the common people: and Arminius favoured because he fought for liberty. And therefore not only the Cherusci, and their confederates: Arminius old soldiers took arms: but the Swevian nations also of Maroboduus kingdom. The Semnones and the Longobards took part: and joining with Arminius had prevailed; if Inguiomerus with a strong company of his vassals, had not fled to Maroboduus for no other cause, but only being old and uncle to Arminius, disdained to obey him being but young and his brother's son. They pitched their battle with like hope on both sides: not using roving incursions, or skirmishing in scattered troops, as the manner of the Germans in times past had been: but by long warring against us, they had accustomed themselves to follow their ensigns, strengthen and aid one another, and obey their Captains. Then Arminius viewing his army on horseback vaunted to all he met, that their liberty was recovered; the legions slain: & showed in the hands of many of the soldiers, the spoils and armour which by force they had taken from the Romans. Contrarily he called Maroboduus a runagate, unskilful in wars; that he had saved himself in the lurking holes of Hercynia: and then by gifts and embassies, entreated an agreement: that he was a traitor to his country, and one of Caesar's followers: therefore that they should thrust him out; with no less hatred than they had slain Varus Quinctilius: that they should now call to mind so many battles: by success of which; having in the end driven out the Romans; it is easily seen who should have the upper hand. Neither did Maroboduus on his side forget to vaunt himself, or inveigh against his enemy: but taking hold of Inguiomerus, told them that all the honours of the Cherusci consisted in that body: and that all that fell out luckily, was achieved by his counsel. That Arminius a sot; unexpert in matter of war; attributed others glory to himself: because he had entrapped by guile, three unfurnished legions with their Captain, nothing misdoubting their fraud; to the great loss of Germany, & his own ignominy; seeing his wife, & his son do yet endure servitude. But as for him, he had maintained the honour of Germany unstained, being assailed by twelve legions, under the conduct of Tiberius; and in the end parted with reasonable conditions. Neither did it repent him that it was yet in their choice; either to make war against the Romans, or accept of peace without bloodshed. Both parts being incensed with these speeches; yet other peculiar causes did more inflame them. Considering that the Cherusci, and the Longobardi, did fight for their ancient honours, or fresh liberty: and contrarily the others to enlarge their dominions. A fiercer encounter than this there was never seen: nor a more doubtful issue: the right wings on both sides being slain. And a new fight was hoped for, if Maroboduus (an evident token of a faint heart) had not retired to the hills: and being somewhat weakened, by the back sliding of Traitors, withdrew himself to the Marcomans, and sent Ambassadors to Tiberius to crave aid. Unto whom it was answered, that he had no reason to crave the Romans aid against the Cherusci; seeing he aided the Romans nothing at all, when they fought against the same enemy. Yet as we have said, Drusus was sent to make a peace. The same year twelve famous cities of Asia, were destroyed by an earthquake in the night: a calamity so much the greater, by how much the less looked for. The usual means of saving themselves in in like cases, by fleeing to the open fields, doing them no good at all; because they were swallowed up by the opening of the earth. It is reported that huge mountains were laid flat, and plains raised up into high hills: and fire flashed out among those ruins. And the disaster being more grievous among the Sardians, then elsewhere; greater compassion was had on them: for Caesar promised them 
* About 78 125 pound.  an hundredth hundred thousand sesterces: and released them for five years space of all that they were to pay to the common treasury. Next unto them endamaged and relieved, were the Magnetians, near unto Sipylus. It was thought expedient for the same space, to discharge of all tributes, the Temnians, Philadelphians, Aegetians, Appolonienses and such as are called Moscenians, or Macedonians, of Hyrcania, and Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cymen, Tmolum; and to send some of the Senators, to view and relieve their present estate. This charge was committed to M. Aletus once Praetor; lest if one who had been once Consul over Asia, should have been deputed; there might some emulation have risen betwixt equals; and thereby the business hindered. Caesar did with no less grateful bounty, show his liberality when he bestowed the goods of Aemilia Musa, a rich woman, fallen to the fisque; upon Aemilius Lepidus, of whose house she seemed to have been. And the like when he gave the inheritance of Patuleius, a rich gentleman of Rome (albeit he was instituted heir in part) to M. Seruillius, whom he found to have been written in the first not suspected testament: having declared before, that both their nobilities were to be helped with money. Neither did he at any time take any inheritance, unless he had deserved it by friendship. He did reject all such, as being unknown to him; and for hatred unto others, declared the Prince to be their heirs. And as he did relieve the honest poverty of the innocent: so the prodigal and needy through their own behaviour, he put from the Senate, or gave licence to departed: as to Vibidius Varro, Marius Nepos, Appius Appianus, Cornelius Silvius, Q. Vitellius. At the same time, the Temples of the gods, begun by Augustus, and fallen to ruin by age or fire: he dedicated to Bacchus, Proserpina, and Ceres, near to the great Circus; which A. Posthumius had vowed. And in the same place the Temple of Flora, built by Lucius and Marcus, Publicius, Aediles: And also janus Temple, which C. Duillius had built near the herb market; who first of all others, had a prosperous fight by sea for the Romans: and deserved a triumph by sea over those of Carthage. The Temple of hope, which in the same war Atilius had vowed, was dedicated by Germanicus.   

XII. The accusation of Apuleia. Tacfarina maketh war in Africa.  
IN the mean season, the law against treason grew strong: and a pickthank accused Apuleia Varilia, Augustus sister's niece; that she had reproachfully scoffed at Augustus, Tiberius, and his mother: and that nothing regarding that she was by marriage allied to Caesar, she had abused her body. But as for the adultery, there was sufficient order taken by the law julia: yet Caesar requested that the treason might be distinguished from the other crime: and that she might be punished, if she had spoken irreligiously against Augustus. As for that which she had spoken against himself, he would not have it brought into examination. And being asked by a Consul, what he thought of those things she was accused of, against his mother; he held his peace. But the next time the Senate met, he entreated in his mother's name, that such words as she had uttered against her, might not be construed for a fault. Of treason also he acquitted her: and entreated that the punishment of adultery, might not be severely enforced against her: persuading her friends, that according to the example of their ancestors, they would remove her from her kindred above two hundred miles: and Manlius the adulterer was banished Italy and Africa. When Vipsanius Gallus was dead, there arose a strife in subrogating a Praetor in his room: Germanicus and Drusus both then being at Rome, favouring Haterius Agrippa, near kinsman to Germanicus: and some labouring to the contrary, desired that according to the laws, amongsuters such should prevail as had the greatest number of children: Tiberius rejoicing, that the Senate debated the matter betwixt his children and the laws. Without doubt the law was overcome: but neither by and by; nor with a few suffrages; but after the same manner, as when the laws were in greatest force. The same year the war began in Africa, Tacfarinas being the captain of the enemies. This Tacfarinas was a Numidian borne; and being an aid soldier, received pay under the Romans: then a forsaker of them gathered together certain wandering companions, enured to robberies, thefts, and pillage: whom he marshaled into companies, and divided into ensigns, according to the manner of service: and at last was reckoned a leader not of a disorderly multitude, but captain of the Musulanians: which being a strong nation near unto the desert of Africa, having no dwelling in towns, took arms, and drew their neighbours the Moors with them, under their captain Mazippa. Their army was so divided, that Tacfarinas should encamp himself with chosen men, armed after the Roman manner, and train them up in discipline and obedience. Mazippa with a company lightly armed, should rove up and down, burn, slay, & terrify. They had also persuaded the Cinithians, a nation not to be despised, to the like: When as Furius Camillus Proconsul of Africa, having gathered a legion, & the confederates which were under ensigns (a small power if you respect the multitude of Moors and Numidians) and lead them against the enemy: and doubting nothing more than lest they should shift off the battle for fear, with a hope of victory tolled them on, and in their hope overthrew them. Furius placed a legion in the middle, the cohorts lightly appointed, and two companies of horsemen in the wings. Tacfarinas refused not to join battle: but the Numidians were vanquished; and the Furian name, after so many years recovered the reputation of warriors. For ever since that Furius, which recovered the city from the Galli, & his son Camillus; the glory of being captains hath remained in other families. And this man whom we have sooken of, not being a man of action, his exploits were the more willingly set forth by Tiberius to the Lords of the Senate: who decreed, that he should be honoured with triumphal ornaments; which to Camillus, by reason he was of a modest behaviour, could no way be a cause of envy.   

XIII. Germanicus peregrination.  
THe year following, Tiberius was the third time made Consul, and Germanicus the second. But Germanicus took that dignity at Nicopolis, a city in Achaia, whither he came by the coast of Illyrium; having first visited his brother Drusus, then making his abode in Dalmatia: and having had an unprosperous voyage by the Adriaticall and Ionian sea. By reason whereof he spent some days in repairing his navy: and in visiting the coasts, which by the victory of Actium were made famous; and the spoils dedicated by Augustus: with the place where Antony had camped; by those means renewing the memory of his ancestors; for as I have said before, Augustus was his uncle, and Antony his grandfather: and therefore in that place he saw represented, things both joyful, and dolorous. From thence he went to Athens; which being an ancient city, and a confederate with the Romans: he would have but one Lictor before him. The Grecians received him with most exquisite honours, and represented the ancient exploits, and saying of his predecessors: that their flattery might be so much the more grateful and acceptable. And going from thence to Euboea, hepassed by Lesbos: where Agrippina in her last delivery, had julia. Then desirous to visit places of antiquity and fame, he went to the confines of Asia, Perinthum, and Byzans; cities of Thrace: then he entered the straits of Propontis: and the mouth of the Pontion sea. Withal he relieved the provinces, which were wearied with civil discords, and oppressions of magistrates. In his return desirous to visit the sacrifices of the Samothracians, and sundry other things; for change of fortune, and our beginning from thence worthy of honour. The northern winds drove him back again. Then he coasted Asia, and came to Colophona, to consult with the oracle of Clarius Apollo. There is no woman as at Delphos; but a priest, usually chosen out of certain families, and for the most part from Miletum: doth hear only the number and names of such as come to consult: then going down to a den, and drinking a draft of the secret fountain; giveth answer (being commonly ignorant in learning and verses) in verses touching those things, which a man hath forethought in his mind. It is reported, that by circumstances of dark speeches, as the manner of the oracles is, he prophesied that Germanicus death was not far of. But C. Piso, to the end he might more speedily begin to effectuate his determination, sharply rebuked the city of Athens, already amazed with his turbulent behaviour, indirectly carping at Germanicus, that contrary to the dignity of the Roman name, he had used too great courtesy: not towards the Athenians which had been wasted by so many miseries; but towards a rifraffe of other nations: and those which were Mithridates' confederates against Silvius; and Antony's against Augustus of famous memory. Other stolen matters he objected also against them; as that they had not prosperous success against the Macedonians; and used violence against their own citizens: bearing them also a special grudge, because that at his request they would not deliver on Theophilus condemned of forgery, by the counsel of the Areopagites. From thence sailing with all celerity by the Cycladeses, and seeking out the shortest cuts, at the Island of Rhodes, he overtook Germanicus: nothing ignorant how he had backbitten him: yet nevertheless such was his mild disposition, that when Piso was driven through tempest against the rocks, and that his miscarieng might have been imputed to chance, he sent galleys to secure him, and so delivered him from danger. But all this did not mollify Piso's heart, but scarce enduring one days stay, forsaketh and preventeth Germanicus. For being come to the legions in Syria; winning the basest of the common soldiers with gifts: he began to displace the old Centurions, and severe Tribunes: and bestow their rooms on his followers, or to the most lewdest: suffered idleness in the camps: licentiousness in the city: vagrant and riotous soldiers to range the country: whereby they grew to such corruption, that among the common sort, he was called the father of the legions. Neither did Plancina contain herself within the bounds of womanly modesty: but would be present at the horsemen's exercise, as the running of the cohorts: and use reproachful speeches against Agrippina, and Germanicus: some of the better sort of soldiers, ready to follow her humour, in bad actions; because there was a secret rumour spread that those things were not done with dislike of the Emperor. Germanicus knew all this: but his greatest care was to prevent the Armenians. That nation was in times past doubtful and uncertain to the Romans, not only through their disposition and affection; but also through the situation of their country: which stretching into our provinces, reacheth even to the Medes. And being seated betwixt great kingdoms, are often in wars, through hatred to the Romans, and envy to the Parthians. King at that time they had none; Vonones being expulsed. But the nation favoured Zeno, Polemon king of Pontus' son, because that from his infancy, he had imitated the customs and attire of the Armenians; their hunting and banqueting, and other exercises of the Barbarians greatly esteemed: thereby winning the favour as well of the nobility, as common people. Germanicus then in the city Artaxata, the noble men approving it, in the presence of a multitude, crowned him King: & the rest doing him honour as their King, saluted him after the name of the city by the name of Artaxias. The Cappadocians being reduced to the form of a Province; received Q Veranius for their Lieutenant: and to give them a good hope of the Roman government, some of the tributes usually before paid to the Kings, diminished: & over the Comageni, than first reduced under the regiment of a Praetor, Q. Seruaeus was made governor.   

XIIII. Germanicus, and Piso's jarring.  
ALbeit, all the affairs of the allies were settled in good order: yet Germanicus was nothing the more at his ease; by reason of Piso's pride: who being commanded either by himself, or by his son, to conduct part of the legions to Armenia, neglected both. At length they both met at Cyrrum, where the tenth legion wintered: Piso with a resolute countenance against fear: and Germanicus as I have said the milder of the two, lest he should be thought to threaten. But his friends their craft's master in provoking hatred; made the most of that which was true, & suggested much which was false, laying divers things to his own charge, Plancinas, & his children's. In the end, Caesar in the presence of a few of his familiars, uttered some such speech to Piso, as anger & dissimulation doth suggest, & Piso answered with a proud submission, & so they departed open enemies. After that time Piso was seldom seen at Caesar's tribunal; & if he did assist at any time, he showed himself froward, and always dissented openly from him. In a banquet made by the king of the Nabateans, when there were presented crowns of great weight to Caesar and Agrippina; and light ones to Piso and the rest: He was heard to say, that that banquet was made to the son of a Roman Prince, and not to the son of a king of Parthia: and withal threw away his crown, uttering many speeches against the superfluity of the banquet: which although Germanicus could hardly digest, yet endured all patiently. Whilst these things were adoing, Ambassadors came from Artabanus, king of the Parthians, calling to mind their friendship and alliance with the Romans, and desiring that they might renew right hands: and that in honour of Germanicus, he would come to the bank of Euphrates. And requested in the mean time, that Vonones might not remain in Syria, lest he should by messengers, draw the noble men of the country round about, to civil dissensions. Touching the alliance, Germanicus answered magnificently: but concerning the kings coming, and the honour done to himself, he answered civilly, and with great modesty. Vonones was removed to Pompeiopolis, a sea town in Cilicia; not so much at Artabanus request, as to spite Piso; unto whom he was most acceptable, for many benefits and gifts bestowed upon Plancina.   

XV. Germanicus voyage to Egypt and Thebes. Maroboduus and Catualda, both expelled, flee to the Romans.  
WHen M. Silanus, and L. Norbanus were Consuls, Germanicus went to Egypt, to see the antiquities of the country; but pretended a care of the province: where he opened their storehouses, and brought down the price of corn: and did other things, to win the favour of the people: as to go without soldiers; wear open shoes: apparel himself like the Grecians: imitating P. Scipio, whom we have heard to have done the like in Sicily, when the war was hottest against the Africans. Tiberius' having lightly blamed him for his behaviour and apparel, did most sharply rebuke him, that contrary to Augustus' order, & without the prince's licence, he had entered Alexandria. For Augustus amongst other secrets of state, had reserved Egypt; and forbidden all Senators, noblemans, and Gentlemen, to enter into it, but with permission, lest Italy should be oppressed with famine: who soever should be master of that province: being the key of the sea and land: and easily defended with a small power, against a strong host. But Germanicus, not knowing that his voyage was misliked, went up Nilus, beginning at the town Canopus, which the Lacedæmonians built: because Canopus the governor of their ship was buried there, when Mevelaus going back to Greece, was carried to a contrary sea, and land of Libya. The next mouth of the river from thence, is dedicated to Hercules; the first of which name was borne there, as the inhabitants do report; and of whom all which come after him, of like valour and virtue, took their surname. After that, he visited the great monuments of ancient Thebes: where yet were to be seen Egyptian letters in old buildings, which contained their ancient wealth. And one of their ancientest Priests, being commanded to interpret those letters in the country language; related, that in times passed there had dwelled in that city, seven hundred thousand persons, of age fit to bear arms: and that with that army King Rhamses had conquered Libya, Aethiopia, Media, and Persia, Bactria, and Scythia, and the countries which the Syrians, and the Armenians, and the Cappadocians, their next neighbours inhabited: and that their dominion reached from the Bithynian to the Lycian sea. There were also read the tributes imposed over nations, the weight of silver and gold, the number and furniture of horses and armour: the gifts given to the Temples, the ivory, sweet savours: and what plenty of corn; what vtensiles every nation was charged to furnish; which were no less magnifical, then are now commanded, by the forces of the Parthi: or power of the Romans. But Germanicus was yet tied to other miracles: whereof the chiefest was, the image of Memnon made of stone; when it was strooken with the sun beams yielding a sound like a man's voice: and the Pyramids as great as mountains, on the not passable sands; built a vie by Kings in times past to show their riches: and the ditches wrought by handy work to receive the overflowing of Nilus; so narrow in some places, and so deep in others, that the bottom cannot be found by any search. From thence he came to Elephantines, and Syenes, in times past the bounds of the Roman Empire, which now openeth to the red sea. Whilst Germanicus spent that summer, in visiting many Provinces, Drusus gate no small honour, by sowing sedition in Germany: and incensing them to pursue Maroboduus already weakened, even to his utter ruin. Among the Gotones, there was a noble young man called Catualda, who through Maroboduus violence having before fled his country; things standing now in doubtful terms; ventured a revenge. And with a strong power, entered the frontiers of the Marcomans: and having corrupted the chief noble men to his confederacy, forceth the King's palace, and a castle hard by. Where he found the old spoils of the Suevians and the base rascals of our Province: and certain merchants; whom intercourse of ambergris, and a desire of increasing their wealth; or last of all a forgetfulness of their country; had drawn from their own dwellings to the enemies country. Maroboduus being forsaken of all hands: had no other refuge left, but the mercy of the Romans. And having passed the river of Danub, where it coasteth the Province of Notica; wrote unto Tiberius, not as a fugitive and suppliant, but putting him in mind of his former fortune and estate: alleging that when sundry nations invited him to their alliance, being sometimes a renowned King, he preferred the amity of the Romans before them al. Caesar answered him, that he should have a sure and honourable dwelling in Italy, if he listed to remain there: but if any thing of greater advancement should happen unto him, that he should departed with the same safe conduct he came thither. Afterward he declared in Senate, that the Athenians had no such cause to fear Philip; nor the people of Rome, Pyrrhus and Antiochus, as this man. An oration of his is yet extant, wherein he extolleth his power; the strength of the nations he had under him; and how near an enemy he was to Italy; and what plots he had devised to root him out. Maroboduus was received at Ravenna; that if at any time the Suevian should wax insolent; he was in sight as it were always ready to return. But he departed not Italy the space of eighteen years, and grew old with loss of reputation, through over great desire of living. The like hope had Catualda, and no other refuge: for not long after being driven out by the Hermunduri, under the conduct of Vibilius, he was received and sent to Forum julij, a colony of Gallia Narbonensis. The barbarous people which followed both these; lest being mingled among others, should disturb the quiet Provinces: were placed beyond Danubium betwixt the rivers Marus, and Cusus; and a King given them of the Quadian nation.   

XVI. Wars betwixt Rhescuporis and Cotys. Rhescuporis is sent to Rome.  
News being come that Artaxias, was by Germanicus made King of Armenia: the Lords of the Senate ordained that Germanicus and Drusus should enter into the city ovant, or with a small triumph; and that arches should be erected about the sides of the Temple of Mars the Revenger, with the images of the two Caesars: Tiberius being more glad that he had established a peace by wisdom; then if he should have ended the war by a main battle. Now he determined by some subtlety to set upon Rhescuporis King of Thrace. That country once having been under Rhoemetalces: after his death, Augustus gave part of it to his brother Rhescuporis, & part to his son Cotys. In that partition, the arable grounds, the cities, and places adjoining to Greece fell to Cotys share. That which was unhabited, wild, and lying near the enemy; to Rhescuporis. The dispositions also of those Kings were such, that the one was tractable and of a mild condition; this stout, covetous, and impatient of a companion: and both at the first living in cunning and dissembled concord. Then Rhescuporis began to exceed his bounds; and draw that to himself which was given Cotys, and use violence if he resisted: but not so hotly in Augustus' time; whom he feared being the author of both kingdoms, would revenge if he were despised. But understanding of a change of the Prince, he sent in troops of thieves, beat down his castles, and sought occasions of war. Nothing did more trouble Tiberius, then that those things which were once settled, should now be disturbed: and therefore making choice of a Centurion dispatcheth him away to signify to the Kings, that they should not in any case enter into arms: and thereupon Cotys dismissed presently the aid he had prepared. Rhescuporis with a feigned modesty, requesteth a place of meeting, to end their controversy by conference: neither did they long doubt of the time, place, and conditions; the one yielding to all with a facility of nature; the other accepting all with a fraudulent meaning. Rhescuporis as he pretended to conclude this agreement; maketh a banquet: & when the night was far spent with great mirth, much eating & quaffing of wine; he loaded uncircumspect Cotys with chains: who perceiving the treason, besought him by the sacred ceremonies of the kingdom, the gods of the same family, & by the entertainment of his table, he would use no such violence. Having thus made himself master of all Thrace, he wrote to Tiberius, that there were conspiracies wrought against him, and the contriver of them prevented. And withal, pretending war against the Bastarnians, and the Scythians, maketh himself strong with a new power of footmen and horsemen. Tiberius wrote to him coldly again, that if there were no fraud in his doing, he might trust to his innocency: but neither he nor the Senate could discern the right from wrong, unless they knew the cause: & therefore that he should deliver up Cotys, and come to them, and purge himself of the envy of the crime. Those letters Latinius Pandus Propraetor of Moesia sent with the soldiers, unto whom Cotys should be delivered. But Rhescuporis balancing between anger and fear, and desirous to be guilty rather of the fact committed, then only attempted; commandeth Cotys to be slain: and untruly gave it out, that he had killed himself. Yet for all this, Caesar altered not his intended course, but after Pandus decease, whom Rhescuporis accused to have been his back friend, made Pomponius Flaccus an old soldier, and with whom the king was very inward, and therefore a more fit instrument to deceive, for the same cause especial governor of Moesia. Flaccus being gone to Thrace, by way of great promises, persuaded him, although doubtful, and calling to mind his own wickedness: to enter into the Roman garrison, where he was guarded with a strong company, under colour of honour. He had Tribunes and Centurions at hand to counsel and persuade him: and the further he went, the greater guard: and at last knowing in what terms of necessity he stood, they brought him to the city: where being accused in Senate by Cotys wife, he was condemned to be kept far from his country. Thrace was afterward divided betwixt Rhaemetalces his son, who was known to be an enemy to his father's proceed, and Cotys children: which not being of full age, Trebellienus Rufus, who had been Praetor in the mean season, was made governor of the kingdom: following the example of our predecessors, who sent M. Lepidus into Egypt, to be guardian to Ptolemeus children. Rhescuporis was carried to Alexandria, and there going about to escape, or because it was so fathered on him, was killed. At the same time Vonones, who (as we have said) was confined in Cilicia, having corrupted his keepers, under colour of going a hunting; attempted all means to escape to the Armenians; from thence to the Albanians, and Heniochians, and to his cozen the king of Scythia. And forsaking the sea coasts, got into by-ways and forests: and by the swiftness of his horse, posted with all speed to the river Pyramus. The borderers understanding the king's escape, having broken down the bridges, & he not able to pass at any ford, was taken by the rivers side, and bound by Vibius Fronto, captain of the horsemen. Anon after Remmius Euocatus, unto whose charge the king was first committed, as it had been in an anger, thrust him through with his sword. Whereupon it was the easilier believed that he had so slain Vonones, as one guilty and consenting to his escape, and therefore fearing he should be bewrayed and accused.   

XVII. Germanicus sickness and death. The variance betwixt him and Piso.  
But Germanicus returning from Egypt: and perceiving that all which he had commanded, either in the legions or towns, left undone, or changed clean contrary; began to use grievous and contumelious speeches against Piso: and he to requite Caesar with no less dangerous attempts. Whereupon Piso determined to departed Syria: but staying a time by reason of Germanicus sickness; when he heard of his amendment, and that the vows were accomplished for his health: he drove away by his sergeants the beast brought to the altar, and disturbed the preparation made for the sacrifice, and the solemn meeting of the people of Antioch. Then he went to Seleucia, expecting the event of his sickness which he fell again into: the rage thereof so much the more grievous, through an opinion that Piso had poisoned him: for there were found pulled out of the ground, and walls, charms, verses, and enchantments: and Germanicus name engraven in sheets of lead: ashes half burned, and tempered with corrupt blood, and other sorceries, by which it is thought, that souls are dedicated to the infernal powers. Some also were accused to have been sent from Piso, to espy in what state he was in. That drove Germanicus both into anger and fear, considering with himself: if his house should be besieged; if he should lose his life in the sight of his enemies: what should happen after to his woeful wife, and his young children? he saw that the poison seemed slow in working: but Piso hastened, that he might alone have the government of the legions and the province. But Germanicus was not so destitute of friends, that the murderer should enjoy the rewards of the murder. And hereupon enditeth a letter to him, in which he renounceth his friendship. Some add, that he commanded him to departed the province. Piso made no longer delay, but looseth anchor, and moderated his course to return the sooner, if Germanicus death should open him a way to Syria. Germanicus being a little amended, and in some hope: then growing feeble again; when his end was at hand, he spoke to his friends about him in this manner. If I should die a natural death, yet should I have just cause of grief against the gods: that by an untimely death, they shuold take me in my youth from my kinsfolks, children, and country. But now being brought to this pass by the lewd practice of Piso and Plancina, I leave in your breasts for my last prayers; that you signify unto my father and my brother, with what cruelty torn, with what fraud circumvented, I have ended my miserable life, with a most naughty death. If the hopes conceived of me have moved any; if nearness in blood any: yea, if envy towards me when I lived: they will weep, that he who hath sometimes flourished, and escaped so many battles, should now end his life by the guile and treachery of a woman: you shall have occasion to complain to the Senate, and demand the execution of laws. This is not the chiefest duty of friends, to show their affection towards the dead, by a slow and dull complaint; but remember and execute that which they commanded. Yea, such as knew not Germanicus, will weep for him: If you did rather love me then my fortune, you will revenge my death. Show the people of Rome Augustus niece, and the same my wife, and my children which are six in number: the accusers themselves will have compassion; and those which pretend wicked commandments, shall either not be believed, or not pardoned. His friends taking him by the right hand, swore they would rather lose their life, then omit revenge. Then turning to his wife, entreated her by the memory of him, and by the children common between them, that she would lay aside all haughtiness, and submit her courage to raging fortune: lest returning to the city, she stirred not with emulation of greatness more powerable than herself against her. Thus much he uttered openly, and other things in secret; whereby it was conjectured he stood in fear of Tiberius. Not long after he yielded up the ghost, with great lamentation of the Province and countries about; foreign nations and Kings lamented also: so great was his courtesy to his allies; and mildness to his enemies. He was no less venerable to those which saw him, than to those which heard of him: and did so well temper the greatness of high estate & gravity; that he avoided both envy & arrogancy. His funerals although he had neither images nor pomp: yet by the commendation and memory of his virtues, were honoured of all men. Some there were which compared his favour, his age, and manner of death, by reason of the vicinity of the places wherein they died, unto Alexander the great. For being both of a comely stature, noble parentage, not much above thirty years of age: they died in strange countries, by the treachery of their own people. But this man was courteous towards his friends, moderate in pleasures, & his children certain, begotten in marriage by one woman. Neither was he to be counted a less warrior than the other: although he were not rash, & hindered to reduce under the yoke of servitude the Germans daunted with so many victories. And if he alone had, had the supreme managing of affairs, and power, & a name of a King: so much the sooner he would have carried away the prize & renown of warfare, by how much he did excel him in clemency, temperancy, & other good virtues. His body before it should be burned, was laid naked in the market place of Antioch, which was the place appointed for his burial. Whether he showed any tokens of being poisoned or not, it is unknown: for divers did diversly interpretit; either as they were inclined to pity Germanicus, or suspected to favour Piso. This being done, the Lieutenants & the Senators which were present, consulted among themselves, whom they should make governor of Syria; & the rest not greatly contending: it was long debated betwixt Marsus & Gn. Sentius; & in the end Marsus yielded to Sentius being his elder, & prosecuting the suit more eager. He sent to Rome one Martina, a woman infamous in that Province for empoisoning, but dearly beloved to Plancina, at the suit of Vitellius & Veranius, & others, which framed their acusations, as against one already guilty of the fact. But Agrippina wasted with sorrow & feeble of body: yet impatient of delaying revenge; took shipping with Germanicus ashes with her, and her children: all men taking compassion, that a woman so nobly descended, and who not long since in regard of her stately marriage, was honoured and reverenced by all men: should now carry in her lap, those lamentable relics of her husband: incertain of revenge; doubtful of herperson; so oft exposed to fortune's mercy by her unlucky fruitfulness.   

XVIII Piso is doubtful whether he should return to Syria or not. And prepareth an army against Sentius.  
IN the mean season a messenger, overtaketh and advertiseth Piso, at the Island Cous, that Germanicus was departed. Which tidings he received intemperately, offered sacrifices, visited the temples, nothing moderating his joy; and Plancina growing more insolent, than first changed the mourning weed, she ware for the death of her sister, into a joyful attire. The Centurions flocking about him, told him, that he had the good will of the legions, at his devotion; that it was his best to return to the province, wrongfully taken from him, and now void of a governor. Whereupon taking advise what was best to be done; his son M. Piso, was of opinion that he should make all haste to the city: that there was nothing yet done which might not be answered: and that weakesuspitions, and vain reports were not to be feared. The variance between him and Germanicus, was worthy perhaps of some rebuke, but not punishment: and by taking the province from him, his enemies were satisfied. But if he should return, Sentius being against him, a new civil war would begin. Neither would the Centurions and soldiers continue on his side; with whom the fresh memory of their captain, and the love deeply printed in their hearts towards the Caesars would prevail. Domitius Celer, one of his inwardest friends, persuaded the contrary. That he ought to take the time when it was offered: that Piso and not Sentius was made governor of Syria: unto him were the fasces, and dignity of Praetor given, to him the legions committed. If any violence should be offered by the enemy, who should more justly oppose his arms against them, than he, who hath received the authority of a Lieutenant, and special commission? rumours grow stolen and vanish away with time: and often the innocent are borne down with fresh envy: but if he had a power at hand, and his forces increased, many things which could not be foreseen, by mere chance might turn to the better. Do we hasten to come to Rome, with Germanicus ashes: that Agrippina's lamentation, and the unskilful multitude, at the first rumour, should lay hands on thee, unheard and undefended? Thou hast for thee Augustas conscience, and Caesar's favour, though in secret. And none bewail more braggingly Germanicus death in outward show, than such as in their hearts are most glad. Piso being forward enough of himself to haughty attempts, was with small ado drawn to this opinion. And sending letters to Tiberius, accuseth Germanicus of riot and pride: and that himself was driven out of the province, because there might be a way made open to innovation: that he had again taken charge of the army, with the same fidelity, as he had already governed it. Withal, he commanded Domitius, with a galley to sail into Syria: and avoiding the coasting of the shore, and letting pass the islands, take wide and open sea. Then marshalling and arming runagates, and rascal base companions, and sailing over to the continent, he intercepted an ensign of young and raw soldiers, which were going to Syria. And writeth also to the Lords of Cilicia, to send him aid: the young man Piso being nothing slack in the service, although he was against the undertaking of the war. Wherefore passing by the coast of Lycia, & Pamphylia, meeting with the ships which had conveyed Agrippina to Rome, each side hating one another; made themselves ready to fight: yet both sides fearing the one the other, they proceeded no further than to hard words. Mirsus Vibius summoned Piso to come to Rome to answer for himself: who scoffingly answered him again, that he would come and appear, when the Praetor which was to inquire of poison, would appoint a day as well for the plaintiff, as defendant. In the mean time Domitius being arrived at Laodicea, a city in Syria; and going to the standing camp of the sixth legion, as most fit for new enterprises, was prevented by the Lieutenant Pacwius. Sentius openeth that by letters to Piso; warning him not to go about to tempt the army with corrupters, nor raise any war in the Province. And such as he knew to have Germanicus in mind, or were adversaries to the enemies, he assembled together: putting them often in mind of the greatness of the Emperor, and how the commonwealth was assailed; and thereupon gathereth a strong power ready to fight. Yet neither Piso, nor his side, although his enterprises fell out otherwise, than he expected; did let slip that which was of most safety for the present; but putteth himself in a very strong castle in Cilicia, called Celenderis. For by sorting and meddling together the runagates, the new and raw soldier lately taken, his own and Plancinaes' slaves, and the aids which the Lords of Cilicia sent, he marshaled them in form of a legion. And then affirmed that he was Caesar's Lieutenant: but droven out of the Province committed to him; not by the legions, for they called him thither; but by Sentius, which cloaked his private malice with false crimes: therefore that they should stand stoutly to the battle; because the soldiers would not fight, when they should see Piso whom heretofore they called their father. If they would proceed by order of justice, the right was on his side: if by arms, he wanted not strength. Then he displayed his companies in order of battle, before the castle on a steep craggy hills side: the rest being environed with sea. On the contrary side the old soldiers, with their supplies were marshaled into ranks. On this side was the strength of soldiers: one that of place. In courage and hope there was great odds also: and on their side no weapons, but rude and clownish, prepared for a present shift. And when they came to handy strokes; there was no longer doubt who should have the upper hand, but till the Roman cohorts could win the plain ground: which done, the Cilicians showed their backs, & shut themselves in their fort. In the mean space Piso went about, but in vain, to assail the navy which waited not far off. Then returned to the castle again, now tormenting himself upon the walls; now calling to every soldier by his name, and offering rewards: assayed to raise a mutiny, and did so much prevail, that the standard bearer of the sixth legion, went with his ensign to his side. Then Sentius commanded the cornets and trumpets to sound; gave an assault to the rampires; caused laddres to be put up; and the ablest men to follow; and the others out of engines to shoot darts, stones, and fire brands. In the end Piso's obstinacy being overcome; entreateth that having yielded up his weapons, he might remain in the castle, until Caesar were consulted, who should be governor of Syria. The conditions were not accepted; nor any thing granted him: but only, that he should have shipping and safe conduct to the city.   

XIX. Great bewailing for Germanicus death: strange religions suppressed: lose life restrained in women of account.  
But when Germanicus sickness was noised at Rome; and as in news it falleth out, the farther it goeth, augmented to the worse: all men burst out into anger, grief, and complaints: saying, that therefore he was sent to foreign countries: that was the reason why Piso had the province committed to him: this was the effect of Augusta's secret conference with Plancina: that the ancient men said most truly of Drusus, that the courteous and modest disposition of children doth dislike such as reign. Neither were they made away for any other reason, but because, liberty restored; they had a meaning to reduce the people of Rome to a certain equality. These speeches of the common people, the news of his death did so much kindle; that before any edict of Magistrates, before any decree of Senate was made, vacation being taken of themselves; the places of judgement were abandoned; houses shut up; silence and mourning every where: nothing of all this counterfeited or done for ostentation. And although they did not abstain from outward tokens of mourning, yet in their hearts they mourned much more. Certain Merchants returning by chance out of Syria, Germanicus yet living, bringing joyful tidings of his health, were presently believed, and spread abroad: and as they met one another (although they had scarce heard the tale to the end) yet they reported it again, and they again to others, still making it more, and increasing their joy. They ran up and down the city, went about to wrest open the gates of the temples: the night furthered their credulousnes, and in the dark every man more ready to affirm. Neither did Tiberius gainsay these false reports, but let them vanish away with time. But then the people, as though he had been a second time taken from them, grieved more bitterly. Such was his funeral pomp done in memory of him, as either men's love, or pregnancy of conceit could invent: as that his name should be sung in a Salarian verse, which Mars priests were wont to sing: that in the rooms of the Augustall priests, chairs of estate should be placed, with garlands of oak: that his image graven in ivory, should be carried before the Circensian plays: and that none should be created Flamen or Augur in Germanicus place, unless he were of the julian family. At Rome, and at the bank of Rhine, and on the hill Amanus in Syria, were erected arches, with an inscription of his exploits: and that he died for the common wealth: a sepulchre at Antioch where his body was burnt: a tribunal at Epidaphna, where he ended, his life. It would be hard to number the images and places in which he was honoured. And when some thought it convenient that he should have a shield of exquisite gold and greatness, dedicated him among the authors of eloquence: Tiberius said he should have none but such as was usual, and equal to the rest: for neither was eloquence to be judged of by fortune: and that it was a sufficient honour for him, if he were put in the number of ancient writers. That which before was called the band of young men, the Gentlemen called Germanicus cuneum, or pointed battle: and ordained that the squadrons of horsemen should follow his image the Ideses of july. Many of these ceremonies yet remain; some were presently left off; and some, time wore out. But whilst this grief was yet fresh in every man's memory; Livia Germanicus sister, and Drusus wife, was at once delivered of two sons: which being a thing rare, and welcome, even to mean families, did so rejoice the Prince, that he could not contain (for even casual things he attributed to his glory) but must needs brag before the Lords of the Senate, that no other of the Romans of his greatness, had ever before had two male children at a birth. But in such a time even that also, brought grief unto the people; as though that Drusus increase of children, would the rather depress Germanicus house. The same year women's lascivious life, was punished by severe decrees of Senate; and ordained that none should put their bodies to sale, whose grandfather, father, or husband had been a gentleman of Rome. For Vistilia descended of a praetorian family, had made her lose licentious life known to the Aediles; according to a received custom among the ancients; who thought it a sufficient punishment for unchaste women, if publicly they confessed their lewdness. And Titidius Labeo, Vistilias husband, was called into question, because he had not inflicted the punishment of the law, on his wife manifestly taken in the offence. But he for his excuse, alleged that the three score days given to deliberate, were not yet past; and therefore thinking it enough to punish Vistilia; she was confined in the Island Seriphon. It was debated in Senate touching the rooting out of the Egyptian & judaical ceremonies: & a decree made that four thousand libertines of competent age, infected with that superstition, should be conveyed into the Island Sardinia, to suppress robberies committed there: and if they should die through the unwholesomnes of the air, the loss were but vile and small: and that the rest should departed Italy, if before a certain day they would not forsake those profane rites. When those things were done, Caesar propounded, that another virgin should be received in the room of Oecia; who with very great integrity, seven and fistie years, had been governess of the ceremonies of the Vestal virgins: and gave thanks to Fonteius Agrippa, and Domitius Pollio; who offering their daughters, strove in duty to the common wealth. But Pollios' daughter was preferred for no other reason, but because her mother had continued wife to her first husband: Agrippa having diminished the reputation of his house with divorcement. Yet Caesar in regard the other was preferred, did comfort her with 
* About 78. 2. pound. 10 shil.  ten hundred thousand sesterces for her dowry. The people complaining of a dearth of corn, he put down a price for the buyer; promising to pay of his own in every bushel 
* Three pence ob. q.  two nummos. Yet for all this, he would not take upon him, the title of father of his country, before offered him: but did sharply rebuke them, who had called his affairs divine, and him Lord. And therefore under a Prince which feared liberty, and hated flattery; all speeches ought to be brief; and yet can hardly escape captious construction. I find in ancient writers of that time, that Adgandestrius Prince of the Chatti, letters were read in Senate, promising Arminius death, if poison were sent him to commit the deed. And that it was answered him, that the people of Rome used not to revenge on their enemies by treachery and privy means; but openly and armed. Wherein Tiberius equalled himself to the old Roman Captains, which did forbid king Pyrrhus to be poisoned, but disclosed it unto him. Now Arminius, the Romans being departed, and Maroboduus expulsed, earnestly coveting the kingdom, had the people as defending their liberty against him: and being assailed, and fight with doubtful fortune, was slain by the fraud of his own near'st familiars. Doubtless the deliverer of Germany; and who provoked, not as other Kings & Captains had done, the first springing up of the people of Rome; but when they flourished most in rule and Empire. In his battles, he had doubtful fortune, sometimes lucky, sometimes unlucky; but never was overcome in war. He lived full seven and thirty years, and was Prince twelve. To this day he is famous amongst barbarous nations; but in the Annals of the Greeks, which admire nothing but their own doings unknown; and not greatly spoken of among the Romans. Who whilst we extol ancient things, are careless of our own time.    

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Agrippina cometh to Rome: Germanicus funerals.  
AGrippina although it were winter, yet still continuing her voyage by sea, arrived at last at the Island Corcyra, over against the coast of Calabria: where as one without mean in mourning, and unable to endure, she rested a few days to settle her mind. In the mean time, her arrival known, her dearest friends, and especially soldiers which had served under Germanicus; and many also which she knew not, from the towns round about: some thinking it to be their duty towards their Prince; and many following them flocked to Brundisium, being the nearest and safest place of landing. And as soon as her ships were discerned a far off: not only the haven and places near the sea side; but the walls and house tops, and other places, from whence a man might farthest ken; were filled with a mourning and heavy multitude of people: ask (as not knowing what was fittest for the time) one another, whether they should receive her with silence, or acclamation, when she came out of her ship. But when by little and little the ships drew near, they saw no cheerful rowing, as the manner was wont to be: but all of them composed to sadness. But being come to land with her two children; holding the funeral pot with her husband's ashes in her hand, and her eyes fixed on the ground: all men began to bewail and lament alike. Neither couldst thou have discerned the lamentation of kinsfolks from the stanger; nor the women from the men: saving, that the fresh grief of such as went to meet her, exceeded the lamentation of her train, already wearied with long continuance of sorrow. Caesar had sent two companies of his guard to meet them: and gave further charge, that the magistrates of Calabria, the Apuleians, & Campanians, should solemnize the last obsequies in memory of his son. The ashes were carried on the Tribunes and Centurions shoulders; the ensigns untrimmed; and the fasces or knitch of rods, turned downwards, went before: and when they passed by any colonies, the common people in mourning weed, and gentlemen in their attire called Trabea, according to the wealth of the place, burnt garments, sweet odours: with other accustomed funeral solemnities. Yea such whose towns were far off, yet met them; erected altars; offered sacrifices to the infernal gods; witnessing their dolour with tears and cries. Drusus went to Terracina with his brother Claudius, & Germanicus children, which had remained in the city. The Consuls, M. Valerius, & M Aurelius (who began then to enter into office) the Senate and a great part of the people filled up the way, scattered hither & thither, weeping, as every man's affection was. Flattery there was none: all men knowing, that the death of Germanicus, joyful to Tiberius; could badly be dissembled, howsoever he counterfeited the contrary. Tiberius and Augusta, abstained from mourning in public: judging it a thing, under their majesty, if they should be seen openly to lament: or lest, the eyes of all men observing their countenance, should espy they did but counterfeit. I find not in any author, or diurnal register, that his mother Antonia did any thing worthy memory in that sole 〈…〉 when as besides Agrippina, Drusus, and Claudius, the rest of his blood, are by name written of: either hindered by sickness, or in mind overcome with sorrow, could not endure the sight of so heavy a grief. I should easilier have believed, that Tiberius and Augusta, which kept within doors, made her do the like: that their grief might be judged equal: and that the grandmother and uncle, should seem to have kept in, by the example of the mother. The day that the ashes were put in Augustus' tomb, was sometimes with silence desolate and still; and on the sudden unquiet with weeping: all passages of the city were full: Campus Martius shined with burning torches. There the soldier with his weapons; the magistrates without the marks of their dignity and calling; and the people gathered into tribes and companies cried: that the commonwealth was fallen to ground; and no hope left: and that so openly, and boldly, that thou wouldst have believed, they did not remember by whom they were governed. Yet nothing went so near Tiberius' heart, as the ardent affection men bare Agrippina: calling her the honour of their country; the only blood of Augustus; the pattern of antiquity: and turning towards the heaven, and the gods, prayed that her issue might long continue, and overlive the wicked. Some desired that the funerals might be celebrated with public pomp: comparing the magnificence and honours that Augustus had used for Drusus, Germanicus father. And, that he in the hardest time of winter, went as far as Ticinum: and how never once departing from the body, accompanied it to the city. That about the coffin were the images of the Claudians and julian's: that he was bewailed in the place of public assemblies: praised with an oration before the people: and all honours done him, which either our ancestors or later times could invent. But Germanicus had not so much as the usual solemnities done for him: his body through distance of place, was in some sort burnt, in strange lands: but by so much the more, honours should now have been bestowed upon him, because fortune had denied him the first. His brothers went to meet him but one days journey: his uncle not so far as to the gate. Where are the ancient customs become? why was not his image put before the Beer; and verses sung in memory of his virtues? why was he not praised, and bewailed, with the usual representation of mourning? All this was well known to Tiberius; and to suppress the speech of the common people, he admonished them by edict. That although many notable Romans had died for the commonwealth: yet none had ever been bewailed with such an ardent affection. Which was to him and unto others also honourable, so as there were a mean used. For the self same things are not seemly for noble men, the Emperor and the common people. It was convenient that small houses, or cities should mourn and lament, in fresh grief; and after their grief take comfort again: but now it was time to confirm the mind, as julius Caesar, having lost his only daughter; and Augustus his nephews: did cast off all sorrow. It was needless to allege ancient examples, to show how oft the people of Rome, had suffered constantly the loss of armies; death of captains; and the utter overthrow of noble families. That princes are mortal, and the commonwealth everlasting. Therefore that they should take their solemnities again: and because the show of the Megalensian plays was at hand, return to their pleasures.   

II. Piso cometh to Rome, where he is accused: and killeth himself.  
THe vacation ended, every man returned to his business: and Drusus went to the army of Illyricum: the people bent to demand a revenge of Piso; complained that he in the mean time now here, now there, in the pleasant country of Asia, and Africa, with a proud and subtle delay, did shift off the proofs brought against his lewdness. For it was commonly rumoured, that Martina, as I have before said, a woman infamous for poisoning, was sent to Rome by C. Sentius, and being suddenly dead at Brundisium, had no token upon her that she had taken her own bane; and that the poison was found hidden in a knarle of her hair. But Piso having sent his son before him to the city, with lessons how to pacify the Prince, went towards Drusus, not hoping to find him cruel in his behalf, for the death of his brother, but rather favourable, as being rid of such a concurrent. Tiberius to make a show of upright dealing, having entertained the young man courteously, used the like liberality towards him as he was accustomed to do to the noble men's children of such as he was familiar with. Drusus answered him, that if the accusations laid against him were true, the greatest grief should be his: and for his own part he could wish they should be false and vain; and that Germanicus death might be prejudicial to none. These words were openly uttered, and not in secret; neither was it doubted at all, but that Tiberius had before hand taught him his lesson; when as being plain, simple, and young, yet showed the cunning of the old man. Piso having passed over the Dalmatian sea, and left his ships at Ancona, went by Picenum, and after by the Flaminian way, overtook the legion which was brought from Pannony to Rome, to lie in garrison in Africa: being common in every man's mouth, how in the camp and in the way he did often show himself to the soldiers. From Narnia (whether it were to avoid suspicion, or because such as stand in fear are irresolute in their determinations) being conveyed by Nare, and anon after by Tiber, he increased the evil will of the people towards him, because he landed near the Caesar's tomb: on a day when the shore was full of people: many followers after him: and Plancina accompanied with a train of women, both, pleasant and cheerful in countenance. Among other causes of envy and hart-burning, Piso's house was one, looking on the market place, trimmed to feast and banquet in, where nothing could be hidden. The next day Fulcinius Trio, accused Piso before the Consuls. Vitellius and Veranius, and the rest which had followed Germanicus, alleged that that was their office, and that Trio had no part therein: and that as witnesses and openers of the cause; and not as accusers, they were to report that which Germanicus had given them in charge. Trio relinquishing the accusation, obtained licence to accuse his former life: and the Prince entreated to receive the hearing of the cause to himself: which the defendant refused not, as misdoubting the Senators, and people's good will: and contrary, being well assured that Tiberius regarded not rumours, but would lean to his mother's conscience: and that the truth; or things believed and wrested to the worst, might easilier be discerned by one judge: whereas hatred and envy bear the sway where there are many. Tiberius was not ignorant, how weighty a cause he undertook, and how diversly he was censured: and therefore calling some of his familiar friends about him, hearing the menaces of the accusers; then the request of the party arraigned, referred the whole cause to the Senate. In the mean season, Drusus returning from Illyrium: although the Senators had decreed, that for receiving of Maroboduus, and exploits done the summer past, he should enter the city, ovant, or with a small triumph: yet deferring that honour for the time, he entered privately. After that Piso had demanded T. Arruntius, Fulcinius, Asinius Gallus, Aeserninus, Marcellus, Sext. Pompeius for his advocates; and all of them alleging divers excuses, M. Lepidus, L. Piso, and Liveneius Regulus undertook his defence: the whole city being attentive to know how Germanicus friends would stick unto him; what hope the party arraigned had; whether Tiberius were able to master his affections, or would show himself. All these things were greedily expected of the people: never showing themselves more attentive, nor at any time licensing themselves a more secret speech of the Prince, or suspicious silence. The day that the Senate met, Caesar made a premeditate oration, tempered in this sort, saying: That Piso had been his father's Lieutenant and friend, and given by him to Germanicus as a coadjutor, by the authority of the Senate, in the administration of the affairs of the East: but whether he had there exasperated the young Prince, through disobedience and contention: and whether he had showed himself glad of his death: or villainously had made him away; that they should judge of that with upright consciences. For if being Lieutenant, he hath gone beyond the bounds of his office: and shaken off his duty to his lord general: and rejoiced in his death, and my grief: I will hate him, and estrange him from my house, and revenge, not the Princes, but private grudges. If any villainous deed be detected in him worthy of revenge, even in the death of any private person, afford yourselves, and Germanicus children, and us, his father, reasonable and just comfort. And examine also whether seditiously and mutinously Piso hath stirred up the army: whether by ambition he hath sought to win the favour of the soldiers: whether he returned into the province by force of arms: or whether these things be false; and made greater than they are, by the accusers: with whose overgreat affection I have just cause to be offended. For to what purpose should his body be shown naked; be handled of the common people; and bruited abroad among strangers, as though he had been empoisoned; if these things be yet uncertain, and are to be inquired of? I lament truly, and am grieved for my son, and always shall. But I hinder not the defendant, to allege all he can, for the purgation of his innocency: or if Germanicus had any fault worthy of reprehension. And I beseech you, not to take the crimes as already proved, because the cause is joined with my sorrow. If either his nearness in blood, or his own faithfulness, hath yielded him any to defend his cause; help him, as much as in you lieth, either by your eloquence or care, in this his extremity. To the same labour and constancy, I exhort the accusers. Germanicus this only privilege we will afford above the laws: that his death shall be rather inquired of in the Curia, then in the Forum: before the Senate, than other judges. Let all the rest be debated with like modesty, nothing regarding Drusus tears: or my grief: or if any slanders be forged against me. After that, the accusers had two days given them to bring in their accusations; & after six days were passed, the defandant had three more to justify himself. Then Fulcinius began with stolen and frivolous matters: as that he had governed Spain ambitiously, and covetously. Whereof being convicted, he could not be interessed; if he could purge himself of the later crimes: nor if he could defend himself from that accusation; yet was he not acquitted, if greater matters were laid to his charge. After him Seruaeus, and Veranius, and Vitellius with like affection; but Vitellius with greater eloquence objected that Piso, for hatred to Germanicus and desire of innovation, had so far corrupted the common soldier with licentiousness and injuries towards the confederates: that of the lewdest sort, he was called the father of the legions. Further, that he had used cruelty against every good man; and especially against Germanicus followers & friends: in the end, that he had killed him with poison and enchantments. Then, that he and Plancina used wicked ceremonies and sacrifices: that he had borne arms against the commonwealth: that he would never have appeared in judgement, had he not been overcome in battle. In many things his defence was weak: for he could not deny but that he had won the soldier by ambition: or that he had not exposed the province as a pray, to the lewdest sort: nor the injurious speeches against the general. Only he seemed to have purged himself of the empoisoning: which indeed the accusers did not sufficiently prove: accusing him to have empoisoned Germanicus meat with his hand, which was infected, as he sat above him at a banquet. For it seemed absurd, that he should dare so bold an attempt, amongst other men's servants, in the sight of so many standers by, and in Germanicus own presence. And thereupon he offered his family, and was very earnest that his servitors might be examined upon the rack. But the judges were implacable for divers respects: Caesar because he had made war against the province: the Senators, because they could never believe, but that Germanicus died by treachery: and that they had expostulated the matter by letters the one to the other. Which Tiberius did no less deny then Piso. Withal, the outcry of the people was heard before the Senate house, that they would not temper their hands, if he escaped by sentence of the Senate. And they had drawn Piso's images to the Gemonieses; and broken them in pieces, if they had not been saved, and put in their places again, by the prince's commandment. Piso was carried back in a chariot, by a Tribune of the Praetorian band, diversly rumoured: whether he followed him as a guard for his safety, or executioner of his death. The like hatred was toward Plancina, but greater favour: and therefore it was doubted, how far Caesar's authority would reach in her behalf. As long as there was any hope left for Piso, she promised to take part of whatsoever fortune with him: and if it so fell out, to be his companion in death. But she was no sooner pardoned through Augusta's secret entreaty, but she began by little and little, to separate herself from her husband, and bring her defences apart. The which when Piso perceived, to abode his utter destruction: doubting whether he should make any further trial in judgement: his sons persuading him, he hardeneth himself, and goeth once again to the Senate. Where his accusation being renewed, and the Senators voices against him; and having endured all things adverse and cruel: he was amazed at nothing more, then that he saw Tiberius without pity, without anger, resolute, and not swayed with any affection. Being brought home from thence, as though he had premeditated some justification for the next day: he writeth, sealeth, and delivereth some few lines unto a freed man. This done, he gave himself to the accustomed care of his body. Then the night being far spent, his wife going out of the chamber; he commandeth the doors to be shut: and the next morning early, he was found with his throat cut, the sword lying on the ground. I remember I have heard of ancient men, that Piso was often seen to have a little book in his hands which he published not: but as his friends said, it contained Tiberius' letters, & Commission against Germanicus: and that he had purposed to disclose it to the Lords of the Senate, and accuse the Prince; had he not been deluded by Sejanus vain promises: and that he killed not himself, but that some one was sent to murder him. But I will not assure, either of those things: although I ought not to conceal it to have been uttered by those, which lived until I came to man's estate.   

III. Piso's letters to Tiberius: Plancina is quit.  
CAEsar having changed his countenance into sadness; persuading himself that, that death of Piso's would breed him envy: questioned oft in Senate how Piso had behaved himself, the day before he died; & how he had passed the last night. And he answering most things wisely; and some inconsiderately; reciteth the contents of the writing made by Piso almost as followeth. Being oppressed by the conspiracies of my enemies, & envy of a false crime: so far, that there is no place left to my innocency and truth: I call the immortal gods to witness O Caesar, that I have lived with all loyalty towards thee; and no less duty towards thy mother. And I beseech you, that you would be an aid and stay unto my children. Among which Cn. Piso is guiltless of my fortune whatsoever it be: seeing he hath lived all this while in the city. M. Piso did always dissuade me from returning to Syria. And I would to God, I had rather yielded to the counsel of my young son, than he to his old father. And therefore I beseech you most earnestly, that being innocent, he suffer not the punishment of my demerit. By the service of five & forty years, by the fellowship of the Consulship which we bore together, once liked of Augustus the father, and a friend to thee; I recommend unto thee as my last request, my unfortunate sons life. Of Plancina he added no word. After this, Tiberius excused the young man of the civil wars, because the son could not disobey the father's commandment: withal, he had compassion on the nobleness of his house, and his own heavy fortune, howsoever he had deserved. Of Plancina he spoke with shame and discredit: pretending his mother's entreaty: against whom every good man was incensed, and secretly complained, saying: Is it lawful then for the grandmother to look upon the murderess of her nephew, talk with her, and take her out of the hands of the Senate, that justice might not be executed? Shall not that have place in Germanicus, which the law doth permit all other citizens? Caesar was bewailed by Vitellius and Veranius: Plancina defended by the Emperor and Augusta: that now she might convert her skill and poisons which she had so happily experimented, against Agrippina and her children, and satiat the good grandmother and uncle with the blood of a most miserable house. Two days were spent under colour of examining the cause: Tiberius urging Piso's children, to defend their mother: and when the accusers and witnesses, had spoken a vie against her, and no man answered for her, pity increased more than envy against her. Aurelius Cotta being first demanded his opinion (for Caesar propounding the case, the magistrates spoke first) gave his censure that the memory of Piso should be blotted out of the Chronicles: that part of his goods should be confiscated; and part bestowed upon Gn. Piso his son; with condition that he should change his name: that M. Piso being deposed from his dignity, and receiving 
* About 39060 pound.  fifty hundred thousand sesterces, should be exiled for ten years: and Plancinaes' life pardoned at the suit of Augusta. divers points of that sentence were mitigated by the Prince, as that Piso's name should not be wiped out of the Fasti: seeing that M. Antonius, who had made war against his country; and julius Antonius name, who had violated Augustus' house, remained: and M. Piso he delivered from infamy, and granted him his father's goods, never as I have often said, greedy of money: and at that time more easilier pleased, for shame that Plancina was quit. And when Valerius Messallinus propounded, that there should an image of gold be set up in Mars their revengers temple: and Cecina Severus an altar erected to revenge. He hindered both, alleging that those things were to be dedicated and offered for foreign victories, and that domestical adversities ought to be buried in sorrow. Messallinus added, that thanks should be given to Tiberius and Augusta, to Antony and Agrippina, and to Drusus for Germanicus revenge, not once mentioning Claudius. And L. Asprenas ask Messallinus before the Senate, whether he had willingly omitted him? Claudius' name was then first added. The more I meditate with myself of things done both in old and later times; the more the uncertainties and vanities of fortune in mortal affairs come to my remembrance: for in fame, hope, estimation, all men were rather destined to the sovereignty, than he, whom fortune had kept hidden for the future monarch. A few days after Caesar persuaded the Lords of the Senate to bestow the dignity of Priesthood upon Vitellius, Veranius, and Seruaeus: and having promised his voice to Fulcinius for the obtaining of any dignity, advised him not to overthrow his eloquence with rashness. And that was the end of revenging Germanicus death: many things diversly reported; not only among such as then lived, but in times consequent. So doubtful are all weighty matters; whilst some take all as certain, howsoever they hear it: others report a truth otherwise than it is: posterity adding to both.   

FOUR Wars renewed in Africa under Tacfarinas: who is defeated by Apronius: Lepida condemned for changing a child.  
But Drusus being gone out of the city, once more to learn future things by the flying of birds; entereth in again, with a small triumph. And a few days after, Vipsania his mother died, only of all Agrippa's children, of a natural death: because it was certainly believed, that some died by the sword; others by poison or famine. The same year Tacfarinas, who as I have said was the last summer driven out by Camillus, reneweth the war in Africa: at the first by roving pillages; unrevenged by reason of his sudden coming; then by wasting of villages; and caring away great booties; and last of all not far from the river Pagyda he besieged a Roman cohort. One Decrius was Captain of the fort, a lusty man, and of good skill in matters of war: who taking that besieging as a disgrace to himself; encourageth his soldiers to fight in open field; and marshaled his army in order of battle before the fortress. The cohort being beaten back at the first brunt: he runneth in among the weapons of such as fled; rebuking the standard bearers, that a Roman soldier would show his back, to a few untrained raw traitors. And having received wounds, and an eye strooken out; yet put himself in the face of the enemy; never leaving of fight, until he was forsaken of his company and slain in the place. Which when L. Apronius (who succeeded Camillus) understood: being more perplexed with the shame of his own people; then glory of the enemy: he draweth out by lot (a rare matter in those days though in old times practised) every tenth person of the dishonourable band, & beateth him with cudgels to death. Which severity wrought so great good, that an ensign of old soldiers, in number not above five hundred; defeated Tacfarinas army, going about to assault a fort called Thala. In which battle Ruffus Heluius, a common soldier, got the credit of saving a citizen's life: on whom L. Apronius bestowed chains and a spear. Caesar added a civicall crown to them: finding fault rather then offended, that Apronius had not given it by his proconsularie authority. But Tacfarinas perceiving the Numidians to be daunted, & refusing to besiege any longer, scattered his war; giving ground when he was pursued: and following a fresh when their backs were turned. Which manner of fight used by the Barbarian, molested and kept the Roman play, to no purpose. But after that greedy of prey, he drew to the sea coasts, and there encamped. Apronius Cesianus being sent thither by his father's appointment, with a troop of horsemen and aid cohorts; adding unto them the rudest of the legions; had a prosperous fight, and drove the Numidian to the deserts. Lepida, who besides the honour of the Aemilian family, from which she was descended; had L. Silvius, and Cn. Pompeius for her great grandfathers, was accused at Rome, for feigning herself to have had a child, by P. Quirinius, a rich man and without children: and also of adulteries and empoisoning: and that she had consulted with the Chaldeans against the house of Caesar: her brother Manius Lepidus defending her cause. Quirinius being offended, and separated from her; yet had commiseration on her, although she were both infamous and faulty. In the hearing of that cause, it was hard to guess the prince's mind; he did so turn and wind himself, and interlace tokens of anger with clemency: having first of all requested that matters of treason should not be debated at that time. Then he drew M. Servilius, once Consul, and other witnesses to broach such matter, which he would seem to have suppressed: and sent to the Consuls Lepidaes' servants, whom he had guarded before with a company of soldiers: & would not suffer them to answer by torture, to such interrogatories as did appertain to his house. Neither that Drusus Consul elect should first yield his opinion: which some construed to be a point of civility; that others should not be forced to do the like: others did wrest it to cruelty: and that he should never have given place, but to condemn the party called in question. Lepida, the day of hearing falling out when the plays were to be shown; entering the Theatre with a company of noble women: calling on her ancestors with a doleful lamentation; and Pompey himself, whose monuments and images were there in view: moved such great compassion, that the people gushing out in tears, began to curse Quirinius: wishing him all cruelty and misfortune: upon whom being old and without children, and of base parentage, she was bestowed, who had once been destined a wife for L. Caesar, and daughter in law to Augustus. Not long after her lewd behaviour was discovered; by torturing her slaves: and all of them condescended unto Rubellius Blandus opinion, which was that she should be banished. Drusus yielded unto his opinion, although others were mildlier bend. Then Scaurus, who had had a daughter by her, obtained, that her goods should not be confiscate. At last Tiberius declared, that he was assured also by P. Quirinius slaves, that she sought to poison him, as being an enemy always to noble houses. And so in a short compass of time, the Calphurnians lost Piso: and the Aemilians Lepida. But D. Silanus being restored to the junian family, was a comfort unto it: whose fortunes I will lay down.   

V Decius Silanus touched with adultery: Papias Poppaeus law against single life.  
AS fortune was favourable to Augustus in government of state: so in household matters unlucky and improsperous: his daughter and Niece which he banished the city, being both of incontinent life: and the adulterers punished with death or exile. For perceiving the offence to be common in the mouth both of man and woman; and terming it by a rigorous name, of religion violated, or treason; he passed the bonds of his ancestors clemency, and his own laws. But I will lay down the ends of others, and what hath happened in that age: if having finished this which I have begun I shall have longer life, to undertake farther matter. Decius Silanus, who was accused to have committed adultery with Augustus' Niece, although there was no severer punishment decreed against him, then that he should be deprived of Caesar's friendship; yet interpreting that to be a banishment, durst never entreat pardon of the Senate and the Prince, until Tiberius came to be Emperor; and that by his brother M. Silanus credit and authority, for his great nobility and eloquence highly esteemed. But Silanus thanking Tiberius: he answered before the Lords of the Senate, that he was glad of his brother's return from a long peregrination: and that he might lawfully so do, because he was not expulsed by decree of Senate or law: yet that the offence committed against his father, was entire: and that by Silanus return, those things were not made frustrate which Augustus had decreed. He remained after this in the city, but as a private man without office. After this, they debated the matter concerning the moderation of the law Papia poppaea, which Augustus strooken in years, had ordained after the julian laws, for augmenting the punishment of single life, and enriching the public treasure. Neither for all that, were marriages and education of children the more frequented: the single life having taken strong root: whereby the multitude of the endangered by the law, growing greater, most houses were subverted by the interpretations of informers: and as heretofore through lewdness of life; so now by laws the estate of many was overthrown. This giveth me occasion to speak more at large of the beginning of laws; and by what means we are come to such an infinite multitude and variety of them. In most ancient times no disordinate desire reigned: every man lived without reproach and vice; and therefore without punishment and restraint of laws; neither was there any need of reward, when as every man desired honest things of his own will: and where nothing was demanded against custom, nothing was forbidden by fear. But after that equality was banished, and that ambition and violence crept in, in stead of modesty and shame; rule and dominion took footing, and continued for ever among many nations. Some presently, or after they were weary of kings, desired rather laws: which at the first were simple, men's minds being yet rude. And above the rest, fame commended those of the Cretensians which Minos gave: and those of the Sparteans, which Lycurgus: and not long after Solon prescribed more, and more exquisite, to the people of Athens. Romulus' ruled us as pleased himself: then Numa bond the people with ceremonies, and divine laws: some were found out by Tullus and Ancus: but the chiefest lawmaker was Servius Tullius, which kings themselves were bound to obey. Tarqvinius being driven out; the people made many against the factions of the Senators, to defend their liberty and establish concord. Then ten men were chosen, to collect all the best laws of other countries; out of which they composed twelve tables: the end of law and equity. As for the laws which followed, although they were sometimes made against malefactors for their misdemeanours; yet notwithstanding for the most part, they were brought in, through the dissension of the commonalty and noble men: for getting of unlawful dignities: or driving out of noble men; or other disorders. By this occasion, the Gracchis, and the Saturnini were disturbers of the people: and Drusus no less prodigal under pretence of the Senators name, corrupted his companions with hope, or mocked them by sundry oppositions against them. Neither did they omit in the war of Italy, nor in the civil war, to make many laws: until L. Silvius the Dictator, the former laws either abolished or changed: after he had added many unto them; forbore sometime from making any more, though not long by reason of Lepidus turbulent demands: and because that not long after, licence was yielded the Tribunes to manage the people, as themselves lusted. And now not in general, but against particular men laws were ordained: and thereby in a common wealth most corrupt; laws upon laws were multiplied. Then Cn. Pompeius being a third time Consul, and chosen for reformation of manners; being more severe in punishing then the offence deserved; was the author and overthrower of his own laws: and lost those things by arms, which he had defended by arms. From that time forward there was continual discord twenty years together: no custom; no law observed: the most lewdest enterprises escaped unpunished: and many undone for well doing. At length Augustus Caesar being the sixth time Consul, and settled in the state, abolished those things, which being Triumuir himself had commanded: and gave new laws to be observed in time of peace and under a Prince. Straighter laws were made by him; and spies appointed to watch the transgressors: and many induced through recompenses granted by the law Papia poppaea; that if any forbore from the privileges of parents, ceased from marriage, and had no children: that then the people who was the common father of all, should inherit their goods. But the pickthanks went farther, and informed against many, not only in the city, but also through all Italy, and where soever else the citizens were: and overthrew many men's estates, and drove a terror into all: if Tiberius in providing a remedy had not chosen by lot, five such as had been Consuls, five as had been Praetors, and so many of the rest of the Senators, which soluing many intricate quirks of this law, were some ease for the present time.   

VI Nero is recommended by Tiberius to the Senate: and marrieth with julia, Drusus daughter.  
ABout the same time, he recommended Nero, one of Germanicus children, now entered into his youth, to the Lords of the Senate: and requested that he might be dispensed with for the office of Vigintivirat: and (which to all men seemed ridiculous) be lawful for him to demand the Questorship, five years sooner than the laws did permit: pretending that the same was granted him and his brother at Augustus' request. But I doubt not, but at that time, some secretly laughed at that demand. Yet these were the first beginnings of Caesar's rising; and the ancient custom more in every man's eyes: and a lighter band of alliance, held to be betwixt the father in law, and his wives children; then the granfather and his nephew. The Pontifical dignity was likewise bestowed upon him: and the first time he entered the place of common assemblies; he gave the people a donative: very joyful to see Germanicus offspring now of full age. Their joy was augmented by Nero's marrying of julia, Drusus daughter. And as these things were grateful to the people; so went it against their stomachs, that Sejanus should be destined father in law to Claudius' son, as a disparagement to their nobility: & that at their own motion they exalted Sejanus, who conceived over great hopes in his mind. In the end of that year died L. Volutius, & Sal. Crispus, two noble personages. Volusius was descended of an ancient stock; but never higher than a praetors room: himself obtained a Consul's room: & was made Censor for the choosing of bands of horsemen; & the first gatherer of riches, whereby that house rose to that greatness. Crispus was a gentleman borne, and so called and adopted by that excellent writer of the Roman History C. salustius, because he was his sister's nephew. But he, although he had a ready entrance for obtaining of dignities; yet following the example of Maecenas never once being Senator, had greater authority and power, than many which had triumphed and been Consuls. Yet differed from his ancestors in manner of life; as being neat, fine, and bountiful, very near riotousness; and was of a great capacity, and in courage able to perform great matters: and so much the more lively; by how much in utter show he seemed drowsy and heavy mettled. Therefore whilst Maecenas lived, next unto him his credit was best: and after his death, trusted with greatest secrets of state; and privy to the murdering of Posthumus Agrippa; and grown into years, held rather a shadow of the Prince's friendship, than the substance. Even so fell it out with Maecenas; either so by the course of the heavens decreed, that Prince's favour is seldom everlasting; or because both have their fill: those when they have given all they can; these when there is nothing left to desire. Now followeth the fourth time Tiberius; and the second that Drusus was made Consul: a thing worthy of remembrance, that the father and the son were fellow officers: for two years before, Germanicus had the same dignity with Tiberius: but that was no joy to the uncle; neither he so near in blood unto him. In the beginning of that year Tiberius went to Campania, under colour of getting his health; yet indeed by little and little to absent himself; or else that the father being away, Drusus might alone manage the whole Consulship. It fell out by mere chance, that a matter of small moment growing to a weighty contention, brought the young man to great credit. Domitius Corbulo, who had been Praetor, complained before the Lords of the Senate, on L. Silvius a noble young man, that he gave him not the place at a play of fencers. For Corbulo, made his age; the custom of the country; and the favour of the ancient men: on the other side, Mamercus Scaurus, and L. Arruntius, and other of his kindred, stuck unto Silvius. Orations were made on both sides: and examples of old times brought, sharply rebuking the irreverence of youth: until Drusus qualified the matter with a fit discourse; and Corbulo satisfied by Mamercus the most excellent Orator of his time, and uncle, and father in law to Silvius. The same Corbulo exclaiming that many high ways of Italy were broken, and not passable; by reason of the fraud of the undertakers of the work, and negligence of magistrates in great; accepteth willingly the finishing of that business. Which did not so much turn to a public benefit, as the destruction of many: whose wealth and fame he tyrannized by condemning them, and setting their goods to sale.   

VII. Whether Captains and Governors of provinces should have their wives with them.  
NOt long after, Tiberius sent letters to the Senate; advertising them that by Tacfarinas incursions, Africa was again in arms: and that with the advise of the Lords it were needful, that a Preconsull were chosen, skilful in matters of war; of an able body, and a sufficient man for this war. Which entrance Sextus Pompeius having gotten, of uttering his malice against M. Lepidus; accused him to be a coward, beggarly, and a dishonour to his ancestors; and therefore not to be admitted to lot, for the government of Asia. The Senators were on his side; who thought Lepidus rather meek than a coward; and the small wealth left him by his father; and his nobility passed without reproach, rather they judged a credit, than an ignominy. And therefore he was sent into Asia. And touching Africa, it was decreed that Caesar should choose one himself for that charge. Whilst these things were a doing, Severus Caecina was of opinion, that no magistrate unto whom should fall the government of a Province, should have his wife follow him: having first often repeated, the good agreement betwixt him and his wife: that he had six children by her: and that he propounded nothing publicly to be executed, which he had not observed at home: not suffering his to go out of Italy, although he had had commandry in wars forty years in many provinces. It was not in vain, said he, ordained in times past, that women should not be drawn to confederates and foreign nations. For it was incident where women followed, that in peace they were a hindrance by riot and sumptousnes: in war by fear; and made the Roman army, like the Barbarians going to war. That sex was not only weak and unable to take pain; but if it got the bridle, cruel, ambitious and greedy of rule. To march among the soldiers, to have the Centurions at command; we have seen a woman of late: and to oversee the cohorts exercise, and the legions horseraces. That they should consider, that as oft as any were accused of extortion and polling, more was objected against their wives, than themselves. That the lewdest persons of the provinces, did by and by cleave unto them. They would intermeddle and conclude of all affairs: by this means two were courted, and two judgement seats. Women being wilful, command proudly; and bridled by the Oppian and other laws; now having gotten the rains in their hands, rule houses, places of judgements, and armies. This was heard but with the good likin of a few: many interrupting him, and saying, that that was not the matter propounded: nor Caecina a fit censurer to sway a matter of so great importance. Valerius Messallinus, son unto Messalla, in whom appeared the image of his father's eloquence, answered immediately as followeth. Many hard and irksome customs of our predecessors, have been changed into the better and pleasanter. Neither was the city besieged as in times past: or the provinces at defiance with us; and some few things are granted to women's necessities: which are so far from overcharging the confederates; that they are not burdensome to their husband's houses. Other things were common as well to the husband as the wife; and no hindrance at all therein to peace. True it is, that wars are to be undertaken by armed men: but unto such as return after their labours, what more honester solace than a man's wife? But some have fallen into ambition and covetousness. What? of magistrates themselves, are not many of them subject unto sundry affections? yet it cannot be, that none should be sent into the province. But oftentimes the husbands have been corrupted by the naughtiness of their wives: are therefore all single men uncorrupt? The Oppian laws were once in use, the state of the common wealth so requiring; but afterward somewhat of their rigour was remitted and mitigated, because it was then expedient. It was in vain to cover our cowardliness with new names; for it was the husband's fault, if the woman exceeded the mean. In fine, it were not well done for the weakness of one or two, to take from husbands their companion in prosperous and adverse fortune: and withal, a sex ●●●ake and frail by nature, to be left alone, and exposed by her own licentiousness, to the lust of others. Matrimony could hardly be kept undefiled, their husbands being present: what would become of them, if they should be forgotten for many years, as it were by divorcement? therefore they should so prevent faults committed abroad, that they forget not the dishonours of the city. Drusus added somewhat of his own matrimony, and that Princes most often visit the remotest parts of their Empire. How oft had Augustus of famous memory gone to the East and West, accompanied with Livia? That himself, had gone to Illyrium; and if it were expedient, was ready to go into other countries: but yet not always willingly, if he should be drawn from his most dear wife, and mother of so many children, common between them both. And so Caecinas' sentence took no effect.   

VIII. What abuses were committed by running to the Prince's images. Wars in Thrace.  
THe next day that the Senate met, Tiberius having courtly rebuked the Lords of the Senate by letters, because they did cast all the cares on the Prince's neck, nominated M. Lepidus, and junius Blaesus, one of them to be chosen Proconsul of Africa. And both of them being heard, Lepidus very earnestly excused himself; pretending the feebleness of his body; his children's age; and a daughter marriageable: respecting also (though thereof he made no mention) that Blaesus was Sejanus uncle; and therefore sure to carry it away. Blaesus answered as though he would have refused, but not with the like asseveration as the other; yet had a favourable hearing of flatterers. Then many secret complaints were made known: for every lewd companion, if he could catch hold on Caesar's image, might freely, and without punishment, injury honest men with opprobrious speeches, and raise envy against them: yea, freed men and bondslaves also, were feared, threatening with words and fists their patrons and masters. Whereupon C. Cestius a Senator uttered these speeches: That in deed Princes were like unto gods: but yet the gods heard no supplications but just: neither had any refuge to the Capitol, or other temples of the city, that they should use that as a defence against all misdemeanour. That the laws were abolished and utterly overthrown: seeing that Annia Rufilla, whom he had condemned of fraud before the judge, did threaten, and use reproachful speeches against him, in the place of assemblies and before the Curia: he not daring to try the law with her, because she had Caesar's image over against her. Others muttered the like, or bitterer speeches than these; and besought Drusus that he would show exemplary punishment upon her: and being called and convicted, was condemned to prison. Likewise Considius AEquus, and Coelius Cursor Gentlemen of Rome, were by commandment of the Prince, and order of the Senate punished, for forging crimes of treason against the Praetor Magius Caecilianus. Both turned to Drusus commendation, because that by him who conversed in the city with all companies, in familiar communication; the secret deseigments of his father were qualified. Neither did the young man's riot greatly dislike them; reputing it a lesser fault, to employ the day in buildings, and the night in banqueting; then given to no pleasures, alone heavily to pass the day in lewd practices and devices. For Tiberius and the accusers were not yet wearied. But Ancharius Priscus accused Caesius Cordus, Proconsul of Crete, of powling the country: and added treason, which was a supply when all other accusations failed. When Caesar perceived that Antistius Vetus, one of the chief noble men of Macedonia, was acquitted of adultery laid to his charge: having rebuked the judges, drew him in again, to purge himself of treason; as being seditious and a confederate with Rhescuporis in his counsels: when as having slain his brother Cotys, he intended war against us. Whereupon he was banished into an Island; neither commodius for Macedonia, nor Thrace. For Thrace, the kingdom being divided betwixt Rhoemetalces and Cotys children; unto whom by reason of their infancy, Trebellienus Rufus was made Tutor; through the strangeness of our manners, fell to rebel afresh: no less blaming Rhoemetalces then Trebellienus, because they suffered the injuries done to their people to escape unpunished. The Coelaletae, and the Odrusetae, all strong nations; took arms under divers Captains, for baseness of birth not unlike: and therefore could not grow to any cruel battle. For some troubled the present state; some passed the hill Haemus, to draw such to them as dwelled a far off: most of them, and those of better government, besieged the King and the city Philippopolis, built by Philip King of Macedon. Which when P. Velleius understood, who was Captain of the next army: he sent a certain company of horsemen, and a band of footmen lightly appointed, against those which rome about for pillage; or to seek more succour: himself brought his strength of footmen to raise the siege; all ending prosperously; the foragers slain; and a dissension growing amongst the besiegers: the King sallied out against these; the legions arrived in seasonable time. This deserved not the name of an army or battle: in which a few unfurnished stragglers were slain without any bloodshed on our side.   

IX. The Galli unable to pay their taxations rebel: julius Florus and julius Sacrovir being their Captains.  
THe same year the cities of Gallia, by reason they were greatly indebted, began a rebellion: the chiefest firebrand among the Treveri being julius Florus, and with the Aedui julius Sacrovir: both nobly descended, and whose ancestors had achieved valiant acts; and therefore made citizens of Rome: then a rare thing, and a guerdon only of virtue. They by secret conferences, having drawn to them the most audacious; or such whose poverty, or fear of punishments for their misdeeds, were ready to plunge themselves into any enterprise: resolved that Florus should stir up the Belgi, and Sacrovir the French nearer at hand. In their conventicles therefore & meetings; they began to cast out seditious speeches of their continual tributes; the greatness of usury; the cruelty & arrogancy of governors; & that the soldiers fell together by the ears when they heard of Germanicus death. That that was a notable time offered, of recovering their liberty: if now in their flourishing estate they would weigh, how poor Italy was; how weak the city soldier; and no strength in the armies, but what was in strangers. There was almost no city which was not infected with the seeds of that commotion. The Andecavians, and the Turonians were the first which burst out: of which the Andecavians were subdued, by the Lieutenant Acilius Auiola; with a band of men which lay in garrison at Lugdunum. The Turonians were overthrown by the legionary soldier; which Visellius Varro, Lieutenant of lower Germany, sent under the same captain Auiola: and certain of the chief gentlemen of Gallia, which brought him aid; the better thereby to cloak their revolt, and when occasion served, rebel with more assurance. Sacrovir was seen to demand battle of the Romans bore headed, as he said to show his valour: but the captains said he did it to make himself the better known; thereby to be spared from their darts. Tiberius' being consulted upon that point, made no reckoning of the disclosing of it; but nourished the war by doubting. Florus in the mean time held on his purpose; enticed a wing of horsemen, enrolled at Trevers, and trained up in our service & discipline; that having slain the Roman merchants, which there used traffic; he might begin the war: few of the horsemen were corrupted; but most continued in their allegiance. Other rude indebted persons, or followers, took arms; and went toward the forest called Arden: but the legions from both armies; which Visellius, and C. Silius had set to cross them, drove them back. julius Indus being of the same city; and an enemy to Florus (and therefore more forward to show his valour) being sent before with a choice power; scattered and defeated that disordered multitude. Florus escaped the conquerors hands, by uncertain lurking holes; and at last perceiving the soldiers to set on his places of refuge, slew himself with his own hands. And that was the end of the rebellion of those of Treveri. It was a matter of great difficulty to suppress the Aedui; by reason their city was more wealthy; and the aid which should have subdued them farther off. Sacrovir had with certain armed cohorts, gotten possession of Augustodunum, the chief city of the country; and taken the noblest men's children of all Gallia, which there followed their studies; as a pledge to win and bind their parents and kindred: and withal, secretly distributed weapons which himself had caused to be made, to all the youth. They were in number forty thousand; the fift part armed as the legions were: the others with hunting staves, hangers, & such other weapons, as hunter's use. To these were added certain slavish fencers; covered according to the country fashion, from top to toe, in armour of iron; unapt and uneasy to strike; but to withstand impenetrable, whom they call Crupellarij. These forces were augmented, though not by any open consent of cities adjoining; yet with every man's particular good will: the Roman captains striving & doubting who should have the conducting of the war; both desiring it. But Varro being old and feeble, yielded to Silius, who was in his prime. It was currant in Rome, that not only the Treveri, and the Aedui, but also that threescore and four cities of Gallia had revolted; and the Germans joined with them: that Spain was wavering; and all (as the nature of a report is) believed, more than it was. Every good man with a care of the commonwealth was greatly grieved: many disliking the present state, and desirous of alteration, rejoiced even in their own harms: and blamed Tiberius that in so great a hurlyburly, he would still spend his labour in hearing accusers libels. What (said they) shall julius Sacrovir be condemned of treason in Senate? at last some were found, which with arms would suppress these bloody libels of accusers: that a miserable peace was well changed for war. Tiberius so much the more composed to a careless security, changed neither place nor countenance; passed over those days after his accustomed wont, either through haughtiness of courage; or because he knew the matter to be lighter than the report. In the mean time Silius marching on with two legions, having sent a power of allies before, wasteth the villages of the Sequans, which were borderers and confederates with the Aeduans. Anon after he marcheth speedily with his army towards Augustodunum: the standard-bearers striving who should make most haste: and the common soldier fretting, and chase likewise, lest he should rest the night as he was wont: only that they might see the enemy, and be seen, that would be enough for the victory. Twelve miles off, Sacrovir appeared in the champain country. In the front he had placed his men covered with iron: his cohorts on the wings: and those which were half armed in the rearward: himself mounted on a goodly courser, amongst the chiefest of the city; went to the soldiers, and put them in mind of the ancient glory of the Galli; and how oft they had defeated the Romans. How honourable a thing liberty was to the conquerors: and how intolerable servitude would be, if they should be vanquished again. This exhortation was not long nor pleasing: for the legions drew near in battle array: the townsmen wanting discipline, and ignorant of service, did neither see nor hear what was best for them. Silius on the contrary side, although his hope had taken away all occasions of encouraging them, yet cried: That it was a shame for them, being conquerors over the Germans, to be brought against the Galli, as against enemies: and that of late one cohort had vanquished the rebellious Toronians; one wing the Treveri: a few troops of horsemen of this same army, had put to flight the Sequans. By how much the richer the Aedui are in money, and abounding in pleasures, the lesser courage they had. Break then in upon them, and bind them, and flee to those which run away. At that all of them giving an outcry, the horsemen compassed them in: the footmen set on the point: and the wings made small resistance. Those in complete iron harness, stuck somewhat to it: their plates resisting, and beating back the darts and swords: but the soldier snatching his hatchets and axes, as though he were to break through a wall, hewed their covering and carcases. Some with poles or forks overthrew this sluggish lump: leaving them for half dead lying on the ground, not once going about to rise. Sacrovir goeth first to Augustodunum; then, for fear lest it should be yielded, to the next village, with a few of his trustiest friends; where he slew himself with his own hands, and the rest one another: and the village being set on fire over them, they were all burnt together. Then at last Tiberius wrote to the Senate, that the war was begun and ended: neither adding nor taking away from the truth. And that the Lieutenants had behaved themselves faithfully and valorously; and himself directed them with counsel. And withal yielded the reasons, why neither he nor Drusus went to the war; magnifying the greatness of the Empire: and that it was not meet that Princes, if some one or other town rebel, should forsake Rome; from whence all other government was derived. Now because there was no cause of fear, he would go see and settle the present estate of things. The Lords of the Senate derceed vows and processions for his return, with other convenient ceremonies. Dolabella Cornelius only whilst he went about to exceed others, falling into absurd flattery, thought it meet that he should from Campania enter into the city, ovant. Whereupon Caesar wrote, that he was not so needy of renown, that having vanquished most stout and proud nations; and received or refused in his youth so many triumphs; he would in his old age hunt after a vain reward of a voyage near the city.   

X. Lepidus maketh an oration in defence of C. Lutorius accused of treason.  
ABout the same time, he made request unto the Senate that Sulpitius Quirinius death, might be solemnized with public funerals. Quirinius was not of the ancient patrician family of the Sulpitians; but borne at Lanwium a free town: a valiant warrior; and forwards in all his charges: was Consul under Augustus of famous memory. Then having won by assault the fortress of the Homonadensians in Cilicia; the marks of triumph were awarded him; then given as a guide to C. Caesar in the regiment of Armenia: and when Tiberius was at Rhodes, showed him all duties of love; which Tiberius did open in Senate, praising his dutifulness towards him; and accused M. Lollius, to have persuaded C. Caesar to seditions and lewdness. But unto the rest, the memory of Quirinius was nothing pleasing, by reason as I have said, of the danger he brought Lepida into, and miserable niggishnes, and powerable old age. In the end of the year a cari-tale, accused C. Lutorius Priscus a gentleman of Rome; who had composed notable funeral verses upon Germanicus death, and received money of Caesar for them: objecting that he had made them in honour of Drusus being sick: to the end that if he had died, they should have been published for greater reward. Those verses Lutorius, upon vain glory had read in P. Petronius house, in the presence of Vitellia, his mother in law, and many other noble women. As soon as the pickthank had showed himself; the rest forced by fear to give witness: only Vitellia stood to it, that she had heard nothing. But more credit being given to such as testified to his overthrow: sentence of death was pronounced against him, by Haterius Agrippa Consul elect. Against whom M. Lepidus began to speak in this manner. If we consider, Lords of the Senate, with what a wicked tongue Lutorius Priscus hath polluted his mind, and men's ears: neither prison, nor halter, nor any servile torments, could suffice to punish him. But if lewd and heinous facts be without mean: yet the moderation of a Prince; your own and your ancestors examples do mollify the punishments and remedies of them: vain things do differ from wicked; and words from villainous deeds. And therefore judgement may be given; by which neither this man's offence go scotfree; & we not repent us, either of our clemency or severity. I have often heard our Prince complain, if any by killing himself hath prevented his clemency; Lutorius life is yet in safety: who being kept alive, will neither breed danger to the commonwealth; nor put to death, serve for example to others. As his studies were full of folly and without sense, so they are likewise vain, and quickly at an end. Neither is there any cause to fear any great or serious matter in him; who bewraying his own imperfections; doth creep not into men's, but women's breasts. Yet let him be expulsed the city. Which I judge to be all one as if he had been convicted of treason. Among all the Consuls only Rubellius Blandus agreed with Lepidus: the rest following Agrippaes' opinion; Priscus was lead to prison; and immediately deprived of his life. The fact Tiberius with his accustomed ambiguity of words, blamed in Senate: extolling the zealous affection of severe punishments of princes injuries, though small: yet entreated them that they would not so rashly punish words: praised Lepidus, and rebuked not Agrippa. Whereupon a decree of Senate was made; that their orders should not be carried to the treasury before ten days were expired: and that so long the condemned's life should be prolonged. But the Senators had no licence to repent, and revoke their sentence; and Tiberius not to be pacified by tract of time.   

XI. Tiberius' letter touching reformation of abuses.  
THe year following, C. Sulpitius, and D. Haterius, were created Consuls: all being quiet from foreign troubles: but severity against superfluities suspected at home: which was grown to exceeding excess in all things, wherein money is lavishly spent. Some of their expenses, although more unreasonable; yet were cloaked, by dissembling their prices: but gluttony and belly-cheer, every man commonly speaking of; put them in fear, lest the prince should rigorously proceed according to the ancient provident frugality. For C. Bibulus beginning; the other Aediles showed also, that the law concerning excess of expenses, was nought set by; and the sumptuousness of movables which was forbidden, daily increased: and that it could not be redressed by any reasonable means. And the Lords of the Senate being demanded their advise, referred the whole matter to the prince. But Tiberius often pondered with himself, whether such exorbitant lusts could bebrideled or not: whether the bridling of them would not bring more hurt, than benefit to the commonwealth: how unseemly and dishonourable it would be, to undertake that which could not be effected: or if it could, with the ignominy or infamy of noble men: and in the end he sent letters to the Senate to this purpose. It would be peradventure convenient, Lords of the Senate, that in other matters, I should be demanded my opinion in your presence: and speak what I thought to be behoveful for the common wealth: but in this relation it was better to withdraw mine eyes; lest that you, noting the countenance, and the fear of every one of such, which should be deprehended of this shameful lavishing; I should also see them, and take them as it were in the fault. If the Aediles vigilant and careful men, had before hand asked my advise; I know not whether I should rather have persuaded them, to let pass strong and rooted vices, then go so far; that it should be known how unable we be to redress some kind of abuses. But they truly have done their duty, and I wish that other magistrates would also fulfil theirs. To me it is neither honest to hold my tongue; nor easy to speak: because I have neither the office of an Aedile, Praetor, nor Consul. Some greater matter is required of a Prince, and of greater importance: and when as every man attributeth to himself the praise of things well done: the faults of all men in general redound to the dislike of the Prince alone. What shall I begin first to forbid, and reduce to the ancient custom? your huge and spacious country houses? the number of your servitors of divers nations? the quantity of silver and gold? your painted tables, and brazen images of marvelous and exquisite workmanship? superfluousness of apparel both in men and women? and those things which are proper unto women, as precious stones, for which our money is transported to foreign nations, or enemies? I am not ignorant that these things are blamed in banquets and meetings, and a mean wished for. But if any would make a law, or lay down a punishment for them; those themselves which complain, will exclaim that the city is overthrown; that the ruin of the nobility is sought for: and that there is none free from this crime. But we see that old inveterate diseases of the body cannot be cured, but by sharp and rough remedies: the corruptor and the corrupted; the weak and burning desire, is to be quenched with no lighter remedies; then the disordinate appetites were, which kindled the mind. So many laws invented by our ancestors; so many made by Augustus; those by oblivion, these (which is a greater offence) abolished by contempt, have caused all superfluities, to be more bold, and practised. For if thou wouldst do that which is not yet forbidden, fear lest thou be forbidden it. But if thou hast without punishment transgressed things forbidden, there is neither further shame nor fear left. Why then in times past was provident sparing used? because every man did moderate himself: because we were citizens of one city: and our dominions not reaching out of Italy, we had not the same provocations: by victories had against strangers, we have learned to consume other men's goods; by civil wars our own. How small a matter is that whereof the Aediles do admonish us? how little to be reckoned of, if we regard other things? But truly no man doth put us in mind, that Italy doth want the aid of foreign nations; that the life of the people of Rome, is tossed with the incertainty of sea and tempest: and if the strength of the provinces should not aid and secure the Lords, slaves, and possessions: our woods forsooth, and our farms, would they maintain us? This burden, Lords of the Senate, the Prince doth sustain: which being omitted, the commonwealth would fall to the ground. In other things, every man must give himself a law: let shame amend us: necessity the poor; satiety the rich. Or if there be any of the magistrates, which doth promise us so much industry, and severity, that he can prevent and redress these things: I do both praise him, and confess that I shall be unburdened in part of my labour. But if they will accuse faults; and having gotten glory thereby, raise privy hatred, and leave it on me: believe me, Lords of the Senate, I am not desirous of displeasures: which although I run into, and that very greatly, and for the most part unjustly, for the common wealth: yet by good reason, I refuse them, and entreat that those be not thrust on me, which will be neither profitable for me, nor you.   

XII. Examples do more than laws in reformation of abuses: the Flamines are hindered for being governors of Provinces.  
Caesars' letters being heard, the Aediles were discharged of that care: and the sumptuousness of their tables, which from the end of the war at Actium, until the wars in which S. Galba got the sovereignty for an hundred years, lavishingly used, began by little and little to be left off. The causes of this change it shall not be amiss to seek out. In times past, rich and great houses of noble men fell to decay through their magnificence; being then lawful to win the favour of the people, of confederates, and Kings, to court and be courted. And as every man was most sumptuous in his house, furniture, and provision: so he was accounted most honourable, and followed with a greater train. But after they began to murder one another, for private quarrels, proceeding of this pomp; and that their greatness was their ruin; the rest took a wiser course. And withal, new men which were often taken out of free towns, colonies, and Provinces, and chosen to be Senators; brought in with them the frugality, which they had used before in their own houses. And albeit, many of them either by fortune, or their own industry; grew to wealth in their age: yet they kept the same mind and custom they brought with them. But Vespasian was the chiefest author of this strict kind of life; himself observing the ancient manner of living: for then a desire of pleasing and imitating the Prince, wrought more, than either punishment of laws, or fear. Unless peradventure, we think that there is in all things a certain change: and as there is an intercourse and change of time; so also an alteration of customs and manners. Neither were all things in ancient times better than ours; but our age hath left unto posterity many things worthy of praise and imitation. But let such honest contentions between us and our predecessors, still continue amongst us. Tiberius having gotten the fame of moderation, by repressing the accusers: sent letters to the Senate, requesting the Tribunicial authority for Drusus. That term of highest dignity Augustus invented, to avoid the name of King or Dictator: and yet under another title signified a sovereignty above other magistrates. After this he chose M. Agrippa, as an associate of that dignity: and after his death Tiberius Nero, lest the successor should be unknown; thinking thereby to cut off others unlawful hopes; trusting to Nero's modesty, and his own greatness. By which example, Tiberius did then assure the sovereignty to Drusus, when as whilst Germanicus lived, he held his judgement indifferent between them both, not preferring the one before the other. But in the beginning of his letters, having humbly prayed unto the gods, that they would prosper his counsels to the good of the commonwealth: he spoke some few words, and those truly, of the young man's behaviour; as that he had a wife and three children; and was of the age that he himself was called by Augustus of famous memory, to undertake the same charge. Neither could it be said that hastily, but after eight years trial; having suppressed seditions, and settled the wars, and triumphed, and been twice Consul: he was taken to be an associate of a known labour. The Lords of the Senate conceived the drift of his oration; whereby their flattery towards him was the more artificial. Yet notwithstanding there was nothing newly invented: but ordained only, that the images of the Princes; the altars of the gods; Temples and arches; and such usual honours should be erected for him. Saving that M. Silanus demanded and opined that in public and private monuments, the Consul's names should not be prefixed; but theirs who had Tribunicial authority; a thing greatly dishonouring and debasing the Consulary dignity. Q. Haterius, who had counseled that the decrees made that day in Senate, should be written in letters of gold; was mocked for his labour: that an old man should use to his infamy such filthy flattery. Whilst these things were a doing, the government of Africa was continued in junius Blaesus. servius Maluginesis a Flamen Dial, or jupiters' Priest; sued that he might draw lots for the government of Asia: saying, That it was vainly spread abroad, that it was not lawful for jupiters' Priests to go out of Italy. And that they had no other law then the Priests of Mars and Quirinus. And if these had governed the Provinces, why was it unlawful for the Diales? that there was no law of the people, touching that matter, found in the books of ceremonies. The high Priest had often celebrated jupiters' sacrifices; if the Flamen had been hindered by sickness or public affairs. seventy and two years, after that Cornelius Merula was murdered, no man was put to supply the place; and yet the ceremonies never ceased. And if his creation could be omitted for so many years, without any hindrance to the sacrifices: how much easilier might a man be absent, with the Proconsularie dignity for a year? In times past they were forbidden to go out of the Provinces, through the private grudges of the high Priest: now through the favour of the gods; the high Priest was the sovereign above all men; not subject unto emulation, malice, or private affection. Against which when Lentulus the Augur, and others had diversly spoken; in the end they resolved to expect the censure of the high Priest. Tiberius' having deferred the hearing of the Flamens right, moderated the ceremonies, which were decreed in honour of Drusus Tribunicial dignity: rebuking by name the insolency of that sentence, which would have had the decree written in letters of gold, against the custom of the country. Drusus letters were also read; which although they seemed to tend to modesty, yet were reputed most proud. They complained that things were grown to that pass; that the young man having received so great honour, yet vouchsafed not to visit the gods of the city; nor show himself in Senate; or begin at least his authority in his own country. But forsooth, he is let by war, or hindered in some strange country; when indeed he solaceth himself at his pleasure, in the shores and lakes of Campania. This lesson had the ruler of the world taught him; this did he first learn of his father's Counsels. Although the old Emperor should disdain, to come and show himself to the citizens; and pretend his years, and travel for an excuse: yet what impediment hath Drusus, but only his arrogancy?   

XIII. A reformation of Sanctuaries.  
But Tiberius strengthening in himself the sovereignty: left the Lords of the Senate a shadow of their ancient estate, by sending the requests of the provinces to their examination. The licence and impunity of ordaining Sanctuaries, and privileged places increased throughout the cities of Greece. The temples were filled with most lewd bondslaves: in the same refuges, were received debtors against their creditors; and suspected of capital crimes. Neither was there any authority able to bridle the sedition of the people; protecting all villainies, no less than the ceremonies of the gods. Whereupon it was concluded, that the cities should send their Ambassadors with their privileges, which some left off of their own accord as falsely usurped: many trusted to old superstitions or pleasures done to the people of Rome. The pomp of that day was great in show: in which the Senators considered of the prerogatives of their predecessors; the agreements of confederates; the decrees of kings, which had been before the Romans had gotten such great power and authority: and the religions of the gods themselves, being yet in the disposition of the Senate, to confirm or alter all; as in times past they could have done. The first which showed themselves in Senate, were the Ephesians; declaring that Diana and Apollo, were not borne in the Island Delos, as the common people did believe: and there was in their country a river called Cenchrius: and a wood called Ortygia, where Latona being great with child; and leaning against an olive tree which is yet in the place, brought forth those two gods: and that by the commandment of the gods that wood was made sacred. And that Apollo himself did in that place flee from jupiters' anger, after he had slain the Cyclopians. After that Bacchus the conqueror in war, pardoned the Amazons, which humbling themselves there, caught hold of the altar. And that the ceremony of that temple increased by Hercules permission, when he enjoyed Lydia: which was not diminished when the Persians had dominion over it. After that the Macedonians; then we had maintained the same privileges. Next unto those came in the Magnesians, building their reasons on L. Scipio, and L. Sullaes' constitutions: the one driving out Antiochus; and the other Mithridates: and extolled the loyalty and virtue of the Magnesians; and commanded that Diana Leucophrynes' privileges should not be violated. Then followed the Aphrodisienses, & Stratonicenses, alleging an order made by Caesar the Dictator; and another later decree of Augustus of famous memory, for the pleasures done them, in taking part with their side, during the time of their faction: praising them, that they had sustained the assaults of the Parthians; nothing at all changing their constancy towards the people of Rome. But the Aphrodisienses maintained the privileges of Venus' temple: and the Stratonicenses jupiter and Trivias' ceremonies. The Hierocaesarienses fetched their matter from a farther beginning, inducing their Dianapersica, and a temple dedicated by king Cyrus: and told a tale of Perperna, of Isauricum, and many other Emperors; which granted that holiness not only to the temple, but to two mile's compass. Then followed the Cyprians, declaring that they had three temples: whereof the most ancient was builded by Aerias, and consecrated to Venus Paphia: the second by his son Amathus, and dedicated to Venus Amathusia: the third to jupiter Salaminius, built by Teucer, when he fled from his father Telamonius. The Ambassadors of other cities were heard likewise: with whose multitude the Lords of the Senate being wearied, some favouring one side; some another: and because they contended which had merited most, they referred the matter to the Consuls: that looking into the right of the cause, if they contained any secret abuse, they should bring the whole cause again to the Senate. The Consuls besides those cities which I have above named, spoke of another privileged place for malefactors, dedicated to Aesculapius at Pergamum: affirming that the rest were grounded upon obscure beginnings, in respect of their antiquity. The Smyrnaeans alleged an oracle of Apollo, by which they were commanded to dedicate a temple to Venus Stratonicis: the Tenians a verse of the same Apollo, commanding them to offer an image and temple to Neptune. The Sardians brought in matters of later memory; that to be Alexander the conquerors gift: and the Milesians did the like, using king Darius' name for their franchise; but both of these did worship Diana and Apollo. The Cretensians made request that the image of Augustus might have some privilege: and decrees of Senate were made, by which with great honour, yet moderation was prescribed unto all; and commandment given in those very temples to erect altars for a sacred memory: yet so, that under colour of religion, they should not fall into ambition.   

XIIII. julia Augusta falleth sick: Sejanus called into question.  
ABout the same time, a grievous sickness which julia Augusta fell into, caused the Prince (perfect amity being yet betwixt the mother and the son, or else secret hatred) to hasten his return to Rome. For not long before, when julia had dedicated an image to Augustus of famous memory, not far from Marcellus theatre, she had set Tiberius' name under her own: which he (as it was thought) taking as an under-valuing of the majesty of a Prince, smothered up with a great, but a secret hartburning against her. But then the Senate had decreed, that there should be processions made to the gods, and the plays called Magni, exhibited by the chief Priests, the Augurs, the fifteen, together with the seven, and those of the fellowship of Augustus, called Augustales. L. Apronius was of opinion, that the Heralds should be overseers of those plays: which Caesar spoke against, making a difference in the rights of the Priests, alleging examples for it. For the Feciales or Heralds never had such high authority; and that therefore the Augustales were put to them, because it was a peculiar Priesthood of that house, for which the vows were made. My meaning is not to lay down any other opinions; but such as are either notable for their honesty, or shameful for their infamy: which I suppose, to be the chiefest point belonging to Histories; that virtues be not slightly passed over with silence; and that men have a fear of bad speaking and doing, lest he become infamous with posterity. But those times were so corrupted with filthy flattery: that not only the chiefest of the city were forced in that servile manner to keep their reputation; but all such as had been Consuls; the greatest part of such as had been Praetors; & also many pedary Senators rose up & strove, who should propound things most base and abject. It is written, that as Tiberius went out of the Curia, he was wont to say in Greek. O men ready to servitude! as though he, who could of all things lest suffer public liberty; did yet abhor such base and servile submission: falling by little and little from unseemly flatteries, to lewder practices. C. Silanus Proconsul of Asia, being accused for polling the Province; was also prosecuted by Mamercus Scaurus, who had been Consul; by junius Otho Praetor; by Brutidius Niger Aedile; all of them laying to his charge, that he had violated Augustus' divinity, and set nought by Tiberius' majesty. Mamercus alleged old examples, how L. Cotta had been accused by Scipio Africanus: S. Galba by Cato the Censor: and P. Rutilius by M. Scaurus. A matter very unlikely, that Scipio and Cato should use any such revenge; or Scaurus great grandfather to this Mamercus, the dishonour and reproach of his ancestors, by so dishonourable and infamous a trade. junius Otho's old occupation was to keep a school; then made a Senator by Sejanus authority, brought his obscure beginning, into obloquy by impudent enterprises. Brutidius, a man well qualified; and if he had taken a right course, likely to have come to honourable preferment; over much haste pricked forwards: and at the first went about, to out go his equals; then his superiors; and last of all to flee above his own hopes: which hath been the overthrow of good men; who contemning that which by a little patience, is had with security; hasten to that which gotten before his time, breedeth their ruin and destruction. Gellius Poplicola, and M. Paconius, increased the number of informers: the one being Silanos treasurer; the other his lieutenant. Little doubt but Silanus was blame worthy for his cruelty, and ravenous dealing: but many other matters came together, dangerous even to the innocent: for besides that, he had so many Senators against him; he was to answer alone, the eloquentest of all Asia: and for that cause chosen to accuse: being himself unskilful, and appalled with his own danger: cause sufficient, to have dashed the best practised out of matter. Tiberius' himself not refraining to press him with words and countenance, asked him many questions; not giving liberty to refel or reply: yea oftentimes he must confess, lest Tiberius should seem to have asked in vain. And withal, the public actor had bought Silanus bondmen, to the end they should be examined by torture. And because none of his kinsmen nor friends might help him in his danger, accusations of treason (a bond and necessity to stop every man's mouth) were thrust among. Whereupon certain days of delay being demanded, he let fall his defence: and taking courage sent letters unto Caesar, interlaced with entreaty and odious terms. Tiberius, that the causes he charged Silanus with, might have an example of excuse; commandeth Augustus records, touching Volesus Messalla, Proconsul of the same Asia, to be recited, and a decree of Senate made against him. Then demanded L. Piso's opinion: who making a preamble of the prince's clemency; was of advise that he should be banished to the Island Gyarus. The rest gave the like verdict: saving that C. Lentulus, thought it meet, that the goods which came by Silanus mother (for he was by another mother) should be separated from the rest, and given the son: Tiberius according thereto. But Cornelius Dolabella, having rebuked Silanus for his behaviour; followed the vain of his flattery further: and added. That none, who lived a reproachful and infamous life, should draw lots for the government of any province: & that the prince should be judge thereof. The laws did punish crimes committed: but how much better would it be for us, and our confederates, if we did provide that no offences should be committed? Against which, Caesar himself spoke; and said: That he was not ignorant what the speech had been of Silanus: but that no judgements ought to be given at the rumour of the people. Many had behaved themselves in the provinces, better than was hoped for; and others not so bad as it was feared: for some by managing of weighty matters, have been stirred up to a better carriage and behaviour: and others have become more slothful and lazy. And that a prince could not comprehend all things in his own knowledge: neither was it expedient, that he should be drawn to this, and that, by others ambition. That laws were ordained against facts already committed, because future things are uncertain. So it was ordained by our ancestors, that when the offences had gone before, punishment should follow: Therefore they would not alter those things, which were invented by wisdom, and always observed. That princes had charge sufficient, and power enough: if their power grew great, the laws grew weak. That absolute authority was not to be used; as long as the laws were open. By how much the seldomer Tiberius showed any popular behaviour; by so much the more joyfully it was accepted. And being wise (if he were not carried away with anger) in moderating the rigorous censures of others: added that the Island Gyarus was barbarous, and unhabited: and therefore that they would show so much favour to the junian family; and to one who had been of the same college with them; that he should rather be sent to the Island Cythera: which was also the request of Torquata, Silanus sister, a virigin of good life: unto which censure they all condescended.   

XV. More accusations prosecuted. A decree touching jupiters' priests. Tacfarinas driven by Blaesus out of Africa.  
AFter this, the Cyrenenses were heard: and Caesius Cordus condemned of polling the provinces, at the suit of Ancharius Priscus. L. Ennius a gentleman of Rome, accused of treason, because he had converted the image of the prince, to common uses in plate; Caesar forbade to be received amongst the criminal persons. Ateius Capito openly complaining, and by a kind of liberty saying: That power of determining such a matter, ought not to be taken from the Senate, nor so heinous a crime pass unpunished. That the Emperor might be as slow as he lusted, in punishing injuries done to himself: yet that he ought not to pardon such as were done to the commonwealth. Tiberius' understood these things as they were indeed, rather than as they were spoken: and so persisted in opposing himself. Capito was so much the more noted; because that knowing what appertained to divine and human laws; discredited the common good: and the commendable arts he had learned at home. Then there grew a scruple: in knowing, in what temple the gift should be placed, which the gentlemen of Rome had vowed to fortune Equestris, for the health of Augusta. For although there were many temples in the city, of that goddess: yet there was none which bore that surname. In the end there was one so called found at Antium: and all the ceremonies in the towns of Italy, and temples, and images of gods, to be under the right, and empire of Rome: and thereupon the gift was placed at Antium. And seeing the matter was debated touching the religions; Caesar declared the answer: which not long before he had deferred, against Servius Maluginensis: and recited the decree of the chief priests; which was: That as oft as the Flamen, Dial, or jupiters' priest, fell into any sickness, he might be absent from the city; with licence of the chief priest: so as it were not above two nights; or in days of public sacrifice: nor oftener than twice in one year. Which being ordained in Augustus' time, did manifestly show, that the absence for a year, or administration of provinces, was not granted to the Diales. And the example of L. Metellus the high pontiff, was alleged, who in the like case had kept Aulus Posthumus the Flamen in the city. And thereupon the lot of Asia was bestowed upon him; who of the Consuls was next unto Maluginensis. At the same time Lepidus made request unto the Lords of the Senate, that he might at his own charges, re-edify, and adorn Paulus Aemilius temple, the ornament of his memory: for at that time public munificence was in use: neither did Augustus blame Taurus, Philippus, Balbus, for bestowing spoils taken from enemies: or the overplus of their wealth, to the ornament of the city, and glory of posterity. By which examples, Lepidus although he had no great store of money, did renew the honour of his ancestors. Pompeius' theatre, consumed by casual fire; because there was none left of the family, of ability to perform it; Caesar promised to build at his own charges, and leave it still the old name. And withal he highly extolled Sejanus, as though through his labour and watchfulness, the violence of that fire had been stayed, from hurting any more than that one thing: and the Senate ordained an image to be erected in honour of Sejanus in Pompeius' theatre. And not long after when Caesar had honoured junius Blaesus, proconsul of Africa, with the ornaments of triumph: he said that he attributed that to Sejanus honour, whose uncle he was. Yet Blaesus own acts deserved that honour. For although Tacfarinas had been often put to the worst: yet renewing his aid in the middle of Africa, he grew to that arrogancy, as to send ambassadors to Tiberius, and require a place for himself, and his army to inhabit: or else threatened an endless war. It was reported that Caesar never more grieved, at any disgrace done unto himself, or the people of Rome; then that a traitor, and thief, should deal like an enemy. There was never so much granted Spartacus; after he had defeated so many armies of Consuls; and burned Italy unrevenged; yea when the commonwealth was greatly weakened, by Sertorius and Mithridates great wars: that he should be received by covenant into safe conduct: & therefore much less that Tacfarinas a thief; the Roman empire being in most flourishing state, should be hired with a peace and lands to inhabit. He committed the whole matter to Blaesus, with charge that he should induce the rest, to lay down their arms; with warrant that they should sustain no hurt; yet that he should lay hold on the captain by all means possible: through which pardon many came in. Not long after they used the same manner of fight, against Tacfarinas, as he had used against others: for because he, inferior to the Romans in strength, though better in thievery; made many inroads; by scattered companies, deceived his enemy: and laid many trains to entrap him. Their companies were therefore set in order, and marched against him: of which the lieutenant Cornelius Scipio was the chief: who lay in wait in that coast where Tacfarinas did waste and trouble the Leptins, and the Garamantes, places of refuge: On another side Blaesus son lead his own power; lest the Cirtensien villages should be enticed to take part with Tacfarinas, In the middle, placing fortresses and strong holds, in convenient places; with choice soldiers: the captain himself brought the enemy to a narrow strait, and disadvantage: because that which way soever he should bend; some of the Roman soldiers were in his face; some in his sides: and often some in his back, and so, many slain and entrapped. Then divideth the three armies again into many other companies: with centurions of known valour over them. Neither did he as the custom was; retire his forces in the end of summer; or put them in standing camps of the old province: but as it had been in the beginning of war; his fortresses well manned, by light horsemen, and skilful in those deserts; he gave Tacfarinas often changing his cabins small rest: until his brother being taken, he retired in the end with more speed, than was for the allies profit: such being left behind by whom the war might rise again. But Tiberius taking this to be an end of this war, gave Blaesus that honour, that he should be saluted Emperor by the legions: being an old custom towards such Captains, as had shown valour for the commonwealth, with joy and acclamations to be saluted by that name by the conquering armies. There were many Emperors at one time, but none above an other. Augustus had granted that name to some; and Tiberius at that time to Blaesus. That year died two notable men, Asinius Salonius, nephew to M. Agrippa; and Pollio Asinius, and brother to Drusus, and destined to be Caesar's nieces husband; and Capito Ateius of whom we have spoken before; by the studies of the civil laws risen to the highest dignity in the city: but his grandfather Sullanus was but a Centurion, and his father Praetor. Augustus hastened the Consulship upon him; that by the dignity of that office, he might be preferred before Labeo Antistius skilful in the same study: for that age had at once two ornaments of peace. But Labeo was more desirous of incorrupted liberty; and therefore held in greater estimation: and Capitoes' pleasing humour better accepted of Princes. To him, the injury of not being higher than a Praetor, was a commendation: to this, because he gate the Consulship, grew of envy hatred. And junia, whose uncle was Cato, and was C. Cassius wife, and M. Brutus' sister, died threescore and four years after the Philippensen war. Her Testament was much talked of among the people; because that being very wealthy, when she had named all the peers and noblemen, and bestowed some legacy upon them, she omitted Caesar: which he took in good part; not hindering but that her funerals should be solemnized with an oration before the people assembled, with all other ceremonies. The images of twenty noble houses, were carried before her; and the names of the Manlians, the Quinctians, and others of like nobility. But Cassius and Brutus did shine above the rest, because their images were not seen.    

THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Of Sejanus beginning; his qualities; and by what means he aspired to the Empire.  
CAsinius, and C. Antistius being Consuls; Tiberius had nine years managed the affairs; and advanced his house to a flourishing estate: (for the death of Germanicus he reckoned amongst his prosperities) when as fortune began on a sudden to work alteration: in him waxing cruel; or giving authority to such as were. The beginning proceeded from AElius Sejanus Captain of the guard; of whose power and authority I have before spoken. I will now lay down his beginning, and qualities: and by what sinister means he went about to climb to the sovereignty. He was borne at Vulsinium, son of Seius Strabo, gentleman of Rome; and in his first youth followed C. Caesar, Augustus' nephew: not without a rumour, that for money he had suffered his body to be abused by Apicius, a rich man and a prodigal. Then by sundry sleights he had so wrought Tiberius, that being close and secret towards others: yet to himself had made him open and uncircumspect. Not so much by his cunning and fraud (for such devices were his own overthrow) as by the anger of the gods against the state of Rome; by whose ruin and rising it fell alike. He was of body able to endure labour; of mind bold; in his own actions secret; an informer against others; as proud as flattering; in show modest; but inwardly greedy of aspiring: for which cause, he used sometime largesse and lavishing; but more oftener industry and diligence; means dangerous alike, when they are dissemblingly used to win a kingdom. His forces, which at the first were small, he augmented by reducing the cohorts into one camp, which before were scattered abroad in the city; that they might receive their charge together, and by their number & strength, and seeing one another, breed a confidence to themselves; and a fear to others. He pretended that the soldier living scattered, grew riotous: and if any sudden attempt should be enterprised, their strength would be greater united, then separated: and that they would live more severely, if their garrison were lodged far from the wanton allurements of the city. As soon as his trenches were finished, he began to creep into the soldiers minds by going unto them, and calling them by their names: withal, made choice himself of Centurions & the Tribunes. Neither did he abstain from ambitiously courting the Senators; advancing his followers with honours, and rule of Provinces: Tiberius being so facile and prone to allow of his doings, that not only in private speeches; but in Senate also and before the people, extolled him as an associate of his labours: and suffered his image to be set in the theatres, and public places of assemblies, and ensigns of the legions. But Caesar's house being full; a young son; nephews of full age; hindered his plots: And because it was not safe making away of so many at once by violence; his treachery required time to accomplish his wickedness. He resolved then to use the covertest way; and begin with Drusus; against whom through fresh quarrels he was greatly incensed. For Drusus being impatient of a concurrent, and therefore easily moved: a contention rising by chance between them, bend his fist to strike Sejanus; and he his to save himself: Drusus dashed him on the mouth. Hereupon leaving nothing untried, he thought it the readiest way to address himself to Livia Drusus wife. She was Germanicus sister, in her youth of a hard favour; but afterward excelled in beauty. Her Sejanus counterfeiting an ardent and burning love enticed to adultery: and after he had obtained the first breach of honesty (for a woman having once lost her chastity, what will she refuse to do?) put her in hope of marriage, and fellowship in the Empire; and persuadeth her to kill her husband. Thus she, who was Augustus' niece, and Tiberius' daughter in law; and had children by Drusus; defiled herself, her ancestors, and posterity with adultery by a mean man; leaving an honest and present estate for the hope of a wicked and uncertain. Eudemus a friend and Physician of Livias', was made privy to these plots; who under colour of his art was often used in secret conferences. He putteth away Apicata his wife, by whom he had three children, lest his lemon should have her in jealousy. But the greatness of the enterprise drove them into a fear; bred prolong; and sometimes divers sorts of counsels. In the mean space in the beginning of the year, Drusus one of Germanicus children, was come to man's estate; and those things renewed upon him, which the Senate had ordained for Nero his brother. Tiberius' made an oration tending to the great commendation of his son; because he tendered his brother's children with a fatherly affection. For Drusus (although it be a hard matter for rule and concord to dwell together) showed himself indifferent to the young men; or at the least, was not an enemy to them.   

II. A survey of the legions and soldiers: Drusus poisoned by Sejanus.  
Tiberius' old, but feigned determination of going to the Provinces, is put on foot again: pretending that there were a great number of old soldiers; and that the armies were to be supplied with a new muster. For voluntary men now wanted: or if there were any; they were not of so virtuous and modest a carriage: because that for the most part, they are needy and vagrant persons which voluntarily follow the wars. Withal, he took a short view of the legions, and what Provinces they defended: which giveth me occasion to declare, what strength the Romans had then in arms; what Kings their confederates; and how much less the Empire then was. Italy had in both seas two navies; the one at Misenum, and the other at Ravenna; & certain Galleys called rostratae to defend the coast adjoining to Gallia: which Augustus had taken in the victory at Actium; & sent to Foroiuliense, well appointed with sea men. But the principal strength consisted of eight legions near unto Rhine; a stay as well to the Germans, as Galli. Spain newly subdued had three legions. King juba had the Mauritanians, as a gift given him by the people of Rome: the rest of Africa had two legions; and Egypt the like number. Then all from the beginning of Suria unto the river Euphrates, which containeth a great country, receiveth four legions: Hybero, and Albanus, and other Kings being borderers, which by our greatness are protected against foreign Kings. Thrace was under the government of Rhoemetalces, & Cotys children: and the bank of Danubium, two legions guarded in Pannonia; and two in Maesia. The like number was in Dalmatia, which by the situation of the country lie behind them: that if on the sudden Italy should need aid they were at hand. Albeit the city had her proper soldiers; three city cohorts, and nine Praetorian; almost all chosen out of Etruria, Vmbria, old Latium, and old Romans, sent thither to dwell. The Galleys of confederates lay in the most commodious places of the Provinces; the companies of horsemen; and aids of cohorts; not much inferior in strength: though not easily laid down, through their uncertain flitting hither and thither; sometimes more, sometimes less; as time and necessity required. I think it also expedient to describe the other parts of the common wealth, and how they had been governed until that day: being the year, in which the state began to decline, by Tiberius' growing worse and worse. In the beginning, public and private affairs of greatest importance, were handled before the Lords of the Senate: and the chiefest licensed to opine and debate matters: Tiberius himself rebuking them if they fell to flattery. In bestowing of offices he had regard to their ancestors merit in service abroad; or laudable acts at home: such only preferred: due authority reserved unto the Consuls and to the Praetor: the meaner officers, each one exercising his own function: and the laws, (matter of treason excepted) duly executed. But for provision of corn, and levying of tributes, and other public commodities; certain societies of gentlemen of Rome had charge of. Caesar committed his own affairs to honest and tried persons: and to some unknown, if they were well spoken of: and such as were once chosen, continued still, and grew old in the same charge. The people were distressed with a great dearth of corn; yet no fault thereof in the Prince: but with as great care and diligence as he could, remedieth the sterility of the ground, and rough passages of the sea: and gave order that the provinces should not be oppressed with new taxations; and the old be borne, without covetousness and cruelty of magistrates. Caesar had small possessions in Italy; and a reasonable number of servitors; and in his house a few freed men; and if he had a suit against any private person, he tried it by law in the place of judgement: all which he maintained, not with any courteous and mild course, but sternly and feared; until by the death of Drusus all was turned upside down. For whilst he lived there was no alteration; because Sejanus beginning to rise, sought means to win credit, and feared least Drusus would revenge, who never dissembled his hartburning, but often complained: That his son being alive, he had another coadjutor in the Empire: and what wanteth that he is not his companion? That the first steps to sovereignty are hard; but once entered into, there will want no favourers, nor followers: forts he had built as he liked best: charge given him over soldiers: his image was placed amongst C. Pompeius' monuments: and that he should have his nephews common to the Drusian family: that hereafter Modesty must be prayed unto, that he would be contented with his greatness. He did not utter these speeches seldom or to a few; and his wife being corrupted, his secrets were bewrayed. Sejanus therefore thinking it time to make haste, chooseth a slow working poison; the better to father his sickness upon some casual disease; which was given Drusus by Lygdus an Eunuch: as eight years after it was known.   

III. Germanicus children are in Senate recommended to the Lords by Tiberius. Drusus funerals, and how he was empoisoned.  
But Tiberius all the time of Drusus sickness, showed no sign of fear; perhaps because he would show his constancy: yea being dead, but not buried, he entered into the Senate, and put the Consuls which sat on a low seat, as a token of their sorrow, in mind of their honours and calling. And having mastered his own grief, comforted the Lords of the Senate, which powered down tears with a continual speech, saying: That he knew well he might be blamed, for showing himself in Senate, in so fresh a grief: when the communication of dearest friends and kinsfolks was scarce seen, nor hardly the day, by many which lamented and mourned. Neither were they to be condemned of weakness; yet he for his part had sought for stronger comforts, out of the bosom of the common wealth. And having compassion on the Empress old age, and tender years of her nephews, and of his own decaying age, entreated that Germanicus children, the only comfort of present miseries, might be brought before them. The Consuls went out, and emboldening the young men in that which they should say, brought them before Tiberius, who taking hold of them, said. Lords of the Senate, I delivered these fatherless children to their uncle; and besought him, although he had issue of his own, that he would bring them up and cherish them, as if they were his own blood: and make them worthy for himself and posterity. Drusus being taken from among us, I turn my prayers to you, and beseech you in presence of the gods, and our country, that you would receive, and govern Augustus' nephews sons, descended of worthy progenitors; and accomplish therein my duty and your own. These Nero and Drusus, shall be in stead of fathers unto you. You are so borne, that all your good and evil appertain to the common wealth. With great weeping were these words heard, and prayers made that the young men might prosper: and if he had then ended his oration, he had filled the hearts of the hearers with compassion towards himself, and glory. But being fallen into vain discourses; as such as had been often laughed at, of yielding up the government: and that the Consuls or some other should take the care upon him, he discredited that which was both honest, and true. The same solemnities which were ordained for Germanicus, were appointed for Drusus; and as the manner is of the last flattery, somethings added. His funeral in pomp of images was very magnificent: having before him in a long procession Aeneas, the beginning of the julian family: all the kings of the Albani: and Romulus the founder of the city. After him followed the nobility of the Sabins, Appius Clausus, and the images of the rest of the Claudians. In delivering Drusus death, I have followed that which many true writers have uttered: but I will not omit a very strong report of those times, yet currant in every man's mouth, which is, that Livia being already corrupted to all dishonesty of body by Sejanus: he was said to have abused Lygdus body likewise: in age and beauty highly pleasing his master, and of all his servitors of best credit; who being made privy to the practice, the place and times agreed when the poison should be given, grew to that audaciousness, that he turned all upon Drusus head: and by secret advertisement, accused him to have gone about to poison his father; and gave Tiberius' warning, to take heed of the first drink his son should offer him at the table. Whereupon by that fraud, the banquet being begun, the old man presented Drusus the cup which he had received; who ignorant of the practice, like a raw young man drank it up, increasing thereby the suspicion, as though for fear and shame, he had swallowed that death which he had prepared for his father. This was the common rumour, which wanting a ground, and certain author, thou mayest easily refute: for who is he though but of mean wisdom, much less Tiberius, experienced and beaten in weighty affairs, not hearing his defence, would have offered his son his death, and that with his own hands; a thing remediless if he should repent it? Why had he not rather tortured the minister of the poison? sought out the author, and used that delay, which usually he did even against strangers, towards his own son; never before detected of any lewd fact? But because Sejanus was thought to be the inventor of all bad actions, through the great good will Caesar bore him, and the hate which the rest bare to both; things were believed, although fabulous, and uncredible; report speaking always the worst of Prince's deaths. The order of this fact hath been otherwise discovered by Apicata, Sejanus wife, and by torturing of Eudemus and Lygdus: and no writer found so great an enemy to Tiberius, although all hath been sought that may be said, and enforced against him, that hath objected any such matter. The cause why I laid down and blamed the common rumour, was, that under a manifest example, I might discredit false reports; and pray such into whose hands our labours shall come, that they would not esteem more of common, uncredible tales, greedily received, then of truth not falsified into miracles.   

FOUR Sejanus practices to destroy Agrippina, and Germanicus children: stage-players expulsed Italy.  
But whilst Tiberius praised his son before the people assembled; the Senate and the people rather for a show, then from the heart, put on a mourning countenance: yet in their minds rejoiced, that Germanicus house began to flourish again: which beginning of favour, and Agrippina their mother not well dissembling her hope, hastened their overthrow. For when Sejanus perceived that Drusus empoisoners escaped unpunished; and no public mourning of the people for his death; emboldened in wicked actions, because his first attempts had good success; began to cast with himself, by what means he might extinguish Germanicus children, the undoubted successors to the Empire. For all three poison he could not, by reason of their keeper's faithfulness, and Agrippina's invincible chastity. He began therefore to inveigh against her obstinacy, and stir Augusta hating her of old, against her; and incensed Livia with the memory of her late fact; suggesting that her pride; bearing itself upon her fruitfulness in children, by the favour of the people gaped after the sovereignty. This plot of his he prosecuted by the help of crafty accusers; amongst whom he had chosen julius Posthumus, a man noted of infamous life with Mutilia Prisca, a principal favourite of the grandmother, and fit instrument for his practices, being highly in Augustas books: an old woman of her own disposition desirous of rule, and therefore easily estranged from her daughter in law Agrippina. He had likewise inveighled Agrippina's near kindred, to puff up her haughty spirits, and use hard speeches of Augusta. But Tiberius' intermitting no care of public affairs; and embracing business for solace; heard the causes of citizens, and the suits of confederates: and by his persuasion, decrees of Senate were made, that the city of Cibyratica in Asia; and Aegiris in Achaia, damnified by an earthquake, might be relieved by remitting them three years tributes. And Vibius Serenus Proconsul of farther Spain, being condemned for public violence, through the cruelty of the time, was banished into the Island Amorgus. Carsius Sacerdos accused, as though he had helped the enemy Tacfarinas with corn, was quit; and C. Gracchus for the same crime. This Gracchus being very young, was carried by his father Sempronius to the Island Cercina, as a companion of his exile: where growing to man's estate amongst banished men, and ignorant of liberal arts; by turning and winding base merchandise in Africa and Sicilia, he gained his living: and yet he escaped not the dangers of greater fortune. And if AElius Lamia, and L. Apronius, which governed Africa, had not defended his innocency; through the nobleness of his unfortunate stock, he had tasted of his father's calamities. That year came Ambassadors from cities of Greece; requesting that the ancient right of privileged places, might be confirmed at junos' Temple at Samium, and Aesculapius' Temple, at Cois. The Samians grounded themselves on a decree of the Amphictyons; to whom belonged the principal examination of all matters; when the Grecians building cities through Asia, were Lords of the sea coasts. The antiquity of the Coi was not unlike; having withal the merit of the place: for when by King Mithridates commandment, all the Romans were slain throughout all the cities and islands of Asia: they saved in the Temple of AEsculapius as many as they found. After this the praetors having made many complaints, though in vain against the stage-players: at last, Caesar spoke of their unruliness and immodest behaviour; as having seditiously attempted many things in public, and many undecently in private houses. And the Oscian play, a light sport pleasing the people's humour, grew to such insolency, that the Lords of the Senate were feign to interpose their authority, for the suppressing of it; and then the stage-players were expulsed Italy. Caesar had further grief the same year, partly by the death of one of Drusus children, and partly by the death of lucilius Longus his friend, and partaker of all his fortunes, prosperous or adverse: and among the Senators, his only companion, when he withdrew himself to Rhodes. In regard whereof, the Senate ordained, that although he were but of mean parentage, yet that he should have the funerals of a Censor, and an image in Augustus' forum: at the charge of the common purse. For at that time the Senate managed all the affairs; in so much, that lucilius Capito, Procurator of Asia; the Province accusing him, was forced to purge himself before them: the Prince assuredly avouching that he had given him no authority; but over slaves, and money matters between party & party. But if he had usurped the authority of a Praetor, or used the strength of soldiers, he had therein contemned his commandment; & therefore that they should hear the allies: and so the matter being heard, he was condemned. For which cause; and by reason that the year before C. Silanus was punished: the cities of Asia decreed that a Temple should be built in honour of Tiberius; his mother; and the Senate; which they performed after they had licence. And for the same cause Nero gave thanks to the Lords of the Senate, and to his grandfather: with the joyful acceptance of the hearers; as representing Germanicus, yet fresh in memory to their minds: thinking that him they had both heard and seen. The young man was of great modesty, and comeliness, worthy of a Prince: the more grateful, through the danger he was in, by Sejanus known hatred against him.   

V How jupiters' Priests were chosen: Tiberius' small affection to Germanicus children.  
ABout the same time of choosing a Flamen Dial, in Servius Maluginensis place, who was dead: and of making a new law, Caesar himself spoke. For the old custom was, that three patriciens should be named together; borne of parents which had been married with a solemnity called confarreation; of which one should be chosen for the Priest. And it fell out that, that just number could not be found, the use of confarrcation, or marriage with a cake of Wheat, either not used, or only of a few: whereof he alleged many reasons, though the chiefest was, the carelessness of men and women: and withal the difficulties of the ceremonies, which were willingly let slip. And when should he go out of his father's authority, which should obtain that Priesthood, or she who was married unto him? therefore that was to be redressed by decree of Senate, or by a law, as Augustus himself had changed somewhat of that rude antiquity, and reduced it to the present use. Those things therefore being debated which touched the ceremonies, it was determined that nothing should be altered in the make of those Priests: but a law was ordained, that she who was married unto a Flamen, by reason of the sacrifices, should be under the power of her husband: and that in other cases she should be as others were. And Maluginensis son was chosen in his father's place. And that the priestly dignity should better be regarded, and they the readier to undertake the ceremonies; it was ordained that to Cornelia the virgin, who was chosen in Scantias place, should be given 
* About seven score and sixteen pound, and five shilliugs.  L L. S. xx. sesterces: and that as oft as Augusta entered the theatre, she should sit among the Vestals. Cornelius Cethegus, and Visellius Varro being Consuls, when the Pontifes, and following their example, the other Priests, made certain vows for the health of the Prince, they commended Nero and Drusus to the same gods: not so much for love of the young men, as for flattery, which in corrupt times is dangerous alike; either not at all, or too much. For Tiberius never a friend to Germanicus house, grieved impatiently that the young men should then be equalled unto him in his old age: and sending for the chief Priests, asked them whether they had done that at Agrippina's entreaties or threats: and although they denied it, yet were somewhat rebuked: the greatest part being his nearest friends, and kin, or chief gentlemen of the city. Nevertheless in Senate he admonished them in an oration, that none should hereafter puff up the fickle minds of the young men to pride, by untimely and overhasty dignities. Sejanus urged eagerly, that the city was no less divided into factions, then in time of civil wars; some terming themselves to be of Agrippina's side; and more would if they were not prevented: and no way to redress a waxing division, but by cutting off some one or two of the forwardest. Hereupon he beginneth with C. Silius, and Titius Sabinus, Germanicus friendship being dangerous to both: to Silius, because that having had charge of a great army seven years together, and vanquished Sacrovir in Germany, and obtained the ornaments of triumph, the higher his fall, the greater the fear in others would be. Many were of opinion that Tiberius was the more vehemently incensed, by reason of his own lavishing tongue, overmuch vaunting that his soldiers had always continued dutiful, when as others had grown to mutinies: and that Caesar's state had been shaken, if those legions had been desirous of innovation: which Caesar construed as an embasing to his greatness, and disabling him of ability to requite: for good turns are no longer well taken, than they may be recompensed: when they grow greater, then hope of requital; in stead of thankfulness they breed hatred and ill will. Sosia Galla, was Silius wife, badly thought of by the Prince, because she loved Agrippina. It was therefore thought convenient to begin with these two, and not meddle with Sabinus for a time. The Consul Varro being thrust in, to accuse them, under colour of a quarrel betwixt his father and Silius, became an instrument to gratify Sejanus with his own discredit. The defendants entreating some delay, until the accuser's Consulship were expired, Caesar denied it, affirming it to be a usual matter for magistrates to call private persons into question: and that the authority of the Consul was not to be infringed, through whose watchfulness the commonwealth was kept without danger. That was a common trick with Tiberius, always to cloak new coined mischief with old words. Therefore with great protestation, as though he had proceeded with Silius by order of law; or the matter belonged to Varro as Consul; or therein consisted the safety of the commonwealth: the Senate was called, the party accused not once opening his mouth; or if he began to purge himself, stuck not to utter by whose malice he was oppressed. He was accused to have had intelligence with the beginners of the war: that he had discredited his victory by his covetousness; and other things against Sosia his wife, nothing a long time spoken of Sacrovir. And doubtless the accusation of polling the province could not have served their turn, had they not prosecuted all under treason: but Silius prevented his imminent condemnation, by his own voluntary death. Nevertheless that contented not, but were greedy his goods should be confiscate, not to pay the stipendaries; for none of them demanded aught: but because Augustus' liberality was at an end, he took a particular account of all that was due to the public treasure: which was the first time that Tiberius showed himself greedy of other men's money. Sosia was driven into banishment by Asinius Gallus Consul: who also advised that part of the goods should be confiscate; & part left unto his children. But Lepidus contrarily, that the fourth part of the goods should be given to the informers, according to the law; and the residue to his children. I find that this Lepidus was in those days a grave and wise man: who altered into the better many things, which others by cruel flattery had ordained: which he did with such moderation, that he kept in, with Caesar in no less favour than authority. Which causeth me to doubt, whether it happen as in other things by fatal destiny and nativity, that Princes are favourably inclined to some, and to others hardly bend; or whether anything consist in our counsels, to single out a course free from ambition and danger, between selfewill stubbornness, and filthy flattery. But Messallinus Cotta being no less nobly descended, differing from Lepidus, was of opinion; that by decree of Senate it should be ordained, that governors of provinces, though faultless themselves; yet should be punished for their wives crimes, no less then for their own.   

VI Calphurnius Piso accused and condemned. The last war with Tacfarinas, and his death.  
AFter this, they debated Calphurnius Pisos case, a noble man and of a fierce courage. He as I have said, seeing what credit pickthanks were in, openly protested in Senate that he would departed the city: and little regarding the authority of Augusta, was so bold as to summon Vrgulania, out of the prince's house: which Tiberius for the present seemed not to take in evil part. But bearing it in mind although the heat of displeasure was cooled, yet he forgot it not. Granius also accused Piso of secret speeches, used against the majesty of the emperor: adding that he had poison in his house; and that he entered the Senate house with a weapon. This of the weapon was passed over as not credible: but for other things aggrevated against him, he was arraigned, but not convicted; because he was prevented by death. Afterward Cassius Severus cause was handled; a banished man, of base parentage, and lewd life; but a great Orator. Who had raised so many enemies against him, that by the judgement of the Senate sworn, he was confined to Crect: where following the like practices, drew on his head old and new hatred: and at last being deprived of all his goods, and banished; spent the rest of his life in the Island Seriphium. About the same time, Plautius Silvanus Praetor; the cause why, not known; threw his wife Apronia down headlong from a high place. And being brought before Caesar by L. Apronius his father in law, as a man troubled in mind, answered as though she had killed herself, when he was a sleep, and wholly ignorant of the matter. Tiberius goeth forthwith to his house, and searcheth the chamber; where he perceived by the print of her feet, tokens of her striving against him, and the thrusting of her forward: which he reported to the Senate: And judges appointed to examine the fact. Vrgulania Silvanus' grandmother, sent her nephew a poniard to dispatch himself: which some thought to have been done by the prince's counsel; by reason of the league of friendship betwixt Augusta and Vrgulania. Silvanus' having tried in vain to kill himself with the poniard, in the end caused his veins to be cut. Not long after, Numantina his first wife accused, by charms and witchcrafts to have put her husband out of his wits, found innocent, is quit by the prince. That year the people of Rome was delivered of a long war against Tacfarinas the Numidian. For the captains which till then had been sent against him, having obtained the marks of triumph: sought no further how to extinguish the enemy. For there were now three images in the city crowned with bay: and Tacfarinas still continued spoiling and foraging Africa; and augmented his forces by the aid of the Moors: which under Ptolemy, jubaes' son, a careless youth, changed their servile state, and government of freed men, into war. The king of the Garamantes was a receiver and partaker of his booties, and pillages: not that he marched with an army, but only by sending light horsemen, which a far off were thought to be more than indeed they were. And in the province itself; some for need; and some of a turbulent humour joined with him: because Caesar considering how well Blaesus had bestirred himself, called home the ninth legion; as though there had been no enemies left at all in Africa. And Dolabella Proconsul for that year, durst not stay them; fearing more the commandment of the prince, than the incertainty and danger of the war. Upon this, Tacfarinas gave it out, that the Romans had their hands full; were distracted with other nations: and therefore purposed by little and little, to retire out of Africa. And then that the rest might easily be overcome, if all which preferred liberty before servitude, would join and courageously bend their forces against them: and gathering more strength, encampeth before Thubuscum, and layeth siege to it. But Dolabella drawing all the forces he could make into one: partly the name of the Romans striking a terror into their hearts; partly because the Numidian is not able to endure the force of the footmen; at the first encounter, levied the siege; fortified the most convenient places: and withal, beheaded the chiefest of the Musulani, which began to revolt. In the end taught by experience of so many battles, that this fleeting enemy was not to be pursued with a main camp; Dolabella sent for King Ptolemy with his countrymen; and divided his forces into four companies; under the charge of several Lieutenants and Tribunes. The outriders and foragers were conducted by certain chosen Moors: himself at hand to give direction to all. Not long after tidings came that Tacfarinas had encamped and erected cabins at an old ruinous fort, which himself had once burnt, called Auzea; trusting to the place being environed with mighty great woods. Then the light horsemen and wings; not knowing whither, were lead away withal speed. And at the dawning of the day, with the sound of trumpets, and a dreadful noise set on the enemies, half sleeping, half waking; their horses unready, or dispersed abroad at pasture. The Romans footmen were close ranked; the troops of horsemen in good order; all things in a readiness for battle. The enemy on the other side in all things unprovided; had neither weapons, order, nor counsel, among them: but were haled, taken, and slain like beasts. And every soldier irked with the remembrance of his labours; and how oft desirous to cope with the enemy he had been deluded; filled himself with revenge and blood. Advertisement was brought from one company to another, to pursue Tacfarinas well known to them all: and that there would be no end of that war, if the Captain were not slain. But he with a chosen guard about him; seeing his son already taken, and the Romans on every side of him, rushing in among their weapons, with the loss of his life, escaped captivity. And that was the end of that war. Dolabella desiring the honour of triumph, Tiberius denied it him: and gave it Sejanus, lest his uncle Blaesus commendation should be obscured. But Blaesus was never the more esteemed; and the denying of the honour to Dolabella, augmented his honour: because that with a lesser army he had taken many notable prisoners; slain the Captain, and carried away the fame of ending the war. The Ambassadors of the Garamantes, a people seldom seen in the city, came after the death of Tacfarinas, all astonished, as being of the conspiracy to satisfy the people of Rome. After this, Tiberius' understanding of Ptolemaeus diligence in his wars, renewing the old custom, sent one of the Senators to him with an ivory staff, and embroidered or wrought gown; which were wont to be the ancient gifts of the Lords of the Senate; and to give him the greater honour called him King, companion, and friend of the people of Rome.   

VII. A rebellion of bondslaves suppressed: Serenus accused by his own son.  
THe same summer beginnings of war, attempted in Italy by bondmen, were suppressed by mere chance. The beginner of this tumult was T. Curtisius, sometimes a soldier of a Praetorian band; who at the first in secret conventicles, in Brundisium and towns adjoining; then by writings publicly spread abroad, tolled to liberty, the rude and fierce bondslaves dispersed in the woods: when by the favour of the gods, there arrived three Galleys for the use of passengers in that sea. And Curtius Lapius rend gatherer in those countries; unto whom by lot fell the Province Cales, according to the ancient custom, having in a readiness a power of sea soldiers; discomfited the conspirators, who then did but begin their enterprise. Caesar sent out of hand Staius a Tribune, with a strong Power; who brought the Captain himself, and the ringleaders of this bold attempt to the city; greatly afeard of the multitude of bondmen, which increased to a huge number; the free borne decreasing daily more and more. The same men being Consuls, there happened a bloody example of calamity and cruelty, the son accusing the father: both called Q. Vibius Serenus; both brought before the Lords of the Senate: the father out of banishment deformed, poor and unhandsome, bound in chains; and his son pleading against him: who finely and featly attired with a cheerful countenance; affirmed that secret practices had been wrought against the Prince; and certain firebrands of war sent into Gallia to raise a rebellion; himself being both accuser and witness. He charged Caecilius Cornutus once Praetor, to have furnished them with money: who through the wearisomeness of trouble, accounting the danger his bane, hastened his own death. But contrarily the defendant, stoutly turning towards his son; shaking his irons, called the gods to revenge; praying that they would send him to exile again; to lead his life far from such customs; and inflict condign punishment upon his son. And affirmed constantly that Cornutus was innocent, and frighted with a false accusation; which should easily be perceived if some others were appeached also: for himself could not practise the death of the Prince, and an innovation with one only companion. Then the accuser named Gn. Lentulus, and Seius Tubero: Caesar himself being ashamed, to hear the chief of the city, and his dearest friends, Lentulus very aged, and Tubero of a weak body, accused of raising a rebellion, and disturbing the commonwealth: and therefore both were incontinently acquitted. The father's bondmen were put to the rack, which made against the accuser: who through the wickedness of his fact, growing half frantic, and terrified with the speech of the people, which threatened either to cast him headlong from the Robur, 
* A place in the prison from whence malefactors were thrown headlong. Festus.  or draw him in pieces; or punish him as a parricide, departed the city: but brought back from Ravenna, was forced to end his accusation: Tiberius nothing at all dissembling the old grudge he bore Serenus the banished. For after Libos' condemnation, by letters he upbraided Caesar, that his service only was unrecompensed; with some other things, more peremptorily, then safely, to proud ears, and ready to take offence. Eight years after, Caesar cast this in his dish, many ways carping his actions in the mean space: although contrary to his expectation, through the constancy of his bondmen, the rack could extort nothing against him. When all had given sentence that Serenus should be punished, according to the ancient custom; Tiberius to blear their eyes, and dissemble his grudge, would not allow of the sentence. Gallus Asinius was of opinion, that he should be confined in Gyarum or Donusa; which he misliked also, saying, that both those islands wanted water: and that to whom life was granted, things necessary for life ought to be granted: whereupon Serenus was carried back to Amorgum. And because Cornutus had slain himself, it was propounded in Senate whether the informers should lose their rewards; if any arraigned only of treason and not condemned, slew himself. Which they had all followed, if Caesar had not sharply and openly, contrary to his accustomed manner, complained in defence of the informers, saying: that by that means the laws would be brought to nothing, and the common wealth run to ruin; and that it were more tolerable to abolish the laws themselves, then take away the keepers of them. By this means the promoters, a race of men found out for a common overthrow and destruction, and never duly punished, were alured with rewards. These continual causes of sorrow, were sauced with some small contentment: for C. Cominius a gentleman of Rome, convicted of scandalous verses against Tiberius, was pardoned at the entreaty of his brother a Senator. A strange case, that knowing what was best (for sottish or senseless he was not) and what fame followed clemency; yet he desired rather cause of heaviness and sorrow. Neither is it a matter of deep insight to know the people's affection, when they extol Princes actions from the heart; and when from the teeth outward. And Tiberius himself at other times, cunningly premeditating his words, and with staggering and stammering delivering his mind: yet when he meaneth good in deed unto any, findeth his tongue ready and lose. But when P. Suilius sometimes rend gatherer to Germanicus, was convict for taking of money for giving judgement, & therefore expulsed Italy: his opinion was that he should be banished into some Island, and that with such vehemency, that he bond it with an oath, to be profitable for th' ecommon wealth. Which for the present time was taken for a rigorous sentence; but after Suilius return, turned to his commendation; whom subsequent times saw mighty, but a slave to money: a long time as he lusted, but never as he aught using Prince Claudius' friendship. The same punishment was ordained against Catus Firmius a Senator, as falsely accusing his sister of treason. Catus as I have already said, had inveighled Libo; then betrayed him and brought him to destruction. Which service Tiberius not forgetting, though pretending other causes, entreated that he might not be banished; but that he should be deposed from the Senate, he hindered not. I am not ignorant that many of those things which I have rehearsed, and which I shall rehearse hereafter, will seem of small moment, and not worthy the writing. But I wish not that any should compare our annals with the writings of the ancient historiographers of the people of Rome: for they reported with a free discourse, of mighty great wars, winning of towns, of Kings taken and slain: or if they came to domestical affairs, they recorded the discords betwixt the Consuls and the Tribunes; laws concerning distribution of lands among the common people; and jars between the commonalty and nobility. But the scope of our discourse is straight, and our labour inglorious: the times I writ of being peaceable and quiet, or no great wars: the state of the city doleful; and the Prince careless in dilating the Empire. Yet it shall not be lost labour to look into those things, which at the first seem light; oft yielding instruction of greater matters. For all Nations and Cities are governed by the people; or Peers; or one alone. A form of commonwealth constituted of one of these, may better be praised, then found: or if it chance to be found, it cannot long continue. Therefore as in times past the people bearing sway, or the Lords of the Senate; the humour of the commonalty was to be known: and the means how with greatest discretion they were to be dealt withal: and they judged most wise and experienced; who had deepliest entered into the disposition of the Senators & nobility: so the state being now changed; and the regiment consisting in one alone; it shall be convenient to note those things, which unto that form of government doth best appertain. For there are but few, which by wisdom, distinguish honest things from dishonest; and profitable from hurtful; but most men are taught by others events. And my writings bring more profit than delight; for situation of countries; variety of battles; the death of famous Captains; do feed and recreate the reader's minds. But we heap up bloody commandments; continual accusations; deceitful friendships; the overthrow of innocent persons; and causes bringing the like end; matters tedious for want of variety. The old writers had also this advantage, that they had no detractors of their writing or few: not being material to any, whether he had praised the African or Roman armies. But many are yet alive, whose predecessors suffered punishment or infamy under Tiberius' government. And although their family be extinguished; yet thou shalt find many, which for conformity of manners, think that others misdeeds are objected against themselves. Glory and virtue have enemies likewise, according to the disposition of every man's mind; framing reasons contrary to that which his own inclination is nearest unto. But I will return to my first purpose.   

VIII. An oration of Cremutius in defence of his Annals: Tiberius would not suffer the Spaniards to build a Temple in his honour.  
COrnelius Cossus, Asinius Agrippa being Consuls; Cremutius Cordus was accused of a new crime never before heard of, that in certain Annals by him published, he had praised M. Brutus, and said that C. Cassius was the last of the Romans. His accusers were Satrius Secundus, and Pinarius Natta, Sejanus clients, which was his overthrow. Caesar with a stern look hearing his purgation; which Cremutius being assured to lose his life, began in this manner. I am accused for words (Lords of the Senate) because in deeds I am innocent. But they were neither against the Prince, nor his father, whom the law of treason doth comprehend. I am said to have commended Brutus and Cassius; whose acts many have written, and all in honourable terms. T. Livius an excellent writer, as well for eloquence as truth; did so much extol Gn. Pompeius, that Augustus called him a Pompeian: yet that no breach of friendship at all. Scipio Afranius, did never call this self same Cassius, this Brutus, thieves and parricides, as now adays they are termed, but often worthy & famous men. Asinius Pollioes' writings do deliver an honourable memory of them: Messalla corvinus extolleth Cassius as his Captain: and both flourished in wealth and honour. When M. Cicero had in a book extolled Cato to the heavens; what did Caesar the Dictator, but answer him in an oration as if he had been before the judges? Antony's epistles, Brutus orations, have I confess many untrue and bitter speeches against Augustus. Men read Bibaculus and Catullus verses, which are stuffed with reproaches against the Caesars. But yet julius and Augnstus of famous memory winked thereat: whether with greater moderation or wisdom, I know not: for things of that quality neglected vanish of themselves; but repined and grieved at, argue a guilty conscience. The Grecians, whose not only liberty, but unrestrained licence escaped unpunished, I speak not of: or if any felt himself grieved, he revenged words with other words. It hath been always a matter of free liberty, and least subject unto detraction, to speak of those whom death had exempted from hatred and favour. Do I incense the peope by orations to civil war, with Cassius and Brutus already in arms, and masters of the Philippian fields? Do not they (who ended their life above seventy years agone) as they are known by their images which the Conqueror himself hath not pulled down, so retain some remembrance of them by writings? Posterity doth render unto every man the commendation he hath deserved. Neither will there want some if I be condemned, which will make mention, not only of Cassius and Brutus, but of me also. Having thus said, he went out of the Senate, & ended his life by abstinence. Order was given by the Senators, that the Aediles should burn his books, which notwithstanding were still extant; some secretly; some publicly: which maketh me the willinglier to laugh at the witless uncircumpection of such as think with the power and authority they have in their own time, they can also extinguish the memory of future times. But it falleth out contrary, that when good wits are punished, their credit groweth greater: neither have foreign Kings, or such as have used the like cruelty purchased any other thing, then discredit to themselves, and to such wits, glory. This year accusations were so hotly pursued, that even on the festival days of the Latins, Calphurnius Saluianus went to accuse Marius before Drusus, Provest of the city; as he was entering into the Tribunal to begin his charge: for which cause Saluianus being publicly blamed by Tiberius, was sent into banishment. Great negligence was openly laid to the Cyzicenians charge, in not solemnizing Augustus sacrifices; and that they had used violence against the citizens of Rome. For which cause they lost the freedom which they had gotten in the war when they were besieged by Mithridates, chase away the King, no less by their own manhood, than Lucullus aid. But Fonteius Capito who had been proconsul of Asia, was quit of the accusation falsely forged against him by Vibius Serenus. And yet Serenus escaped unpunished, being odious generally to all, and therefore in greater safety. For the more bitter an accuser he was, the less touched, and as it were a sacred person; but the light and base were punished. At the same time farther Spain sent Ambassadors to the Senate, requesting that by the example of Asia they might build a Temple in honour of Tiberius and his mother. Tiberius' taking hold of this occasion, though otherwise not greedy of honours, thought it convenient to answer those who had rumoured abroad that he was carried away with ambition, as followeth. I know (Lords of the Senate) that many will accuse me of unconstancy, for not denying the same request unto the cities of Asia. I will therefore now declare unto you the defence of my former silence, and what I would have done hereafter. Seeing that Augustus of famous memory did not hinder those of Pergamum to erect a Temple in honour of himself, and the city of Rome: I who observe all his deeds and words in steed of a law, did the willinglier follow that approved precedent; because the honour done unto me, redounded likewise to the Senate. But as it deserveth pardon, once to have accepted that honour: so throughout all the Provinces with images like unto gods to be reverenced, savoureth of ambition and pride: and Augustus' honour would come to nought, if it should by flattery used every where be made common. I for my part (Lords of the Senate) protest before you all, and desire that posterity know, that I am mortal, and do like unto men; and take it for honour enough to be Prince. And they shall attribute enough to my memory, which will believe that I have not degenerated from my ancestors; that I have been careful in your affairs; constant in dangers; not fearful of displeasure for the profit of the commonwealth. These things shall be for me, temples in your minds; these beautiful and lasting images: for those which are built of stone, if in judgement of posterity they become odious: are contemned for sepulchres. Therefore I pray our allies, citizens, gods and goddesses; these, that they would give me until the end of my life, a quiet mind with the understanding of divine and human laws; those, that whensoever I shall departed out of this life, they would have me in remembrance with an honourable memory of my deeds, & renown of my name. And in private places afterward disliked such adoration, which some interpreted to proceed of modesty; many of distrust; and some for baseness of mind and want of courage; because of mortal men the best aspire highest: so Hercules and Bacchus among the Grecians; Quirinus among us, were added to the number of the gods. Augustus had done better in hoping to be one. Princes have all other things at will; one thing they should insatiably seek for, which is to leave a happy memory after them: for by contemning of fame, they contemn the virtues which engender it.   

IX. Sejanus requesteth of Tiberius that he might marry Livia, Drusus widow. And persuadeth Tiberius to withdraw himself from the City.  
But Sejanus sottishly mad with overgreat fortune, and inflamed with a burning desire of Livia: importunately demanding a performance of a promised marriage, inditeth and sendeth letters to Caesar: because the custom was, that although the Prince were present, yet to present their petitions by writing: the contents were as followeth. That the good will of his father Augustus was such towards him, and Tiberius also, by divers signs did show him such favour, that he would not sooner offer his hopes and vows unto the gods, then unto the ears of Princes. That he never thirsted after high and eminent dignities; but chose rather to watch and travel like a common soldier for the safety of the Emperor: notwithstanding that he had obtained that which seemed to be of all other the greatest honour: that is, that he should be thought worthy of Caesar's alliance; from whence sprang the beginning of his hope. And because he had heard that when Augustus in the bestowing his daughter, had thought even of gentlemen of Rome; so he besought him, if a husband were thought upon for Livia, that he would have him as a friend in mind, who would be content with the glory only to be allied to him: never purposing thereby to give up the charge imposed upon him, nor relinquish his usual care: but would hold himself satisfied, if his house might be assured against Agrippina's wicked malice, and that in regard of his children: and as for himself, he desired to live no longer than he could employ himself in the service of his Prince. Tiberius' having praised Sejanus great love and zeal, and chiefly run over the benefits he had received of him, demanding time as it had been fully to deliberate on the matter, added; That other men consulted of that only which was for their profit: but the conditions of Princes was of a different quality, whose special drift was to direct their actions to fame: and therefore would not fall into that which was easy for him to have written. That Livia could determine with herself whether she would marry again or not, or remain in the same family: that she had a mother and grandmother as nearer counsellors: he therefore would deal more simply, and speak first of Agrippina's enmities, which would be far more incensed, if Livia's marriage should divide Caesar's house as it were into parts, and breed emulation between the women; and consequently the overthrow of his nephews. What if any variance arise in that marriage? Thou art deceived Sejanus, if thou thinkest to continue in the state thou art now in, if thou marry Livia, who hath been wife unto C. Caesar, and afterward to Drusus; and imagine that she beareth the mind to pass the rest of her life with a Gentleman of Rome. And if I should agree unto it, dost thou think that they would suffer it, who have seen her brother, her father, our ancestors in greatest dignities? Thou wilt continue in the calling thou art now in; but those magistrates and noble men which maugre thy teeth mount to authority, and determine of all matters, do report it, and that not in, that a long time since thou hast climbed higher than the degree of a gentleman, and gone beyond my father's friendship; and for the hatred they bear unto thee, blame me. But Augustus thought once to marry his daughter to a gentleman of Rome. Truly it was to be marveled, that being distracted with so many cares, and foreseeing that he who should match in that place, should by that alliance rise to great advancement, he would in familiar conference think upon Proculeius and some others, which lived a notable quiet life, not meddling at all with matters of estate. But if we be moved because Augustus did doubt, only whether he should bestow her upon a gentleman, how much more ought we to consider that he gave her to M. Agrippa, and then after unto me. These things I would not hide from thee for the friendship which is betwixt us: but I will not be against thine nor Livia's deseignments: and will forbear at this time to speak what I had cast in mind, and how nearly I purposed to link thee unto me. I will only say, that there is nothing so excellent, but thy virtues and good will towards me doth deserve it; and when opportunity shall serve, I will utter it either in Senate, or before the people. Sejanus hearing this answer was nothing pleased, not so much in regard of the marriage, as because he feared Tiberius secret suspicions; the rumour of the people; and envy which grew fast upon him. Yet fearing if he should cast off those great troops which daily came to court, him he should weaken his authority; and by entertaining them, minister matter of crime: the mark he shot at was, to persuade Tiberius to lead his life in some pleasant place far from Rome; wherein he foresaw many things, as that there could be no access to the Prince but by him; that all letters being conveyed by soldiers which were at his devotion, should pass through his hands: that Caesar declining now to age, and grown slothful and effeminate through the quietness of the place, would disburden himself of cares of state, and commit them to another: and that the envy borne to himself should be diminished, access to the Prince being lesser: and by that means all vain shadows removed, he should grow mighty in true power and authority. Therefore by little and by little he findeth fault with the business of the city, the concourse of people, the flocking together of multitudes; extolleth highly a quiet and solitary life; a life without anguish of mind, and free from envy: most fit to think on important and weighty affairs. And falling out by chance that Votienus Montanus cause was to be heard, a man of a ready wit; Sejanus perceiving Tiberius' not resolved to leave the city, persuaded him to be a very inconvenient matter to be present at the assemblies of the Senate; lest he should hear railing and reproachful speeches, but yet true, uttered of himself in his own hearing. For Votienus being accused of contumelious words against Caesar, whilst Aemylius a witness and a soldier laboured earnestly to prove his assertion, rehearsed from point to point, though the hearers buzzed and made a noise about him, all Votienus words: in which Tiberius heard many spiteful and reproachful speeches backbitingly uttered in secret against himself: which so moved him, that he cried he would either presently, or when the cause was heard, purge himself; and was hardly pacified either with entreaty of his nearest friends, or flattery of all; and so Votienus was punished as for treason. Caesar persisting stiffly & using hard and rough dealing, though that was one of the crimes objected against him, condemned to exile Aquilia, for adultery with Varius Ligur: although Lentulus Getulicus Consul elect, had already condemned her by the julian law: and put Apidius Merula from his Senator's room, because he had not sworn to observe Augustus' acts.   

X. Acontrover sie betwixt the Lacedæmonians, and Messenians touching the rights of the Temple of Diana: Piso Praetor of Spain, slain by a villagois.  
AFter that were heard the Embasies of the Lacedæmonians and Messenians, concerning the right of the Temple of Diana Limenetidis; which the Lacedæmonians avowed by the records of their Annals, and profices to have been dedicated by their predecessors in their country: but taken from them by Philip of Macedon, with whom they warred; and afterward restored unto them by the sentence of C. Caesar, and M. Antonius. The Messenians on the contrary side alleged an old division of Peloponesus between Hercules successors; and that that territory Dentheliate wherein the Temple was, fell to their King; whereof there remained ancient monuments engraven in stones and brass. And if it were necessary to produce the testimony of Poets and Chronicles, they had more than they of good credit: neither had Philip so done by force, but according to equity. King Antigonus, and the Captain Mummius gave the like judgement. So the Milesians being publicly made arbitrators of the cause; and last of all, Atidius Geminus Praetor of Achaia determined the same. Whereupon judgement was given on the Messenians side. The Segestani likewise demanded that Venus' Temple built on the hill Eryce, and fallen down with age might be re-edified: calling to remembrance many things of her beginning pleasing unto Tiberius' ears, which moved him to undertake willingly the charge, as being of her blood. After that the massilians requests were heard, and the example of P. Rutilius allowed, who, having by law been expulsed Rome, the Smyrnaeans received and made a citizen in their city. By which right also, the Massiliens received Vulcatius Moschus a banished man, who left all his goods to their commonwealth, as to his country. Two noble men Gn. Lentulus, and L. Domitius died the same year. It was to Lentulus a great honour, over and beside that he was Consul, and triumped over the Getuli, that he endured his poverty patiently; then that having gotten great riches without iniuriing of any, he used them temperately. Domitius credit grew by his father, who was lord of the sea in the civil wars; until he thrust himself into Antony's faction; and after that into Caesar's. His grandfather was slain in the Pharsalian battle, taking part with the nobility: and himself chosen to marry Antonia, octavius youngest daughter. After that he passed over the river Albis with his host, and entered farther into Germany, than any other before him; for which cause, he obtained the honour of triumph. L. Antonius of great, but unfortunate nobility died likewise: for his father julus Antonius being put to death for committing adultery with julia: Augustus sent him being very young, and his sister's nephew, to Marsilles, where he cloaked the name of banishment with the pretence of study. Notwithstanding he had great honour done him at his funerals, and his bones buried in the tomb of the Octavians by decree of the Senat. The same men being Consuls, a bloody fact was committed in hither Spain by a peasant of Termestine, who assailing upon the way L. Piso Praetor of the Province, at unawares and unprovided, as being careless by reason of peace, killed him with one stroke; then fled in post to the woods; and forsaking his horse, stealing by dangerous bieways, beguiled his followers; though not long: for his horse being taken and brought to the next villages, it was known whose he was. And being found and put to the rack to bewray his complices, cried aloud in his country language, that that was a vain question to ask him; and that his companions might boldly come, and behold him on the torture; for no torment or grief should be able to draw the truth from him. And being the next day brought again to the torture, by violent force breaking from his keepers, so dashed his head against a stone, that immediately he yielded up the ghost. Some were of opinion that Piso was slain by the treachery of the Termestines, by reason he exacted more of those barbarous people, than they were able to bear.   

XI. Poppaeus Sabinus defeateth the Thracians: and their obstinacy.  
Lentulus' Getulicus, and C. Caluisius being Consuls, triumphal ornaments were awarded Poppaeus Sabinus for defeating certain Thracians, which wildly lived in high mountains; & therefore more savage & fierce. The cause of their rebellion, besides their natural disposition, was, because they would not that any muster should be made of their strongest and ablest men for service: never accustomed to obey their Kings farther than themselves listed; or if they did send any aid, they appointed the conductor of them; and would make no war but against the borderers. There was also a rumour then spread, that they should be dispersed and brought into other nations and mingled with them. But before they began to bear arms, they sent Ambassadors to Sabinus declaring their amity and obedience to the people of Rome; and that they would so continue if they were not oppressed with new taxations: but if like vanquished men they should live in servitude, they had both weapons and youth, and a resolute courage either to die or live in liberty. And therewithal, showed their fortresses built on rocks, whither they had conveyed their parents and wives, and threatened an intricat, hard & bloody war. But Sabinus giving mild answers, until he had gathered his forces together: and when Pomponius Labeo was come with a legion out of Moesia, king Rhoemetalces with the aid of his countrymen, which continued still in their allegiance; with the forces he had at hand, he marched toward the enemy possessed of the straits of the woods; some of the forwardest showing themselves in open place: which, the Roman captain having stole upon, were easily put to flight, with small bloodshed of the barbarians, by reason of their refuges at hand. Then fortifying in the same place, seizeth on the mountain, which was narrow and even ridged unto the next fort: guarded with great, but unorderly and confuse strength; and immediately sendeth before of his choice archers against the fiercest of them before the trench, as the manner of the country is, singing ditties and verses. They wounded many with shot a far off, and drawing near, by a sudden irruption of the enemy had been driven to the worst; if the Sugambrien cohort which lay not far off, in dangers venturous, & no less fierce & dreadful in noise of songs & clattering of arms, had not received them at a pinch. After this, Sabinus encamped nearer the enemy, leaving the Thracians, which (as I have already said) came to our side at the first fort, with warrant to waste, burn, carry away booties, so as they took no longer time than the day, and return at night to set a sure watch and a vigilant over the camp. Which at the first was observed: but afterward through riot, wantonness, and desire of riches, neglecting their wards, hunting after belly cheer, and overtaken with wine, fell heavily all to sleep. The enemy understanding their reckless negligence, divided his men into two squadrons; the one to set on the foragers, and the other to assail the Roman camp; not with hope of any surprise, but by their clamours, and clashing of weapons, every man intentive to his own danger, they should not hear the noise of the other skirmish: choosing the night withal to make the fear the greater. But those which assayed the trench of the legion were easily repulsed: the aid of the Thracians in the other fort terrified with a sudden assault; part of them lying asleep within the trenches; and part seeking provision and stover abroad, were so much the more cruelly slain, because they were reckoned to be as fugitives and traitors, which bare arms to bring themselves and their country into servitude. The next day Sabinus showeth himself in a place without advantage to either side, to see whether the barbarians, glad of the night's success, durst venture a battle. But seeing they went not out of their fortresses or hills adjoining, he began to lay siege to them with a strong company, casting a trench and a parapet four mile's compass about them: after that by little and little, to bar them of water and forage, straightened his enclosure, the first environing the last: and raised up a bulwark so near the enemy, that from thence they might throw stones, darts, and fires into the enemy's camp. But nothing annoyed the enemy more than thirst, a huge multitude of raw fight soldiers, having but one fountain left them for their use: withal, their cattle (as the custom is among barbarous people) shut up with them, died for want of stover: dead carcases of men lay along, as well with wounds as thirst; all corrupted with putrefaction, stench, and infection. And to make their troubled estate more miserable, they fell at discord among themselves; of all calamities, the full measure: some ready to yield, some to die, some to strike and kill one another: some persuading courageously to sally out, and not perish without revenge; and these not of the basest alloy, though divided in opinions. But among the captains, Dinis, a man strooken in years, and who by long experience had tried as well the strength as clemency of the Romans'; counseled them to lay down their arms, as the only remedy in their distress: and was the first which yielded himself, with his wife and children, to the conquerors: the rest which were weak, either through age, or sex, and desired rather life then renown, did the like. But the youth between Tarsa and Turesis, both resolved to die with liberty, were doubtfully distracted: but Tarsa crying that death was to be hastened, and hope and fear to be cut off at once; and giving example unto others, thrust himself through the breast, many following the same death. Turesis with his company expected the night: our captain not being ignorant thereof, and thereupon reenforced the watch. The night being stormy and tempestuous, the enemy now making a fierce outcry, and on the sudden using a marvelous silence; drove the besiegers into uncertainties: when as Sabinus went about from one place to another, exhorting them not to lay chance open to such as by their doubtful clamours, and feigned silence, laid trains to entrap them; but that every man should keep his standing, and take heed he threw no dart in vain. In the mean space the barbarians clustering together by troops, now threw hand-stones against the rampire, javelins burnt at the end, and troncheons of oak, now filled up the ditches with shrubs, hurdles, and dead carcases. Some of them having before made bridges, and ladders, planted them before the bulwarks, catched hold of them, laboured to pull down the defence, grappled, fought hand to hand with such as resisted: contrarily the Roman soldier beat them down with spears, thrust them back with the pikes of their bucklers, lanced darts, and rolled heaps of stones from the wall upon them. The hope of victory already gotten, and that if they should now faint and be overcome, shame and reproach put life and courage into our; in them desperate hope of life; many having their mothers and wives bewailing and lamenting about them. The night animated some to boldness; drove some into a fear: blows flew on all hands; wounds given and taken unlooked for; no man knowing his fellow from the enemy, and the found of the voices as if it were an echo rebounding behind them in the turning and winding of the mountain, brought such a confusion, that the Romans' abandoned their standings and holds, as though they had been battered and broken down: howbeit, a small number of the enemies escaped alive: the residue (the most courageous either slain or wounded) at the opening of the day, were chased to their fortresses, and at length forced to yield; willing to accept the first conditions the winner would offer: to the rest, a cruel and timely winter by reason of the hill Haemus was a safeguard, that they could neither be subdued by force, nor siege.   

XII. The sharp words which Agrippina used to Tiberius for accusing Claudia Pulchra her cozen: what good will was borne the Smyrnaeans above the other towns of Asia, and the cause.  
But at Rome, the Prince's house being greatly troubled, to begin the course of Agrippina's future ruin; Claudia Pulchra her cozen german was called into question by Domitius Aser: who having been lately Praetor, of small reputation, and eager by what means soever to win credit; laid to her charge that she lead an unhonest life with Furnius, and practised to poison, and used enchantments against the Prince. Agrippina being of a fell and haughty disposition, and then more than ever kindled through the danger of her near cozen, hasteneth to Tiberius, whom by chance she found sacrificing to his father: and taking hold of that of occasion, told him: it was two men's office to offer sacrifice in memory of Augustus, and persecute his posterity: that the divine spirit was not transfused into dumb statues & images: but the true image descended of celestial blood felt the smart of his posterity: and therefore she would take upon her the person of the party accused: that it was in vain to take exceptions against Pulchra, whose only ruin was, that unconsideratly she had loved and reverenced Agrippina: forgetting what had fallen to Sosia for the same cause. Those words provoked Tiberius, although seldom using to open the secrets of his breast: and rebuking her in a Greek verse, said, that therefore she was displeased, because she could not reign. Pulchra and Furnius are condemned: and Afer, the excellency of his wit known; and Caesar attributing unto him praise of eloquence, held among the chief orators. After this practised in accusing and defending of parties; he was better known for eloquence, than honesty of life: saving that when his eloquence in his latter age decayed, and his spirits failed; yet was never quiet when if his tongue walked not. But Agrippina frowardly persisting in anger, and encumbered with sickness, when Caesar went to visit her, pouring down in a long silence many tears, at last burst into envy and entreaty; that he would redress her solitary life: and being yet but a young woman, provide her a husband: Marriage being the only comfort of minds honestly given: that there were some in the city which would vouchsafe to receive Germanicus wife and his children. But Caesar not ignorant of what importance this request was to the commonwealth; yet lest he should openly seem to displease or fear her, gave her though most earnestly demanding, no answer at all. That I find not in the writers of annal, but in the Commentaries of Agrippina her daughter, who being Nero's mother, hath delivered to posterity her life and calamities which fell to her friends. But Sejanus in this dump, sent her a message unlooked for, and under colour of friendship; which was that there was, poison prepared for her; and that she should avoid to eat or drink with her father in law. But she not knowing how to dissemble, sitting by him at table could not be won to look cheerfully, or speak a word, or touch any meat: until at last Tiberius marked it either by chance, or because he had had some inkling of it. And to try that more certainly, praising certain apples as they were served in, gave of them with his own hand to his daughter in law; which augmented Agrippina's suspicion, and not once tasting of them, delivered them to the waiters. Yet openly Tiberius spoke not one word; but turning to his mother, said, that it was no marvel, if he had proceeded severely against her, seeing she had an opinion, he went about to poison her. Thereupon a rumour was spread, that her destruction was sought for; and that the Emperor durst not openly attempt it: and therefore sought secret means to compass it. But Caesar to stop that rumour showed himself often in Senate, and gave the Ambassadors of Asia audience many days together, when they doubted in what city they should erect a Temple in honour of him. A eleven cities of different power, strove with like ambition for that honour, alleging that there was not any great difference betwixt them; in antiquity of time; love and affection to the people of Rome; in the wars against Persus and Aristonicus, and other Kings. The Hypaepeni & Tralliani, together with the Laodiceni, & Magnetiens were sent away as not sufficiently grounded. No nor the Ilienses producing that Troy was the mother of Rome, had any foundation of their reasonsaving only antiquity. But some doubt was made of the Halicarnassis; because that for the space of a thousand and two hundred years, their cities had never been shaken with any earthquake; and that the foundation of their Temple was built upon lively strong stone. The Pergameni were answered that they had received honour enough, in that they had Augustus' Temple amongst them; seeing that thereon they grounded their reason. It seemeth that the Ephesians and Milesians had their cities occupied, the one in the ceremonies of Apollo, and the other of Diana: In so much that all the contention rested betwixt the Sardinians and Smyrnaeans. The Sardinians recited a decree of the Etrurians, as being of their blood: for Tyrrhenus and Lydus King Atyes sons, divided the land betwixt them, by reason of the increase of the people. And Lydus remained in his country, and Tyrrhenus went to seek new countries to inhabit; which were called by the names of their Captains: they in Asia, and these in Italy: and in progress of time the Lydians growing to farther wealth, sent people into Greece, which were afterward called Peloponesians. They told us also of letters sent them by our Captains, of treatise made with us in the war of Macedon; of the number of rivers; the temperature of their country; and what a rich territory they had round about them. But the Smyrnaeans fetching their antiquity a far off; either that Tantalus from whence they came, was descended from jupiter; or from Theseus, issued also from the stock of the gods; or else that some one of the Amazons had founded them: alleged farther the service they had done to the people of Rome; in which they most of all relied, and that they had given them sucour by sea; not only against foreign wars; but also the wars of Italy. And that they first of all had dedicated a Temple in honour of Rome, M Porcius being Consul. The people of Rome indeed then flourishing; but yet not lifted up to the height of their greatness: the city of Carthage yet standing, and many strong Kings living in Asia. They brought in L. Silvius for a witness, whose army being fallen into great danger through the roughness of the winter, and want of apparel: when news was brought thereof to the Smyrnaeans as they were assembled upon occasion; all which were present sent the apparel from their own backs unto our legions. Thereupon the Lords of the senates opinion being demanded, they preferred the Smyrnaeans. And Vibius Marsus counseled farther, that over and above his charge, M Lepidus unto whom the government of that Province fell, should have a deputy appointed to take care of that Temple. And because Lepidus through modesty refused to accept it, Valerius Naso who had been Praetor, was by lot chosen and sent.   

XIII. Why Tiberius absented himself from the City.  
Whilst these things thus passed, Caesar having deeply thought upon, and after protracted his determination, at last goeth into Campania, under colour of dedicating a temple to jupiter Capua, and another to Augustus at Nola: but indeed resolved to lead his life far from the city. The occasion of his departure, although following some authors, I have attributed unto Sejanus wiles: yet because that after Sejanus death he continued six years in the like retired life, I am often induced to doubt, whether the cause be more truly to be referred to himself, as going about to cloak by the place, his cruelty and lose behaviour. Some were of opinion, that being through age, slender, tall, and crooked, bald headed, and his face spect with plasters and ointments, was therefore ashamed to show himself in public. And at Rhodes he was wont to shun company, live secretly, and hide his lascivious dissolute life. Some gave out that his mother's insupportable insolency drove him away, whom as a companion in state he could not endure; nor yet be rid of her, because the sovereignty itself was her gift. For Augustus was determined to leave the Empire to Germanicus his sister's nephew, who had a good report of all men: but being overcome by his wives importunate entreaty, he adopted Tiberius; and Tiberius, Germanicus: which Augusta did upbraid unto him, and demanded the Empire again which she had bestowed upon him. He departed with a small train with him: one Senator who had been Consul, which was Cocceius Nerua, skilful in the laws; one gentleman of Rome besides Sejanus; and of noble men only Curtius Atticus. The rest were men endued with liberal sciences, most of them Grecians, with whose conference he purposed to pass the time. Some Astrologers gave out that Tiberius departed Rome under such a constellation, that he should return no more; which was cause of manies overthrow, which conjectured and divulged that he had not long to live: for they could not foresee so incredible a matter, as that he should want his country willingly eleven years together. Wherein did appear not long after how near cousins their art and falsehood are; and how truth is disguised and hidden under obscurity. For it was not spoken at aventure that he should not return again, although they were ignorant of other things which should happen unto him: or whether he should quickly die, or not, which was not signified by those words of theirs; because he ended his latter years in some village not far off, or on the sea shore, or near unto the walls of the city. At that time a doubtful and dangerous peril, which by mere chance Caesar fell into, augmented the vain rumour already sown; and gave him occasion to put more trust in Sejanus friendship and constancy, than ever he had done before. For as they were eating in a country house called Spelunca, between the sea Amuclanum, and the hills of Fundani, in a natural grot or cave, certain stones falling suddenly from the mouth of it, slew some of his servitors; which so affrighted the rest, that they fled all away. But Sejanus with his knees, his face and hands leaning and hanging over Caesar, set himself against the other stones which were falling, and in that plight was found by the soldiers which came to secure them. This made him greater than he was: and although he should have given most pernicious counsel, yet should have had favourable audience, as one nothing caring for aught which might happen to himself. He took upon him the office of a judge against Germanicus issue, suborning some to play the parts of accusers, and inveigh especially against Nero next in succession; although a modest young man, yet oftentimes forgetful of that which was requisite for the present time, pricked forward by his freed men and followers, which thought it long till he were Emperor, to show himself bold and stout of courage: persuading him that that the people of Rome desired, the army covered, and that Sejanus durst do nothing to the contrary; though now he insulted alike over the patience of the old man, and sloth and cowardliness of the young. Nero hearing these or the like speeches, yet dreamt of no bad practice: although some wilful and unconsiderate speeches slipped now and then from him: which when the spies set over him had augmented & carried to Caesar, and Nero not suffered to purge himself; drove many into sundry doubts. Some shunned to meet him; some having saluted him, turned presently from him; many broke off abruptly their talk. Sejanus favourers on the other side laughed in their sleeves to see it. Tiberius, whether the young man spoke unto him, or held his tongue, cast a malicious eye, or smiled dissemblingly upon him: and whether he spoke or held his tongue, it was always a crime in him. Neither was he secure from treason in the night; his wife bewraying his watchings; his dreams; his sighs to Livia her mother, and she to Sejanus: who drew Drusus, Nero's brother, to his side with a hope of the Empire, if he could remove his elder brother which was already down and out of credit. Drusus was of a cruel and fell disposition; and besides the desire of rule, and hatred which usually reigneth betwixt brothers: he was incensed with envy to see Agrippina their mother readier bent to do Nero good, than himself. And yet Sejanus did not so much tender Drusus, but that he projected in his mind some means of his ruin: knowing well that he was very fierce and headstrong; and therefore easily entrapped. In the end of this year two famous men died, Asinius Agrippa, rather of a renowned then ancient stock, himself not degenerating from them; and Q. Haterius descended from Senators, whilst he lived greatly esteemed for eloquence: but monuments of his wit there are none; because he was esteemed rather for vehemency and quick delivery, than diligence and premeditation. And as others industries and labours are had in estimation after their days; so Haterius fluent vain was extinguished with him.   

XIIII. The falling of an amphitheatre, and the hurt which ensued: Tiberius reedifieth certain houses burnt in the hill Caelius.  
WHen M. Licinius, and L. Calphurnius were Consuls, a sudden and unlooked for mischance as soon ended as begun, might have been compared to the calamity of mighty wars. For an amphitheatre begun at Fidena, one Atilius a freed man, to set forth a play offencers; as one having neither abundance of wealth, nor ambitious in winning favour of the people; but by niggardly sparing to make a base gain in the workmen's hire; did neither lay a sound foundation, nor fasten the timber frame erected upon the same. Thither flocked many, very desirous of such shows, both men and women of all ages; partly by reason it was so near unto them; and partly because that, during Tiberius' empire, they were barred from such pastimes; whereby the mischief was the greater. For the pile being great, and filled full with a throng of people, then falling asunder, whether it fell inwards, or spread outwards, it carried down headlong, and overwhelmed a huge multitude of people, intentive on the show within, or gazing round about. Those which at the beginning were crushed to death by that hap, escaped languishing torment. They most of all were to be pitied, which being bruised and broken, yet lived, and in the day knew their wives & children by sight, and in the night by lamentable howling & crying. Those which were absent moved with this report, one lamented his brother; another his near kinsman, another his parents: yea they were afraid if their friends and cousins were out of the way, although for other occasion; doubting still they had been there; and because it was not certainly known whom that violent ruin had beaten down, the uncertainty spread the fear the farther. As soon as they began to remove the frame, they flocked about the dead bodies, some kissing, some embracing them; and fell often at debate, in mistaking one for another, by reason they were dissigured, through some resemblance of countenance, and likeness of years. Fifty thousand persons were slain or maimed by that mischance: and a decree laid down by the Senate, that from thence forward no man should exhibit the play of Fencers, who was less worth than 
* About 3130. pound.  four hundred thousand sesterces: nor that any amphitheatre should be built but in a firm and sound place: and Atilius was banished. After that fresh calamity, the houses of the chief gentlemen were open; medicines and physicians appointed for the bruised and mangled: and the citizens, although heavy and sad, yet then were like their ancestors, which after great battles, did relieve and comfort the wounded with all care and liberality. That misfortune was scarce passed, but the rage and violence of a fire consumed the city more than ever, and burned the hill Caelius. That was reported to be an unlucky year, and that the prince's absence was begun in a dismal hour; as the manner of the people is, to draw casual mishaps to blame, if Caesar had not prevented them, by bestowing of money to every man according to his loss. For which liberality, thanks in Senate were given him by the noble men: and the people gave him a good report, because that without ambition or entreaty of friends, he had of his own motion helped and called strangers unto him. And divers were of opinion, that the mount Caelius should after that be called mount Augustus: because that when all was wasted with fire round about; only the image of Tiberius which was in junius a Senator's house, remained untouched. The same happened in times passed to Claudia Quinctia; and therefore her image twice escaping violent rage of fires, our ancestors did consecrate in the Temple to the mother of the gods: an argument, that the Claudians are accounted sacred, and received among the number of the gods: and therefore the ceremony ought to be augmented in the place, where the gods have shown so great favour towards so mighty a Prince. It shall not be amiss to show, how that hill was in old time called Querquetulan, because it was fertile and abundant with oaks: then Caelius of Caele Vibenna, who being Captain of the Etrurian nation, and succoured the Romans, obtained that seat of Tarqvinius Priscus, or of some other King; for in that point writers do vary. As for the rest, it is without controversy, that those great companies of soldiers did inhabit also the plains, and places adjoining to the place of assemblies: and thereupon that was called the Thuscian street, of the name of the strangers which came thither to inhabit. But as the benevolence of noble men, and largesse of the Prince, was a great comfort in their adversity; so the credit and authority of informers more and more increasing, wrought the overthrow of many. Domitius Afer accused Varo Quinctilius, a wealthy man and near kin to Caesar, having before condemned Claudia Pulchra his mother: no man marveling that being long a needy companion, & having wastefully consumed his late recompense, should arm himself to farther mischief. But that P. Dolabella was his sellow picthanke, issued of noble kindred, and allied to Varus, was a miracle ouerthowing by that action himself, and distained his nobility and blood. Yet the Lords of the Senate would not agree thereto, but thought it convenient to expect the emperors coming: which for the time was the only shift against imminent mischiefs. But Caesar having dedicated his temples in Campania, albeit he had given warning by edict, that no man should disturb his quietness; & hindered the concourse of townsmen by placing of soldiers in the way: yet being awearie of towns and colonies, and all places situated in the continent, withdrew himself to the Island Capreas, three miles distant by sea from the farthest part of the promontory of Surrentum. I easily believe that, that Island did fit his humour, having neither haven nor commodities, & those conveyed in very little vessels: no man landing but the watch was presently acquainted with it. The temperature of the air is in winter mild, by reason that a hill opposite unto it, beateth back the force of the winds. In the summer season it is open to the Westernwinde, and hath very pleasantly the sea on every side, and a goodly prospect towards the hill Veswius, until by fire the face of the place was changed. The report goeth that the Greeks' did possess that place, and that the Theleboians inhabited the Island Capreas. But at that time Tiberius occupied the place, and seated himself in twelve country houses of pleasure: and how much more in former times he was earnestly bend upon the public good, so much the more, now secretly he abandoned himself to lose life & naughty idleness. He was never more suspicious & credulous then now: a quality which Sejanus whilst he was abiding in the city whetted on; and which did now more than ever disquiet him: and no longer using secret treachery to entrap Agrippina and Nero, put over then soldiers as it were to record in Chronicles what messages they received; who resorted to them; what they did either secretly or openly. Farther there were others suborned to counsel them to fly to the army of Germany; or when the place of assemblies was best replenished with people, catch hold of Augustus' image, and cry for fuccour of the people and Senat. And albeit, they gave no ear to those devices; yet they were laid to their charge, as though they had intended them.   

XV. A treacherous practice of three Senators to entrap Sabinus a gentleman of Rome, and Agrippaes' friend: the death of julia Augustus niece.  
IVnius Silanus, and Silius Nerua being Consuls, the year had a foul beginning; by reason Titius Sabinus an honourable gentleman of Rome was drawn to prison, only because he was a friend to Germanicus: never omitting to show all tokens of duty to his wife and his children; and of all Germanicus followers the only man which visited them at her house, and accompanied them abroad: and therefore commended by the good, and disliked by the bad. Against him Latinius Latiaris, Porcius Cato, Petitius Rufus, and M. Opsius, who had been sometimes Consuls, bend their malice, through a greediness of the Consulship; which they could not obtain but by Sejanus means: and Sejanus liking could not be purchased, but by some notable piece of villainy. They had so complotted between them, that Latiaris, who was somewhat allied to Sabinus, should lay the snare; and the rest be present as witnesses; and then begin the accusation. Hereupon Latiaris, at the first began to cast out speeches at random; then to extol his constancy, that he did not as others did, fawn in prosperity, and shrink from a house in adversity; with other honourable speech of Germanicus; and bewailing and pitying Agrippina's estate. And seeing Sabinus (as men's minds are soft and tender in calamity) to power down tears and complaints; Latiaris began more boldly to touch Sejanus cruelty, pride, & the hope he gaped after: not forbearing unreverent speeches against Tiberius. These speeches as though they had been sauced with somewhat which durst not be avouched, made show of straight friendship between them: so far that Sabinus often times sought out Latiaris; frequented his house; uttered his griefs unto him, as to a must trusty & faithful friend. Those whom I spoke of before, consulted of some means how these speeches mightbe heard of many; for the place of their two meetings most be private: and if they should stand behind the door, they were afraid of being seen, or of a noise; or lest some suspicion should grow by some chance. Between the roof and the ceiling, the three Senators (the place no less unseemly than the treason detestable) hide themselves, and laid their ears close to holes and chinks to listen what was said. In the mean space Latiaris having found Sabinus in the market place, as if he had some new matter to tell him, draweth him home, and into his chamber; beginneth to rip up things past and present, which yielded store of matter, and enforceth new occasions of fear. Sabinus doth as much, and more at large: the nature of griefs being such, that when we once enter into them, hardly can we find an end. This done, they began immediately their accusation, and sent letters unto Caesar, declaring the order of their own lewd practice, and shameful act. The city was never in greater perplexity and fear, then at that time; every man estranging himself even from his nearest kindred and acquaintance: they avoided all meetings, conferences, eschewing as well known friends, as strangers: yea they have an eye to mute and senseless things, and searched the roofs and walls of their houses. But Tiberius requesting by writing that the solemnities of the new year might be celebrated in the Kalends of januarie; turned his talk to Sabinus, charging him that he had corrupted some of his freed men, to attempt somewhat against his person; and therefore boldly demandeth a revenge, which without delay was granted: and being condemned, he was drawn and haled with his garments turned over his head, & almost throttled, cried aloud. Is this the beginning of the new year? be these the sacrifices which are slain in Sejanus honour? which way soever he did cast his eyes, or unto whom soever he directed his speech, they all fled: the place of assemblies & the streets were empty; some came back & showed themselves again, afeard for that they were seen to be afeard. For what day was passed free from executions; if betwixt the sacrifices and the vows, at what time the custom was to abstain from profane speeches, fetters and cords are spoken of? And it was said that Tiberius could not through ignorance incur this hatred; but contrary, that he sought to have it known, that without any let, new magistrates might as well open the prisons, as Temples and altars. After that he sent letters of thanksgiving, that they had punished an enemy to the state; adding withal, that he stood in fear of his life, and was jealous of his enemies practices, though naming none: yet no man doubted but he aimed at Nero and Agrippina. If I had not purposed to declare the occurrents of the years as they fell out, I could willingly in this place have set down before his time, what ends Latinius, and Opsius, and the other contrivers of that lewd practice had come unto; not only after that C. Caesar was come to the Empire, but whilst Tiberius was yet alive: who, as he would not suffer the ministers of his wickedness to be punished by others; so oftentimes having had of their service his fill, and fresh offered to continue the trade; he sought all means to extinguish the old, as persons odious unto him. But what punishment these and others of the like conditions, endured, shall be declared in his place and time. Then Asinius Gallus whose children Agrippina was aunt unto, thought it convenient that Tiberius should utter unto the Senators of whom he stood in fear, and suffer them to be removed. But as it was thought Tiberius of all his virtues was fond of none so much as of his dissimulation: and therefore disliked much that he should be urged to disclose that which he went about to conceal. But Sejanus tempered the matter; not for any love he bore Gallus; but because he would have the Prince's lingering delays come to light; knowing well that he was slow in his deliberations: but if he had once set them abroach, that his bad speeches were joined with cruel deeds. The same time julia died, whom Augustus having convicted of adultery, had exiled into the Island Trimerus, not far from the Apulian shores: where she endured twenty years exile, sustained by Augusta; whose manner was by secret practices to subvert her sons in law when they were in prosperity, and openly show them pity when they were in misery.   

XVI. The Frisians rebellagainst the Romans: Agrippina, Germanicus daughter is married to C. Domitius.  
THe same year the Frisians beyond Rhine forsook their obedience, rather through our covetousness, than impatiency of living under our subjection. Drusus in regard of their small ability, had imposed a small tribute on them which was a certain of ox hides for the war, no man respecting what strength or largeness they were of; until Olennius a Captain of a principal ensign and governor of the Frisians, made choice of the skins of the beast called Vrus, & of that highness. As that had been a heavy burden for other nations; so the Germans could least of all others endure it: whose woods although full of huge savage beasts; yet at their houses have but small herds: first therefore they delivered these oxen; then their possessions; and lastly the bodies of their wives and children into bondage. From hence grew their grief and complaints: and seeing that no man relieved them, they sought a redress by war; laid hands on such soldiers as received the tribute, and hanged them up. Olennius escaped the fury of the enemy by flying to a Castle called Flews, strengthened with no small power of citizens and consederats; which held the coasts of the Ocean in subjection. Which when L. Apronius Propretor of low Germany understood, he sent for the chiefest ensigns of the legions of higher Germany, & aids as well of the horsemen as footmen, & brought both the armies over Rhine, into the Frisian land: the rebels forsaking the siege of the Castle to defend their own. Then Apronius maketh causeys and banks, and strong bridges over the next arm of the sea, for the huge army to pass over. And in the mean time having found some fords, commandeth the wing of the Caninefates, & such footmen as served under us, to hem in the enemy behind. Who ranged into battle array to fight, drove back the confederates, & legionary horsemen sent as an aid. After that were sent three cohorts lightly armed; then two more: & a little after a strong company of horsemen. Strength sufficient, if they had charged courageously together; but coming some after some, & dropping in by companies; they neither gave courage to the fearful, but carried away themselves with like fear, ran all away for company. The residue of the aids he committed unto Cethegus Labeo, Lieutenant of the fift legion: who perceiving things to go doubtful on his side, sent to demand more aid of the legions. The fift legion courageously issuing first out with a hot skirmish, put the enemy to flight; received into them the wounded and wearied cohorts. The Roman Captain sought neither to revenge, nor bury the dead bodies; although there had been slain many Tribunes, Prefects, and divers Centurions of mark & fame. It was after known by the fugitives, that the fight held on until the next day, and that there were nine hundred Romans slain in a wood called Baduhenna: and that another power of 400. which had taken the village of Cruptorix, (which sometime had received pay of the Romans) fearing treason, slew one another. This got the Frisians great renown among the Germans: Tiberius dissembling his losses, lest he should commit the charge to some other: and the Senate, being possessed with domestical fear, regarded not much whether the remote part of the Empire went dishonourably to wrack or not: but strooken (as I have said) into a fear, sought a remedy by flattery. And albeit they had propounded many matters to deliberate on, yet they decreed, that all laid aside, there should be two altars erected, one unto Clemency, and another unto Friendship: and that Caesar's and Sejanus images should be set about them: and entreated most earnestly they would vouchsafe them so much favour as that they might see him. Nevertheless they went neither to Rome, nor any place there about, but thought it sufficient if they went out of the Island, and be seen in Campania next adjoining unto it. Thither resorted the Lords of the Senate, gentlemans, and many of the common people, heavy for Sejanus; unto whom, access was hardliest obtained, and that with great crouching, by approving and participating his deseignments. It well appeared his arrogancy grew greater, seeing he blushed not to see such open, base, and filthy servility used. For at Rome it was a usual matter for men to walk the streets, and by reason the city is great, no man knew another's business: but there some lying night and day in the field, some on the sea shore, without any difference, endured either the pride of the porters, or had favour as pleased them; until that that was also denied them. Then they returned to the city with discontented fear: and Caesar not having vouchsafed either to look, or speak unto them: and some, whose unfortunate friendship with Sejanus portended their imminent death, were glad in an ill time. Tiberius' having publicly given his niece Agrippina, Germanicus daughter unto Gn. Domitius, commanded that the marriage should be solemnized in the city. He made choice of Domitius, as well for the antiquity of his stock, as nearness in blood to the Caesars: for Octavia was his grandmother, and by her, Augustus his uncle.    

THE FIFT BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. The death of julia. Tiberius' cruelty increaseth. His practices to make away Nero, and Agrippina.  
WHen Rubellius and Fusius, both of them surnamed Geminus, were Consuls, julia Augusta died; being very aged, and of the noble family of the Claudians; and beside, into the house of the Livians and julian's adopted. She was first married unto Tiberius Nero, and had children by him: who being driven out of his country in the war of Perusium, and a peace after confirmed betwixt Sext. Pompeius, & the Triumuiri, returned to the city again. After that Augustus ravished with her beauty (whether against her will or not it is uncertain) took her from her husband, showing himself so lustful of her, that not giving her time to be delivered of her first husband's child, brought her great as she was to his own house. After that she had no issue, but being united to Augustus' blood, by the marriage of Germanicus and Agrippina, they had nephews children common to them both. Her behaviour was, according to the carriage of ancient times; yet more courteous than women of former ages could well allow; an untolerable mother, a tractable wife, with the subtlety of her husband, and dissimulation of her soon, well meddled and composed. Her funerals were not sumptuous, her testament long void. She was praised in a funeral oration before the Rostra, by C. Caesar her nephews son, who not long after succeeded in sovereignty. But Tiberius omitting no part of his pleasures, excused by letters his absence from his mother's obsequies, as though he had been hindered by important affairs; and under colour of modesty, cut off many honourable ceremonies, which the Lords of the Senate had decreed should be done in memory of her; and especially that no divine ceremony should be ordained for her, because (said he) such was her will. And in part of the same letters he found fault with such as went about to win women's favour & good will: therein covertly carping the Consul Fusius, a man highly in Augustus' grace, & his craftsmaster in winning of women's favour, a jesting mate, & oft accustomed bitterly to scoff at Tiberius; a thing which great potentates keep long in memory. But now Tiberius began to grow worse and worse, & his rule tyrannous: for whilst his mother lived, there was some refuge left, because he had a long time accustomed to show himself dutiful unto her; and Sejanus durst not cross her: but then having as it were the bridle in their own hands, they broke lose at once, and letters were sent against Agrippina and Nero; which the common people judged to have been sent before, but kept back by Augusta: for not long after her death they were read in Senate, containing bitter and sharp words; yet never objected that he had borne arms, or stirred any rebellion against him, but only unnatural loves to young men, and incontinent life. But against his daughter in law he durst not object so much, but only her arrogant and proud speeches, and obstinate mind. The Senators were strooken into a fear and silence, until some few whose hopes depended not on honest means, but made public calamities occasion of private benefits; demanded that the matter might be referred to voices: Cotta Messallinus showing himself most forward with a cruel sentence. But the other chief gentlemen, and especially the magistrates were afraid; for although Tiberius had angrily inveighed against them, yet he left other things in doubt. There was in the Senate one junius Rusticus, chosen by Caesar to set down the acts of the Senators (and therefore was thought to know best his intent and purpose) who either by fatal destiny (for before he had given no token of his constancy) or subtle devise, forgetting imminent perils, whilst he feareth uncertainties, thrusteth himself among the Consuls yet wavering and doubting what to do; and adviseth them not to put the matter to deliberation, saying: that greatest matters might be turned in a moment: and that some space of time ought to be given the old man to repent himself: and the people withal carrying Agrippina's and Nero's images with them, environ the Senate house, and wishing all prosperous fortune to Caesar, cry, that those letters were false; and that the overthrow of the Prince's house was intended against the Princes will: and so there was nothing concluded that day in prejudice of the parties. Certain counterfeit judgements were spread abroad against Sejanus under the Consul's names. Some men secretly, and therefore the more saucily practising their wits as their fancy lead them, which yielded Sejanus farther matter of calumniation, and kindled his anger: saying, that the Prince's displeasure was nothing regarded: that the commons were at jar with the Senate: that new orations and new decrees of Senate were heard and read now adays. What remaineth but to take arms in hand? and choose those for their Captains and Emperors, whose images they had followed for their ensigns? Whereupon Caesar reiterating his injurious speeches against his nephew and daughter in law, and rebuking the people by edict; complained to the Senate, that the imperial majesty had been openly deluded and scorned through the fraud of one of the Senators: and therefore required that the hearing of the cause might be reserved wholly unto himself. They consulted no farther on the matter, but condemned the parties, but not to death, because they were forbidden: and protested they were ready to execute revenge, if the Prince had not hindered them. *  
* There wanteth very much of the story in this place, which hath perished through time.   

II. The death of Sejanus; of his friends and children. One feigneth himself to be Drusus Germanicus son.  
WHether it be a more lamentable case to be accused for breach of friendship, or to accuse his friend, I can not well judge: * no man's cruelty or clemency will I try *: but free and bearing myself on my own conscience, I will prevent danger. I beseech you, that you would not have me in remembrance rather in mourning and sad then joyful manner and cheerful, reckoning me in the number of those which have escaped public calamities by an honourable end. Then talking now with one, now another, as by chance they were near unto him, he spent a great part of the day either in entertaining, or taking leave of them. And having many about him, which noted how resolute & assured he was in countenance, no man dreaming any such matter, with a sword which he had hidden under his garments, slew himself: and after he was dead, Caesar used no such reproachful and injurious speeches, nor objected any such heinous matter against him, as he did against Blaesus. After this, P. Vitellius, and Pomponius Secundus cause was heard. Vitellius they accused, that he had offered the coffers of the public treasury whereof he had charge, and the money which was in them for soldiers pay, to stirrers up of new broils. The other Considius, who had been once Praetor, accused for having had great friendship and amity with Velius Gallus, who after that Sejanus was punished, fled to Pomponius gardens, as to a place of safe refuge: both of them in their distress having no other comfort left but the constancy of their brothers, who became bail for their life. Shortly after, Vitellius through many delays betwixt hope & fear wearied out, under colour of using it in his study, ask for a penknife, lightly pricked a vain; and ended his life, with grief and anguish of mind. But Pomponius being a Gentleman of a gallant carriage and excellent wit, bearing adverse fortune patiently, overlived Tiberius. Then was there order taken though the people's anger were mitigated, and many others pacified with the former punishment, that the rest of Sejanus children should be punished. Whereupon they were carried to prison, the son having some feeling of the danger which hung over his head; but the daughter was so simple, that she often asked, whither they would lead her, and for what? that she would do no more so; and that it was sufficient to chastise her with the rod like a child. The writers of that time affirm, that because it was never heard of before, that a virgin should be put to death according to the custom of the Triumuiri: that she was deflowered by the executioner immediately before the halter was put about her neck: and both strangled. The bodies of these young and tender children were cast into the Gemonieses, a place where condemned persons were thrown down headlong. About the same time, Asia and Achaia were put into a very great fright, though it continued not long, with a rumour that Drusus, Germanicus son, had been seen first in the islands Cyclades, and afterward in the continent. But it was a young man of like age, whom some of Caesar's freed men by a subtle practice followed, bearing men in hand, they knew it to be him. Such as knew him not, were drawn by the fame of his name, and the Greeks' especially, prone to all new and strange wonders. It was reported he had escaped out of prison and fled to his father's army, some both feigning and believing withal that he would invade Egypt or Syria. Youth flocked already to him very cheerfully; many signs of love publicly shown him, feeding themselves with the present vain hope of what might happen. When as Poppaeus Sabinus had tidings thereof, who was then occupied in the affairs of Macedonia, had charge also over Achaia: he therefore, were the report true or false, to prevent all things, hastening over the Toronaean and Thermaean cut, and passing by Euboea, an Island of the Aegean sea, and Piraeum a coast of Attic, the Corinthian shore, and the straits of Isthmum; by another sea came to Nicopolis, a colony of the Romans': and there after a careful examination understandeth who he should be. He said he was M. Silanus son, and that many of his followers having forsaken him, he embarked himself, as though he meant to travel into Italy. These things he signified to Tiberius by writing: neither have we found any thing more of the beginning or end of this matter. Towards the end of the year a quarrel of certain Consuls burst forth, which had been a long time a breeding. For Trio little regarding what enemies he procured, and well practised at the bar, underhand carped Regulus, as being careless in oppressing Sejanus ministers. Regulus, unless greatly provoked, of a temperate and cold humour, did not only answer and quail his fellow Consul, but brought him within the compass of conspiracy, and to be examined for it. And although many of the Lords of the Senate entreated them that they would surcease their quarrel, which would grow to their own overthrow; yet they continued their grudge and menaces one against the other, until they went both out of office.   
The end of the fift Book.   

THE sixth BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Of Tiberius' lascivious life. Pursuing of Livia and Sejanus. Cotta accused.  
CN. Domitius and Camillus Scribonianus entered the Consulship, when Caesar having passed the straight betwixt Capreas and Surrentum, coasted Campania, doubtful whether he should enter into the city or not: perhaps because he had otherwise resolved in his mind, though making show he would come: oftentimes approaching near the city, and to the gardens along Tiber, and returning back again to the rocks, and deserts of the sea, to cover the shame of his lascivious life: which so vnstayedly he wallowed in, that, as the manner of the kings was, he defiled and abused noble men's sons under age; and not only the well-favoured and comelyest, but the modest and well nurtured, and whose modest behaviour showed the stock from whence they grew, served him for provocation of filth. Then first of all were those unknown words of Sellaries and Spintries found out of the filthiness of the place, and sundry sorts of sufferance of abuse. Some of his slaves had charge to seek them out, and bring them to him; alluring such by gifts as showed themselves willing and ready; and threatening such as refused: and if either their near friends or parents went about to detain them, they used violence, and carried them away perforce; and exercised their wills on them as if they had been captives. But at Rome in the beginning of the year severe judgements were given against Livia, and against her images, and other memories consecrated in her honour; as if her lewdness had then first come to light, and had not been already punished. The Scipios gave their opinion, that Sejanus goods should be taken from the public treasury, and put in the Prince's private coffers. The Silanians and Cassians were of the same opinion, and urged it with the same terms, or not greatly changed: when on the sudden and unlooked for, Togonius Gallus among those noble men, thrusting himself forward, being but of base and low calling, had the hearing given him, as a matter to laugh at: for he desired the Prince to choose twenty by lot out of a certain number of Senators, to guard and defend his person with weapon, as oft as he went to the Senate. He believed peradventure that Tiberius had meant good earnest when he required that one of the Consuls might conduct and aid him from Caprea to the city. Tiberius nevertheless accustomed sometimes to interlace serious matters with scoffs, thanked the Lords for their good will: yet demanded whom he might omit? or whom he might choose? whether always the same, or sometimes others in their steed? such as had borne office, or young men: private persons or magistrates? what a goodly sight it would be to see them take a sword in hand at the entry of the council house? neither would he make such account of his life, if he were to maintain it by arms. This he answered to Togonius, tempering his words, and persuaded no farther the disallowing of that opinion. But he rebuked junius Gallio very bitterly, who propounded that the soldiers of the guard after their service was ended, might have a room in the fortieth rank of seats: and asked him as it had been in their presence, what he had to do with soldiers? for whom it was not lawful either to receive commandment or gift, but of the Emperor: or whether he had found out that which Augustus of famous memory could not provide for? It was rather a matter of discord and sedition, sought for by one of Sejanus followers, to stir up rude minds under title of honour to corrupt the custom of service. This was the reward which Gallio received for his artificial flattery; and anon after was driven out of the council house, and then out of Italy. And because it was objected that he could easily endure exile, having made choice of the famous and noble I'll of Lesbos, he was recalled to the city, and kept in the magistrates houses. In the same letters, to the great contentment of the Lords of the Senate, Caesar touched Sestius Pagonianus, who had been sometimes Praetor, to the quick: audacious, malignant, and prying into all men's secrets; beloved of Sejanus, and by him employed to lay snares to entrap C. Caesar: which being once laid open, all the hatred a long time hatched against him burst forth; and sentence of death decreed against him, if he had not promised to bewray the complices. But when Acreus had accused Latinius Latiaris hated both alike, it was a most grateful spectacle unto all. Latiaris, as I have rehearsed before, was the principal agent of circumventing Titius Sabinus; and then the first that received punishment for it. Among these accusations Haterius Agrippa setteth upon the Consuls of the last year, ask them why they are now so still, and cease from the accusations begun the one against the other? it was fear, and guilt of conscience which made them friends; but the Lords of the Senate would not so put up that which they had heard. Regulus said, he would stay for a time of revenge, and that he would prosecute the matter before the Prince. Trio answered, that emulation and envy betwixt colleagues were better forgotten; and injurious words if any had passed. Agrippa urging on still, Sanqvinius Maximus one of the Consuls, desired the Senators that they would not increase the emperors cares by hunting after matter of dislike, and that he himself was able to redress these things; and so Regulus life was saved, and Trioes' ruin deferred. Haterius was so much the more odious, because that withered and unlusty with sleep, or lascivious watchings, and through his dull drowsy disposition, nothing fearing the Prince, though cruel, even in his brothel houses, and losest lasciviousness, dreamt of nothing but how to subvert the nobility. After that, Cotta Messalinus, the author of every cruel sentence, and hated of old, as soon as occasion was offered, was accused to have uttered certain things against Caesar; and among others, that he was in his secret parts both man and woman, and after a banquet on the birth day of Augusta among the Priests, he termed that a Novendinale supper, or belonging to a mortuary: & that repining at M. Lepidus, and L. Arruntius power and authority, having a suit depending against them for a money matter, he should say, that them the Senate would defend, but me my little Tiberius will support. The chief of the city convicted him without any delay, and pursuing him eagerly, he appealed to the Emperor. And not long after letters were brought from Tiberius, in which in manner of a defence, calling to mind the beginning of friendship between him and Cotta, and his many good turns and services, requested that words might not be hardly wrested, and that the simplicity of table talk might not be imputed to him as a crime. The beginning of these letters of Caesar's was worth the noting, which was this: What I shall write unto you Lords of the Senate, or how I shall write, and what I shall not write at all, at this time the gods and the goddesses confound me worse than I feel and know myself daily to perish, if I know. So far his villainous demeanour turned to his own scourge & punishment. And therefore that most deep wise man did not say without cause, that if tyrant's minds were laid open, a man should see them torn & rend in sunder: for as the body is rend with stripes; so the mind is tormented with cruelty, wanton affections, & evil counsels. For neither his great fortune, nor solitary places could defend Tiberius, but that himself confessed the torments & punishment which lay hidden in his breast. Then the Senators having received authority to determine of Caecilianus according to their wills, who had uttered many things against Cotta: their judgement was that he should receive the same punishment, that Aruseius & Sanqvinius had, who were L. Arruntius accusers. Then the which nothing ever happened more honourable to Cotta: who being indeed of noble birth, but through riot needy, and infamous for his vices, in honourable punishment is made equal to Arruntius, a man of sincere and honest life.   

II. Terentius defences, why he should not be punished like unto other of Sejanus friends.  
QVintus Seruaeus after this, and Minutius Thermus were brought in. Seruaeus had been Praetor and Gerusanicus companion. Minutius a gentleman, and who in Sejanus friendship had carried himself modestly; and therefore both the more pitied. But Tiberius contrariwise blaming them as principal agents, commanded C. Caestius an old Senator, to report unto the Senators what he had written unto him: whereupon Caestius undertook the accusation: a miserable calamity of those times that the chiefest of the Senators, some openly, some secretly, played the part of base promoters: and further, no man able to know the stranger from the kinsman; nor friends from such as he never saw before; nor things lately committed from such as through continuance of time were almost forgotten. They were accused of all they had spoken wheresoever, either in the place of assemblies, or at their table; every man making haste to prevent, and be before another in carrying of tales; some of them to save themselves; other some infected as it were with a disease gotten by conversing with others. But Minutius and Seruaeus were condemned, and their goods given the accusers. julius Africanus borne at Santon a town in Gallia, and Seius Quadratus were drawn into the like mishap; but the occasion why, I have not found. I am not ignorant that the dangers and punishment of many have been omitted by writers being overwearied with multitude; or fearing lest those things should be tedious to the readers, which seemed superfluous and lamentable to themselves in rehearsing. There have come many things to our ears worthy the knowledge: although other have not once touched them. For at the self same time that the rest colourably seemed to shake off the amity they had with Sejanus, M. Terentius a gentleman of Rome, although arraigned for his labour, durst avouch it, beginning his speech for his defence before the Lords of the Senate in this manner. It would be peradventure less behoveful for my estate to acknowledge, then deny the crime I am charged with: but hap what hap may, I will confess that I have been Sejanus friend, and that I desired so to be; and that after I had obtained his friendship I was glad of it. I had seen him joint officer with my father in the government of the Praetorian cohort, and not long after in managing of city affairs and matters of war. His kinsmen and allies were advanced to honour: as every man was inward with Sejanus, so was he grace by Caesar. And contrariwise, such as were not in his favour, lived in fear and distressed with poverty. Neither do I allege any man for an example of this: all of us who were not privy to his last attempts, with the danger of my only estate I will defend. Not Sejanus the Vulsiniensis; but a part of the Claudian and julian family, which by alliance he had entered into; thy son in law Caesar, thy companion in the Consulship, and him who took upon him thy charge of administering the commonwealth, we did reverence and honour. It is not our parts to judge of him whom thou dost exalt above the rest, nor for what considerations. To thee the highest judgement of things the gods have given; and unto us the glory of obedience is left. We look unto those things which we see before our eyes; whom thou dost enrich; whom thou dost advance to honours; who have greatest power of hurting or helping; which Sejanus to have had no man will deny. The Prince's hidden thoughts, or if he go about any secret drift, it is not lawful to sound, and dangerous: neither shalt thou in the end reach unto them. Think not only (Lords of the Senate) of Sejanus last day, but of sixteen years; in which we did likewise fawn upon and court Satrius and Pomponius: and to be known to his freed men and partners, was reckoned as a high favour. What then? Shall this defence be general, and not distinguished, but a confusion made of times past, and his later actions? No: but let it, by just bounds and terms be divided. Let the treasons against the commonwealth; the intentions of murdering the Emperor be punished: but as for the friendship, duties, pleasures and good turns; the same end shall discharge and quite thee (O Caesar) and us. The constancy of his oration, one being found to deliver that, which they all thought in their minds: prevailed so much, that his accusers by ripping up their old faults, were punished, either with exile or death.   

III. The occasion of making a Perfect at Rome: an examen of some of the Sibyls books.  
AFter that Tiberius sent letters against Sext. Vestilius sometime Praetor, and well-beloved of Drusus his brother, & chosen to be one of his guard. The cause of displeasure against Vestilius; was either because he had composed certain writings against Caesar's unclean life; or falsely fathered upon him, gave credit to the reporters: and thereupon being banished the Prince's court & familiarity, having first gone about with his own old feeble hand to slay himself bound up his veins: and in the mean space having entreated the Prince's favour, and received arigorous answer, did at last open them. Then at once were accused of treason, Annius Pollio, Appius Silanus, Scaurus Mamercus Sabinus Caluisius, & Vicinianus also brought in with his father for company, all of them well descended and some in authority. The Lords of the Senate quaked for fear; for how many was there which was not either allied, or a friend of one of those noble men? But Celsus Tribune of the citie-cohort, and then an informer delivered Appius and Caluisius from danger. Caesar deferred Pollioes, Vicinianus, & Scaurus cause, that himself might have the hearing of it with the Senators: having given out already tokens of heavy displeasure against Scaurus. Not so much as women but were partakers of danger: and if not attainted for attempting to aspire to the Empire; yet brought in question for their tears: and Vitia an old woman Fusius Geminus mother was put to death, because she bewailed the death of her son. These things were done in Senat. And where the Prince was, the like was practised: Vescularius Atticus, and julius Marinus two of his most familiar friends, which accompanied him to Rhodes, and at Capreas never departed from him, were put to death. Vescularius was the Messenger to and fro when the treachery was wrought against Libo. Marinus was of Sejanus counsel when he put Curtius Atticus to death; most men being glad to see them taken in the snare they laid for others. About the same time L. Piso high Priest died a natural death, which was a rare matter in those times in a man of so great nobility: He never of himself propounded any matter which smelled of flattery or base minds; & if he were forced thereto, he used great moderation in doing it. His father, as I have already said, had been Censor; he lived to the age of fourscore; having in Thrace deserved the triumphal ornaments. But his greatest credit rose in that, that being newly created Provost of the city, he did govern exceeding moderately all the time of his continual rule: irksome through unwontednes of obedience. For in times past when the Kings or Consuls went out of the city, lest she should be left without government, there was one chosen for a time able to give every man right, & provide for all sudden accidents. And it is said that Dentres Romulius had the same charge given him by Romulus; after that Numa Marcius by Tullus Hostilius, and Spurius Lucretius by Tarqvinius Superbus. Then that the Consuls had the charge of committing this office; and a shadow of it continueth unto this day; as oft as the Latin feasts are folemnised, one is appointed over the rest to exercise the room of a Consul. But Augustus in the time of civil wars, made Cilnius Maecenas a gentleman, Provost over Rome and all Italy. Then being Lord and Master of the Empire, by reason of the greatness of the people, and slow aid which the laws afforded; he chose out one, of such as had been Consuls, to bridle the bondmen and such citizens as through audaciousness would grow troublesome, unless they stood in awe. The first that received that authority, but kept it but awhile, was Messalla corvinus, as unable to discharge it. Then Taurus Statilus although he were very aged, went through it with great commendation. After that Piso was well liked for the space of twenty years; and by order of the Senate honoured with public funerals. It was afterward propounded before the Lords of the Senate by Quinctilianus Tribune of the people, concerning the Sibyls book, which Caninius Gallus one of the fifteen, requested might be received among other books of the same prophetess; and demanded it might be so established by decree of Senate: which being given by common consent, Caesar sent letters somewhat reprehending the Tribune, as ignorant of the old custom by reason of his youth; and upbraided Gallus that being old and practised in the science and ceremonies; nevertheless had demanded the opinion of the Senators not fully assembled; the author being uncertain, and before the college had yielded their judgement; neither as the custom was, the verses having been read and weighed by the masters. Withal he advertised them, because that many vain things were published under the name of famous men, that Augustus had under penalty set down a day, within which such books should be brought to the citie-Pretor; and that it was not lawful for any to have them in their private possession. The like decree was established by our predecessors also; and after that the Capitol was burnt in the civil war, their verses were sought in Samum, in Ilium, Erythrum; through Africa also, Sicily, and the colonies of Italy, whether they were one or many: the business being committed to the Priests to distinguish the true prophecies from the false, as near as might be by the judgement of man. And then also the book was referred to the examination of the fifteen. When the same men were Consuls, through a dearth of corn and other provisions, they grew almost to a commotion: and many things for many days together were in the Theatre more licentiously demanded with great eagerness, than the manner had been to demand things of the Emperor. Whereat being moved, he blamed the magistrates and Senators that they had not by public authority bridled the insolency of the people: and added withal, how far greater quantity of corn he had caused to be brought then Augustus, and out of what provinces. Whereupon a decree of Senate was enacted, to restrain the people, according to the ancient severity, the Consuls being no less forward to publish it: his own silence in the cause was not construed to be a point of civility as he looked it should be, but was imputed to his pride. In the end of that year, Geminius, Celsus, Pompeius, Gentlemen of Rome, were put to death for conspiracies; among which, Geminius through prodigality and looseness of life, and a friend to Sejanus, was a man of nothing. And julius Celsus a Tribune, losing the chain he was bound with at large; then winding it about, and forcing himself a contrary way, broke his own neck. But Rubrius Fabatus despairing of the Roman affairs, and fleeing to the Parthians, and brought back safe from the straits of Sicily by a Centurion, had keepers appointed him, not able to allege any probable causes of his long voyages; yet he escaped unpunished rather through forgetfulness then clemency.   

FOUR Tiberius marrieth his nieces. Usurers accused, and the inconvenience that ensued.  
SEr. Galba, and L. Silvius being Consuls, Tiberius having a long time bethought himself what husbands he should provide his nieces, whose age now came on, made choice of L. Cassius, and M. Vinicius. Vinicius kindred came out of a small town, himself borne at cales: but his father and grandfather were Consuls: the rest of his kindred were Gentlemen: he was of a mild disposition, and very eloquent. L. Cassius was descended of one of the common people at Rome, but ancient and noble, and brought up under the severe discipline of his father; and oftener commended for his courtesy, than industry. To him he giveth Drusilla; to Vinicius julia, both Germanicus children: and writeth to the Senate touching that matter, with a light commendation of the young men. Then having yielded some causes of his absence, but very extravagant, came to matters of greater moment, and the displeasures and dislikes he had incurred for the common wealth: and requested that Macro the Provost, and some few of the Tribunes and Centurions, might, as oft as he came to the Senate, enter into the Curia with him. And albeit the Senate made a decree very general, without prescribing any number, or quality of persons, he was so far from coming to any public counsel, that he never came so much as to the city; coasting about it, and for the most part in by-ways, and still avoiding his country as much as he could. In the mean season, a great rabble of informers rose up against such usurers as took more for consideration of their money, than they might by the law made by Caesar the Dictator, concerning the manner of lending, and holding possession within Italy; long neglected heretofore, because the public good is less set by, then private commodity. Usury in very deed hath been an old disease in the city; and often a cause of seditions and discords; and for that cause hath been restrained in ancient and less corrupted times. For first it was ordained by the law of the twelve tables, that no man should take above one in the hundred; when as before that time, it was as pleased the moneyed men. After that, by a Tribunitian law it was brought unto half one in the hundred; and in the end usury was wholly forbidden: and many laws made by the people to cut off all fraud; which often repressed, revived again by strange sleights and devices. But then Gracchus being Praetor, unto whom the examining of that question fell, constrained by the multitude of such as were endangered thereby; propounded the matter before the Lords of the Senate: who daunted thereat (for there was not one of them free from that fault) craved respite of the Prince: he granted them a year and six months: within which time, every man according to the prescript of law should settle his estate, and make up his domestical accounts. Hereupon every man calling in his debts, on a sudden ensued a great want & scarcity of money; and by reason so many were condemned, and their goods sold, all the money ready coined went either to the princes, or public treasury. Besides this, the Senate ordained that two parts of the usury money should be bestowed upon lands in Italy: but the creditors disliked that, and urged the payment of the whole, as a matter impairing the credit of the parties convented, to go from their word. So at the first there was great running hither and thither, and entreaties: then they flocked about the praetors tribunal: and those things which were found for a remedy, as selling and buying of such men's goods, turned to a contrary effect, because the Usurers had hoardward up all their money to buy land. And because the multitude of sellers, was cause that the value of lands was rated at a very low and vile price: how much the more a man was indebted, the loather he was to sell. And many were thrust out of all they had: and the decay of their wealth carried their credit and fame headlong after; until Tiberius relieved them by putting a 
* About 781250. pound.  hundred million sesterces in bank, and lent it for three years space without consideration or interest; if the debtor could give security to the people of Rome in lands double the value of the debt. By that means their credit was restored, and other particular creditors by little and little found: neither was the buying of lands practised according to the form of the decree of Senate, hotly at the beginning pursued, as almost all such things are; but in the end carelessly neglected.   

V C. Caesar marrieth Claudia, daughter unto M. Silanus: what proof Tiberius made of Trasullus skill.  
AFter that, the old fears return again, Considius Proculus being accused of treason: who celebrating his birth day not doubting any thing, was drawn to the Curia, and at the same time condemned and put to death; and his sister Sancia banished, Q. Pomponius being accuser; who being of an unquiet and busy disposition, pretended he had done this and that, and all to curry favour with the Prince, thereby to steed his brother Pomponius Secundus, who was then in danger. Banishment is likewise decreed against Pompeia Macrina, whose husband and father in law, the one of Argos; and the other of Lacedaemon, men of mark and reputation among the Achaeans, Caesar had already afflicted and brought to ruin. Her father likewise a famous gentleman of Rome, and her brother, who had been Praetor; seeing that their condemnation was at hand, slew themselves. It was imputed unto them for a fault, that Gn. Magnus made reckoning as of a special friend of Theophanes Mytilenaeus their great grandfather: and that the Grecian flattery after his death had given him divine honour. After these Sext. Marius the richest man of all Spain, was accused to have committed incest with his daughter, and was cast healong from the Tarpeian rock. And little doubt but his exceeding wealth was his overthrow: for although his gold mines were confiscated; yet Tiberius reserved them for himself: and by much blood shedding growing more bloody, commanded all those to be executed which were in prison, and accused of confederacy with Sejanus. The butchery was great in all sexes, and all ages, noblemen, common people, scattered here and there, or gathered into heaps. Neither was it lawful for near kinsmen and friends to be present, to bewail their case; nor yet to come oft to see them: but there were watches and spies on every side, intentive to pry what lamentation every man made; which followed the putrefied bodies, until they were thrown into the river of Tiber. And if any of them were found floating on the water, or driven to the banks, no man durst burn them nor touch them: all familiar society and intercourse of humanity was lost through fear and violence: and how much cruelty increased; so far pity was banished. About the same time C. Caesar bearing his grandfather company from Capreas, took to wife Claudia daughter of M. Silanus, cloaking his cruel and bloody disposition with a counterfeit modesty; not once uttering so much as a word of the condemning of his mother; the banishing of his brothers: but whatsoever mind Tiberius had put on, of the like habit he showed himself; and not much differing from him in words. Whereupon a witty saying of the orator Passienus was commonly applied to him: That there was never better servant than he, nor worser master. I will not omit Tiberius' prophesy of Sergius Galba then Consul: who having sent for him, and sounded him of set purpose with divers speeches; at last in Greek uttered unto him this sentence: And thou Galba at sometime shalt taste of the Empire. Signifiyng that his rule should be long a coming, and dure but a short time; as learning that skill of the Chaldaeans art; for attaining of which he had idle time at Rhodes, and Trasullus for his master; whose cunning he tried by this means. As oft as he would consult with them touching any matter, he went up to the highest part of the house with only one freed man in his company, unlearned, but of a strong and able body; whom he caused to lead him, the way over hard and difficult passages and broken rocks (for his house did hang over the rocks) whose cunning and art Tiberius did purpose to try: that in returning back, if any jealousy of vanity or treachery had entered into his mind, he should throw him headlong into the sea which was under him, lest he should bewray his secrets. Trasullus being then brought into those rocks, & moving Tiberius which moved him many questions, & foretelling him very skilfully future things, and that he should be Emperor; Tiberius asked him farther, whether he had found out the hour of his own nativity; and what should happen to himself that year, and that same day. Who having considered the aspects of the stars, and measured their distances, began first to doubt; and then to fear: and the more he viewed them; so more and more he was surprised with admiration and fear: and at last cried out, that he was ready to fall into most doubtful and imminent danger. Then Tiberius embracing him, rejoiced that he had foreseen his own dangers, and promised he should escape them: and taking those things which he had said for oracles, held him afterward among the number of his dearest friends. When I hear of these and the like things, I can give no certain judgement, whether the affairs of mortal men are governed by fate and immutable necessity; or have their course and change by chance and fortune. For thou shalt find, that as well those which were accounted wise in ancient times, as such as were imitators of their sect, do vary and disagree therein: some do resolutely believe that the gods have no care of man's beginning or ending; no, not of man at all. Whereof it proceedeth that the virtuous are tossed and afflicted with so many miseries; and the vicious and bad triumph with so great prosperities. contrarily others are of opinion, that fate and destiny may well stand with the course of our actions; yet nothing at all depend of the planets or stars, but proeeede from a connexion of natural causes as from their beginning. And these grant withal, that we have free choice and election what course of life to follow; which being once chosen, we are guided after, by a certain order of causes unto our end. Neither do they esteem those things to be good or bad which the vulgar sort do so call; for many which seem to be oppressed with misery, are happy if they endure their adversity with constancy: and many which flow in wealth, in most miserable estate, if they use their prosperity unadvisedly. And yet of some it may be said, that their destinies are known at their birth: and if they fall out otherwise then hath been foretold, it proceedeth of the ignorance of the deceitful reporter; and so the art is discredited; whose clear and evident proofs, former and present times have tried: for by the son of the same Trasullus, Nero's Empire was foretold, as in convenient time it shall be declared, because I will not now digress from my purpose.   

VI Tiberius cruelty against Drusus: the death of Agrippina and others: julia, daughter unto Drusus, is married unto Rubellius Blandus.  
THe same men being Consuls, Asinius Gallus died; and no man doubting, but for want of taking sustenance; but whether willingly, or of necessity, that is uncertain. And Caesar being asked, whether he would suffer him to be buried, was not ashamed to permit it; & further to accuse chance & fortune, that had taken away the criminal person before he had been openly convinced; as though that in three years space there wanted time of proceeding to judgement against an old Consul, and father of so many Consuls. After that, Drusus was made away, having sustained himself the space of nine days with a miserable food, by eating the flocks of his bed. Some have written, that Macro had order sent him, that if Sejanus should attempt to take arms, the young man should be fetched out of prison (for he was kept in the Palace) and made captain over the people: but because it was incontinently rumoured that Caesar would be reconciled to his daughter in law, and nephew, he showed that he desired rather cruelty, then be sorry for that he had done: yea and having inveighed against him after he was dead, objected, he was lose of life, hurtful and dangerous to his, and evilly affected toward the common wealth: and withal commanded all that to be recited, which he had caused day by day to be put in writing, both of his words, and deeds: a thing so cruel that nothing more, that he should so many years have appointed spies to observe his countenance, his lamentation, yea private murmurings: and scarce credible, that the grandfather could endure to hear it, read it, and publish it, were it not that the letters of Actius the Centurion, and Didymus his freed man did declare the names of such bondslaves, which had either strooken Drusus, or put him in a fright, as he went out of his chamber. Yea the Centurion added his own words, full of cruelty against Drusus, as a matter worthy praise; and Drusus answer again as he fainted and drew towards his end: in which, feigning as though he had been distracted of his wits, wished Tiberius all ill luck and misfortune: and then seeing himself past all hope of life, cursed him most deadly, praying the gods, that as he had slain his daughter in law, his brother's son, and his nephews, and filled all his house with blood; so they would revenge and punish him for an example to his name, his stock, predecessors, and posterity. The Lords of the Senate were troubled with these speeches, making show of detesting them, but they were stricken into a fear and admiration; that he, who had been so cunning and crafty heretofore in cloaking his lewdness, should now become so confident, that (as though the walls were thrown down) he durst show that his nephew beaten by his Centurion, and strooken by his slaves, should ask for meat in vain to save his life. This grief was scarce gone, but the next news were of Agrippina, whom I think since Sejanus death until now lived with hope; and seeing that cruelty was no whit remitted, willingly ended her life; unless that famished for want of sustenance, it was falsely given out she died that death of herself. For Tiberius laid grievous crimes to her charge, accusing her of uncleanness of life; and that Asinius Gallus was the adulterer; and that seeing him dead, she loathed any longer to live. But in very deed Agrippina not contented with reason, and greedy of rule, taking upon her cares fit rather for men than women, had shaken off all vices incident to her own sex. She died the self-same day that two years before Sejanus died; which Caesar thought worthy of record; and vaunted that she had neither been strangled, nor thrown headlong from the Gemonieses. For this he had thanks given him by the Senate; and order taken that the fifteenth Kalends of November, which was the day they both died, some gift should be offered up to jupiter. Not long after Cocceius Nerua, who was continually at the Prince's elbow; a man very expert in divine and human laws; being in perfect disposition of body, resolved with himself to die: which when Tiberius understood, he went to visit him, sat by him, and inquired the causes of his intention, and entreated him; confessing at last that it would be a burden to his conscience, and a discredit, if the chiefest of his friends should without cause of death show himself weary of life. But Nerua disliking his speech, would take no more sustenance. Those which best knew his meaning gave out, that deeply seeing into what calamities the common wealth was like to fall into, moved with anger and fear, whilst his credit was untouched, and his person unattempted, would end his life with that honest death. Agrippina's ruin drew with it (which is scarce credible) Plancinaes' destruction. She had been once wife unto Gn. Piso, and rejoiced openly at Germanicus death; and when Piso was slain, she was saved no less by Augusta's prayers, then ill will she bore Agrippina. As soon as hatred and favour failed, right took place; and being accused of known crimes with her own hand received rather late then undeserved punishment. Among other griefs in a doleful and sad city, this was one; that julia, daughter unto Drusus, once Nero's wife, married again into Rubellius Blandus family, whose grandfather Tiburtes a gentleman of Rome most men knew. In the end of this year, the death of Aelius Lamia was celebrated with funerals proper to a Censor, who at last being discharged of the government of Syria which he had in show only, was made governor of the city. He was descended of a noble stock, and was a strong lively old man; and the government of the province denied him, augmented his worth. Then Flaccus Pomponius Propretor of Syria being dead, Caesar's letters were recited, in which he complained, that if there were any notable man, and fit to rule an army, he refused the charge: and therefore he was forced through that necessity to entreat such as had been Consuls, to take upon them the rule of the provinces; forgetting that Arruntius had been hindered ten years from going into Spain. The same year died M. Lepidus, of whose moderation and wisdom I have spoken sufficiently in other books; and his nobility needeth no farther proof: for the Aemilian family hath brought forth many good citizens; and although some of them have been of corrupt manners, yet lived in good and honourable estate.   

VII. A Phoenix seen in Egypt: how Getulicus escaped Tiberius' cruelty.  
WHen paulus Fabius and L. Vitellius were Consuls, after many ages were passed, the bird Phoenix came into Egypt, and ministered matter to the most learned of the country, and also Greeks', of disputing many things concerning that miracle. Of which it seemeth good unto me to lay down such things as they agree of, and many which rest doubtful; yet notwithstanding worthy the knowledge. That that bird is consecrated to the sun; and that it differeth in the beak, and variety of feathers from other birds; all do accord which have described her shape and form: but of the number of her years there are divers reports. The common opinion is that she liveth five hundred years; some affirm that she liveth a thousand four hundred threescore and one year. And the first of these kinds of birds flew to the city called Heliopolis, with a great multitude of other birds with her, wondering at her new shape in Sesostris time, after that in Amasis and Ptolemaeus reign, which of the Macedonians was the third King of Egypt. But antiquity is dark and obscure. Betwixt Ptolemaeus reign and Tiberius there were scarce two hundred and fifty years. Whereupon some thought that this was no true Phoenix, nor come from the land of Arabia; and that it had nothing of that which antiquity hath attributed and confirmed to be in that kind. For when they have ended the number of their years, and that their end approacheth, they build their nest in their country, and in it cast seed of generation; of which a young one doth rise; whose first care is being grown to ripeness, to bury the old. And that not at all adventures, but having taken up a certain weight of the stone Murrha, and tried the caring of it a long journey: when she perceiveth herself able to endure and carry such a burden, and to accomplish the voyage, she lifteth up her father's body, and carrieth it to the altar of the sun, and there doth burn and sacrifice it. These things are uncertain, and fabulously augmented. But that that bird is seen sometimes in Egypt is not doubted. But murders continuing at Rome, Pomponius Labeo, whom as I have said, was governor of Moesia, by cutting his veins, let out with his blood his life, and Paxaea his wife followed his example. The fear they had of dying by the hand of the hangman, did cause them thus so readily to kill themselves: because such as were condemned, lost their goods and wanted burial: but their bodies which slew themselves were buried, and their testaments stood good; which was the gain and reward of making haste. But Caesar sent letters unto the Senate, declaring it to be a custom among the ancients, that when they intended to break off friendship with any, they forbade them their house, and that then the friendship ended, which he had done to Labeo: who blamed for evil government in the Province, and other matters, covered his fault by accusing others; vainly putting his wife in fear, who was out of danger, though not without fault. After this Mamercus Scaurus was accused again, of a noble house, and a great orator; yet of reproachful life. His friendship had with Sejanus did nothing hurt him; but the hatred which Macro bore him was his overthrow; who practised the same arts that Sejanus had done, but more covertly. The accusation was an argument of a Tragedy written by Scaurus, containing verses which might be wrested against Tiberius. But Servilius and Cornelius his accusers objected against him, that he had abused his body with Livia, and offered magical sacrifices. Scaurus as a thing worthy of the ancient AEmilian family, preventeth his condemnation by killing himself at the encouragement of his wife Sexitia; who was both an encourager and partaker of his death. Notwithstanding if occasion were given he punished the accusers likewise: as Servilius and Cornelius famous by the death of Scaurus, because they had taken money of Varius Ligur to desist from the accusation, were perpetually banished into certain islands. And Abudius Ruso once Acdile, whilst he went about to procure danger unto Lentulus Getulicus, under whom he had charge of a legion, because he had purposed to marry his daughter to Sejanus son, was condemned without accusation, and driven out of the city. Getulicus at that time had charge over the legions of higher Germany, and had gotten exceeding love for his clemency and small severity; and of the next army well-beloved by means of L. Apronius his father in law. Whereupon the constant report was, that he was so bold as to write unto Caesar: That the affinity betwixt him and Sejanus was begun, not of his own motion and desire, but through Tiberius' counsel; and that as well he as Tiberius might be deceived; and that the self same error could not be to him alone dangerless, and to others utter ruin; for his part that his loyalty was trusty and sure, and so would continue; if snares had not been laid to entrap him; that he would accept of a successor in his charge no otherwise than of a messenger of death: and therefore that they should strike as it were an agreement, by which the Prince should be master of the rest, and that he would keep and hold the Province. Although these things seem very strange; yet were they believed, because he alone of all Sejanus liesmen escaped without danger, and continued in great favour and grace. The reason why, was, because Tiberius thought with himself being now aged and hated of all men, that his estate would rather continue by fame, than force.   

VIII. The Parthians complained on Artabanus; in whose room Tiberius placeth Phrahates: Pharasmanes gaineth a battle against Orodes King of Armenia.  
WHen C. Cestius, and M. Servilius were Consuls, certain noble men of Parthia came to Rome, without the privity of Artabanus their King. He for fear of Germanicus was faithful to the Romans, and just towards his subjects: but after Germanicus death became proud towards us, and cruel towards his subjects; confident by reason of prosperous success in wars had against his borderers; and despising Tiberius as weak, old, and unfit for wars; and greedy also of Armenia, into which after the death of King Artaxia he put his eldest son Arsaces' as governor, injuring them with contumelious speeches. Then sent to redemaund the treasury and riches left in Syria and Cilicia by Vonones; and withal, vainglorious bragged and threatened that he would invade and conquer the ancient bounds and limits of the Persians and Macedonians, and recover all that had been possessed by Cyrus and Alexander. But the principal author and persuader of sending secret messengers to Rome was Sinnaces, a man both noble and wealthy; and next unto him Abdus an Eunuch: a matter of no disgrace among the Barbarians, nor bar to credit and authority. These two drawing the principal noble men of the country to them, because they could have none of the blood of the Arsacides to be their King; most of them being slain by Artabanus, or under years; demanded Phrahates King Phrahates son which was at Rome: for said they, there needed no more but the name and consent of Caesar, and one of the blood of Arsacis to show himself upon the banks of Euphrates. That did Caesar desire and provided for him accordingly with preparations and necessaries to seat him in his father's kingdom, holding still his secret drift by entertaining foreign countries, by sleights and policy in war, to keep all quiet at home. In the mean space Artabanus understanding what was wrought against him, at the first was slow, and lingered for fear; then boiled with desire of revenge. For barbarous people count temporising and delay, as base and servile; and to go through presently their deseignments, a royal point. Yet profit took place, and thereupon sending for Abdus under colour of amity to a banquet, gave him a lingering poison; and entertained Sinnaces with feigned friendship and gifts, and busied him in other employments. But Phrahates arrived in Syria, and laying aside the Romans manner of living, in which he had been so many years nourished, giving himself to the Parthian usage and unable to brook it, fell sick, and died. Yet Tiberius held on his determination, and chose Tiridates one of the same stock, and an enemy to Artabanus; and incited Mithradates Hiberus to recover Armenia, and reconciled him to his brother Pharasmanes, which then possessed that Empire; and maketh L. Vitellius general over all this preparation of the Orient. I am not ignorant what a sinister report ran of him in the city, & with what infamous matters he was touched: yet in governing of the Provinces he demeaned himself according to the virtue of ancient times. But returning from thence, through the fear of Caesar, & familiarity of Claudius being changed into a base & abject servility, became a pattern unto posterity of shameful flattery; and so his first virtues gave place to his latter vices; and the virtuous acts of his youth, his infamous old age defaced. Of these petty Kings Mithradates first induced Pharasmanes to further his enduours by policy and force: and corrupters were found which for great sums of gold enticed Arsaces' ministers to kill him; and through Hiberus great power they entered Armenia, and took the city Artaxata. When Artabanus understood of these dealings, he furnisheth his son Orodes with things necessary to revenge, and giveth him the strength of the Parthians; and dispatcheth others to levy hired soldiers to give him aid. On the other side, Pharasmanes drew the Albanians and Sarmates to his party, whose Princes (called Sceptruchi) having received gifts on both sides, according to the manner of their country, gave aid to both sides. But the Hiberi being masters of the passages, thrust suddenly the Sarmatian forces on the Armenians by the Caspian way. But those which came from the Parthians were easily driven back, because the enemy had shut up all the other passages, one excepted; which was betwixt the sea and the hills of the Albani, which could not serve their purpose, by reason it was summer: for the Eastern winds fill up the shallow fords and the shore: the South winter wind keeps back the flood, and leaves the shallow shore bare and naked. In the mean space Pharasmanes having reenforced his strength, challengeth Orodes to fight, being destitute of allies and unfurnished of men: and if he refused or shifted off, he braved him under his nose; and hard by his camp, wasted his stover; and often compassed him about as if he had besieged him: till the Parthians not accustomed to endure such bravadoes, came about their King, and demanded battle. Their strength consisted in their horsemen, and Pharasmanes in footmen and horsemen both. For the Hiberi and Albani inhabiting mountainous places, were better accustomed to hardness and travel. They say they came out of Thessalia at such time as jason, after he had carried away Medea and begotten children by her, returned to the empty court of AEeta, and unhabited Colchos: and report many wonders of his name, and the oracle of Phryxus. Neither dare any man sacrifice a ram, because it is thought that Phryxus was carried on one, be it, this ram were a beast or a ship which bore those arms. The battle pitched in order on both sides: the Parthian put his soldiers in mind of the Empire of the East; and the renowned nobility of the Arsacides: and contrariwise debased Hiberus as ignoble, and flying to mercenary soldiers. Pharasmanes on the other side, declared that he was never yet subject to the Parthian rule; and that the greater their enterprise, the greater their glory if they were the conquerors: or if they turned their backs, the greater dishonour, infamy and danger: withal he showed them his own host dreadful, and the Medians painted with gold: on his own side, men; on the other, booty. Among the Sarmates the Captain only was not heard; but every man encouraged each other not to abide the shot, but prevent the enemy rushing in courageously to handy strokes. divers manners of fight were then seen in that battle: when as the Parthian accustomed with like skill to fly and follow, severed his squadrons to make way for the arrows to light. The Sarmates laying aside their bows which steeded them but a short time, ran in to the enemy with their sword and lances; sometimes were in the front, sometimes in their backs, as if they had been horsemen: sometimes close ranked with their bodies and weapons thrust back, and bore down the enemy, and were borne down again. The Albani also and Hiberi behaved themselves in like manner; now catching hold of the enemy; now thrusting him down; the battle growing doubtful on their side; the horsemen and footmen pressing in and giving them many wounds. Whilst this fight thus continued, Pharasmanes and Orodes, each encouraging his stoutest, or comforting those which began to stagger and waver, being in sight the one of the other: and therefore knowing the one the other, with a great clamour, armour and horses ran one against another; but more fiercly Pharasmanes: for he wounded his enemy through the headpiece: yet being carried away with his horse, was not able to redouble his stroke; the stoutest of his followers presently defending the wounded. Nevertheless, a rumour falsely believed that he was slain, appalled the Parthians, & caused them to yield the victory.   

IX. Sinnaces rebelleth against Artabanus King of Parthia: Tiridates is put in his place.  
Immediately after, Artabanus gathering together his whole strength out of all parts of his country, pursueth a revenge on the Hiberi, saying that they had the better of the battle, through skilfulness of place; and therefore would never desist; if Vitellius by assembling the legions, had not given out that he meant to invade Mesopotamia, thereby striking him into a fear of the Roman forces. Then Artabanus leaving Armenia, left all good fortune behind him, Vitellius enticing his subjects to abandon their King, as one in peace cruel, and in wars unfortunate. Sinnaces whom, as I have said, was utter enemy to Artabanus, had secret conference with Abdageses his father and others: and by continual overthrows and losses which they suffered, drew easily unto him such as were most ready to revolt: they also repairing to him by little and by little, which were subject unto Artabanus rather for fear then good will: very glad they had found captains to follow, took courage unto them. By this time Artabanus had no refuge left, save only a few strangers for the guard of his person, banished from their own dwellings: a people not understanding what is good, nor having a care of that which is nought; but hired for gain, are instruments of what mischief soever. Accompanied with these, he hasteneth his flight to the frontiers of his country, joining upon Scythia; hoping for succour, because he was allied to the Hyrcanians and Carmanians; having a hope likewise, that the Parthians always indifferently bend to the absent, and unconstant and fickle to the present, would in the mean space change their mind, and receive him again. But Vitellius seeing Artabanus fled, and the minds of the country people inclined to a new King, encouraging Tiridates to take that which was offered; conducted the legions and allies to the banks of Euphrates. And as they were sacrificing and offering according unto the custom of the Romans, Suovetaurilia, a Boar, Ram, and Bull; the others made ready a Horse, to pacify the god of that river: the inhabitants of Euphrates brought word, that without any great rain, of his own accord the river was exceedingly risen; and withal, that the white froth made circles as it were in form of a diadem, which was a presage of a prosperous passage: but some did interpret them more subtly, gathering thereby that the beginnings of their attempts should be lucky; but have small continuance, because that there was more credit to be given to those things which were portended by the earth and heaven; and that the quality and nature of rivers was unconstant, and running away; and would no sooner show a token of good luck, but take it away again: but having made a bridge with vessels, and pasled over his army, the first which came to the camp was Ornospades, with many thousand of horsemen. This Ornospades once a banished man, brought no small aid to Tiberius when he made war in Dalmatia, and for that service was made citizen of Rome. After this, entering anew into the king's favour, he made him ruler of all that country which lieth between two famous rivers, Euphrates, and Tigris; and thereof took the name of Mesopotamia. Not long after Sinnaces augmented his forces, and Abdageses the stay of that side joined unto them the wealth and preparation of the king. Vitellius thinking it enough only to have shown the Romans power, advertised Tiridates and the chief nobles of Parthia, but especially Tiridates; that he would always have in mind as things worth remembrance, Phrahates his grandfather, Caesar his bringer up; the nobles to be dutiful to their king; show a reverence unto us; and every man to have a care of his credit, and fidelity: and from thence turned back with the legions into Syria. I have joined together things done in two sommets, to recreate the mind of the reader, wearied with domestical adversities. But Tiberius although three years were past and gone since the death of Sejanus, could not be appeased neither by time, nor prayers, no nor by punishing his fill (things wont to mollify other men) but would punish uncertain and stolen things gone and passed, as manifest offences, and newly committed. Whereupon Fulcinius Trio fearing this dealing, and not able to endure the accusers which were now brewing matter against him; in his last will and testament composed many cruel things against Macro, and certain of the chief of Caesar's freed men: objecting against himself, that he had a fickle and unconstant head through age, and that by his continual absence he differed little from a banished man. Which things being concealed by Trios' heirs, Tiberius commanded publicly to be recited; showing thereby patience in another man's liberty, and small regard of his own infamy: or else because he was ignorant of Sejanus villainies until that time; and content that all things howsoever they were spoken, should come to light, and have the truth known (which flattery often hindereth) rather to his own shame and reproach, than not at all. The same time Granius Martianus a Senator, being accused of treason by C. Gracchus, slew himself. Tatius Gratianus likewise who had been Praetor, and condemned to die by the same law. Not unlike deaths unto the former had Trebellienus Rufus, and Sext. Paconianus: for Trebellienus killed himself with his own hands; and Paconianus was strangled in prison, because he had there composed certain verses against the Prince. Tiberius did not receive these news, divided from Italy by sea, or by messengers a far off, as he was wont to do; but near unto the city, where he might the same day or the next morning, answer the Senators letters, as it were looking upon the blood of the citizens, flowing in their houses; and the hand of the executioners. In the end of this year, Poppaus Sabinus gave up his ghost; a man of mean parentage, yet through the favour of Princes had been Consul and triumphed: and governor over the greatest provinces four and twenty years: not for any excellent skill that was in him, yet able to discharge the office, and no more.   

X. The Clites rebel against Archelaus King of Cappadocia. Tiridates King of Parthia his conquests. Artabanus being recalled, driveth out Tiridates.  
QVintus Plautius, and Sext. Papinius were Consuls the year following. This year the people of Rome were so enured to calamities, that they thought it not hard dealing that L. Aruseius and others were put to death: but they were greatly dismayed to see Vibulenus Agrippa a gentleman of Rome immediately after the accusers had ended their oration in the Curia, to draw poison out of his bosom, and drink it: and being fallen down and yielding up his ghost, yet to be in all haste carried by the sergeants to prison, and already half dead, incontinently to be strangled. No not Tigranes, who had been sometimes King of Armenia, but then arraigned, could with his royal title escape the same punishment that was inflicted upon bare citizens. C. Galba sometime Consul, and two of the Blaesi died of a voluntary death. Galba, because by Caesar's hard & rigorous letters he was forbidden to cast lots for the government of the province: the Blaesi, because that the priesthoods which were destined unto their house whilst it was in prosperity; and now being decayed deferred, and bestowed upon others when they were vacant; which they construed as a prognosticate of death, and therefore did execute it themselves. Aemilia Lepida, whom as I have before told you, was married unto young Drusus, charging him with divers crimes, although she were most lewd and wicked, yet escaped scotfree and unpunished whilst Lepidus her father lived; but afterwards she was convinced of manifest adultery with one of her bondmen: and therefore laying aside all defence, ended her life with her own hands. At the same time the Clites, being a people of Cappadocia, and subject to Archelaus, because they were according unto our custom constrained to bring in the value of their yearly revenues, and pay tributes, fled to the hill Taurus; and there by the strong site of the place defended themselves against the weak forces of their King; until M. Trebellius Lieutenant sent thither by Vitellius Lord precedent of Syria, with four thousand legionaries, and certain choice ayd-souldiers, had compassed and environed with engines and works two hills which the barbarians possessed, the lesser called Cadra, the other Davara; killing those which durst issue out with the sword, and forcing the rest to yield for want of water. But Tiridates aided by the Parthians, recovered Nicephorium, and Anthemusias', and other towns, which lying in Macedonia, yet are called by Greek names: and Halum, and Artemita, towns of Parthia, striving who had best cause to rejoice. Artabanus being odious unto them for his cruelty, as brought up among the Scythians: and hoping that Tiridates would be courteous and gentle, as trained up and fashioned after the Roman behaviour and education. The Seleucians used great flattery: their city is very strong, environed with walls, and not corrupted with barbarous fashions, but retained such as their founder Seleucus gave them. Their manner is to choose three hundred either for wealth, or wisdom, and of them make as it were a Senate. The people kept their part in government, and as long as they agree among themselves the Parthian they fear not, but falling to jars and contentions, whilst each side calleth for aid against his adversary: he who is called by one of the parties, mastereth both. That happened of late under Artabanus, who for his own commodity, made the people subject to the chief gentlemen: where the people bear the sway, that government approacheth nearest unto liberty: but the rule of a few is nearest unto the will and pleasure of a King. When Tiridates was come among them, they honoured him with all those inventions which Kings had been honoured with in times past, and with such as later ages have more abundantly invented. Withal, they powered out many reproachful speeches against Artabanus; confessing that he was indeed descended of the Arsacides on the mother's side, but in other points nothing suitable. Tiridates committed the government of the Seleucians to the discretion of the people; then consulting what day he should be crowned, received Phrahates and Hieroes letters, which had two the strongest governments of that kingdom, entreating him that he would defer it for some small time, which to satisfy those great men he yielded unto. In the mean time he went to Cresiphon the royal sear of the kingdom, & perceiving that they prolonged from one day to another, Surena with the good liking of many, in a great assembly crowned Tiridates, according to the custom of the country. And if he had out of hand entered farther within the country, and other nations, those lingerers had been put out of all doubt, and all yielded obedience unto one. But staying too long at the Castle whither Artabanus had conveyed his money and his concubines, he gave him time to leap back from their agreements. For if Phrahates and Hiero and some others came not at the day appointed to the coronation, some for fear, and some for malice and hate to Abdageses, who then possessed the new King, and was the only favourite in Court, turned to Artabanus, whom they found in Hyrcania meanly and evilfavoredly attired, killing with his bow food for his sustenance. At the first, he was greatly afraid, as though some train had been laid to entrap him, but when they had given him their credit and faith, that their coming was to restore him to his kingdom, his spirits were revived, and inquireth what sudden change had happened. Then Hiero finding fault with Tiridates, said, that he was but a child, and that the Arsacides governed not the kingdom, but the vain name and title was in an unwarlike person, softly and tenderly brought up among strangers, & that Abdageses was he which ruled and commanded all. Artabanus knowing of old what it was to rule, perceived well that those which found falsehood in friendship, dissembled not: and therefore making no longer delay than he could assemble the Scythians forces & aid, setteth forward with all speed to prevent the wiles of his enemies, and keep his friends from slipping back: yea, he did not so much as wipe off the filth and uncleanness of his body, because he would move the common people to compassion. There was no subtlety, no prayer, nor ought else forgotten, whereby he might draw the doubtful to him; or confirm & assure the willing & ready. He came then with a strong power unto the places adjoining to Seleucia, when as Tiridates strooken into a fear with the fame and person of Artabanus, was distracted in mind, whether he should encounter him, or draw out the war by linger. Such as desired battle and quick work, persuaded that the enemy was dispersed, & straggled, and wearied with their long journey, and scarce resolved to obey Artabanus being so lately traitors and enemies unto him, though now his support & aid. But Abdageses thought it best to return into Mesopotamia, that having the river as a defence between him & the enemy; calling in the mean space, the Armenians & Elymaei, and the residue which were behind them; and their forces augmented with allies & friends, & such as the Roman captain would send them; then to try the chance of war. That advise prevailed, because of Abdageses authority, & Tiridates rawness in matters of danger: yet that retiring differed not much from fleeing: the Arabians first leading the dance, the rest drawing to their houses, or to Artabanus camp; until Tiridates returning back into Syria with a small company, acquitted them all of the infamy of treason.   

XI. Tiberius repaireth with his own charges part of Rome which was burnt: how Macro won C. Caesar's favour.  
THe same year Rome was greatly damnified with fire; that part of the Cirque which joined unto the hill Aventine, and all the buildings also upon Aventine, being wasted & consumed to ashes; which loss Caesar converted to his glory by giving the owners out of his purse as much as the loss of their houses and buildings came unto, which munificence amounted to 
* About 781250. pound.  a hundred millions of sesterces; which was so much the more acceptable to the people, because that in his own buildings he was always moderate. Neither had he ever made above two public buildings, the one a Temple to Augustus; the other the stage of Pompeius' Theatre: which being finished, yet he left undedicated; either as despising ambition, or by reason of his age. And to make an estimate of every man's loss, Tiberius four sons in law were chosen, Gn. Domitius, Cassius Longinus, M. Vinicius, and Rubellius Blandus, & P. Petronius joined with them by the Consul's appointment: every man inventing new honours for the Prince, as his wit & capacity would give him leave: which whether he accepted or refused, was uncertain, by reason of his death which followed shortly after. For not long after, the last Consuls in Tiberius' reign, G. Acerronius, & C. Pontius began their charge, when Macroes power & credit was grown over great, which he increased more & more with C. Caesar, although before he was never negligent therein. And after Claudiaes' death (who as I have already said was married unto that Caesar) he egged and persuaded his own wife Ennia, to allure & draw the young man to her love, & entangle him under promise of marriage, as one which would do whatsoever, to lay hold on the sovereignty. For although he were of a turbulent and hot spirit; notwithstanding he had as it were sucked out of his grandfathers bosom the art of cunning dissembling. Tiberius knew this very well, and therefore was not resolved which of his nephews he should first make successor to the state. Of which the one was Drusus son, nearest unto him in blood, & whom he tendered best; but was under age: and Germanicus son the other, in the flower of his youth, and of the people well-beloved; & therefore the worse liked of his grandfather. And bethinking himself of Claudius, seeing he was of stayed and settled years, and desirous of learning; yet altered his deliberation, because he was weak and slender witted. And yet if he should seek for a successor out of his house, he feared least the memory of Augustus, & the name of Caesar's should be had in reproach and contempt. For he was not so careful to win the favour of the time present, as ambitious of fame with posterity. But in the end irresolute what to conclude, and growing weak and feeble of body, that which was out of the compass of his power he committed to fate: having notwithstanding cast out speeches, whereby it might be perceived that he had a care of things to come: for not going about the bush, but in plain terms he vpbraied Macro, that he turned his back to the West, and looked always toward the sunrising. And happening by chance that some speech was had of L. Silvius, whom C. Caesar was wont to scoff & laugh at: Tiberius foretold him that he should have all his vices, but not so much as one of his virtues. And withal, embracing the youngest of his nephews with weeping tears; the other looking on with an envious eye, said unto him; thou shalt kill him, and another shall kill thee. Yet his sickness growing more and more upon him, he omitted not any part of his wanton & unclean lusts, counterfeiting and putting on a face of courage even in his weakness and infirmity: and was wont to mock at the physicians skill, that after 30. years space they wanted other men's counsel to know what was good or hurtful for their own bodies. In the mean time, at Rome there were certain seeds of murders sown, to take effect after Tiberius' death. Laelius Balbus had accused Acutia, sometimes the wife of P. Vitellius, of treason, who being condemned; when a recompense was to be ordained for the accuser, junius Otho Tribune of the people withstood it; whereupon they two growing to a jar, Otho was sent into banishment. Then Albucilla infamous for lose love with many, & once wife to Satrius Secundus, the detector of the conspiracy, was accused of certain impieties and enchantments against the Prince: & with her as confederates, her adulterers Gn. Domitius, Vibius Marsus, L. Arruntius. Of Domitius nobility I have spoken before. Marsus also was of an ancient stock, and endued with many good virtues. But the memorial sent unto the Senate doth testify that Macro had charge of the examination of the witnesses, & torture of the bondmen: and the emperors letters gave no token of suspicion against them; either because he was weak & feeble; or because he knew nothing of it: & many crimes were forged by Macro known enemy to Arruntius. Domitius therefore premeditating his defence; & Marsus as though he had purposed to pine away by famishing himself, prolonged their lives. Arruntius whilst his friends persuaded him not to be too hasty, but linger on; answereth them; That the same things do not beseem all men alike: & that for his own part, he had lived long enough; and had no other thing to repent him of, but that he had among so many vain mockeries & perils prolonged his heavy and careful old age: having been long hated of Sejanus; now of Macro; & always of some one of the mightiest: not through any fault of his; but because he could not endure wickedness. True it is, he might linger out during the short time the Prince hath to live: but how should he escape the young Prince which is to come? If Tiberius after such long experience in affairs, by the force of rule and dominion hath changed and altered: is it to be hoped that C. Caesar, who is yet scarce out of his childhood, unexpert and unacquainted with all things; or brought up & trained in the lewdest; should follow a better course, having Macro for his guide? who being chosen to oppress Sejanus because he was worse than he, afflicted the commonwealth with greater calamity. I foresee (said he) a heavier servitude; and therefore I will fly as well from that which is already past, as that which is at hand. Speaking these things as it had been in manner of a prophesy, he cut his veins. It shall appear by those things which ensued, that Arruntius died in good time. Albucilla having wounded herself with a blow given without effect, was carried to prison. The ministers of her whoredom Grasidius Sacerdos, who had been Praetor, was banished into an Island, and Pontius Fregellanus condemned to be put from the Senate: the said punishments were decreed against Laelius Balbus, by these themselves which were glad of it; because Balbus was thought to use his eloquence cruelly, as one always at hand & ready against the innocent.   

XII. Tiberius' death.  
ABout the same time, Sext. Papinius descended of a consulary family, chose a sudden & evilfavoured death, by casting himself headlong from a high place. The cause was attributed to his mother, who having been long before put away from her husband, by flattering speeches & lascivious wantonness, induced the young man unto that villainy, that to avoid the discredit with her he could find no remedy but death. She being accused in Senate, albeit she prostrated herself at the Lords feet & long showed her common grief, & women's weakness, in such desires, and other lamentable and pitiful moning, witnessing her dolour and grief; yet was banished the city ten years, until her youngest son was past the unconstant slipperiness of his youth. Now Tiberius' body & strength began to forsake him; but not yet his dissimulation. He had the same courage & vigour of mind; his countenance and voice was strong; & desiring sometimes to be pleasant, cloaked his manifest decay of strength. And often changing, at last settled himself in a promontory of Misenum, in a house which sometimes Lucullus had been Lord of; where it was known that his death was at hand by this means. There was a Physician very skilful in his art called Charicles; yet never accustomed to govern the Prince in his sickness, but to assist him with his counsel. This Physician departing from Tiberius, as it had been about some business of his own, under colour of duty taking him by the hand, felt the pulse of his veins: but yet he could not use the matter so cunningly, but the emperor perceived him. Whether Tiberius were offended with him or not, it was uncertain; & if he were, so much the more suppressing his anger, caused meat to be made ready, & otherwise than his custom had been, sitteth down, as it had been in honour of his friends farewell. Charicles nevertheless assured Macro that his spirits decayed, and that he could not live above two days. Whereupon great debating of matters passed among those which were present; and messengers posted away to the lieutenants & armies. The 17. of the Kalends of April, his breath being stopped, he was thought to have ended this mortal life. Then C. Caesar with a great multitude flocking about him, and congratulating his good fortune, went forth to take upon him the Empire: when news came on the sudden that Tiberius was come to his speech & sight again, & that meat was called for to put him out of his swooning: upon this they were all strooken into a great fear; and dispersed themselves some one way; some another; every man counterfeiting a sad cheer and ignorance of all this. And C. Caesar strooken dumb in the top of his hope, expected his last doom. Macro resolute and stout, commanded the old man to be smothered, by casting many clothes on him, and every man to departed from the door. And so Tiberius ended his life, the 78. year of his age. He was Nero's son, and on both sides extracted from the Claudian family; although his mother went by adoption into the Livian family, and after that into the julian. He had doubtful fortunes from his first infancy, for being a banished man, he followed his father, who was proscribed; and being brought into Augustus' house as his son in law, was greatly maligned all the time that Marcellus and Agrippa, and afterward Caius & Lucius Caesar lived. Yea his brother Drusus was better beloved than he, of the citizens; but after he had married julia, his slippery estate was tied to two great inconveniences, which was either to endure the incontinency of his wife, or go from her. After that, returning from Rhodes, he lived twelve years in the Prince's house which had no children; then possessed the Empire almost 23. years. He changed his manners diversly according to the times. Whilst he was a private man, he was of good life and credit, and had commendations under Augustus. He was close and crafty in counterfeiting virtues whilst Germanicus and Drusus lived: and whilst his mother lived he kept a mean, sometimes good and sometimes bad. For cruelty he was infamous; but in lascivious lusts, as long as he loved or feared Sejanus, secret. In the end he burst into all wickedness, dishonesty, and reproach; after that having cast away shame and fear, he governed himself wholly according unto his own disposition and nature.    

THE ELEVENTH BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. The death of Asiaticus, and Poppaea.  
* The beginning of this Book is wanting.  
FOr he believed, that Valerius Asiaticus who had been twice Consul, had in times past committed adultery with Poppaea: withal, greedily gaped after those gardens which he bought of Lucullus, and beawtified and trimmed most stately. Suilius was suborned to accuse them both: Sosibius, Germanicus bringer up, was joined with him; who under colour of friendship, counseleth Claudius to beware of such as were strong and rich, as men dangerous unto the state: and that Asiaticus the principal author of murdering Caesar, feared not to avouch it in a full assembly of the people of Rome, and challenge the glory of the fact unto himself. He was famous in the city for it, and a rumour spread throughout the province, that he prepared a voyage toward Germanicus army, because that being borne at Vienna, and strengthened with strong and great kindred, he thought it an easy matter to stir up his country men. But Claudius making no farther inquiry, sent Crispinus the captain of the guard with a band of ready soldiers, as though it had been to suppress a war: who finding him at Baias, laid irons upon him, and drew him to the city, where he was not licenced to be heard of the Senate, but in the emperors chamber, in the presence of Messalina. There Suilius accused him, that he had corrupted the soldiers, and won them by money and lose life to all wickedness. Then charged him with adultery with Poppaea, and unnatural dishonesty of body. At that, although he were commanded to silence, he burst forth, and said: O Suilius ask thy children, and they will confess me to be a man. And entering into his defence, Claudius being wonderfully moved, drew tears likewise from Messallinaes' eyes; who going out of the chamber to wipe them, giveth Vitellius warning not to suffer the party arraigned to escape. She maketh haste to overthrow Poppaea, sending some through the terror of prison, to persuade her to kill herself: Caesar being so ignorant thereof, that a few days after he asked her husband Scipio as he sat at table with him, why he had sat down without his wife? who made him answer, that she was dead. But whilst Claudius consulted of Asiaticus deliverance, Vitellius with tears declaring how long time their friendship had continued, and how they two did reverence & honour Antonia the Prince's mother: then running over briefly his services towards the common wealth, and that so lately done in Britannia, and what else might seem to move compassion; left it in the end to his own choice what death he would choose; Claudius yielding him the like clemency with like words. After this some persuading him, that to die with famine and abstinence was an easy death; he answered, that he rejected such favour: and therefore having done those exercises he was usually wont to do, washed his body, and fed daintily, saying, that it had been a more commendable death to have died by Tiberius' slienes and cunning, or C. Caesar's violence, then now by the treachery of a woman, and Vitellius unclean mouth: cut his veins, and having first seen the fire wherein his body was to be burned, commanded it to be removed to another place, lest the thick tuffed trees should be marred with the smoke: so small reckoning did he make of death.   

II. Certain Romans' accused for a dream. A treatise of advocates.  
AFter this, the Lords of the Senate were called together, and Suilius goeth on, and accuseth certain noble and renowned gentlemen of Rome surnamed Petra. The cause of their death was, because they had lent their house unto Mnester and Poppaea, when they had any cause of conference. But there was a dream also objected against one of them, which was, that he dreamt he had seen Claudius crowned with a crown of ears of corn, and the ears turned backwards; interpreting that vision to signify a dearth of corn. Some report it to have been a garland of vine branches with white leaves; which he saw in his dream; and interpreted it to foretell, that the death of the Prince should follow at the end of Autumn. Whatsoever the dream was, it is not to be doubted, but that he and his brother were both put to death. Crispinus had given him by decree of Senate 
* About 11781 pound 15. shil.  fifteen hundred thousand sesterces; and ornaments of the Praetor. Vitellius added 
* About 7812. pound. 10. shil.  ten hundred thousand sesterces to be given to Sosibius, because he had been Britannicus Schoolmaster, and Claudius' Counsellor. Scipio being demanded his opinion, said: Seeing I do think of Popaeus faults, that which all you do think; persuade yourselves that I do say that which all you do say; which was an excellent moderation and mean, showing the love he bore her as his wife, and necessity of giving sentence, being a Senator. Suilius never ceased from accusations, but prosecuted them with all cruelty: and many followed his audacity: for the Prince drawing unto himself all the duties of laws and magistrates, opened the way to robbery. Neither was there any merchandise more publicly bought and sold, than the perfidiousness of advocates: insomuch, that Samius a worthy gentleman of Rome, having given Suilius 
* About 3130. pound.  four hundred thousand sesterces, to plead his cause; and after perceiving his prevarication and collusion; ran upon his sword in Suilius own house. Then C. Silius Consul elect (of whose authority and fall I will speak in convenient time) beginning to speak, the rest of the Senators rose up, and demanded earnestly that the law Cincia might be set on foot: by which it is provided of old, that for pleading of causes, no man should take either money or gift. Then they whom that injury seemed to touch, making a noise; Silius was eager and earnest against Suilius, and contradicted him, alleging the example of Orators in times past. Which esteemed fame with posterity, to be the fairest reward of eloquence: otherwise, that the princess of good arts should be distained with the servitude of base lucre; and that no faith could be sincere and inviolate, where excess of gain is regarded. And if causes should be defended without reward, there would be fewer of them; where as now, enmities, accusations, hatred, and injuries are fostered; and that as the multitude of diseases brought the physicians gain; so the pestilent infection of the bar, serveth now to enrich the lawyers. Let them call to mind C. Asinius, and Messalla; and of later memory Arruntius, and Eserninus, which were lifted up to the highest degree of dignity, by their upright life, and uncorrupted eloquence. The Consul elect uttering these speeches, the others approving the same; they went about to give judgement, that such should be condemned unto the like punishment as they were; who had by bribery and extortion polled and oppressed the commons. When as Suilius and Cossutianus and others, which perceived that there should be no general decree set down, but a punishment for those which had been openly convicted; came about Caesar, and besought him pardon of that which was passed. And after a little silence, nodding with his head unto them, they began as followeth. Who was he so puffed up with pride, that would presume or hope for eternity of fame? that it was expedient men should provide for necessary maintenance, lest through the want of advocates, the poor be oppressed by the rich and mighty. Neither did eloquence come by chance, and gratis unto any without pain and labour: the care of a man's own family was neglected, if he were occupied in another man's business: many maintained their life by war; some by tilling the earth; no man laboured to attain to any knowledge unless he had seen some commodity in it. It was an easy matter for Asinius and Messalla, which were enriched with great rewards between Antony's and Augustus' wars, to show a gallant and brave mind: and for Eserninus and Aruntius, heirs of rich houses, to do the like. Examples were as ready for them to show, for what great rewards P. Claudius, and C. Curio were wont to plead. As for themselves, they were but mean Senators, which expected no gain of the commonwealth, but such as grew of peace. The meanest of the people endeavoured what he could to better his estate; the reward of studies being taken away, studies do also decay, as having neither glory nor honour. The Prince thinking that this was not spoken without ground of reason, moderated the sum which they should take unto 
* About 78. pound 2. 1. 6. d.  ten thousand sesterces, and that they which passed this sum, should be condemned of extorsion.   

III. Mithradates recovereth his kingdom. Wars between Gotarzes and Bardanes for the kingdom of Parthia.  
ABout the same time, Mithradates, who as I have showed, governed Armenia, and was brought to Caesar, returned into his kingdom at Claudius' persuasion; trusting in the power of Pharasmanes, King of the Hiberi, and Mithradates brother; who told him that the Parthians were at variance among themselves, doubtful what would become of the Kingdom, and matters of smaller importance utterly neglected. For whilst Gotarzes practised great cruelties (going about to kill his brother Artabanus; his wife and his son; whereby the rest were afeard) they called in Bardanes, who being a man of action and able to go thorough great enterprises, in two days invaded three thousand 
* Eight Stadia make an Italian mile.  stadia, and chased out Gotarzes, all amazed and dismayed, not once dreaming of his coming: and without any lingering seized on the next governments, the Seleucians only refusing to obey him. Whereupon inflamed with greater anger than the present occasion ministered cause, because they had revolted from his father; he besieged their city which was strong, and well fortified with a wall, environed with a river and furnished with victuals and munition. In the mean time Gotarzes strengthened with the Daharian and Hyrcanian power, reneweth the war. And Bardanes enforced to abandon Leleucia, removed his camp to the champion country of the Bracteri. Then the forces of the Orient being divided and uncertain which way to lean, Mithradates had opportunity offered him by chance to seize upon Armenia; and with the force of the Roman soldier, race and beat down the strong fortresses: the Hiberian camp at once wasting and spoiling the champion. Neither did the Armenians make head at all against them: Demonactes their governor being slain, who only durst have waged battle against them. Cotys King of lesser Armenia did somewhat hinder them: some of the nobles joining with him. But afterward being rebuked by Caesar's letters, all turned unto Mithradates side, more cruel than was expedient in a kingdom newly gotten. But the Parthian Emperors making preparation to fight, suddenly conclude a peace, having discovered the treachery of their subjects, which Gotarzes bewrayed unto his brother. At the first meeting they had a jealous conceit the one of the other; then taking one another by the right hand before the altars of the gods, they promised and covenanted to revenge the treason of their enemies; and agree and help one another. Bardanes seemed most meet to possess the kingdom. And Gotarzes because there should remain no sparkle of emulation went to Hyrcania. And Bardanes returning again: Seleucia yieldeth the seventh year after her revolt: not without discredit to the Parthians, whom one bare city had so long deluded. Then he invadeth the strongest Provinces, and began to recover Armenia; if Vibius Marsus Lieutenant of Syria, had not hindered him by threatening to war against him. In the mean time Gotarzes repenting that he had yielded the kingdom; and the nobility unto whom obedience in peace seemeth hardest, calling him back again, assembleth his forces together, whom Bardanes met at the river Erindes; where skirmishing long on both parts for the passages: Bardanes had the upper hand, and with prosperous battles subdued all the middle countries, unto the river Gindes, which divideth the Dahas from the Arij. There his fortunate successes had an end: for the Parthians although they were conquerors; yet liked not to make war so far off. Wherefore building monuments in token of his wealth and power: and that none of the Arsacides had ever before levied any tribute of those nations, he returned with great glory: and therefore so much the more fierce and intolerable to his subjects; who having long before laid a snare to entrap him, killed him at unawares as he was a hunting in the Prime of his youth: few of the old Kings to be matched in renown with him; if he had as well sought the love of his subjects, as to be feared of his enemies. By the death of Bardanes, the Parthian affairs were in a hurly burly; whilst they wavered, whom they should receive for their King, Many inclined to Gotarzes, son to Meherdates, son to Phrahates, who was given us in hostage. In the end Gotarzes prevailed; who enjoying the King's seat through cruelty and dissolute life, forced the Parthians to send secretly to entreat the Roman Prince to release Meherdates, and invest him in his father's kingdom   

FOUR Messalina falleth in love with Silius.  
THe same men being Consuls, the plays called Seculares, were exhibited eight hundred years after the foundation of Rome, and threescore and four years after those which Augustus had caused then to be represented. I omit the reasons which moved both these Princes, as sufficiently declared in my books which I have composed of the acts of Domitian the Emperor: for he likewise did set forth the same plays, which I was present at, so much the more carefully, because I was then one of the fifteen Priests, and Praetor. Which I speak not to vaunt or brag thereof, but because that charge in times past was committed to the college of the fifteen, and magistrates did chief execute the office of ceremonies. Claudius' sitting to see the race, when the noble men's children represented on horseback the play of Troy; and among them Britannicus the emperors son, and L. Domitius, anon after adopted to the Empire, and surnamed Nero. The favour of the people was more affectionate to him then Germanicus, which was taken as a prefage of his future greatness. And it was rumoured abroad, that in his infancy dragons were found about him in manner of a guard, which are fables, not unlike unto strange miracles: for he himself, who never derogated from himself, was wont to report but of one serpent which was seen in his chamber. But that affection of the people was a relic of the memory of Germanicus, who left no other male behind him but he: and the commiseration towards Agrippina his mother was increased, by reason of Messallinaes' cruelty, who always hating her, and now more than ever kindled against her, was hindered no way from forging of crimes, and suborning accusers against her, saving only by a new love, and next cozen unto madness. For she did so burn in love with C. Silius the fairest youth of all Rome, that to content her lust, she caused him to put from him his wife junia Syllana, an honourable dame, to enjoy wholly to herself the adulterer, now untied from the bands of matrimony. Neither was Silius ignorant how lewd the practice was, and what peril he might incur: but if he refused, certain of his destruction, and having some hope to blear the eyes of the world, and enticed with great rewards, he took it for the most expedient, to expect what might fall, and enjoy the present. She not by stealth, but with a great retinue frequented his house; was always at his side; bestowed wealth and honour bountifully upon him; and at last, as though fortune had transferred the Empire; slaves, freed men, and all princely ornaments, and preparations were seen at the adulterer's house. But Claudius not knowing what rule was at home, usurped the office of a Censor; reprehended with severe edicts the overgreat licence the people used in the Theatre; using opprobrious speeches against P. Pomponius, who had been sometime Consul (and gave verses to the stage) and other noble women. He made a law to restrain the cruelty of creditors, forbidding them to lend money to interest unto men's sons subject to the father's power, to be paid after their death. He brought water to the city from the Simbruan hills. He added and published new letters and characters; being a thing most certain that the manner of the Greeks' writing was not begun and perfected at once. The Egyptians first of all expressed the conceptions of their mind by the shape of beasts; and the most ancient monuments of man's memory are seen graven in stones: & they say, that they are the first inventors of letters. Then the Phoenicians because they were strong by sea, brought them into Greece, and had the glory of inventing that, which they received of others. For there goeth a report, that Cadmus sailing thither in a Phoenicean ship, was the inventor of that art among the Greeks', when they were yet unexpert and rude. Some record that Cecrops the Athenian, or Linus the Theban, and Palamedes the Grecian, at the time of the Trojan war, invented 16. characters; then others and especially Simonides found out the rest. But in Italy the Etrurians learned them of Corinthius Damaratus, and the Aborigenes of Evander the Arcadian: and the fashion of the latin letters are like unto the old greek letters; but we had but a few at the beginning, the rest were after added. By which example Claudius added three letters, which during the time of his reign were in use, and afterward forgotten: and are yet to be seen engraven in brazen tables hanged up in temples and places of assembly to show the people's laws. Then he propounded in Senate touching the college of soothsayers, lest that the most ancient discipline of Italy should come to nought by slothfulness, seeing that in the hard and adverse times of the common wealth they have been sent for; and by their advise the ceremonies have been renewed, and better afterward looked into. And the chiefest noble men of Etruria, either of their own motion, or at the persuasion of the Lords of the Senate, have continued their science, and propagated it to their families, which now is very carelessly accomplished by a sloth used towards commendable arts, and because strange superstitions prevail and take deeper root. All well for the present; thanks were to be rendered to the goodness of the gods therefore, and heed taken, that sacred rites in doubtful times had in reverence, be not in prosperous forgotten. Whereupon a decree of Senate was made, and order taken, that the high Priests should consider what was meet to be retained and established concerning the soothsayers.   

V The Cherusci crave Italus for their King.  
THe same year the Cherusci came to Rome to demand a King, all their nobility being extinguished by civil wars, and one only left of the blood royal, called Italus, then being at Rome. He was son unto Flavius, Arminius brother; his mother was the daughter of Catumerus Prince of the Cattis; and was of a comely parsonage; practised in arms and riding, as well according to the manner of our country, as his own. Caesar therefore having furnished him with money, and appointed him a guard; encourageth him stoutly to take upon him the honour of his house and ancestors: putting him first in mind that he was borne at Rome; where he remained not as an hostage, but citizen: and that now he was to go to a strange Empire. At the first the Germans were glad of his coming; and so much the rather, because he was not nuzzled in factions and discords: and therefore would bear like affection unto all. He was reverenced and honoured of all men; sometimes using courtesy and moderation misliked of none; and oftentimes quaffing and drunkenness with other wanton behaviour, which well pleased these barbarous people. Now he had gotten reputation with his neighbours, and began to be famous among strangers; when as such as bore greatest sway in time of factions, suspecting his power and greatness, go from him to the borderers of the kingdom; openly declaring that the ancient liberty of Germany was taken from them, and that the Roman strength mastered al. Was their country so barren, that they could find none borne among them to fill the place of the Prince; but that Flavius the spies brood must be lifted up above them all? It was in vain to make Arminius the pretence; whose son being brought up in the enemies land, might well be feared if he came to be King; as depraved and infected with education, servility, attire, and all other strange usages. And if Italus bore the mind his father had done, no man ever hath borne arms more ragingly against his country, and household gods than his parents. By such and the like speeches they gathered great forces together; and there did no fewer follow Italus: All of them affirming that he had not thrust himself among them against their wills; but that he was sent for by them: and seeing he was more noble than the rest, they should make a trial of his virtue; and whether he would show himself worthy of Arminius his uncle, and Catumerus his grandfather. Neither could his father be a shame and reproach unto him, because he would never violate his faith, which by consent of the Germans he had promised the Romans. That the name of liberty was falsely pretended by them, who being base and degenerate of themselves, and dangerous to the whole state; have no hope but in time of trouble and garboil. The common sort came cheerfully about him, and the King became victorious in a great battle against the Barbarians: then through this prosperous fortune falling into pride, he was chased out of his country; and again reenforcing his army with the aid of the Lombard's, now with lucky, now with unlucky success, molested and annoyed the Cherusci.   

VI The Chauceans are ariven back out of Germany by Corbulo a Roman Captain: his severe discipline.  
ABout the same time, the Chauci living in peace at home, and encouraged by the death of Sanqvinius; whilst Corbuloes coming was expected, made some incursions upon lower Germany under Gannascus: who being a Caninefian by birth; an aide-souldier, and long receiving pay under the Romans; and afterward become a fugitive with light vessels robbing and piracing; especially wasteth the coast of Gallia, because he knew them wealthy and cowards. But Corbulo entering into the Province, first with great care, than credit, especially gotten by that service, thrust into the river of Rhine certain Galleys, and other shipping as they were fit, into other arms and ditches of the sea. And having with them sunk the small vessels of the enemy, and driven out Gannascus: after he had settled the present estate of things, he reduced the legions which knew not what work and labour meant, but desirous to hunt after pillage and forreys, to the ancient discipline of service: commanding that none should departed from the camp, nor enter battle without commandment: that the watch and ward; all charges both by day and night should be executed in arms. And it is reported that one soldier was put to death, because he digged at a trench without his sword by his side; and another, because he had nothing else but his dagger: which being overhard and rigorous, and uncertain, whether falsely spread abroad; yet had their beginning of the captains severity. Whereby thou mayst know that he was inexorable in great faults, seeing it was thought he used such rigour in small. But that terror wrought different effects in the soldiers and enemies: we thereby increased our valour; the Barbarians abated their courage. The Frisian nation which rebelled after the overthrow of L. Apronius, and ever after showed themselves enemies unto us, or nothing faithful, having given hostages; inhabited the country allotted and appointed them by Corbulo. He gave them also a Senate, magistrates and laws. And because they should not fall from their obedience, left them a strong garrison, and sent some to draw the chiefest of the Chauci to yield; and withal, by a wile to surprise Gannascus. Neither were those wiles employed in vain, or thought cowardly and il-beseeming us, against a fugitive and faith-breaker. But the Chauci were much troubled with his death, and Corbulo sowed some seeds of rebellion among them: which as some construed to the best; so others reported badly of it: for why should he provoke an enemy? If the success were bad, the hurt would redound to the commonwealth: if fortune went on his side, he was a man to be feared in time of peace; and being valiant and courageous, and under a cowardly Prince, not to be suffered. Whereupon Claudius was so far from forcing Germany anew; that he commanded the garrisons to be brought back on the hither side the Rhine. And whilst Corbulo went about to encamp in the enemy land, these letters were delivered him. He understanding of so sudden a countermand, although many things at once troubled his brains; fear of the Emperor; the contempt the Barbarians would have him in; the jest his confederates would make at it: yet making no more words, but saying only; O how happy some Roman Captains were, sounded a retreat. Nevertheless lest the soldiers should grow lazy, he cast a ditch between Mosa and Rhine, three & twenty miles long, to bear off the uncertain inundations of the Ocean. Yet Caesar granted him the honour of triumph, although he denied him licence to make war.   

VII. How soldiers were employed out of war.  
NOt long after Curtius Rufus had the same honour given him, who in the country of Mattiacum had found a silver mine, of small profit and short continuance: but to the legions besides the loss, it was great labour to dig the rivers, and mine under the earth, and drain waters, which in plain grounds was laborious. The soldiers wearied with these toils, and because they had endured the like in many provinces; sent letters secretly to the Emperor in the name of the whole army, and besought him that from thence forward, he would bestow the marks of triumph before hand, on such, as he purposed to make commanders of the army. As for Curtius Rufus birth, whom some have reported to be a fencer's son, I will neither utter any thing falsely, and am ashamed to tell the truth. After he was come to man's estate, he was a follower of the Quaestor of Africa; and in a town called Adrumetum, as he walked secretly about midday in a gallery where were no people, there appeared unto him the likeness of a woman, greater than the stature of any other, and a voice was heard, saying: Thou art he, Rufus, which shalt come Proconsul into this province. Puffed up with hope of this presage of good fortune, he returneth to the city, and by the bounty of his friends, and his own wit and industry, obtaineth the Quaestorship; and anon after the Praetorship, among many men of note which sued for the same, only by the suffrage and favour of the Prince: Tiberius hiding the baseness of his birth, with these words: Curtius Rufus seemeth to me to be borne of himself. After this, living until he was very aged, ●n odious flatterer to his superiors, arrogant to his inferiors, crabbed among his equals; he became Consul, obtained the honour of triumph, and in the end the government of Africa; and there dying, fulfilled his fatal destiny. In the mean space, for no cause then openly known, nor afterward discovered, Gn. Novius a worthy gentleman of Rome, was found with his sword by his side in the assembly of those which came to salute the Prince: for being broken on the torture, he confessed nothing either of himself or others; not known whether he purposed obstinately to conceal the matter, or whether he were innocent. The same men being Consuls, P. Dolabella propounded in Senate, that the show of Fencers might be every year set forth at the charges of those which obtained the Questorship. Which was a charge in our ancestors times, given as a reward of virtue; and was then lawful for all citizens which trusted to their merits and virtues, to sue for all kind of offices, without any regard had of their age; being a thing lawful for young men to be Consuls or Dictator's. But the Quaestors were instituted when the Kings bore the sway, as the law of the Curies declare, renewed by L. Brutus: and the power of choosing them continued in the Consuls, until the people would also have a share therein; who first created Valerius Potus, and Aemilius Mamercus, threescore and three years after the Tarquin's were driven out, to the end they should follow the wars. Then affairs multiplying more and more, two were added for the business of the city. Not long after, the number was doubled, when Italy and the provinces were subject to pay task and tallage. After that, by Sulla's law twenty were created to furnish the Senate, unto whom he had given authority of judgement. And although the gentlemen of Rome had recovered their power of judgement, notwithstanding the Quaestorship was granted according to the worth of the suitors, or courtesy of the givers, and that gratis, until that by Dolabellaes' advise it was as it were put to sale.   

VIII. Certain gentlemen of Gallia made Senators. How the Senate was purged of naughty men.  
A. Vitellius and L. Vipsanius being Consuls, when the matter was debated concerning the furnishing of the number of Senators, and that the chief gentlemen of Gallia called Comata, who long before were in league with the Romans, and enjoyed the privileges of a citizen, desired also the right of bearing offices in the city: great rumours were spread, and the matter was debated before the Prince by men diversly affected: some affirming. That Italy was not fallen to so low an ebb, that it could not furnish their city of a Senate: that the home-born with their kinsmen did in times past supply that want, and no cause why they should be sorry to imitate the custom of the ancient common wealth. Yea, there might examples be alleged, by which it might appear that the virtuous inclination of the Romans at this day, was not inferior to the virtue and glory of their ancestors. Is it a small matter that the Venetians and jusubrians have thrust into the Curia, unless a company of strangers be also put in, as it were to keep us in captivity? what other dignity is there left for the residue of the nobles? or if any of the Latian Senators fall to decay? that those rich men would fill and possess all, whose grandfathers and great grandfathers being captains of enemy nations, have slain with the sword, and violence our armies, and besieged julius of famous memory at Alesia. These things are fresh in memory. What if we should call those to memory which besieged the Capitol, and broke down the altar of Rome with their own hands? That it was sufficient to enjoy the name of a citizen: and that the ornaments and marks of the Lords of the Senate; the dignity of Magistrates ought not to be made common. But with these and the like speeches the Prince was nothing moved, but immediately spoke against it, and calling the Senate together, began as followeth. My ancestors (among which the most ancient was Clausus, taking his beginning of the Sabins, and was at once made citizen of Rome, and received into the family of the Patricians) gave me counsel to govern the common wealth with such counsels and cares as they had done, and transfer into it all that is good and commendable, from whence soever it be brought. Neither am I ignorant that the julij came from Alba, the Coruncani from Camerium, the Porcians from Tusculum; and that we may not search out farther antiquities, there hath been men called into the Senate from Etruria, Lucania, and all Italy. At last the city was extended even to the Alps, in so much that not only men severally, but countries and nations united themselves to our name, and grew as one whole body. Then had we a sure and firm peace at home, and flourished against foreign nations, when the Transpadani received the freedom of the city; when under colour of leading our legions throughout the world, and adding unto them the strongest forces of the provinces, we eased the weak and wearied Empire. Doth it repent us, that the Balbians came out of Spain, & the worthiest men of Gallia Narbonensis to us? Their posterity remain with us, neither do they give place unto us in love towards this our country. What other thing was the destruction and overthrow of the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, although they were strong and puissant in arms, but that they rejected those they conquered, as strangers? But our founder Romulus carried himself so discreetly, that he had many which the same day, were his enemies and citizens. Strangers have ruled over us: offices have been given to the sons of such as have been freed from bondage, and not as some have been deceived as a new precedent, but it hath been practised by our first people. But we have fought with the Senonians. I pray you, have the Volci & Aequi never prepared an army against us? we have been taken of the Galli: and we have given hostages likewise to the Tusci, and passed under the yoke of the Samnites. If thou wilt reckon up all the wars, none hath been sooner ended than that against the Galli: since that time we have had a continual and faithful peace. Now that in conformity of manners, arts, and alliances, they are mingled with our people, let them rather bring to us their gold and wealth, then enjoy it by themselves. All things (Lords of the Senate) which are thought now to be most ancient, have been new. The Patricians had first all offices in their hands; after them the people; after the people, the Latins; after the Latins, all the nations of Italy. This will grow old likewise, although it seem new; and that which to day we maintain by example, shall be reckoned amongst examples. A decree of the Senate given according unto the Prince's oration, the Eduans first of all received the rights and privileges of Senators in the city. This was granted them in consideration of their ancient alliance: and because they only among the Galli, called themselves brothers of the people of Rome. The same time Caesar made the ancientest of the Senators patriciens, or such whose fathers were famous; few of those families remaining, which Romulus called of the greater; and L. Brutus, of the lesser family: those also being decayed & extinguished, which Caesar the Dictator substituted by the law Cassia: and Prince Augustus by the law Senia. All these things were grateful unto the people; and done with the good liking of Caesar. It troubled him very much how he might remove such from the Senate, as were notoriously infamous; and at last bethought himself of a new and gentle course; yet grounded on the rigour of ancient time: which was to admonish every man to examine his own conscience: and crave licence to give up his room, if he thought himself touched; which should easily be granted; and promised them to propound together, as well those as were removed, as those as resigned their rooms; that the judgement of the Censors, and the moderation of those which willingly renounced interlaced together, might cover the discredit. For this cause the Consul Vipsanius propounded, that Claudius might be called the father of the Senate: because that the title of father of the country, being common, new merits towards the commonwealth, should not be honoured with old titles. But he himself bridled the Consul as overmuch flattering; and appointed a view to be taken of the city which is called Lustrum, and the number of the citizens to be enrolled, which came to threescore eight hundred, & four & forty thousand. Then began he to have better intelligence how matters went at home: and not long after he was constrained to know, and punish the dissolute and licentious life of his wife, immediately after to burn in an unlawful desire of incestuous matrimony.   

IX. Messallinaes' looseloves: her marriage with Silius.  
NOw Messalina through the easy enjoying of her adulterers, as it were loathing them, grew more licentious in unknown and strange sensuality: when as Silius himself, either by a fatale sottishness, or thinking dangers themselves to be the remedy against imminent dangers; began earnestly to urge her to break off all dissimulation: and make that known, which until then he went about to keep secret; For the matter was not come to that, that they should expect the prince's death. Harmless counsels were good for the innocent; but in open and manifest villainies there was no hope of safety, but in audacious attempts. There were others in the same fault & feared the like punishment: he was a single man without children, ready to marry her, and adopt Britannicus. Messallinaes' authority would continue the same, and with greater security, if they could prevent Claudius; as uncircumspect against snares and wiles, so hasty & soon moved to anger. These speeches she seemed not much to like of: not for the love of her husband; but lest Silius having gotten the sovereignty, would reject her as an adulteress, and fall to a just consideration of her lewd life, which with his danger he had tried. Nevertheless she desired the name of matrimony, because of the greatness of the infamy; which with prodigal and dissolute persons is the last contentment. They expected no longer, than Claudius went to Hostia to do sacrifice, but she accomplished all the solemnities of marriage. I am not ignorant, but it will sound like a fable, that there should be any man so blockish and careless; much less that a Consul elect should in a city where all thing is known, and nothing kept secret; a day appointed; company assembled to seal the agreement; contract marriage as it were for issue and children, with the Prince's wife: and that she should hear the words of the Auspexes, or hand-fasters; attire herself bridelike, sacrifice unto the gods; sit down amongst the guests, kiss, embrace; and in the end pass the night in all liberty of marriage. But there is nothing feigned, to make the thing seem miraculous; but I will deliver you that which hath been heard and written by ancient writers. Then the Prince's house began to quake for fear; and especially those which were in highest credit and favour: and if there should fall an alteration more afeard; they began now not in secret whisperings, but openly to murmur, saying: That as long as the adulterers did use the matter secretly, true it was that the Prince was dishonoured; but yet he was in no danger of his estate: where as now this young man of a noble birth, of a manly representation, in the prime of his youth and shortly to be Consul, aspired no doubt to greater hope. For it was easily known what was to be expected after such a marriage. Doubtless a fear possessed them to think how blockish Claudius was, how thrall unto his wife, and how many murders had been committed by Messallinaes' commandment. On the other side, the facility of the Prince's nature emboldened them, and gave them hope, that if they could beat into his head the enormity of the fact, she might as one already condemned, be brought to confusion before she were arraigned. But the danger was, that if she should be admitted to her defence, yet the Prince's ears would be buttened and deaf, although she should confess. And first of all Calistus, of whom I have spoken in the death of C. Caesar, and Narcissus the contriver of Appius death, and Pallas the greatest favour it at that time, debated: whether dissembling all other matters by secret threats they should dissuade Messalina from Silius love; but they altered their minds, lest they should draw on, their own ruin; Pallas for want of courage; Calistus as practised in the estate of the former court, and knowing that credit and authority was safelier maintained with circumspect, then rash counsel; Narcissus persisted in his purpose, altering that only point, which was, to take heed, lest by any word she should have an inkling who was her accuser, and of what.   

X. Narcissus, Claudius freed man advertiseth him of the marriage. The sottishness of the Emperor.  
Narcissus' then earnestly watching all opportunities, during Caesar's long stay at Hostia, induced two concubines with whom the Emperor licentiously conversed, by fair promises and gifts, and especially showing them to what greatness and credit they might come unto, if his wife were put from him; to undertake the discovering of this crime. Then Calphurnia (for so one of them was called) as soon as she found him alone, falling at Caesar's knees, crieth out that Messalina had married Silius; and withal asketh Cleopatra who was there present of purpose, to be asked the question; who nodding with her head in token that she had, commandeth Narcissus to be called for: he, craving pardon of that which was past, and that he had concealed the adultery between Messalina and Vectius, and between her and Plautius; added further, that the best way was not to reproach him of his adulteries, nor demand his house, his servants, & other princely ornaments embezeled away; but let him (said Narcissus) enjoy them, so as he would restore thee thy wife, and cancel the writings of marriage. Dost thou know (saith he further) of thy divorcement? for Silius marriage the people saw, the Lords of the Senate, and the soldiers, and if thou make not haste, the new married man will be Lord of the city. Hereupon Claudius calleth for the chiefest of his friends, and first of all for Turranius chief officer for provision of corn; then Lusius Geta captain of the guard, ask them what they knew of the matter: who confessing it, all the rest came cluttering about him, crying that he should haste away to the camp, strengthen his guard, provide first for his safety, than revenge. Sure it is that Claudius was so surprised with fear, that he did eftsoons ask whether he were yet sovereign of the Empire? whether Silius were yet a private man without charge? But Messalina never more lose and dissolute in lusts, the Autumn being well spent, celebrated in her house the feast of grape gathering; the presses were wrung, the vessels flowed with wine, women danced about girt with skins, like unto mad women, solemnizing the feasts of Bacchus; she herself, her hair hanging lose about her ears, shaking a javelin wrapped about with vine leaves; Silius hard by her covered with ivy, with buskins on his legs, casting the head hither and thither, with a shameless company of dancers shouting and singing about them. It is reported that Vectius Valens toying and jesting, climbed up a high tree; and being demanded what he saw there, made answer; a cruel tempest coming from Hostia. Whether any such thing did appear, or whether it were a word slipped by chance; it was turned to a presage of future danger. Not a rumour any longer, but messengers come from all parts, bringing them tidings that Claudius knew all, and was coming, ready to revenge. Messalina then conveyeth herself into the gardens which sometimes belonged to Lucullus: Silius dissembling his fear, went to his business in the Forum. The rest, some slipping one way, some another, the Centurions laid hold on and bound with irons, as they were found either abroad or in corners and lurking places. Messalina albeit this sudden crossing had almost put her beside herself, yet thought it best as a shift which never failed at a pinch, to meet her husband, and show herself unto him; and commanded Britannicus and Octavia to go before, and cast themselves betwixt their father's arms; and prayed Vibidia the ancientest of the virgins Vestal to go to the high Priest, and entreat him he would show clemency in her behalf. And in the mean time accompanied with three persons only (so naked was she left on the sudden) having gone afoot over all the city, at last in a tumbril which carried away the ridding of gardens, she taketh her way towards Hostia, no one pitying her, because the filthiness of her wicked life swayed down all compassion. Nevertheless Caesar trembled, because he disinherited Geta captain of his guard, a man as lightly carried to bad as to good. Whereupon Narcissus, having taken those with him which had the like fear, assured Caesar, he had no other hope of safety left, then to transfer the whole commaundery of the soldiers that one day unto some one of his freed men; and offereth himself to be the man. And fearing lest, whilst he were brought unto the city, he might be induced by L. Vitellius or P. Largus Caecina, to repent him, he desireth & taketh a place in the same chariot with the Emperor. The fame was common afterwards, that among divers of the prince's speeches, now blaming his wives lightness, now calling to mind the band of matrimony, and infancy of his children; Vitellius never used other speech, then o wickedness, o shame. Narcissus urged him to speak plainly, and go no more about the bush; yet he could not win so much of him, but would still answer in doubtful terms, and such as might be construed as every man listed to draw them; and Largus Caecina did the like.   

XI. Silius and Messalina punished, with others her adulterers.  
NOw Messalina was in sight, and cried that he would hear Octavia and Britannicus mother: when as the accuser made a noise on the other side naming Silius and the marriage: and withal presented unto him certain writings, bewrayers of her lusts and lasciviousness, to the end he might turn Caesar's sight from her. And not long after, the children had between them, had been presented unto him, as he entered the city; if Narcissus had not commanded them to be conveyed away. But Vibidia could not be driven away, but requested importunately with nipping terms, that his wife unheard might not be put to death. Hereupon Narcissus answered that the Prince should hear her, and that she should have liberty to purge herself. In the mean space, that she should departed, and attend her sacrifices. Claudius' used a wonderful silence whilst all those speeches past. Vitellius was as one that knew little; all obeyed the freed man: he commanded the adulterer's house to be opened, and the Emperor to be brought thither. And there first of all in the entry he showed the Emperor the image of Silius father, defaced by decree of Senate. Then told him that whatsoever the nero's or Drusi had, rich and Princely, had been given to Silius for a reward of his reptochfull adultery: then seeing Claudius inflamed and bursting into threats, leads him to the soldiers camps, very ready to hear an oration: unto whom as Narcissus had before advised him, he used some few words. For although he had just cause of grief; yet shame hindered him. Immediately all the bands cried together continually, demanding the names, and punishment of the offenders. And Silius brought to the bar, neither went about to justify himself, nor crave respite; but entreated that his death might be hastened. The same constancy made other famous gentlemen of Rome desire the hastening of their death. He commanded Titius Proculus' guard unto Silius and Messalina, and Vectius Valens offering to detect other crimes, and confessing the same, and Pompeius Vrbicus, and Saufellus Trogus, all of counsel to the fact, to be brought to execution. Decius Calphurnianus likewise Captain of the watch, Sulpicius Rufus overseer of the plays, juncus Virgilianus a Senator, received the like punishment. Only Mnester delayed his punishment, renting his clothes and crying, that he would look upon the marks of the stripes, and call to mind his own words, which were that he should be ready to obey Messallinaes' commandments. Alleging that others had offended for rewards and hope of advancement, but he of necessity: and that no man's case should have been harder than his, if Silius had become Emperor. Caesar moved with these speeches and prove to mercy; yet the freed men altered his mind, affirming that seeing so many notable personages had been put to death, he should not spare a stage player: and that it was all one whether constrained or voluntarily he had committed so lewd a fact. Traulus Montanus a gentleman of Rome's defence, was not received. This young man being of modest behaviour, and comely feature of body, not thinking on any such matter, was sent for by Messalina, who enjoying him only one bare night, would afterward no more of him, being of nature as ready to loathe, as to like and lust. Suilius Cesoninus, and Plautius Lateranus only had pardon granted them. This in regard of his uncles great merits: Cesoninus through his impurity and unnatural abusing of his body. All this while Messalina in Lucullus gardens, prolonged her life; made her supplications; sometimes with hope, and sometimes with anger: so proudly she showed herself even in her extremest danger. And if Narcissus had not hastened her death, she had turned the mischief upon the accuser's head. For Claudius being returned home again, and his choler well cooled in a banquet; after he had waxed warm with wine, commanded that one should go and tell that wretch (for that term they say he used) that she should appear the next day to plead her cause. Which being understood, and fearing lest his anger should relent; and his love, (if they should defer the matter that night which was already come) & the remembrance of his wives chamber should revive and return: Narcissus rushed out, and told the Centurions and the Tribune which were present, that they should put her to death; and that the Emperor had so commanded: and Euodius one of his freed men, was appointed to assist and see it executed. Who hastening to the gardens, found her along on the earth, and Lepida her mother sitting by her; always at jar with her daughter whilst she flourished in prosperity; yet in her last extremities overcome with compassion, persuaded her not to tarry for the executioner; that her life was passed; & that she should look for no other honour, then by killing herself. But her mind corrupted with filthy sensuality, there was no spark of honesty left; her tears and lamentations were in vain: Then the doors being violently broke open: the Tribune stood in amaze, and in a great dump without one word speaking; & the freed men rebuked her with many servile reproaches. Messalina than first of all considering of her estate, took a sword, which in vain through trembling fear, she put to her throat, & then to her breast; which at last was thrust through with a blow which the Tribune lent her, and her body granted her mother. Then word was brought Claudius as he was a banqueting, that Messalina was dead, not telling him whether by her own hand, or any man's else: neither did he ask so much; but called for the cup, and went forward as he was wont to do at his banquet. Neither the days following gave he any tokens of hate, joy, anger, sorrow, or of any other human affection; not when he saw the accusers joyful; not when his children sad. The Senate helped him to forget her, by giving order that her name and image should be pulled down from all public and private places. It was ordained that the ornaments of the Questorship should be bestowed upon Narcissus; the lightest point of his authority, seeing he was the chiefest after Gallus and Calistus, an honest degree and privilege; but of which rose very many lewd actions, which escaped unpunished.    

THE TWELFTH BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Three of Claudius' freedmen deliberate upon a wife for him.  
THe emperors house being divided through the death of Messalina, his freed men fell into contention, which of them should choose Claudius a wife, already thundering against a single life, and thrall to his wives will. The women on their side burnt with no less ambition, each of them comparing their nobility, beauty, and wealth, set forth themselves and vaunted they were worthy of so great a match. But the chiefest doubt was betwixt Lollia Paulina, daughter to M. paulinus once Consul, and julia Agrippina, Germanicus daughter: Pallas favoured her, and Calistus the other. AElia Petina of the house of the Tuberoes was favoured of Narcissus. The Emperor himself was easily carried, now hither, now thither, according as he had heard every of their persuasions; and disagreeing the one from the other, calleth them to a consultation; and commandeth each of them to utter and yield a reason of his opinion. Narcissus beginneth with his old marriage, and family common to them both (for he had had Antonia by Petina) and that he should have no new change in his house, if his old wife should return again; who would not with the eye of a step mother look upon Britannicus and Octavia, the nearest pledges unto her own children. Calistus showeth that being rejected by a long divorcement, if she should be taken again, she would become proud and haughty: therefore it were far better to take Lollia, seeing she was without emulation and children; and therefore would be in steed of a mother to her husband's children. But Pallas extolled in Agrippina above other qualities, that she should bring with her Germanicus nephew, worthy in all regards of the imperial highness; extracted of a noble race, and Claudian family, which should unite their posterity; lest a woman fruitful in childbearing, and in the flower of her youth should carry with her the glory of the Caesars to another house. This persuasion with some help of Agrippina's allurements sunk deepest: who often coming to visit him under colour of kindred, so won her uncle; that being preferred before all others, though yet not his wife, took upon her the authority of his wife. For as soon as she was assured of the marriage, she began to lay plots for greater matters, and undertook a match between Domitius, whom she had had by Gn. AEnobarbus, and Octavia, Caesar's daughter: which without shame and discredit could not be accomplished, because Caesar had betrothed Octavia to L. Silanus a young man, besides other virtues, of noble parentage; and on whom Caesar had bestowed the marks of triumph, and licensed to set forth a play of fencers withal pomp and magnificence, to win the love and favour of the people. But nothing seemed hard to the Prince's mind, who had neither judgement nor malice, but what was put into him or commanded. Vitellius therefore cloaking under the name of a Censor base and servile devices; fore seeing into whose handling rule and dominion would shortly come, to win Agrippina's favour, began to intermeddle and thrust himself into her counsels, and carry tales against Silanus: who had a sister in deed comely, but a shameless dame, called junia Caluina: who not long before had been Vitellius sons wife. From hence rose the beginning of his accusation, by drawing her into suspicion, not of incest with her brother; but of other lose loves redounding to their shame and infamy. Caesar gave ear unto him, as one ready through the love he bore his daughter, to hearken to all suspicions against his son in law. But Silanus doubting nothing what snares were laid for him; and by chance that year Praetor, was on the sudden by an edict published by Vitellius, put from his Senator's room; although the roll of the Senators were made up, and the number taken not long before. Claudius thereupon broke off his alliance with him; and Silanus was forced to renounce his office by oath; and the rest of the time of his Praetorship was bestowed upon Eprius Marcellus.   

II. Vitellius oration for the marriage of the uncle and the niece. The marriage between Claudius and Agrippina. The death of Silanus.  
C. Pompeius, and Q. Verannius being Consuls, the marriage was concluded between Claudius and Agrippina, and held as certain in every man's mouth through tokens of unlawful loves, though they durst not as yet celebrate the solemnities, having no precedent that the brother's daughter should be brought into the uncles house as wife; for it was incest: and if not looked into, it was to be feared that it would turn to a public mischief. Neither was that doubt out of Caesar's head, until Vitellius by his drifts and sleights undertook the matter. And ask the Emperor whether he would yield to the commandment of the people, or authority of the Senate? and he answering that he was one of the citizens, and not able to withstand their agreement, Vitellius willed him not to stir out of his palace, but goeth himself to the Curia, and protesting that he had a matter to debate which touched the welfare of the whole state, craveth licence to speak first, and began as followeth: That the heavy and great toils of the Prince in governing the whole world, wanted support; that being unburdened of domestical cares, he might the better provide for the common good. And what honester solace of a Censors mind, then to take unto him a wife, a companion in prosperous and doubtful fortune? unto whom he might impart his inward thoughts, commit his small children; he especially not nuzzled up in riot and wanton lusts, but who had been obedient to laws from his first youth. After he had made this preamble with a glozing speech, and that it was accepted with great flattery of the Lords of the Senate, he began anew and said. Seeing that all of them did exhort the Prince to marry, it was convenient a wife were chosen for him, renowned for her nobility, childbearing, and honesty of life. Neither was it needful to go far for such a one, seeing Agrippina did excel the rest in nobleness of blood; & had given a proof of her fruitfulness, and was endued with other honest qualities. That was a matter worthy remembrance, that by the providence of the gods, a widow should be joined to a Prince, who had tried no matrimony but his own. They had heard of their forefathers, and seen themselves, men's wives to have been taken by force at the will of the Emperor; a thing far from the modesty of the present time: yea he should be a precedent how hereafter the Emperor should take a wife. But it is a strange precedent to marry our brother's daughters: but it is a usual matter among other nations, and by no law forbidden. And marriages between cozen germans a long time not known, in progrosse of time grew common. A custom is to be applied according as it is profitable and expedient: and this marriage likewise in time to come will be among things commonly practised. There wanted not some which protested, if Caesar would protract his resolution, they would force him to it, and so rushed who first might out of the Curia: and afterward by multitudes flocked together, crying that the people of Rome desired the same. Claudius expected no longer, but went and met them at the Forum, and showed himself to such as were glad thereof. And entering into the Senate, demanded that a decree might be enacted, by which, marriage between the uncles and nieces, daughters to their brothers, should from thence forward be accounted just and lawful. Yet for all that only one there hath been, called Talledius Severus, a gentleman of Rome, who hath greatly desired to marry in that sort, whom most men think to have done it to win Agrippina's favour. By that marriage all was turned upside down in the city, and all men obeyed this woman; yet not as when Messalina abused the government through licentiousness: but as it were with as great and severe subjection, as if they had been under a man. Openly she showed severity, and often pride; nothing done in her house dishonourably, unless it were so expedient for the furthering of rule and government: her exceeding greediness in raking of money had a cloak, which was the maintenance of the state. The day of the marriage Silanus killed himself, either because until that time he had hope of prolonging his life; or else chose that day to make the marriage more odious. Caluina his sister was expulsed Italy. Claudius' added certain sacrifices according to the laws of King Tullus, and certain satisfactions by the chief priest in Diana's wood, all men laughing Claudius to scorn, that punishment and purging sacrifices of incest should be sought at that time.   

III. Betrothing of Domitius Agrippina's son with Octavia, Claudius' daughter. Seneca is recalled out of exile. The Parthians demand that Meherdates may be their King.  
But Agrippina, lest she should be famous only for infamous actions, got remission of Annaeus Senecaes' banishment, and withal obtained him the Praetorship; persuading herself it would be gratefully accepted of the commonalty, by reason of his great fame in learning, and because Domitius childhood might be trained up under such a master, and use his advise and counsel to attain to the Empire which she hoped after. Because it was thought Seneca would be trusty to Agrippina, for the remembrance of this benefit received of her, and an enemy to Claudius for the grief of his injury. Then thinking it convenient not to delay the matter any longer, Memmius Pollio Consul elect was induced through great promises to propound, and persuade Claudius to handfast Octavia to Domitius, a thing nothing inconvenient, both their ages considered; and might be an entrance to greater matters. Pollio gave his opinion in words, not unlike unto those which Vitellius of late used, and thereupon Octavia was betrothed. Now Domitius besides the kindred which was between them before, being betrothed and son in law to the Emperor, began to be made equal to Britannicus, by his mother's practices, and policy of such as feared the son would revenge upon those which procured Messalina's accusation. About the same time the Ambassadors of the Parthians sent as I have said before, to demand Meherdates for their King, entered into the Senate,; and began to utter their charge as followeth. They came thither not ignorant of the league between them and the Romans, nor disloyal to the family of the Arsacides; but to ask for Vonones son, Phrahates nephew; against Gotarzes tyranny, alike intolerable to the nobility and commonalty. Now that his brothers are extinguished by murder, his nearest kinsmen, and such as were farthese off; he would do the like to women with child, and small children; thinking it a means being unfortunate in wars abroad, to cover with that cowardliness his cruelty at home. That their amity with us was ancient, and publicly confirmed; and therefore reason we should aid our allies, which might in strength compare with the Romans, but in deed yield for reverence. Therefore the King's children were given for hostages, that if they grew weary of their domestical government, they might have recourse to the Prince and Lords of the Senate, under whose manner of living the King being brought up, should be presumed to be the better. When they had uttered these and the like speeches, Caesar began his oration with the greatness of the Roman Empire, and dutifulness of the Parthians, and maketh himself equal to Augustus; declaring that a King had been demanded of him also, not mentioning Tiberius at all, notwithstanding he had sent aid likewise. He gave certain precepts to Meherdates, who was there present, advertising him that he should not think himself a Lord and master to command over his subjects as slaves; but a guide; and they citizens: and that he should use clemency and justice, virtues so much the more grateful unto these barbarians, by how much the less known among them. Then turning himself to the Ambassadors, he highly commended the youth which had been brought up in the city, as one, whose modesty had been well tried: that the dispositions of Kings were to be borne withal, because often changes are not profitable. That the Roman estate was grown unto that height with fullness of glory, that it desired peace and quietness even to foreign nations. After he had thus said, he commanded C. Cassius' governor of Syria, to conduct the young man to the river of Euphrates. Cassius at that time did excel the rest in the knowledge of the laws. For military skill is unknown in time of rest and quietness: and peace esteemeth alike of the coward and courageous. Nevertheless, as much as those quiet times gave him leave, he renewed the ancient discipline; kept the legions in practice with care and foresight, as if the enemy had been at hand; thinking it a thing worthy of his ancestors, and Cassian family, renowned among those people. Having therefore sent for them, through whose consentment the King was demanded, and planted his camp at Zeugma, where the river is most passable: after that the noblemen of Parthia, and the King of the Arabians called Abbarus was come, he showed unto Meherdates, that the first brunt of the barbarians was fierce and hot; but by delay and linger became cold, or turned into treason; and therefore he should courageously go through his enterprise. But his advise was contemned through Abbarus fraud, who detained him like an unexperienced young man in the town of Edessa; as though the highest degree of fortune and princely felicity had consisted in riot and wantonness. And when Carrhenes called them in, and assured them, that all was in a good readiness if they would make haste, they did not march strait to Mesopotamia, but turned to Armenia in an unseasonable time, because the winter was begun. Then wearied with snows and mountains, coming near to the plain, they joined with Carrhenes forces. And having passed the river of Tigris, they entered into the country of the Adiabeni; whose King juliates in open show professed himself a confederate of Meherdates, but underhand was more faithfully bend to Gotarzes.   

FOUR Gotarzes overcometh Meherdates, and cutteth off his ears: Mithradates usurpeth the kingdom of the Dandarides: and goeth about to drive out Cotys.  
Nevertheless in passing by, Meherdates took the city of Ninos, the most ancient seat of Assyria, and a famous Castle; because that in the last battle betwixt Darius and Alexander there, the Persian power was brought to utter ruin. In the mean time Gotarzes at a hill called Sambulos, offered vows to the gods of the place, among which Hercules was chief honoured: who at a certain time admonisheth his Priests in a dream, that near unto the Temple, they should have horses ready prepared for hunting: the horses loaden with quivers full of arrows prawnsing up and down the woods, return at night breathing and panting with their quivers empty. The god again declareth to them in a dream what woods they have coursed up and down in; whither they go and find wild beasts killed in many places. But Gotarzes not having sufficiently strengthened his army, useth the river Corma for a defence. And although he were summoned by divers messengers & hard speeches to battle: yet he sought delays; changed place; and sent some to corrupt the enemy, and draw them to forsake their obedience. Among which Ezates Adiabenus, and anon after Abbarus King of the Arabians, with their army began to shrink through a certain lightness incident to that nation: and because it is tried by experience that the Barbarians had rather come to Rome to demand a King, then when they have him keep him. Now Meherdates seeing himself stripped of his strongest succour, and suspecting least the others would betray him, determined for his last refuge to commit the matter to chance, and hazard it in a main battle. Gotarzes being very fierce, that his enemies forces were diminished, refused not to fight. They met with great slaughter and a doubtful issue; until Carrhenes making clear way before him, and driving and pursuing the enemies too far, was compassed behind with a fresh company and slain. Then all hope being lost, Meherdates trusting the promises of one Parrhaces a follower of his father, by his falsehood was taken prisoner, and delivered to the Conqueror. Who entreated him not like a kinsman, or one of the Arsaces stock; but reviled him like a stranger and a Roman: and having cut off his ears, gave him his life, as a show of his clemency; and dishonour and reproach unto us. Not long after Gotarzes died of a disease; and Vonones then governor of the Medes, was called to be King. There happened nothing in his reign either prosperous or unprosperous, worthy the telling: he lived but a short and an inglorious time; and the kingdom of the Parthians was translated to his son Vologeses. But Mithradates the Bosphoran wandering up and down after he had lost his forces; understanding that Didius the Roman Captain with the strength of his army was departed: and that only Cotys a raw and rude youth, was left in the new kingdom with some few bands under the conduct of julius Aquila gentleman of Rome; contemnig both of them, began to solicit the countries about him, and allure fugitives: and at last, having assembled an army, chaseth out the King of the Dandarides, and enjoyeth his kingdom. Which being understood, and looking every hour that he would invade the Bosphoran: Aquila and Cotys distrustring their own forces, because Zorsines' King of the Soraci had taken arms again, sought for foreign aid, and sent Ambassadors to Eunones King of the Adorsian nation: being no hard matter to draw him to their fellowship, after he had declared what odds there was between the Roman forces, and the rebel Mithradates. Whereupon they agreed that Eunones should have charge of the horsemen, and the Romans besiege towns. Then having mustered their army in order, they march in battle array; the Adorsi defending the front and the rearward; the cohorts and Bosphorani the middle battle, armed after our fashion. And so driving back the enemy, we came to Soza the chief town of Dandarica, which Mithradates forsook; where we left a garrison, as being doubtful of the inhabitants fidelity. From thence they marched to the Soraci: and having passed the river Panda, they besieged the city Vspe, situated on a high place, & fortified with walls and ditches; saving that the walls not being made of stone, but of hurdles joined together, & earth in the middle, were too weak against the besiegers: who having erected towers higher than the walls, with fire and darts disordered they besieged: and had not the night broken off the battle, the town had been assaulted and taken the same day. The next day they sent Ambassadors to entreat for the free men; but of slaves they offered ten thousand, which the Conquerors refused. And because that to slay such as yielded, would be a cruel part; and to keep so great a multitude, hard; they thought it best to hold on the siege, and kill them by right of war: and thereupon the sign was given to such soldiers as had scaled the walls to put them to the sword.   

V Mithradates being forsaken by Zorsines' King of the Soraci, ye eldeth to Eunones King of the Adorsi, and came to Rome after he had made a peace.  
THe slaughter of the Vspensiens' stroke the rest into a fear, thinking now that there was no safety in any thing: seeing their arms; their fortresses; high and hard places; rivers and towns, were forced alike. Zorsines' then long weighing with himself, whether he should secure Mithradates desperate case; or provide for his father's kingdom: at length the love of his country swaying him, having given pledges, he prostrated himself before the image of Caesar, to the great glory of the Roman army; which without any loss of bloodshed on his side came (as it is most manifest) victorious, within three days journey of the river Tanais. But in returning fortune was not alike; because some of the ships carried on the Taurian shores, were by the Barbarians surprised, & the perfect of the cohorts, and most of the Centurions slain. In the mean time Mithradates finding no safety in arms, debateth with himself whose mercy he should try: He feared his brother Cotys, because he betrayed him once, and was now his enemy. There was none of the Romans of such authority, that their promises should greatly be regarded: in fine, he addresseth himself to Eunones his enemy for private grudge; but great, and of better credit through the friendship newly contracted with us. Therefore composing his countenance, and attiring himself suitable to his present estate, goeth to the King's palace, and casting himself at his knees, saith: Behold here Mithradates, whom by sea and by land you have so many years sought. Behold I am here of my own voluntary will. Use as thou wilt the son of great Achemenes, which is the only thing which the enemies have not taken from me. But Eunones moved with the nobility of the man & the change of his fortune; at his prayer which argued no base mind; lifteth up the suppliant, and commendeth him that he had chosen the Adorsian nation, and his right hand for obtaining of pardon. And withal sendeth Ambassadors and letters to Caesar with these contents. That the first friendship, betwixt the Emperors and Kings of other mighty nations, proceeded of conformity and likeness of fortune: but Claudius' amity and his, of a victory common to them both. That the end of war were most notable, when peace was made with pardoning. So when Zorsinus was conquered nothing was taken from him: for Mithradates although he had deserved worse; no power, no kingdom was entreated for; but only that he might not be lead in triumph, and lose his life. Nevertheless Claudius, although he were mild and gentle towards foreign nobility; yet doubted, whether it were best for him to receive the captive under condition of life, or demand him by force of arms. For on one side the grief of injuries received, and desire of revenge pricked him; and on the other, reasons to the contrary: That he should take a war in hand in a hard country, and a havenlesse sea: withal that the Kings were fierce and the people scattered, and the soil fruitless, and needy of victuals; then that linger would bring tediousness, and haste danger: the praise should be small to the conquerors; the infamy great if they took the repulse: therefore it were best to take the offer, and keep the exiled: who being poor, how much the longer he lived; so much the more punishment he should endure. Moved with these reasons he wrote to Eunones. In very truth, that Mithradates deserved examplary punishment; neither wanted he power to execute it: nevertheless it hath seemed best unto our predecessors, to use as great benignity towards humble suppliants, as hard and rigorous dealing towards the enemy: for triumphs were gotten of whole nations and kingdoms. Then Mithradates was delivered and carried to Rome by junius Celo Procurator of Pontus; and thought to have spoken more boldly to Caesar, than his estate required. His speech was carried to the people in these terms. I am not sent back unto thee, but am come; and if thou believe me not, let me go and try. There appeared no sign of fear in his countenance, when as guarded with keepers near unto the court, he was shown unto the people. The consulary ornaments were given to Colo; and the Praetorian to Aquila:   

VI The death of Lollia Paulina, through Agrippina's jealousy. Calpurnia driven out of Italy.  
Under the same Consuls Agrippina boiling with deadly hatred and malice against Lollia, because she had contended with her for the marrying of the Prince, left no means unsought, until she had stirred up some to accuse her of conference had with the Chaldeans, and Magicians, and counsel asked of the idol of Apollo Clarius, concerning the emperors marriage. Hereupon Claudius, the defendant unhard, having spoken much before the Senate of her nobleness of birth, that she was L. Volusius sister's daughter; that Cotta Messallinus was her great uncle; and she once wife to Mennius Regulus, (for of purpose he left out that she had been married to C. Caesar) added in the end; that she had practised dangerous things against the state; and that all occasion and matter of evil was to be taken away: therefore he was of advise that she should lose her goods, and departed out of Italy; leaving the banished woman of the infinite wealth which she was mistress of, but 
* About 39062 pound 10. shil.  fifty hundred thousand sesterces. And Calpurnia, a woman of great birth was overthrown, only because the Prince had praised her beauty; not for any amorous affection, but by chance: yet Agrippina stretched not her malice to the uttermost against her, but sent a Tribune to make away Lollia. And Cadius Rufus was condemned for bribery, and extorsion, at the instance of the Bithynians. And in consideration of the great reverence the inhabitants of Gallia Narbonensis bore the Lords of the Senate, it was granted to the Senators of that province, that without licence of the Prince they might go visit their houses, & dispose of their goods with the like privilege, as they which were of the province of Sicilia. The Ituraei and jews, after their Kings Sohemus and Agrippa were dead, were joined to the province of Syria. It was ordained that the ceremonies of the auguration of health, intermitted five and twenty years, should be renewed, and continued from thenceforth. Caesar enlarged the circuit of the city, according to the ancient custom; by which licence was given them which had enlarged the bounds of the Empire, to enlarge the bounds of the City. Nevertheless none of the Roman captains L. Sylla and Augustus excepted, although they had subdued mighty nations, had undertaken to do it: but whether the Kings which then ruled the city did it for ambition or vainglory, there run divers reports. But it shall not be impertinent, as I think, to lay down the beginning of the foundation of Rome, and what circuit Romulus first assigned. He therefore began the circuit at the ox market called forum boarium, where we see set up a picture of a brazen Bull (because that kind of beast is broken to the plough) from thence drawing a furrow as a plat of the circuit of the city, which contained within it the great altar of Hercules. From thence by certain distances stones were put by the foot of the hill Palatine, unto the altar of Consus; then to the old Curies; then to the chapel of the household gods. For some have thought, that the forum Romanum, and the Capitol, were not added to the city by Romulus, but by T. Tatius. After that, the circuit or pomoerium was augmented, according to the fortune and riches of the Kings. And for the limits that Claudius then put, they are easily known, and are written in the public acts.   

VII. Domitius son of Agrippina is adopted by Claudius. The Cattis send hostages to Rome. Vannius driven out of his country, goeth to Rome.  
CAntistius, and M. Suilius being Consuls, the adoption of Domitius was hastened through Pallas credit, who being wholly at Agrippina's devotion, as a principal mean of working the marriage between Claudius and her, then bound unto her, for unlawful company of her body; urged Claudius to provide for the common wealth, and strengthen Britannicus estate whilst he was young. So Augustus wives children did flourish, although he had nephews of his own for a stay to his house: and Tiberius having issue of his own, adopted Germanicus: therefore that he should also strengthen himself with this young man, who would take part of the care upon him. Claudius' yielding to this persuasion, preferreth Domitius being but two years elder, before his own son; and maketh an oration before the Lords of the Senate, which he received of his freed man Pallas. The skilful and wise did note, that there had never been any adoption before that time in the Patrician family of the Claudians, & that the succession had never failed from Atta Clausus. Nevertheless great thanks were rendered the Prince, and exquisite flattery used to Domitius, and a decree set down, by which he should be accounted one of the Claudian family, and be called Nero. Agrippina also was magnified with the surname of Augusta. Both which done, there was no man so void of pity, which was not grieved and sorry for Britannicus fortune: for by little and little he was abandoned and scorned of his basest servants, by showing an unseasonable duty to his stepmother, which he well perceived, as not dull witted, but of good conceit, as it is reported; either because he was so indeed, or attributed to him in his distress, the same and opinion continued without trial. Agrippina to make her credit and power known among the confederates also, commanded the old soldiers, and a colony to be brought to the city of Vbiumw, here she was borne, which was afterward called of her name Agrippina. It happened by chance, that when that nation passed the Rhine, her grandfather Agrippa took them into his protection. About the same time upper Germany quaked with fear, through the coming of the Cattis, which rob and spoiled all where they came. Whereupon L. Pomponius Lieutenant, gave advertisement to the aid Vangiones, & Nemetians, adding unto them a company of horsemen, to get before those foragers; or if they slipped away, compass and surprise them on a sudden. The diligence of the soldiers followed the captains counsel, and dividing themselves into two companies, those which took the left hand came upon them, and slew them, as they newly returned from pillage, riotously abusing their booty, and heavy asleep. Their joy was increased, because they had delivered from servitude some of their fellows, which forty years before had been taken when Varus was defeated. But those which took the right hand, and the nearest way, meeting the enemy in the face, and daring to encounter, made a greater slaughter, and loaden with booty & fame, returned to the hill Taunus; where Pomponius was expected with the legions, if the Cattis desiring a revenge, would offer occasion to sight. But they fearing lest the Romans would set on them on one side, and the Cherusci with whom they are always at jar, on the other; sent Ambassadors and hostages to Rome; where the honour of triumph was awarded Pomponius, a small part of his fame with posterity, being more renowned for skill in poetry. About the same time Vannius made King of the Swevians by Drusus Caesar, was driven out of his kingdom: in the beginning of his rule well liked and accepted of the people; but in the end growing proud, partly by the hatred of the borderers, and partly by civil discords, was put to the worst. The authors of this practice were jubillius King of the Hermunduri, and Vangio, and Sido, Vannius sisters children: yet Claudius although often entreated, whilst these barbarous people were together by the ears, would no way intermeddle; only he promised Vannius refuge if he were driven out: & wrote unto P. Attilius Histrus governor of Pannonie, to lodge a legion, and all the aid he could levy in the province, on the bank of Danubium; as an aid to the conquered, and a terror to the conqueror, lest puffed up with prosperous fortune, they would so disturb our peace. For an infinite power of the Ligians and other nations were coming, drawn with the fame of the wealth of Vannius kingdom, which for thirty years space he had enriched with pillages and tributes. Vannius own forces consisted in footmen, his horsemen were of Sarmates, called jazygiens, unable to encounter the multitude of the enemy's power, and therefore defended himself in fortresses, and purposed to protract the war. But the jazygiens not able to endure to be besieged, but wandering and wasting the champion adjoining, drove Vannius to a necessity of fight, because Ligius and Hermundurus were pressing in, on the backs of them. Vannius therefore issuing out of his fort, lost the battle, but not without honour, even in his distress: because in person he shunned not the battle, and face to face received wounds in his body; and at last fled to his shipping which waited for him in Danubium: by and by his vassals following him, having received land to dwell in, planted themselves in a part of Hungaria. The kingdom Vangio and Sido parted between them, showing great loyalty towards us. Their subjects either for their desert, or such being the disposition of those which are kept under, whilst they were yet a getting the kingdom, showed them all tokens of love and affection: but after they had gotten it, as the greater their love before, so the greater their hatred after.   

VIII. Ostorius governor of great Britannia, gaineth a battle against the Iceni, and took Caractacus King of the same country, and sent him to Rome. The wars of the Romans' against the Siluri.  
Postorius' Propretor of Britannia, at his landing found all in an uproar: the enemy ranging the allies country, and using so much the greater violence, because he thought the new captain, as unacquainted with his army, and the winter also begun, would not come forth to encounter him. But he knowing well that the first success breedeth either fear or confidence; gathered with speed his readiest cohorts, made toward the enemy, slaying those which made head against him; pursued the residue straggled abroad, for fear lest they should join again: and lest a faithless and cloaked peace should neither give the captain nor the soldier any rest, he disarmed those he suspected, and hemmed them in with garrisons between Antona and Sabrina 
a Nen, at Northhampton and S●uerne. Vice Camdenum . Which the Iceni 
b Sffolke, Norfolk, Cambrid eshire, and Hunting onshire.  first of all refused, a strong people, and unshaken with wars; because that of their own motion they had sought our alliance and amity: and at their instigation the people adjoining chose a place to fight, compassed in, with a rude and common trench, and narrow entrance, to hinder the coming in of horsemen. That fence the Roman Captain, although he wanted the strength of the legions, went about to force with the aid of the allies alone: and having placed his cohorts in ranks, setteth the troops of horsemen in alike readiness to their business: then giving the sign of battle broke the rampire, and disordered the enemies in their own fortresses. Who strooken in conscience with a remorse for their rebellion; and seeing all passages of escaping stopped up; showed great courage and valour in defending themselves. In which fight M. Ostorius the Lieutenant's son, deserved the honour of saving a citizen. But by the slaughter of the Iceni, those which wavered between war and peace were quieted, and the army lead against the 
c Whether So●●mersetshire men or Chesshire, Consul. Camd.  Cangi. Whose country they wasted and spoiled; the enemy not daring to show himself in field: or if privily and by stealth they attempted to cut off any which dragged behind, they paid for their coming. Now the Roman army was come near unto the sea coast which looks towards Ireland, when as certain tumults sprung up among the 
d Yorkshire, Lancashire, B. of Durham Westmoreland, Cumberland,  brigants brought back the Captain, certainly resolved not to attempt any new matter, until he had settled the old. But as for the brigants, some few put to death which first began to take arms; the residue being pardoned, all were quieted. The 
e South-Wales as Herefordshire, Radnorshire, Brecknockshire, Monmouthshire, and Glamorganshire,  Siluri could neither by cruelty nor fair means, be hindered from making war: and therefore no remedy left to keep them under, but with a garrison of legionary soldiers. The which to perform more easily, a colony called 
f Maldon in Essex,  Camalodunum, of a strong company of old soldiers, was brought into the subdued country, as an aid and safeguard against the rebels; and inducement to the confederates, to the observation of laws. From thence they marched against the Siluri; besides their own courage trusting to Caractacus strength: who having waded thorough many dangers, and in many adventures prosperous and lucky, had gotten such reputation, that he was preferred before all the British Captains. But in craft, and skilfulness of the country, having the advantage on us, but weaker in strength, removeth the war to the 
g North-wales Montgomery shire, Merionyth-shire, Carnaruonshire, Denbighshire, and Flintshire  Ordovices: and there all those joining to him which feared our peace, resolved to hazard the last chance; choosing a place for the battle, where the coming in and going out was very incommodious to us; and to his, great advantage. Then they got to the top of a hill: and if there were any easy passage unto them, they stopped it up with heaps of stones, as it were in manner of a rampire. Not far off, ran a river with an uncertain ford, where a great troop of his best soldiers were ready in order before the rampire. Besides this, the leaders went about, exhorted and encouraged the soldiers, taking all occasion of fear from them, and putting them in hope, with all other inducements of war. And Caractacus coursing hither & thither, protested: That that day, and that battle should be either the beginning of the recovering of their liberty, or perpetual servitude. He called upon the names of his ancestors, which chased Caesar the Dictator out of the isle; by whose valour they were delivered from hatchets, and tributes; and enjoyed freely their wives and children's bodies undefiled. Whilst he uttered these or the like speeches, the people made a noise about him; and every man swore according to the religion of his country, that he would yield, neither for wounds nor arms. That courage and cheerfulness greatly astonished the Roman Captain: and considering the river before his face; the fort they had cast up; the high hills which hanged over them; all things deadly to them, and commodious for the enemy; drove him into a doubt of the success. Nevertheless the soldier demanded battle, crying that there was nothing which valour could not overcome. The Prefects and Tribunes using the like speeches, greatly incensed the ardour and courage of the rest. The Ostorius having viewed what places were of hard passage, and which of easy; leadeth his army boiling with choler, with small difficulty over the river. But when we were come to the rampire, as long as we fought with throwing of darts, we received most wounds, and many of our men were slain: but after we had made our target fence 
* Vide annot in hist. lib. 3. num. 7.  thick, and broken down those rude compacted heaps of stones; and that the fronts of both the armies came close to handy strokes, without odds the Barbarians fled to the hill tops. But thither also as well the light harnessed soldier, as the corselets broke in: after whom the one galding them with darts and javelins; and the others marching thick and close together, broke the ranks, and disordered the Britain's; having neither headpiece, nor coat offence. If they thought to resist our aid-souldiers, they were beaten down with swords and javelins by the legionaries; if they turned to make head against them, they were slain with the pikes and two handed swords of the auxiliaries. That victory was famous; Caractacus wife & daughter were taken, and his brothers yielded themselves. He himself (as generally all succour fails in adversity) craving defence and protection of Cartismandua, Queen of the brigants was by her taken prisoner and delivered to the conquerors, nine years after the war was begun in Britannia. Whereupon his fame being carried over the islands, and spread abroad throughout the Provinces adjoining, was also renowned in Italy: and they desired to see who he was, that so many years had contemned our forces. Neither was his name meanly esteemed of at Rome. And whilst Caesar extolled his own worth, he made the conquered more glorious. The people was assembled, as to see a notable spectacle. The emperors guard was all in arms, and good order, in the field before their camp: then Caractacus vassals and retinue going before, the caparissons, his chains and all other things gotten in war against strangers, were brought after; then his brothers; his wife and daughter; and last of all, he himself was shown to the people. The prayers of the rest were base for fear: but Caractacus neither hanging down the head; nor in words craving mercy, when he stood before Caesar's tribunal, spoke as followeth. If my moderation in prosperity had been as great as my nobility and fortune, I had come rather as a friend into this city, than a captive: neither wouldst thou have disdained to have received me with covenants of peace, being descended of ancient progenitors, and commanding over many nations. My present lot, as it is to me dishonourable; so is it to thee magnificent. I have had horses, men, arms, wealth: What marvel is it if unwillingly I have lost them? for if you will command all men, it followeth that all men become bondmen. If presently I had yielded and been delivered into thy hands; neither my fortune, nor thy glory had been renowned; and oblivion would have followed my punishment. But if thou keep me alive, I shall be for ever an example of thy clemency. Having spoken these words, Caesar pardoned him, his wife, and his brothers. And being all unbound, they did their reverence likewise unto Agrippina, who sat aloft in another high chair; and gave her the like praises and thanks, as they had given the Prince. Surely a new and strange thing, and of our ancestors never used, that a woman should sit and command the Roman ensigns; but she carried herself as a fellow and associate of the Empire gotten by her ancestors. After this the Lords of the Senate being called together, they made long and glorious discourses touching Caractacus captivity: affirming it to be no less honourable than when P. Scipio showed Siphaces unto the people, and L. paulus, Perses; or if any other had exhibited to the view of the people Kings, vanquished and overcome. Then public honours of triumph were ordained for Ostorius, his fortunes until then prosperous; but not long after doubtful: either because that Caractacus being removed, as though thereby all had been vanquished and subdued, service was carelessly entertained; or else because that the enemies having compassion of so mighty a King, were more fervently inflamed to revenge. For they environed the camp-master, and the legionary cohorts, which were left behind to build fortresses in the Silureses country: and if they had not been speedily rescued by the villages and forts adjoining, they had been put to the sword every man. Nevertheless the camp-master, and eight Centurions, and the forwardest common soldiers, were slain: and anon after they put to flight our foragers, and the troops of horsemen which were sent to rescue them. Then Ostorius sendeth abroad certain light harnessed companies; which yet could not stay their flight, if the legions had not undertaken the battle. By their strength they fought with small odds on either hand, till at length we had the better of it; and the enemy betook him to his heels with small loss, because the day began to fail. After that time they had divers skirmishes, though for the most part in woods and marshes, according as occasion was given, in manner of roads, either by chance, or of valour; sometime rashly, sometimes with foresight; now for anger, now for booty; sometimes by their captains commandment; and sometime without warrant: but principally by the obstinacy of the Siluri, exasperated with a speech which the Roman Emperor should have used: which was, that as the Sugambri were destroyed, and transported into Gallia; so the name of the Siluri should utterly be extinguished. And in this heat they intercepted two aidebandes, uncircumspectly wasting and spoiling through the avarice of the captains; and by distributing the spoils and prisoners, drew the residue of the nations to revolt; when as Ostorius wearied with care and travel yielded up his ghost: the enemy rejoicing thereat, as at the death of a captain not to be despised, though not in battle, yet spent by reason of the war. But Caesar being advertised of the death of his Lieutenant, lest the Province should be destitute of a governor, sent A. Didius in his place. He being gone thither with great speed, yet found not all quiet: Manlius Valens in the mean space having had with a legion committed to his charge an unlucky fight. The fame whereof the enemy made greater than it was, to terrify the captain which was coming: and he used the like policy, and augmented the fame of that which he had heard, to win more praise by appeasing the stirs; or if he could not, to purchase pardon more easily. The Siluri did therein endamage us, and waste and spoil far abroad, until by Didius coming they were driven back. But after that Caractacus was taken, Venutius a very expert man in military affairs, borne at the city of the jugantes; 
* E 〈…〉 itate Brigantum saith Camd.  & as I have said before, a long time trusty unto us, and defended by the Roman power, as long as the marriage betwixt him and Cartismandua continued; rebelled against us, by reason of a divorce and war between them. But at the first the strife was only between them two, until Cartismandua by policy had taken prisoner Venutius brother and nearest kinsmen. Whereupon the enemies kindled with rage, and ignominy pricking them forward, lest they should be brought under the yoke of a woman, they invaded her kingdom with a strong power of armed and choice youth. Which was foreseen by us, and the cohorts sent to second her, fought a hot battle; which at the beginning was doubtful, though the end more joyful. A legion also which Cesius Nasica commanded, fought with the like success: for Didius being strooken in years, and having received many honours, thought it sufficient to execute his charge, and drive away the enemy by the help of others. These exploits although they were achieved by two Propretors Ostorius and Didius in many years; yet I thought good to join together, least being severed, they should not so well have been remembered.   

IX. Nero Agrippina's son, is preferred before Britannicus, son to Claudius.  
NOw I will return to the order of times. Ti. Claudius being the fift time Consul, and Ser. Cornelius Orfitus, great haste was made to make Nero of full years, 
* Toga virilis in opposition to praetexta, which noble men's children wore till 17. then took togam virilem: tenes utique memoria quantum senseris gaudium, cum praetexta posita, sumsisti virilem togam. Senec.  that he might seem more capable of the government. And Caesar willingly yielding to the flattery of the Lords of the Senate, consented that Nero should be Consul at twenty years of age: and being elect, in the mean season, have the Proconsulary authority out of the city; and be called prince of youth. There was also given in his name a donative to the soldiers, and a liberality to the people. The Circensian plays being exhibited to win the favour of the people, Britannicus in his pretext, and Nero in triumphing attire; because the people should see the one in the magnificence of an Emperor, and the other in the habit of a child; thereby to presume what fortune to either of them should hereafter fall. Withal, if any of the Centurions or Tribunes bewailed Britannicus hap, they were removed either by feigned pretences, or under colour of preferment: yea of the freed men, if any were faithful he was not suffered about him. As these two met upon occasion, Nero saluted Britannicus by his name, and Britannicus rendered him the like by the name of Domitius. Which Agrippina taking hold of, as a beginning of a quarrel, carrieth to her husband with a grievous complaint, saying: that the adoption was nought set by, the decree of Senate, the ordinance of the people broken and abrogated in his own house: and if such contemptuous frowardness of Britannicus teachers were not severely looked unto, it would burst out into some public mischief. Claudius' moved with these complaints, as though they had been faults indeed, either banished, or put to death the chiefest bringers up of his son, and placed such over him as his stepmother would appoint. Nevertheless Agrippina durst not level at her chiefest mark, which was, that her son should succeed in state, unless Lusius Geta, and Rufus Crispinus captains of Caesar's guard were first discharged; whom she thought would be mindful of Messallinaes' favours towards them, and therefore bound unto her children. Agrippina therefore beareth the Emperor in hand, that the guard was divided into factions through ambition of the two captains striving for superiority; that the discipline of service would be better kept if the soldiers were commanded by one alone. The charge of the cohorts was transferred unto Burrhus Afranius, a man of great fame for matter of service, yet knowing well by whose practice and favour he came to the place. Agrippina began also to raise her own estate to a higher degree, by entering into the Capitol in a chariot, which in times past was a custom only lawful for the Priests in sacred rites; which augmented the more the state of this woman, because she was the only example unto this day of any one, who being daughter of an Emperor, hath been also sister, wife, and mother of an Emperor. In the mean season her chiefest buckler Vitellius, being in highest favour, and very old (so slippery is the state of great personages) was accused by junius Lupus Senator, of treason, and aspiring to the Empire; and Caesar ready to give ear to the accusation, if he had not rather changed his opinion by Agrippina's threats than entreaties, and so to banish the accuser, which was the punishment Vitellius best liked. That year many prodigious sights happened: as that many birds portending evil luck lighted upon the Capitol; many houses ruined by often earthquakes, and the fear spreading among the astonished people, many in throngs were smothered. The want of corn, and the famine which ensued thereof was also construed as a presage of evil luck. Neither did they complain in secret only, but came about Claudius as he gave audience, with turbulent clamours, and having thrust him to the end of the forum, followed him, until that with a band of soldiers he broke through the press. It was most certain that the city was not victualled for above fifteen days: but by the great goodness of the gods, and mildness of the winter, the city was relieved in necessity. But truly in times past provision of corn hath been transported out of Italy into other provinces far distant. And at this present we stand not in want through the barrenness of the country, but we do rather manure Africa and Egypt, and hazard the life of the people of Rome by sea, whereof depends want or abundance.   

X. Wars between the Romans and the Parthians.  
THe same year a war begun between the Armenians and Hiberi, was cause of great troubles betwixt the Romans and the Parthians. Vologeses was King of the Parthians, descended by his mother's side of a Greek concubine, yet got the kingdom by consent of his brothers. Pharasmanes hath a long time possessed the Hiberians country as a King; and his brother Mithradates the Armenians through our forces. Pharasmanes had a son called Rhadamistus of a comely tall stature, and of a very strong and able body, trained up in the qualities and practices his father before him had been, and greatly renowned among his neighbours. He was wont to say that the kingdom of Hiberia was small; and yet kept from him by his father, who was very old: and so oft he did cast forth those speeches, and so fiercely, that it was easily seen how greedy a desire he had to reign. Pharasmanes then seeing this young man so desirous and ready to rule, misdoubting the people's affection bend towards him, by reason of his declining years; thought it best to feed him with some other hope, and set Armenia before his eyes, telling him that he had given that kingdom to Mithradates, having first expulsed the Parthians. Yet that it was not his best course to set on it by force; but use policy against Mithradates and entrap him when he least looked for it. Rhadamistus under colour of some discontent with his father, through the insupportable dealing of his stepmother, goeth to his uncle: where being entreated with all courtesy as if he had been his own child, soliciteth the chief noble men of Armenia to rebellion: Mithradates knowing nothing, but still entertaining him with all favour and kindness. Rhadamistus under colour of reconciliation returned unto his father, and declared unto him, to what a forwardness he had brought matters by policy; and that the rest was to be accomplished by arms. In the mean time Pharasmanes seeketh occasions of war: and feigneth that when he made war against the King of the Albani, and demanded succour of the Romans, his brother was against him, which injury he would revenge to his utter ruin and overthrow. And therewithal giveth his son a strong power; who having terrified Mithradates with a sudden irruption and driven him out of the field, forced him to flee into a fort called Gorneas, strong by situation, and guarded with a garrison of soldiers: Caelius Pollio being their Captain, and Casperius their Centurion. The barbarous people know nothing less than engines and subtle devices in besieging and assailing of fortresses: and to us that part of service is most familiar. And Rhadamistus in vain, yea with his loss having tried to approach the fort beginneth the siege; and seeing how little good was to be done that way, trieth what merchandise he could make with the Captain for money: although Casperius protested that a King confederate, or Armenia the gift of the people of Rome, ought not to be bought and sold by corruption and money. In the end, because Pollio pretended the multitude of enemies, and Rhadamistus his father's commandment; Casperius having agreed to a suspension of arms, departed: with intention that if he could not withdraw Pharasmanes from making war against Mithradates, he would inform T. Vinidius Quadratus precedent of Syria in what state Armenia stood. By the departure of the Centurion, the perfect being as it were delivered of a keeper, began to exhort Mithradates to make a peace: Showing him the unity that should be between brothers, that Pharasmanes was his elder brother; with other respects of friendship and alliance; as that he had married Pharasmanes daughter, and how he was Rhadamistus father in law. The Hiberi refused not to make a peace, although at that time they were strong, and the perfidiousness of the Armenian well known; & Mithradates had no other refuge but the Castle destitute of munition: & therefore that he should not doubt rather to accept conditions of peace without blood, then try the hazard of war. Mithradates resolved not on the sudden, suspecting the captains counsels; because he had lewdly behaved himself with the King's concubines, was a man easily corrupted with money to all lewdness. Casperius in the mean space goeth to Pharasmanes, and is very instant that the Hiberi should departed from the siege of Gorneas. But the King giving him openly uncertain answers, and for the most part gentle and mild; by secret messengers advertiseth Rhadamistus by all possible means to hasten the assault. The price of the treason is augmented, and Pollio secretly corrupting the soldiers, persuadeth them earnestly to demand a peace, and threaten that they would abandon the fortress. Through which necessity Mithradates taketh a day and place to treat of a peace, and goeth out of the fortress. Rhadamistus running immediately to embrace him; feigneth great obedience; calleth him father in law, and father; and sweareth he would use no violence towards him, neither by sword, nor poison. And withal draweth him into a wood hard by, saying: that there he had caused a sacrifice to be provided, to conclude and confirm the peace in the presence of the gods. The custom of those Kings is, that when they make any atonement, to join their right hands, and bind their thumbs together, and draw them hard with a knot; then when the blood is run to the outward parts, with a small prick let it out, and then lick the one the others: that atonement is counted secret, as it were hallowed with their mutual blood. But he which should have tied their thumbs together, feigning as if he had fallen, catcheth hold of Mithradates knees, and overthroweth him: immediately many ran in and bound him in chains and fetters, and so drew him away, which the Barbarians repute a great ignominy and dishonour. The common people whom he had rigorously tyrannized, reviled him, and offered to strike him. But contrariwise there were some which had compassion of so great a change of fortune: and his wife following with her little children filled all with lamentation; who were all thrust into sundry covered wagons, until Pharasmanes pleasure was known. But the Kingdom was dearer unto him, than his brother and daughter; and therefore his mind was ready bend to all wickedness: only he took order that they should not be murdered in his sight. And Rhadamistus as it were mindful of his oath, used neither sword nor poison against his sister & uncle; but laying them on the ground covereth and stifleth them with a heavy burden of clothes. And Mithradates children were slain likewise, because they wept and bewailed the murdering of their parents. But Quadratus understanding that Mithradates was betrayed, and that the murderers enjoyed the kingdom; calleth a council, declareth the matter, and consulteth whether he should revenge or not. Few had care of the public credit; most were of opinion that they should embrace the surest way. That they should be glad of all wickedness committed among foreign nations: yea that they should cast seeds of sedition and hatred among them: as oft the Roman Princes had bestowed the same Armenia under colour of liberality, now to one, now to another, as an occasion to put those Barbarians together by the ears. That Rhadamistus might enjoy his ill gotten kingdom, so as withal he be odious and infamous: seeing that it was better so for the Romans, than if he had gotten it with credit. They all condescended unto this advise. And yet lest they should seem to approve that wicked fact, and lest Caesar should command the contrary, messengers were sent to Pharasmanes, advising him to departed Armenia, and withdraw his son away likewise. At that time julius Pelignus a dastardly coward, and no less despicable a jesting stock for mishap and deformity of body, was Procurator of Cappadocia; but of inward familiarity with Caesar; when being a private man in times past, in his company he spent his idle time with delight and contentation. This Pelignus having gathered together the forces of the Provinces, as if he would recover Armenia, but wasting and spoiling the allies more than the enemies; his own revolting from him, and the Barbarians making incursions; being without succour came to Rhadamistus, who with gifts so won him, that of his own motion he exhorted him to crown himself King, and assisted him as the author and approover of the action. Which dishonest fact being bruited abroad, lest the credit of the rest should be measured according to this fact of Pelignus; helvidius Priscus, Lieutenant was sent with a legion to redress those stirs as the present occasion required. Who having withal convenient speed passed over the hill Taurus, and settling the affairs there, rather with moderation, than force; was commanded to return to Syria; lest he should be a beginning of war against the Parthians. For Vologeses thinking there had fell out just occasion of invading Armenia, which possessed of his ancestors, a foreign King now occupied by a lewd practice, assembleth his power: and because none of his house should live without rule and sovereignty, goeth about to invest his brother Tiridates in the kingdom. By the coming of the Parthians, the Hiberi were driven out without stroke striking: and the cities of the Armenians, Artaxata, & Tigranocerta, submitted themselves to the yoke. But the sharp and hard winter, or else scarcity of victuals & other provision, & the sickness proceeding of both; constrained Vologeses to forsake his pretended enterprise: and Rhadamistus invadeth Armenia a fresh, having none to resist him; more cruel than before, as against rebels, ready at all times to rebel if occasion were offered. In so much that they, though accustomed to bondage: yet break all patience, and besiege the King's house; Rhadamistus having no other refuge, than the swiftness of his horses, saved both himself and his wife. But his wife being great with child, endured the first flight so so, for fear of the enemy and love of her husband: afterward by continual haste and overmuch jogging and shaking, she began to pray her husband, that with an honest death she might be delivered from the reproach of captivity. He at the first embraced her, comforted her, encouraged her; then admiring her stoutness, then sick with grief, least leaving her behind him, any should enjoy her: at last overcome with love; and being no babe in wicked atrempts, draweth his cymetter; and having given her a wound, drew her to the bank of Araxis, and committed her to the river, lest her body should be carried away; and posteth himself to Hyberia his father's kingdom. In the mean time the shepherds espied Zenobia (for so was Rhadamistus wife called) drawing breath and alive, upon the quiet shore of the river: and judging her by the comeliness of her person of some noble race, bound up her wound, & applied such medicaments as the country affordeth. Then understanding her name & chance, carried her into the city Artaxata: from whence at the charge of the common purse she was conducted to Tiridates, who entertained her with such courtesy as beseemed a King's wife.   

XI. A decree against the Mathematicians. Cumanus and Felix, governors of judaea be at variance: War against the Clintes.  
WHen Faustus Sylla, and Saluius Otho were Consuls; Furius Scribonianus was banished, as searching out by the Chaldeans the time when the Prince should die. And junia his mother who before exiled was touched with the same crime, as bearing impatiently her former fortune. Camillus, Scribonianus father had heretofore stirred up wars in Dalmatia: and therefore Caesar thought it a point of clemency to keep alive the progeny of his enemy. Nevertheless the banished man enjoyed not any long life after this: but ended his days, either by natural death, or by poison; every man giving out as he believed. Ofbanishing the Astrologers out of Italy, there was a strait decree of Senate made, but took no effect. After this the Prince commended such in an oration, who knowing their own estate decayed, gave up their Senator's room of their own accord; & those put from it, which continuing in it, joined impudency to their poverty. Among other things the matter was debated in Senate touching the punishment of such women as married with slaves: and an order set down that she who without the privity of his Lord, had fallen into that folly, should as if she had consented thereto, become herself a bondslave, and the children borne of them be taken as Libertini. And Pallas whom Caesar publicly confessed to have been author of this relation, was by the advise of Barea Soranus Consul elect, honoured with the Praetorian ornaments, & received further 
* About 11718 pound 15. shil.  a hundred & fifty hundred thousand sesterces: and it was added by Scipio Cornelius, that thanks should be publicly given him, that being descended from the Kings of Armenia, he would prefer the public good before his ancient family, and vouchsafe to be accounted one of the Prince's officers. Claudius affirmed that Pallas was contented with the Praetorian dignity only, and would continue in his former poverty. Whereupon a decree of Senate was publicly engraven in brass in commendation of this freed man, who being possessor of 
* About 2343750. lib.  three hundred millions of sesterces, was content to live according to the provident manner of sparing of our ancestors. But his brother surnamed Felix of late made governor of judaea, used not the same moderation; but bore himself upon his authority as a sufficient warrant for all lewdness whatsoever. The jews made show of a rebellion through a sedition * after they understood of the death of Caius: they were still afeard lest some other Prince, should command them the like things. In the mean season, Felix going about to redress all by unseasonable punishments, exasperated them the more. And Ventidius Cumanus unto whom part of the Province was committed, and was his secret enemy, egged him forward. For the country was so divided, that the Galileans were governed by Cumanus; and the Samaritans by Felix, enemies of old; and now more than ever showing themselves through the contempt of the governors. And therefore made inroads one against the other; set in companies to rob and spoil; laid ambushes: and sometimes they met in battle, and carried the booties and spoils to their governors. Who at the first were glad of it; but in the end perceiving the mischief to grow greater, they sent in soldiers to quiet them, which were all slain. And the whole Province had been in an uproar; if Quadratus the governor of Syria had not found means of redress: who stayed not long until he had revenged the death of the Roman soldiers, which the jews had slain. Cumanus & Felix drew the matter at length, because Claudius having understood the occasions of the rebellion had given authority to the Governor to determine, & punish the Procurators Cumanus and Felix, if their demerit had so required. But Quadratus caused Felix to sit among the judges, and received him into the tribunal to him, to the end the heat of the accusers should thereby be cooled: and condemned Cumanus for all the misdemeanour which both of them had committed; and by that means he set the Province at quietness. Not long after the peasants of the Cilician nation surnamed Clites, which at divers other times had rebelled, having Trosobor for their Captain, encamped on a rough and high hill. And from thence running down to the sea shores & cities, ventured on the husbandmen and citizens; and often set on merchants and sea men. And then having besieged the city of the Anemurienses; the horsemen sent out of Syria to aid them, were put to flight with Curtius Severus their Perfect, by reason the difficulties and uncleanness of the place round about fit for footmen, was most incommodious for horsemen to fight. Then Antiochus King of that quarter, using fair words to the country people, & craft & subtlety towards the Captain, when he had severed the forces of the Barbarians, having slain Trosobor, & a few of the ringleaders; appeased the residue by clemency. The same time between the lake Fucinus & the river Lyris, the better to behold the sight & magnificence of the spectacle, a mountain was cut through, & in the very lake a sea fight was represented. Augustus in times past had done the like, by making a standing pool on this side Tiber, but with light boats & fewer in number. Claudius' armed galleys with three and four oars on a seat, and nineteen thousand men, & environed the lake with frames of timber work, because they should not run out at random, yet left space enough for the rowers and pilots to show skill, and such encounters as had been accustomed in a sea fight. On the buildings about the lake stood certain companies of footmen and troops of horsemen of the emperors guard, with fences before them to shoot with warlike instruments & engines. The rest of the lake, sea soldiers occupied with covered ships: the shore and small hill tops as it had been a Theatre, an infinite number of people filled, as well out of the towns adjoining, as the city, through desire of seeing the pastime, or to please the Prince. He himself in a rich and princely cote armour, and Agrippina not far off sat aloft, in a garment wrought with gold. They fought although they were malefactors and condemned persons, with great courage and valour; and after many wounds, were parted & hindered from killing one another. But after that the show was ended, & the water let out: the insufficiency of the work which was not thrust down, nor digged deep enough to the bottom, was discovered. Whereupon not long after the ditches were digged deeper, & to draw the people again together, a show offencers was made on bridges built over the lake to represent a land-fight. And at the mouth of the lake a banquet prepared, drove them all into a great fear through the violent gushing out of the water, which carried with it all that was by, and things farther off breaking down, with the crash and noise, struck them all into amaze. Whereupon Agrippina taking advantage of the Prince's fear, rebuked Narcissus who had charge of the work, of covetousness and theft. And he for his part held not his tongue, but cast in her teeth her intolerable pride, and over haughty hopes.   

XII. Nero marrieth with Octavia: the inhabitants of Cous exempted from subsidies: the like is granted to Bysance.  
WHen D. junius and Q. Haterius were Consuls, Nero at the age of sixteen, married Caesar's daughter, Octavia. And to win credit and reputation by honourable studies and glory of eloquence, undertaking the Ilienses cause, declared that the Romans were descended from Troy, and that AEneas was the root of the julian family, and many other matters, not far unlike old fables; which being delivered with a good grace and fit words, obtained that the Ilienses should be released from all public duties and charges. He pleaded also for the Bononian colony which was wasted with fire, and obtained for their relief 
* About 78125. pound.  ten millions of sesterces. The inhabitants of Rhodes are restored to their liberty, often taken from them, or confirmed, according as they had merited by service abroad, or demerited by sedition at home. The Apameans ruined by an earthquake were discharged of tribute for five years. Claudius was incensed to much cruelty by Agrippina's practices; who gaping after Statilius Taurus gardens, esteemed very rich, never ceased until she had overthrown him, Tarquitius Priscus being his accuser. This Priscus had been Taurus' Lieutenant, when he was Proconsul in Africa: and when they returned, objected that in some things he had used extorsion and bribery; and withal, that he consulted with Magicians. But he not able to endure such an indignity by a false accuser, slew himself before the Senators had given sentence: yet notwithstanding all the suit Agrippina could make, this Tarquitius was expulsed the Curia: so odious he was to the rest of the Lords of the Senate. The same year the Prince was often heard to say, that the causes adjudged by his Procurator, should be of the same validity, as if himself had given sentence. And lest those words might seem to have escaped him by chance, a decree of Senate was enacted thereon, fuller and amplier than before any had been conceived. And Augustus of famous memory had granted, that all causes might be heard before the gentlemen which governed Egypt; and commanded that the sentences set down by them should be kept, as if they had been given by a magistrate of Rome. After that, in other Provinces and in the city, many things were granted, which in times past belonged to the hearing only of the Praetor. Claudius yielded them all the right and jurisdiction, for which there had been such wars and sedition: as when the order of gentlemen by the Sempronian laws, were established in the possession of judicature; or when the Seruilian laws on the other side, had given the Senate power judicially to determine causes: and for which Marius and Sylla in times past more than all the rest, made wars the one against the other. But in those days factions reigned among the citizens; and the conquerors bore public sway, having all power in their hands. C. Opius and Cornelius Balbus were the first, which with authority from Caesar could handle conditions as well of peace, as of ware. It were to small purpose to speak of the Matians and Vedians after these, which were gentlemen of mark, and of noble families: seeing that Claudius hath made freed men, unto whom he had committed the charge of his household affairs equal to himself, and to the laws. After that, Caesar propounded, whether those of Cous should be released of tributes, alleging many things concerning their antiquity: as that the Argivi and Ceus, Latona's father, were the old inhabitants of the isle; and that after by Aesculapius arriving there, the Art of Physic was brought in; a man highly esteemed of posterity; naming them by their names, and in what age every one of them flourished. Further, he affirmed that Xenophon whose skill himself used in Physic, descended from the same family; and that in regard of his desire, the isle of Cous devoted to the service of so great a god, should be discharged of all tributes. Neither was it to be doubted, but there might be alleged many merits of theirs, towards the people of Rome; and many victories obtained by their alliance. But Claudius according to his accustomed facility and simplicity, went not about to shadow that with external helps, which he had bestowed in favour of one alone. The Byzantines having obtained audience, delivered how grievous their impositions and tributes were; and desired they might be released; and ripped up all reasons they could, even from the first alliance which they made with us, when we warred against the king of Macedonia; who for baseness of mind, and want of courage, was called the false Philip. How after that, they had sent their power against Antiochus, Perses, Aristonicus: and how they succoured Antony, in the wars against the pirates: calling to mind likewise that which they offered Sylla, or Lucullus, or Pompey: then the late good turns & services done to the Caesars, when they came into those parts; where there is a most convenient passage both by land and by sea, for the captains and armies; with all carriages of necessary provisions. For the Greeks sited Byzance in the utmost part of Europe, in a very narrow straight, which divideth Europe from Asia: for having consulted with Pythius Apollo, in what territory they should build their city; the oracle answered them that they should seek out a seat which was opposite to the land of Blinde-men. By that dark speech, the Chalcedonians were pointed at; because that having first arrived in that place, not judging aright of the commodiousness of it, made choice of the worst: for Byzance is seated in a fertile soil, and a plentiful sea; because great abundance of fish going out of Pontus, and frighted with the rocks and stones under the water, forsaking the creeks of the other shore, is brought all to these havens. Whereby, first all the city became rich and wealthy: but then oppressed with charges and impositions; and therefore entreated they might either have an end or a mean of so heavy a burden. The Prince was ready to do them good, alleging that they were to be helped, as people wearied with late wars against the Thracians, and Bosphorans: and thereupon they were exempted from tributes for five years space.   

13. Why Agrippina seeketh Claudius' death: the Emperor dieth empoisoned by the Physician Xenophon.  
WHen M. Asinius, and M. Acilius were Consuls, a change of state to the worse was portended, and foreknown by many prodigious signs. For the ensigns and soldiers tents were burnt with fire from heaven. A swarm of Bees lighted on the top of the Capitol: monsters and children borne with two shapes: and a Sow brought forth a Pig with talons of a hawk. It was accounted a prodigious matter, that the number of magistrates was so small; a Questor, Aedill, Tribune, Praetor, and Consul dying but a few months before. But Agrippina of all others was most afeard, by reason of a word which Claudius cast forth being drunk; which was, that it was fatal unto him, first to bear the lewdness of his wives; then to punish them. Thereupon she bestirreth herself, and that with all speed: but first having made away Domitia for light cause, and women's quarrels. For Domitia Lepida, being daughter to the younger Antonia, and niece to Augustus, & cozen german to Agrippina, and sister to Gn. Agrippina's first husband; thought herself to be of as great nobility as Agrippina, and as well descended: neither was there any great difference between them in beauty, age, and wealth. And being both unchaste, infamous, peremptory & proud; they no less hated one the other for their vices, then for the graces & gifts of fortune. The ground of this bitter and deadly hate was, which should have more credit, and greater interest in Nero, the aunt or the mother. For Lepida had won the young man's heart by gifts, and fair words: Agrippina contrariwise cruel, and threatening, could give her son the Empire; but not endure that he should rule. The crimes imputed to her were, that she went about to destroy the prince's wife by incantatious, and devilish invocations: and that by not bridling and punishng her swarms of slaves in Calabria, she had disturbed the quietness of Italy: for these causes she was commanded to die: Narcissus mightily repining and grudging at it, who began more and more to suspect Agrippina; and was said to have uttered unto his nearest friends, that he was sure to die, whether Britannicus or Nero came to be Emperor. Yet he had received so much good at Caesar's hands, that he esteemed more of the prince's safety then his own life: Messalina and Silius had been convicted; the like occasions of accusations will be offered again, if Nero should reign. If Britannicus should succeed, he had deserved no favour of him; and the whole house would be shaken, and utterly overthrown with the devilish devices of his stepmother; and with more wicked practices, then if he had concealed the impudicitie and unclean life of his other wife: although the house be as shamefully defiled by Pallas adultery as then it was; because no man should doubt what small account she made of her credit, reputation, shame, body and all whatsoever, so as she might rule and command. After he had uttered these or the like speeches he embraced Britannicus, wished he were come to ripe years, lifteth up his hands sometimes to the gods, sometimes to him; praying that he might grow in years, drive out his father's enemies, & revenge on the murderers of his mother. Claudius' in this great heap of cares was strooken with sickness, and to recover his strength with the temperateness of the city, & wholesomeness of the waters, went to Sinuessa. Then Agrippina long before resolved in her villainous deseignments, and desirous to hasten the occasion offered, wanting no ministers, began to think with herself what kind of poison she were best to use: for by a speedy and quick working poison, she feared least her wickedness should be discovered; yet if she should choose a linger slow working one, lest Claudius drawing by little and little to his end, and understanding the treachery, should turn his mind, and show love and affection to his own son: in the end she resolved to think on some singular thing which should trouble his brains, and not work his death over-hastely. A schoolemistris of such practices was chosen of purpose, called Locusta of late condemned for empoisoning, and long reserved among other instruments of state. The poison was prepared by this woman's skill, and the minister to give it was Halotus, an Eunuch, one accustomed to carry in and taste his meat: all came afterward so clearly to light, that the writers of those times have affirmed, that the poison was infused into a Mushroom which Claudius took pleasure to eat of; which than he perceived not, either by reason of his blockishness, or overmuch quaffing of wine; and having a solublenes of body withal, it was thought the receipt would not work his effect. Whereupon Agrippina greatly astonished, and fearing her utter destruction, nothing regarding what envy she might presently incur, conferreth with Xenophon the Physician, whose conscience beforehand she had wrought to serve her turn. He as though he would help the Prince, endeavouring to vomit, was thought to have put down his throat a feather dipped in a strong and speedy poison; knowing well that foul attempts are begun with danger, and accomplished with reward. In the mean time the Senate was assembled, and the Consuls and Priests made vows for the health of the Prince: and being already dead, he was covered and cherished with clothes, whilst things necessary to assure the Empire upon Nero were a preparing. And first of all Agrippina, as one overcome with grief, and seeking comfort, held Britannitus between her arms, calling him the very image of his father's face, and by divers policies entertained him, for fear he should go out of the chamber: and with like practices held Antonia and Octavia his sisters; and at every door and passage placed a strong guard: and often gave out that the Prince waxed better and better, to the end the soldier should live in good hope, and she enterprise her attempt at such a time as the Magicians should think lucky and prosperous. Then about the midst of the day, the third before the Ideses of October, the Palace gates being suddenly laid open, Nero accompanied with Burrhus, goeth forth to the cohort, who kept ward according to custom; where at the commandment of the captain of the guard he was received with shouts, and acclamations of joy, and put into a Chariot. It is reported that some were in a doubt, & looking about them, and ask where Britannicus was? then seeing no beginner of any attempt to the contrary, they followed that which was offered: and so Nero being brought to the rest of the guard, and having made a speech fit for the time, and promised a donative according to the example of his father's largesse, was saluted Emperor. A decree of Senate confirmed the sentence of the soldiers; neither was there any doubtmade of it in the provinces. After that, honour due to the gods was ordained for Claudius, and the funerals as solemnly celebrated as when Augustus of famous memory was buried, Agrippina imitating the magnificence of her Grandmother Livia. Claudius' testament was not publicly read, lest the people should be incensed to disdain and envy against Nero, by seeing him who was only a son in law, to be preferred before the emperors natural son.    

THE THEIR TEENTH BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Silanus is put to death, and Narcissus. Nero's good beginning.  
THe first whose death was contrived in this new government, was junius Silanus Proconsul of Asia, and that without the privity of Nero, by Agrippina's treachery and malice; not because he had by any seditious demeanour procured his own ruin: for he was so heavy and dull spirited, and the other Emperors did so smally regard him, that C. Caesar was wont to call him a golden sheep. But Agrippina having wrought the ruin of his brother L. Silanus, feared revenge; being a common speech among the people that this man deserved to be preferred to the Empire before Nero, yet scarce out of his childhood, and having gotten it by wicked means: for he was a man of a settled age, sincere and just in his dealing, noble of birth, and which at that time was greatly esteemed, descended of the Caesars, being in the fourth degree to Augustus. This was the cause of his death, the ministers being P. Celer, a gentleman of Rome, & Aelius a freed man, both having charge of the Princes peculiar revenues in Asia. By them the poison was given the Proconsul in his meat, and that so openly, that it could not be denied. With no less speed Claudius freed man, Narcissus (of whose jarring with Agrippina I have already spoken) was brought to his end, by hard imprisonment, and extreme necessity, against the Princes will; whose vicious humours yet unknown, he did exceedingly well fit in covetousness and prodigality; and had gone forward in murders, if Afranius Burrhus, and Annaeus Seneca had not stayed them. These two were the young Emperor's guides and governors; and in equal authority, well agreeing, bare equal stroke in divers faculties. Burrhus in military discipline and gravity of manners; Seneca in precepts of eloquence, and courteous carriage; helping one the other in their charge, the easier to bridle the youths slippery age with honest and lawful pleasures, if he contemned virtue. Their care was both alike in keeping under Agrippina's fierce humour, who boiling with all desires of wicked rule and dominion, had Pallas for her counsellor; by whose advise Claudius through his incestuous marriage, & pernicious adoption, wrought his own ruin. But Nero's disposition was not to be ruled by a slave; and Pallas with an odious arrogancy exceeding the moderation of a freed man, bred his own dislike. Nevertheless, all honours were openly heaped upon Agrippina, and the Tribune according to the order of service ask the watchword, had this given him by Nero, Of the very goodmother. The Senate decreed she should have two sergeants, & Claudius a college of Priests called Claudians: & withal, that he should have the funerals of a Censor, & be after deified & put among the gods. The day of his funerals, Nero made the oration in his praise, & as long as he spoke of the antiquity of his stock, of the Consulships, & triumphs of his ancestors, he & the rest were attentive: and likewise whilst he spoke of the love he bore to liberal sciences, and that during the time of his government the common wealth was not molested by foreign powers, all men gave good ear: but after he descended to his providence and wisdom, no man could forbear laughing; although the oration composed by Seneca showed the exquisite skill of that man's pleasant vain, fitted and applied to the ears of that time. The old men (which were at leisure to compare things past with the present) noted that Nero was the first Emperor that needed another man's eloquence. For Caesar the Dictator, was equal with the famous orators: and Augustus had a ready fluent and eloquent speech, such as well becomed a Prince. Tiberius had great skill in weighing his words, uttered much in few words, but was obscure of set purpose. Yea, C. Caesar's troubled mind hindered not his eloquence: neither wanted Claudius' elegancy when he had premeditated. Nero in the beginning of his childish years bend his lively spirit to other matters, as to engrave, to paint, to sing, to manage horses, and sometimes in composing a verse he showed some smattering of learning. When the funerals were ended, he entered the Curia, and having first spoken of the authority of the Lords of the Senate, love and concord of the soldiers, he reckoned up certain deseignments and precidents he intended to follow in the governing of the Empire, adding: that not having been nuzzled up in civil wars, nor domestical discords, he would bring with him neither hatred, nor grudge, nor desire of revenge. Then he laid down a platform of his future regiment, especially avoiding those things, the hate whereof did yet freshly boil in men's hearts; that he would not be the judge of all matters, lest the accusers and defendants being as it were shut up in one house, the power of a few might have full sway to work their will: there should nothing be set at sale in his court, or exposed to ambition; his house should be divided from the common wealth; the Senate should retain his old pre-eminence; Italy and public provinces should make their appearance before the Consul's tribunal, and they give audience like Lords of the Senate, and he himself would look to the army committed to his charge. Neither did he fail in his promise. For many things were ordained by the arbitrement of the Senate: As that no man should be bought for reward or gift to plead a cause. That the Questor elected should not be constrained to set forth the show of Fencers, which was a matter the Senators obtained contrary to Agrippina's will, under colour that Claudius' acts were thereby infringed. And thereupon she caused the Senate to be called to the Palace, to the end that she might stand in a secret place, separated from the Lords by some vail, which might not hinder the hearing of them, and yet not be seen. Yea, when the Ambassadors of Armenia came to plead the cause of their nation before Nero, she was ready to perch up to the chair of audience, and by his side to give answer with him, if (the rest surprised with a great fear) Seneca had not advised him to meet his mother, as she came; and so under colour of doing his duty, prevented the discredit.   

II. Nero's preparatives to defend Armenia.  
IN the end of the year, it was a common rumour that the Parthians had burst out again, and wasted Armenia, driven out Rhadamistus, who having been first King, and after a fugitive, had then given up this war. Whereupon in the city greedy of talk, they began to inquire, how the Prince which was yet scarce past seventeen years of age, could either undertake or acquit himself of so great a burden: what help could be expected at his hands, who was led by a woman: whether battles and wars also, and besieging of towns, and other duties of service, could be accomplished by his masters? Contrariwise others said it had fallen out better, then if Claudius a weak and cowardly old man, should have been called to the labours of war, ready to obey the commandments of his slaves. Yet Burrhus and Seneca had been proved by experience of many matters: and what wanted to the Emperor's full strength? seeing that Cn. Pompeius at eighteen years of age, and Caesar Octavianus at nineteen, sustained civil wars. Most things in high fortune are achieved rather by good luck, conduct and counsel, than weapons and hands. That he should give an evident proof, whether he used honest friends or not, if he would rather make choice of a notable and valiant captain, envy laid aside, than a rich, graced and favoured by ambitious suit. Whilst the people thus discoursed, Nero commanded a muster to be made of the youth in the provinces bordering upon the Parthians, to supply the legions of the East; and the legions themselves to be planted near unto Armenia: and withal, wrote to the two old Kings, Agrippa, and jocchus, to prepare their forces, and enter the bounds of Parthia, and make bridges over the river Euphrates: and gave charge of lesser Armenia to Aristobulus, and the Sophenian nation to Sohemus, honouring them both with royal marks and ornaments. And in very good time, it fell out that Vardanes son began to rebel and beard Vologeses, which caused the Parthians to departed Armenia, as though they would defer the war. But all things were made more than they were to the Senate, amplified by those who gave advise that Processions should be made in honour of the Prince: and that that day he should wear a triumphal garment, and enter into the city ovant: and that his image of the same greatness that Mars the revengers was, should be placed in the same temple; being besides their ordinary flattery, joyful and glad, that he had made Domitius Corbulo governor of Armenia: persuading themselves, that the way was now made open to virtue. The forces of the East were so divided, that part of the aid-souldiers with two legions should remain in the province of Syria, with the Lieutenant Quadratus Vinidius; and that the like number of citizens and allies should be under Corbuloes' charge, with other cohorts and cornets of horsemen, which wintered in Cappadocia. The Kings which were confederate with the Romans, were warned to be in a readiness as occasion of war should require. But their affections were bend more upon Corbulo, who to purchase fame (which in new enterprises is of great importance) making a way with all speed at Agas, a city of Cilicia, met Quadratus; who was come so far, lest if Corbulo should have entered into Syria to receive the forces, all men's eyes would have been cast upon him, being of a comely and tall stature, magnifical in words; and besides his experience and wisdom, in show of vain hope and promises, won the people to what he lusted. In fine, both of them by messengers admonished King Vologeses to desire rather peace than war; and giving hostages, continue the like reverence to the people of Rome as his predecessors had done. And Vologeses to make preparations of war with more advantage, and such as might match the Romans, or to remove those he suspected as concurrents under the name of hostages; delivereth the noblest of the Arsacides family, whom Hostorius the Centurion sent before by Vinidius for other occasions received. Corbulo understanding this, commandeth Arrius Varus, captain of a company of footmen, to go and receive them: from whence grew a quarrel between the Captain and Centurion (which because they would no longer be a jesting stock to the strangers) they referred to the arbitrement of the pledges themselves, and Lieutenants which conducted them: who preferred Corbulo before the other, partly through the fresh renown which was yet in every man's mouth; and partly through a certain inclination which the enemies themselves bore him. Hereupon grew a jar between the captains, Vinidius complaining, that, that was taken from him which was compassed by his advise: Corbulo protesting on the contrary part, that the king was never drawn to offer pledges, until that he being chosen captain of the war, had turned his hopes into fear. Nero to set them at one, caused it to be published: that Quadratus & Corbulo, for their prosperous successes, should have bay added to the bundle of rods, which was carried before great captains of war. I have joined these things together, although they were done under other Consuls. The same year Caesar demanded of the Senate that there might be an image dedicated to his father, and the consulary ornaments given Asconius Labeo, who had been his tutor; and forbade that any image of massive gold or silver, should be offered in honour of himself. And although the LL. of the Senate had decreed, that the year should begin on that day of December that Nero was borne: yet he retained the old ceremony of beginning the year the Kalends of januarie. Neither were Carinas Celer a Senator, accused by a slave, or jultus Densus gentlemen, called into question, although it was laid to their charge, that they favoured Britannicus.   

III. Nero beginneth to hate his mother: and falleth in love with Act.  
Claudius' Nero and L. Antistius being Consuls, when the magistrates took an oath of observing the ordinances of the princes; he would not suffer Antistius his fellow officer to swear to the observation of his: which the LL. of the Senate did highly commend in him; to the end, that the youthly mind of the prince being stirred up with the glory of small things, should continue in matters of greater moment. After this followed his lenity towards Plautius Lateranus, who being removed from the order of Senators, for adultery committed with Messalina, was restored by him to his room; binding himself to continue this clemency, with many orations: which Seneca, to testify in what honest precepts he instructed him, or for a brag of his own wit, published by the voice of the prince. But Agrippina's credit and authority by little and little began to wain: and Nero cast a liking to a freed woman called Act: two comely youths, Otho descended from a consulary house; and Claudius Senecio, son of one of Caesar's freed men, being partakers of his counsels: his mother being at the first a stranger to the matter, and in vain at last striving to the contrary. So far she had possessed him by dissolute behaviour, and riot & secret conversation, that his greatest friends & severest, seemed not to know it: considering that this woman satisfied his lusts, without the offence of any. For Octavia his wife, a woman of noble birth, & of approved good life, either by some secret destiny, or because things unlawful are most greedily desired, he utterly disliked. And some feared also that if he were bridled of that love; he would lust after the defiling of noble women. But Agrippina fretted and fumed that a freed woman should beard her, & a bond woman become her daughter in law; with other such like womanish complaints; not having patience to see whether her son would either repent or be filled: and the more opprobriously she upbraided him, the more she inflamed him; till at last overcome with the rage of love, he shaked off all duty & reverence towards his mother, and committed himself wholly to Seneca. Amongst his familiars was Annaeus Serenus, who feigning love to the same freed woman, covered & cloaked with his own name, the first heats of this young prince: and such things as the prince had bestowed on her by stealth, he openly advouched to be his gifts. Then Agrippina changing her style seeketh to win the young man by fair alluring speeches, offereth rather her own chamber and bosom to hide those things which his youth & high fortune desired. Yea she confessed her untimely severity; & offered him the use of all her wealth, which was little inferior to the Emperors: as before too severe in correcting her son; so now unreasonably humbled and cast down in courage. The which change did neither deceive Nero, and gave his nearest friends cause of fear; and prayed him to beware of the treachery of this woman, always fell and cruel; and then false and dissembling. Nero having by chance seen the wardrobe where the apparel lay, which Princes wives and parents were wont to shine in, made choice of a garment and jewels, and sent them his mother most bountifully: seeing he sent of his own the chiefest, and which by others were most of all desired. But Agrippina exclaimeth that these ornaments were not so much given her to adorn and trim herself, as to exclude her from the rest; and that her son would divide those things with her, which came wholly from her. Neither wanted there some to carry these speeches, and make them worse than they were. Whereupon all such growing odious unto Nero, upon whom this woman's pride chief relied, displaceth Pallas from the charge which Claudius had given him; in which he carried himself as if he had been chief Lord and master of all. It is reported that when Pallas departed with a great retinue following him, Nero very aptly said that Pallas went to resign his office. True it is, that Pallas had covenanted with the Prince not to be called in question for any act past; and that he had made even with all accounts of the commonwealth. Agrippina, after this, more mad and wilful then ever, gave out threatening and thundering speeches: yea not forbearing the Prince's ears, but crying, that Britannicus was now grown to man's estate: a true and worthy plant to receive his father's Empire, which a graffed sun by adoption now possessed by the injury and trumpery of his mother. There should be no let in her, but that all the villainous practices of that infortunate house should be laid open: and first of all her own marriage, and her impoisoning of Claudius. That only thing was provided by the gods to her good, that her son in law was alive. She would go with him to the camp, where on one side Germanicus daughter should be heard: on the other side that base companion Burrhus, and Seneca the banished; the one his hand cut off; and the other with his professors eloquence quarreling and debating of the rule and government of the whole world. In uttering of this she bent her fist towards him; heaped one injury upon another; called Claudius, and the infernal ghosts of the Silaniens; and so many fruitless wicked attempts, which she had been author of. Nero troubled with these speeches, and the day now at hand, on which Britannicus had accomplished the full age of fourteen years; began to ponder with himself, sometimes the violence of his mother; sometimes the towardliness of Britannicus known of late by good proof; & which hath won him great favour and good will. On a festival day dedicated to Saturn, amongst other pastimes of his equals, drawing lots who should be King; the lot fell to Nero: who commanding divers things unto others, which could not turn to their shame; commanded Britannicus to rise up and stand in the middle and begin a song, hoping the child should be laughed to scorn, as one ignorant how to carry himself in sober company; much less in drunken. But he very constantly began a verse, which signified that Nero had thrust him from his father's seat, & government of the Empire: which moved them all to open compassion; because the night and lascivious wantonness had taken away all dissimulation.   

FOUR Britannicus empoisoned. Agrippina chased from the emperors house.  
NEro feeling himself touched, augmented his hatred; and incensed with Agrippina's threats, because he could lay no just cause against him, nor openly durst not command the murdering of his brother, practiseth secret means, and commandeth poison to be prepared; Pollio julius tribune of the Praetorian cohort being his minister in the action. Under whose charge Locusta, a woman infamous for lewd practices, and before condemned for empoisoning, was kept prisoner. For it was long before provided that such as were nearest about Britannicus should have no regard either of honesty or faith. He took the first poison of his bringers up; which not being strong enough, he voided by siege; or else because it was tempered, lest it should work immediately. But Nero impatient of lingering & long working wickedness, threatened the Tribune, commanded the poisoneresse to be put to death, because that whilst they respect the rumour, and forge excuses for their own safety, they drove off his security. They then promising as speedy a death, as if he should be slain with a sword, near unto Caesar's chamber a poison was sod strong and violent, by proof of poisoning. The custom was for Prince's children to sit with other noble men's, of the same age, in presence of their near kindred, with a spare diet at a table by themselves: Britannicus there taking his repast, because one of the servitors did taste his meats and drinks, lest the custom should be omitted, or the villainy disclosed by both their deaths, this policy was devised: A drink yet not hurtful, but very hot, and tasted of, was presented to Britannicus; then that being refused by reason of the heat, the poison was powered into cold water, which so spread throughout all the parts of his body, that his speech and spirits were at once taken from him. Those which sat about him were in a maze; the other which knew nothing ran away: but they which were of deeper judgement stirred not, but looked Nero in the face; he leaning on the table like one that knew nothing of the practice, said: he was often wont to fall into such fits, through the falling sickness, which Britannicus had been grievously afflicted with from his infancy; and that his sight and speech by little and little would come to him again. But Agrippina was possessed with such a great fear, & an astonishment of senses, although she endeavoured to hide it in countenance, that she was easily judged to be as ignorant of the fact, as Britannicus sister Octavia: for she saw that she was bereaved of her greatest stay, & perceived well that it was a beginning of parricide. Octavia also although of young years, yet had learned to hide her grief, her love and all affections; and so after a little silence, the mirth of the banquet began again. Britannicus body was burnt the same night he died, all funeral preparation having been provided before hand, which was but small: nevertheless he was buried in Campus Martius, in such storms & showers, that the people believed they portended the wrath of the gods against so heinous a fact: which yet many excused in Nero, calling to mind the ancient discord of brothers in terms of sovereignty, and how Kings admit no companions. Many writers of that time do deliver, that Nero many days before had abused Britanicus body; and therefore that now his death could not seem either untimely or cruel, although it happened in the sacred liberty of his table, his sister not having so much as time to embrace him, hastened before his enemy's face against the last of Claudius' blood, and his body defiled before he was poisoned. Caesar excused the hastiness of the obsequies by an edict, saying, that the custom of ancient times was to celebrate in secret manner, and not openly doleful and bitter funerals, without either solemnities or praises. As for himself having lost the aid and comfort of his brother, the rest of his hopes were anchored wholly in the common wealth: and that the Lords of the Senate & people should so much the more favour & maintain that Prince, which was only left of the family borne to rule and absolute dominion. Then he enriched with gifts the chiefest of his friends. Neither wanted there some which blamed men pretending gravity, that they divided houses and possessions, as though they had been booties. Some thought the Prince forced them thereto, as guilty of his fact, and hoping for pardon if he could bind unto him the mightiest and strongest in power. But his mother's wrath could by no munificence be appeased, but she embraced Octavia, and had often secret conference with her friends: and besides her natural covetousness, scraping money together of all hands as it were for some purpose on a pinch, she entertained the Centurions and Tribunes with all courtesy: she honoured the names and virtues of the nobility which then were in town, as though she had sought for a head to make a faction. Nero perceiving that, commandeth the guard of soldiers which heretofore was appointed to guard the Emperor's wife, and now her, as his mother, to be taken from her; and certain Germans which she had, besides the former appointed to guard her, to departed and be gone. And lest she should be frequented with multitudes of saluters, he divideth his house, & sendeth his mother to that which was Antonia's; and as oft as himself came thither, guarded with a company of Centurions, after a short salutation, departed again.   

V Agrippina accused for conspiring against Nero. Silana punished. Pallas, and Burrhus accused.  
THere is no mortal thing more mutable and flitting, then the fame of greatness, not sustained by his own force and strength. Agrippina's house was now utterly forsaken; no man went to comfort her; no man to visit her, saving a few women: and uncertain of them, whether for love or hatred. Among which junia Silana was one, who as I have already declared, at Messallinaes' instigations was separated from her husband C. Silius; a woman of great parentage, of alluring and wanton beauty, and a long time well-beloved of Agrippina. Yet afterwards there was a privy grudge between them two, because Agrippina had dehorted Sext. Africanus a noble young gentleman from marrying of Silana: saying, she was unchaste and grown into years; not because she meant to reserve him for herself; but fearing lest he should enjoy Silanaes' goods if she died without issue. Silana having a hope of revenge offered, solicited Iturius and Caluisius, followers of her own, to accuse Agrippina: yet not for any old and stolen matter, as that she bewailed the death of Britannicus, or published the injuries done to Octavia; but that she intended to stir up Rubellius Plautus (by the mother's side, as near to Augustus, as Nero was) to new enterprises against the state, & by marrying, of him & Empire gotten by her means, afflict & invade the commonwealth afresh. These things Iturius and Caluisius discovered to Atimetus a freed man of Domitia, aunt unto Nero. Who glad of the occasion offered (for between Domitia and Agrippina there was deadly hatred) urged the stage player Paris a freed man likewise of Domitia, to go withal speed to Nero, and inform most bitterly against her. The night was well spent, and Nero well tippled, when Paris entereth as one accustomed at other times to entertain the Prince with sports and jests: but then his countenance settled to sadness, and declaring the whole order of Atimetus tale, did so terrify and daunt the Prince, that he determined to kill not only his mother, and Plautus; but discharge Burrhus of his office, as advanced by Agrippina's favour; and ready therefore to requite her with as good a turn. Fabius Rusticus reporteth, that letters were written to Caenina Tuschus, to come and take charge of the guard; but that Burrhus credit was saved, and kept in his office by Senecaes' means. Pliny and Clwius seem there was no doubt made of Burrhus' loyalty: and in very deed Fabius inclineth much to the commendation of Seneca, as one of his preferment. But our meaning is to follow the consent of authors; and if any affirm contrary, we will deliver it under their names. Nero trembling for fear, and exceeding desirous of the death of his mother, could not endure the delay, until Burrhus had promised to perform it, if she were convicted of the crime. But every man might allege what he could for his defence; much more a mother. Neither were there any accusers present, and nothing to ground on but one man's report out of an enemies house. He was to consider that it was night, and that spent in banqueting; and therefore all would seem to smell of rashness and folly. The Princes fear somewhat lightened by these speeches and the day come, one went to Agrippina to let her understand of the accusation, & to purge herself, or look to suffer. Burrhus was to do the message in presence of Seneca, with some freed men as witness of the speeches. Then Burrhus having declared the accusation, and the authors of it, used threatening terms: and Agrippina not forgetting her old fierceness, returned him his answer: saying, I marvel not if Silana never having had child, know not what the affections of mothers are: neither are children changed by their parents, as adulterers by shameless women. Neither if Iturius and Caluisius, having wasted their substance, bestow this their last labour in undertaking this accusation: therefore am I to sustain the infamy of parricide, or Caesar have scruple of conscience, that I would commit it: as for Domitia I would thank her for the hate she beareth me, if she would likewise in good will and love towards my Nero, strive with me. Now by her concubine Atimetus, and Paris the stage player she doth as it were compose fables for the stage. She was busy about her fish pools of Baia, when by my counsels, Nero's adoption; proconsularie authority; election to be Consul; and other steps to mount to the Empire were procured. Or else let some one be brought forth to make it appear, that I have practised with the citie-cohorts; corrupted the loyalty of the Provinces; or solicited bondmen, or freedmen to rebellion. I might have lived if Britannicus had been sovereign: but if Plautus or some other should get the rule of the commonwealth, forsooth there should want accusers to lay to my charge, not words sometimes unadvisedly escaped through fervency of love; but such crimes also from which I could not be acquitted, but as a mother by her son. The assistance moved with these speeches and endeavouring to appease her anger; she requireth to speak with her son: before whom she spoke nothing in defence of her innocency, as if she had disinherited; or of her benefits, as to upbraid him: but obtained revenge of her accusers; and rewards for her friends. The charge and office of provision of corn was given to Senius Rufus; the commission of plays which Caesar was a preparing, to Aruntius Stella: Egypt to C. Balbillus: Syria was appointed to P. Anteius, then abused with divers devices, and in the end detained in the city. But Silana was banished; Caluisius also and Iturius: Atimetus was executed: Paris being in greater credit (by reason of pleasures ministered to the Prince) then that he should be put to death. Plautus was sent away for the time with silence. Pallas after this and Burrhus were accused to have practised to call Cornelius Sylla, for nobleness of birth and affinity with Claudius, whose son in law he was by marriage of Antonia, to the Empire. The author of that accusation was one Paetus, a man infamous, by causing debtor to forfeit their goods: and then manifestly convicted of vanity and falsehood. Neither was Pallas innocency so grateful, as his pride insupportable: for when some of his freed men were said to have been privy to the practice; he made answer that in his house he appointed nothing to be done, but with a nod of his head or hand; or by writing, if he had much to say, lest if he should have spoken unto them, he should seem to have made them his fellows. Burrhus although accused, yet gave sentence among the judges. Paetus the accuser was banished, and the writings burnt, by which he went about to renew the records of the treasury already canceled. In the end of the same year, the guard of the soldiers which was wont to be at the plays, was taken away, for a greater show of liberty: and because the soldier being absent from the disorder of the Theatre, should be less corrupt; and the people show by proof, whether they would use modesty if the guard were away. The prince hallowed and purged the city with sacrifices, by advise of the soothsayers, because jupiters' and Minerva's temples were set on fire with lightning.   

VI Nero's disorders: the case of the franchised debated: an order for certain magistrates.  
Q. Volusius and P. Scipio being Consuls, there was peace abroad, & filthy lasciviousness at home: during which, Nero gadded up & down the streets, to infamous brothel houses, & by-corners, in slaves attire, to be unknown; accompanied with such as snatched away wares from men's stales, wounded such as met them, and with such small regard whom, that Nero himself hath received and carried away blows and marks on the face. And when it was known to be Caesar which played those pranks, the disorder grew greater against both men and women of account; and with like licentiousness abusing Caesar's name, many practised the same insolences, gathered together in particular companies, and so spending the night as it had been in taking a town, and captivity. One julius Montanus a Senator, who had not yet taken upon him the dignity, by chance coping with the Prince in the dark, and rudely thrusting him back as he offered him violence; then knowing him, and craving pardon, was enforced to die, as though thereby he had reproached him of folly. Nero more wary and fearful after that, went not without a rabble of soldiers and fencers; which meddled not at the first, and whilst the prince made his party good: but after, if he were overmatched, by such as he abused, they laid hands immediately on their weapons. He turned the disordered licence at plays, and partaking in favour of stage players, almost to a mutiny, by giving impunity and rewards, himself privily or for the most part openly looking on; until the people growing to sedition, and fearing greater stirs, no other remedy was found then to expel the stage-players out of Italy, and place a guard of soldiers again on the theatre. At the same time the deceit and ungrateful behaviour of freed men was debated in Senate; and instant suit made that the patrons might have authority to revoke the freedom given to such as deserved it not: for many there were of that opinion. But the Consuls not daring to determine the matter; without the privity of the Prince; yet wrote the common consent unto him: And that he should be the author of the decree, few being of a contrary opinion, and some grudging that the irreverence of their late bondmen, by reason of liberty was grown to that, that they cared not whether they carried themselves towards their patrons dutifully or not: nothing at all weighing what they said unto them: yea, bend their fists towards them; thrust and elbow such as would have any law made to bridle them. For what other redress was there granted unto patrons offended, but to banish his freed man above twenty miles off, to the coast of Campania? all other actions were indifferent and equal to both. Some weapon therefore should be given the patron, which the freed man should not despise. Neither could it seem hard if the manumised should with the same obedience keep their liberty, by which they got it. And such as were openly convicted of crimes, were worthily brought again to servitude; that such might be bridled by fear, whom benefits could not change. Some spoke to the contrary, saying: That, that fault of a few should be prejudicial but to themselves; and not derogate from the privileges, common to them all; because it was a body far spread abroad. From them were taken many Tribes and Decuries, fit men for magistrates & priests, and city cohorts: and many gentlemen and Senators could derive no beginning but from thence. If the freed men should be severed from the rest, the number of the free borne would appear very small. Not without cause our ancestors when they divided the citizens into degrees and callings, left liberty in common. Yea they had instituted two kinds of manumising their bondmen, because it might be in their choice to repent or yield new favour. Those whom the patron did not manumise Vindicta before the magistrate, remained still as it were in the bonds of servitude. That every man should look into the merits of his slave; and grant that slowly, which being once given could not be taken away. This opinion carried it away. And Caesar wrote to the Senate that they should privately examine the cause of the freed men, as oft as they were accused by their patrons: and derogate nothing from the whole body of them. Not long after, Paris the late bondman was taken from Domitia, Nero's aunt, under colour of civil law; not without a disgrace to the Prince: by whose commandment judgement of free condition was given him. Nevertheless there remained a certain show of a free commonwealth. For a contention being grown between Vibullius the Praetor, and Antistius tribune of the people, for releasing out of prison certain unruly favourers of the stage-players, committed by the Praetor: the Lords of the Senate approved the praetors fact, and blamed Antistius boldness. Withal the Tribunes were forbidden to usurp any thing belonging to the Praetors or Consul's authority; or call such before them out of Italy, whose right was to be determined by law. L. Piso Consul elect added further, that they should not exercise their authority in punishing of any in their own houses: & that the Quaestors of the treasury should not enter into record before four months were passed, the mercements adjudged by them: and that in the mean time it might be lawful to speak against them; and the Consuls determine the matter. The authority of the Aediles is also restrained, and order set down how much the Curules, and the people might take to pawn, and how far they might punish. Thereupon helvidius Priscus, Tribune of the people, showed his private grudge against Obultronius Sabinus Quaestor of the treasury, as though he had too severely enforced the execution of open sales of goods against the poor. Then the Prince transferred the records of public debts from the Quaestors to the Provosts of the city: albeit, the form of that office hath been diversly used, and often changed. For Augustus gave the Senate licence to choose the Provostes; then canvasing of voices being suspected, they were drawn by lot out of the number of the Praetors. Neither did that long continue, because the lot fell oft upon the unmeetest. Then Claudius restored again the Quaestors to the office, and bestowed extraordinary promotion upon them, lest for fear of offence they should be slack in their duty. But because there wanted authority of age in many which were in that office, as being the first they were possessed of; Nero chose such as had been Provostes, and tried by long experience. Vipsanius Lenas' was condemned under the same Consuls, for behaving himself too ravenously in the Province of Sardinia. Cestius Proculus was acquitted of extorsion, his accusers letting fall the suit. Clodius Quirinalis, Captain of the gallislaves at Ravenna, accused for molesting Italy with riot and cruelty, as the least of all nations, prevented his condemnation by poisoning himself. Aminius Rebius a principal man for the skill of the laws and of great wealth, escaped the griefs of sickly old age by letting himself blood in the veins, although he was thought to be too cowardly to kill himself; by reason he was given too effeminately to lusts. But L. Volusius died with great fame, having lived ninety three years, very rich by good means, and never once hurt by any of those unjust Emperors, under whom he lived.   

VII. What Annals ought to entreat of: plays forbidden.  
NEro being the second time Consul, and L. Piso, few things happened worthy of memory; unless some would think it well done to fill up volumes in praising the foundations and timber employed by Caesar in the huge building of the amphitheatre in Campus Martius, seeing it is meet for the dignity and honour of the people of Rome to commit famous acts to their annals, and such as those to the diurnal of the city. Capua and Nuceria both colonies, were reenforced with a supply of old soldiers. There was bestowed a gift of 
* Six shil. 3. d.  forty sesterces by paul to the people, and 
* About 31250. pound.  four hundred thousand sesterces to the public treasury to maintain the people faithful unto him. The tribute of the fift, & of the twentieth for the sale of slaves was released in show rather than in deed: for when the seller was commanded to pay it, he enhanced the price still to the buyers loss. Caesar commanded by an edict, that no magistrate, procurator of any province, should set forth a show of fencers, or wild beasts, or any other pastime. For heretofore the subjects were no less endamaged by such-liberalities, then by taking their money from them, whilst they cloaked with favour gotten by such spectacles, their faults committed by robbing the people. A decree of Senate was made as well for revenge as security, that if any man had been slain by his bondmen, those also who being manumised by testament, & continued in the same house, should be punished as the other bondmen. L. Varius sometimes Consul was restored to his dignity, removed before for covetous dealing and extortion. And Pomponia Graecina a noble woman, and wife to Plautius, who returned with a small triumph out of Britannia, and accused of strange superstition, was remitted to the judgement of her husband; and he according to the ancient custom, in the presence of her nearest kindred, heard her cause of life and death, and pronounced her innocent. This Pomponia lived long, and in continual sorrow: for after that julia, Drusus daughter was murdered by Messallinaes' treachery, she was not seen for forty years but in mourning apparel, and very sad & doleful. Which she might lawfully do whilst Claudius reigned, & afterward turned to her glory. Many citizens were accused that year, of which number P Celer being one, at the information of the inhabitants of Asia, because Caesar could not acquit him, he prolonged his cause till he died of age. For Celer (as I have already said) having bestirred himself in the murdering of Silanus the Proconsul, cloaked all other villainies under the greatness of that lewd action. The Cilicians accused Cossutianus Capito, criminally noted and discredited with many vices, thinking he had had the same privilege of using insolent behaviour in the province, as he had done in the city. But turmoiled and molested with an overthwart accusation, in the end letting fall his defence, was condemned of extorsion. Great suing prevailed so much for Eprius Marcellus, of whom the Lycians demanded restitution, that some of the accusers were banished, as though they had endangered an innocent man.   

VIII. A liberality of Nero towards certain decayed gentlemen. The war of Armenia renewed. Tiridates departeth the country.  
WHen Nero was the third time Consul, Valerius Messalla entered the same office, whose great grandfather corvinus an orator, some old men remember to have been companion in office with Augustus of famous memory, Nero's great grandfathers father. But the honour of this noble family was bettered by giving Messalla by year 
* About 3906. pound 5. ●.  five hundred thousand sesterces to relieve his harmless poverty. To Aurelius Cotta likewise, and Haterius Antoninus, the Prince granted that an annual sum of money should be given, although they had wasted riotously the wealth their ancestors had left them. In the beginning of that year, the war which was drawn at length with soft and mild beginnings until then, between the Parthians and the Romans for obtaining of Armenia, was now hotly pursued: because Vologeses would neither suffer his brother Tiridates to be deprived of the kingdom in which he had invested him, nor that he should enjoy it as a gift from another Lord; and Corbulo thought it worthy of the greatness of the people of Rome to recover that which by Lucullus and Pompey had been once gotten. The Armenians being doubtful, and faithful to neither side, invited both: yet by the site of their country and conformity of conditions, being more near unto the Parthians, and intermingled with them by marriages, and not knowing what liberty was, inclined rather to that servitude. But Corbulo had more ado with the slothfulness of the soldiers, than perfidiousness of the enemies: for the legions removed from Syria, by a long peace grown lazy and idle, could hardly endure the labour and pains of the Roman discipline. Certain it was there were old soldiers in that camp, which had never kept watch nor ward; a rampire or trench they gazed at, as at a new and strange devise: without headpieces; without curasses; neat and fine; hunting after gain; having spent all their service in towns. Whereupon the old and feeble being dismissed, he desired a supply, which was had out of Galatia and Cappadocia. And to them was added a legion out of Germany with wings of horsemen, and all the army kept in camp; although the winter were so hard, and the earth so covered with ice that they could not pitch their tents, unless they had first digged the ground. Many of their limbs grew stark with extremity of cold; and many died in keeping the watch. And there was a soldier noted carrying a faggot, whose hands were so stiff frozen, that sticking to his burden, they fell from him as though they had been cut from his arms. Corbulo slightly appareled, bore headed, was with them when they marched; when they laboured, praised the stout; comforted the feeble; and gave example unto them all. Then because many refusing to endure the hardness of the season, & such rigour of discipline, forsook him; he sought a redress by severity: for he did not pardon the first and second fault as in other armies, but he suffered death presently who forsook his ensign: which by experience proved more profitable, than clemency. For fewer forsook that camp, then where there was much mercy shown. In the mean season Corbulo having kept the legions in camp until the spring, and disposed the aydcohorts in convenient places, charged them not to give the onset. The charge of the garrisons he committed to Pactius Ophitus, once Captain of the first ensign: who although he wrote to Corbulo that the Barbarians were careless and disordered, and a fit occasion offered of achieving some exploit; yet he was commanded to keep within his garrison, and expect greater power. But breaking his commandment when he saw a few troops of horsemen issue out of a castle hard by, and unskilfully demand battle; he encountered the enemy, and went away with the loss. And those which should have seconded them, terrified with that discomfiture, fled as fast as they could every man to his hold; which to Corbulo was an exceeding grief. Who rebuking Pactius and the Captains, and the soldiers, commanded them all to pitch their tents out of the camp: and there kept them in that disgrace, until they were delivered by the intercession & suit of the whole army. But Tiridates besides his own followers, succoured by his brother Vologeses; not now by stealth, but with open war molesteth Armenia, spoiling all such he thought faithful to us: and if any forces were brought against him, he deluded them, by flying hither and thither, terrifiing more by fame then fight. Corbulo therefore seeking occasion to join battle, but in vain; and constrained to make war now in one place, now in another, as the enemy did; severed his forces, to the end that the Lieutenants & Captains might invade divers places at once. Withal, he advertised King Antiochus to set on the government next adjoining to him. For Pharasmanes, his son Rhadamistus being slain, as a traitor towards him, to testify his loyalty towards us, showed more willingly his inveterate hatred against the Armenians. Then the Isichians, a nation never before confederate with us, being now brought to our side, invaded the hardest passages of Armenia; whereby all Tiridates deseignments were crossed. He sent Ambassadors to expostulate in his own, and the Parthians name, Why having of late given hostages, and renewed amity, which opened the way to new benefits, he should be driven from the ancient possession of Armenia? therefore Vologeses was not yet moved to war, because he had rather debate the matter by reason, then by force. But if they would persist in war, the Arsacides should neither want courage nor fortune, often experimented to the loss of the Romans. Hereupon Corbulo knowing well that Velogeses was troubled with the Hyrcanians rebellion, persuadeth Tiridates to deal with Caesar by entreaty; that he might obtain a firm possession of a kingdom without bloodshed; if leaving of a long and slow hope, he would embrace that which was present and more sure. Then they resolved, because by intercourse of messengers they profited nothing, for the full knitting up of peace, to appoint time and place for a parley. Tiridates said, that he would come with a thousand horse for his guard: how many of whatsoever sort of soldiers Corbulo should bring, he weighed it not; so as they came without curasses & helmets, as a better show of peace. The barbarous treachery was palpable to all men, much more to an old circumspect captain: therefore a small number was limited on one part, and a greater permitted to the other, that the treason might be the better effected: for to oppose against practised horsemen archers, unarmed men, the multitude would avail nothing. Yet Corbulo making as though he had not perceived the treason, answered, that public affairs would better be debated in the face of both the whole armies. And for the purpose chose a place whereof the one part had hills of an easy ascent fit for ranks of footmen; the other stretched out into a plain, convenient to display troops of horsemen. And the day agreed on, Corbulo appeared first in this order: He placed the cohorts of allies, and succours sent by Kings, in the wings: and in the middle, the sixth legion; among which he had intermingled three thousand of the third, sent for by night from other garrisons, with one ensign, as if all were but one legion. Tiridates the day being well spent, showed himself aloof, where he might better be seen then heard: so the Roman captain without parley, commanded his soldiers to departed every man to his own camp. The King either suspecting fraud, because our men went at once to divers places, or to intercept our provision of victuals, coming from the sea of Pontus, and the town Trapezunt, maketh away with all speed. But he could not hinder the coming of the victuals, because it was brought through mountains possessed by our own garrisons; and Corbulo because the war should draw to an end, and the Armenians constrained to defend their own, goeth about to raze their Castles.   

IX. Corbulo having taken the Castles, destroyeth Artaxata the chief town of the country.  
COrbulo chose to himself the strongest place of the country called Volandum to assault; the lesser he committeth to Cornelius Flaccus Lieutenant, and Isteus Capito camp-maister. Then surveying his forces, and seeing all things in a readiness for the assault, encourageth his soldiers to unnestle the vagabond enemy, neither ready for peace nor war; acknowledging by his fleeing away his perfidiousness and cowardice; and so win at once both glory and wealth. After this, having divided his army into four parts, he lead some close and thick ranked together, for a target fence to undermine and beat down the rampire: others to scale the walls: others to let flee fire and darts out of engines of war: the sling-casters and stone-throwers had a place appointed them, from whence they might a far off throw pellets of iron and stone, that the besieged might have no refuge or comfort of one another, all places being full of like fear. The courage of the assailants was so great, that within the third part of the day the walls were naked of defendants; the gates broken down; the fortress scaled; and all of lawful years put to the sword; no one soldier lost on our side, and very few hurt: the weak and unable people were sold in a portsale and made slaves; the rest of the booty fell to the Conquerors share. The Lieutenant and camp-master had the like fortune; three castles taken in one day; the rest for fear and by consent of the inhabitants yielded: which encouraged the Romans to set on Artaxata the chief town of the country. Yet the legions were not brought the next way, because that passing the river Araxis which washeth the walls, by the bridge they should have come under the danger of blows; but went over a far off at broad fords. But Tiridates assailed with sear and shame, lest if he should suffer the besieging, he might seem not to be able to secure it; if hinder it encumber himself and his horsemen in dangerous and difficult places, resouled in the end to show his army in battle array, and a day appointed, give the onset; or making as though he would flee, dress an ambush. Whereupon on a sudden he environeth the Romans; our Captain not ignorant thereof, who had marshaled his army in such array, that it might both march on, and fight. On the right side the third legion; on the left the sixth marched; in the middle a company chosen out of the tenth; the carriages between the ranks, and a thousand horsemen in the rearward, with commandment that they should resist and make head against the enemy if they passed in; but if they fled, not to follow. In the wings went the footmen archers with the residue of the horsemen; the left wing stretched somewhat longer to the bottom of the hills; that if the enemy should enter on them, he should have been received both in the front and middle. Tiridates on the contrary side, came about the Romans freely; yet not within a darts cast; now threatening; now making as though he were afraid; and so retiring, to see whether we would open or break our ranks to follow, and so entrap us being scattered. But not seeing any thing disordered, nor any rank broken by rashness; and only one under Captain of horsemen venturing boldlier than the rest to have been slain with an arrow, and the rest by his example to obey, the night being almost come, he departed. Corbulo having pitched his camp in the same place, considered with himself, whether he should go by night to Artaxata, and besiege it with light and uncumbered legions, supposing that Tiridates had retired thither. Then the scouts having brought intelligence that the King had taken a longer journey, doubtful whether to the Medes or Persians, he stayed until it was day: sending before a company lightly armed, to environ the walls, and begin the assault a far off. But the townsmen opening the gates of their own accord, yielded themselves and all they had to the Romans; whereby their lives were saved. But Artaxata was burnt and razed to the ground, because it could not be kept without a strong garrison, by reason of the compass of the walls; and our forces were not so great that we could leave there a sufficient garrison, and withal, keep the field: or if she should be left standing and ungarded, there would be neither profit nor glory that she had been taken. There is a miracle reported, as it were by some divine power happened: for all things out of the houses were lightened by the sun; but that which was environed with the walls, was on such a sudden covered with a dark cloud & separated with lightning, that it seemed the will of the gods was, it should be destroyed. Hereupon Nero was saluted Emperor, & processions made by decree of Senate; and images & triumphal arches set up, and the Consulship continued on him: and ordained that the day the victory was gained, the day of the news, the day wherein they talked of it in Senate should be kept holy, & other such like; so far beyond measure, that C. Cassius consenting unto the rest of the honours given him, touching the processions; said, that if they would give the gods thanks for so many favours of fortune, all the year would not be enough to make them processions. And therefore they should distinguish working days from holy days, in such sort that the gods might be honoured, and temporal business not hindered.   

X. Suilius is banished. octavius tribune of the people killeth Pontia, with whom he was in love.  
ABout that time, P. Suilius, a man crossed with many adversities, and justly incurred the hatred of many, was called in question, and condemned; not without some touch of Senecaes' credit. This Suilius in Claudius' reign was both cruel and corrupt, and by alteration of times brought low, though not so much as his enemies desired; and who rather would seem culpable, then as a suppliant crave pardon. For it was thought that the penalty of the law Cincia, against such as pleaded causes for money was set on foot again, only to subvert and overthrow him. Yet Suilius never forbore complaints and hard speeches, besides his natural fierceness, more free by reason of his old age: laying in Senecaes' dish that he was an enemy to Claudius' friends, under whom he had sustained a most just banishment: withal, that with his idle and dead studies, applying himself to the unskilfulness of raw youth, he envied such as used a lively and uncorrupt eloquence in defending the citizens. He had been Questor to Germanicus; and Seneca, an adulterer of his house. Was it to be judged a grievouser offence to receive a suitors reward freely offered for a man's honest travel, then to defile the beds of Prince's wives? with what wisdom, with what precepts of Philosophers within four years friendship with the King, had he gotten 
* About 2343750. lib.  three thousand times three hundred thousand sesterces? At Rome he cozened men of their legacies, and such as died without children, as if he had laid a snare to entrap them. Italy and the provinces were drawn dry by his excessive usury. As for himself, he had but small store of wealth gotten by his labour and sweat. He would suffer the accusation, peril, and what else might fall, rather than subject his old credit and estimation to a new upstart. Neither wanted there such as reported these or worse speeches to Seneca again: and other informers were found, which accused Suilius that he had pouled and peeled the allies when he was governor of Asia, and purloined the common treasure. Then because he had obtained a years space for to make inquiry of these matters; it seemed to be the shorter course, to begin with crimes committed near about the city, because of such, witnesses were at hand. They objected against him, that the bitterness of his accusation drove Q. Pomponius to a necessity of civil war: that he had brought julia the daughter of Drusus, and Sabina Poppaea to destruction; & falsely accused Valerius Asiaticus, L. Saturninus, & Cornelius Lupus: yea a great company of gentlemen of Rome had been condemned by his means: in fine, all Claudius cruelty was imputed to Suilius. He for his defence answered, that he had undertook none of those things of his own will, but to obey the Prince, until Caesar caused him to hold his tongue, saying, that he was assured by his father's memorial, that he never enforced any man to accuse another: then he pretended Messallinaes' commandment, and his defence began to fail him. Why was there no other chosen to speak for that cruel unchaste dame? the instruments of cruel actions are to be punished, when as having received the reward of their lewdness, yet go about to lay it to others charge. Therefore part of his goods being taken from him (for part was left his son and his niece, and that also was excepted which was given them by their mothers or grandfathers testament) he was banished into the islands of Baleares, never losing courage either in the time of his danger, or after condemnation. And it is reported that he suffered that separation from company, living both abundantly and delicately. The accusers had overthrown his son Nerulinus, for the envy they bore the father, and his own extortions, if the Prince had not opposed himself, as though the revenge had been sufficient. About the same time Octavius Sagitta, Tribune of the people, mad in love with Pontia a married wise, by great gifts brought her unlawful love, and use of her body; then to forsake her husband, promising her marriage, and inducing her to the liking of him. But when this woman was free from her husband, she began to find delays, shifting it off that her father was unwilling, and in the end finding a hope of a richer husband, went from her promise. Octavius on the contrary side sometimes complained, sometimes threatened, protesting his credit was lost, and his money consumed; finally put his life which only remained in her hands. But being rejected, craveth one night's pleasure for his satisfaction, than promised he would desist. The night was appointed, and Pontia gave charge of watching the chamber to a maid which was privy to their dealings. He with one freed man conveyeth in a weapon under his garment, Then as the manner of lovers is, sometimes angry, sometimes chiding, sometimes entreating, sometimes upbraiding, & spending some part of the night in voluptuous pleasures, at last kindled with grief and complaints, with his sword ran through this woman, which feared no such thing, and wounded the maid which ran in, and so rusheth out of the chamber. The next day the murder was known, and the murderer not doubted of, being known manifestly that they had been together. But a freed man protested it was his doing, in revenge of the injuries done to his patron, and moved some with the strangeness of that example to believe him, until the maid, recovered of her wound, discovered the truth. Then Octavius accused of the murder before the Consuls by Pontias father, at the end of his Tribuneship was condemned by the Senate, according to the law Cornelia against murderers.   

XI. Nero taketh away Sabina Poppaea from her husband.  
THe same year, an untemperate life, no less infamous than the former; was a beginning of greater mischiefs in the common wealth. There was in the city one Sabina Poppaea, daughter of T. Ollius: but she had taken the name of Sabinus Poppaeus, her grandfather by the mother's side; a man of worthy memory, honoured with the consulary dignity, & ornaments of triumph: for Sejanus friendship did overthrow Ollius before he came to any dignities. This woman was graced with all things saving an honest mind: for her mother surpassing other women of her time in beauty, gave her both glory & beauty: wealth she had sufficient to maintain her nobility: her speech affable & gracious, nor no gross wit; but knowing well how to pretend modesty, & live lasciously: she came little abroad, and then part of her face covered with a vail; either not to fill the eye of the beholder, or because it becomed her best: of her credit regard she had never; making no difference between her husbands & adulterers: neither subject to her own will, nor another's; but where profit was offered, thither she carried her affection. This woman then being wife to Rufus Crispinus, a gentleman of Rome, by whom she had a son; Otho seduced through his youth & riot; & because he was most inward in friendship with Nero: It was not long but they joined marriage to adultery. Otho either because he was uncircumspect in love, or because he would inflame the prince's lust; praised his wives beauty and comely feature in his presence; that both enjoying one woman, his credit and authority might by that bond grow greater. He hath been often heard to say, as he hath risen from banqueting with Caesar, that he would go to her in whom was all beauty and nobility; and to her who kindling all men's desire, was able to make them most happy. Through these and the like provocations, there was no long delay made. Nero then finding access unto her, Poppaea at the first by allurements and cunning, began to inveigle him; saying, that she was not able to withstand his love, and that she was overcome with his beauty. Then perceiving the prince's lust to be grown hot; she began to grow proud; and if she entertained him above a night or two, it was all she could afford him; saying, she was a married wife, and that she could not abandon her husband as being bound unto Otho, for his manner of carriage and behaviour, which few came near unto: that he was in courage and demeanour magnificent; and in all respects worthy of highest fortune. As for Nero using a bondslave for his concubine, and tied to Acts familiarity, he had learned nothing of that servile company, but baseness and niggardice. Otho after this was barred of the accustomed familiarity with the Prince; then of his company and retinue: and last of all, lest he should be his concurrent in the city, he made him governor of the province of Portugal. Where he lived until the civil wars, not as before disorderly; but honestly and uncorruptly, as one loosely given when he had little to do; but in office and rule more stayed and temperate. All this while Nero sought to cloak his viciousness and licentious life. Afterward he began to be jealous of Cornelius Sulla's dull and heavy disposition, interpreting it contrary to that which it was, deeming him a crafty and subtle dissembler. Which jealousy Graptus a freed man of Caesar's by age, and experience and time, until then well practised in Prince's houses, augmented with this lie. The Miluian bridge in those days was notorious for a haunt, of dissolute and unruly persons in the night. Whither Nero resorted also to enjoy his licentious pleasures more freely, being out of the town: and returning back by the Flaminian way; Graptus put him in the head that there had been wait laid for him, which he escaped by destiny, because he went another way to salustius gardens, & falsely accused Sylla to be the author thereof: Because that some of the Prince's servitors returning that way by chance, were, by some licentious behaviour of youth, which in that place was very common, put in greater fright than danger. Yet there was no one of Sulla's servitors or vassals known. His faint heart and not daring any enterprise being well known to be far from any such fact: yet nevertheless as though he had been convicted, he was commanded to departed his country, and live within the walls of Marsiles. Under the same Consuls the Embasies of the Puteolanians were heard, which the Senators on one side, and the commonalty on the other, sent to the Senate: the Senators charging the commonalty with insolency; and the people charging the magistrates & chief gentlemen with covetousness. And when the sedition was already grown to throwing of stones, and threatening to fire one another, and like to draw on murder and war, C. Cassius was chosen to order the matter; but knowing that they could not endure his severity at his request, that care was committed to the brothers the Scribonians, with a band of the emperors guard: through the terror of which, and punishment of a few, the townsmen were set at quietness again. I would not speak of the very common decree of Senate, by which the city of Syracuse was licenced to exceed the number prefixed in the show of Fencers: If Paetus Thrasea had not spoken against it and given matter unto backbiters to reprehend his judgement: For said they, if he believed that the commonwealth wanted the liberty of Senators, why did he meddle in such trifles? He should rather have persuaded or dissuaded matters of war or peace; of tributes, of laws, and other things wherein consisted the estate of Rome. It was lawful for the Lords of the Senate as oft as they thought convenient to give their opinion, to propound what they listed, and ask for a consultation upon it. Was it only worthy of correcting, that at Syracuse the plays should not be so long? Be all other things in the Empire, as well as if, not Nero, but Thrasea had the government thereof? The which if they were let pass with great dissimulation; how much more should they forbear vain trifles? Thrasea on the contrary, his friends demanding him a reason why he contradicted the decree, made answer; that he did it not as being ignorant of the present estate of things; but for the greater honour of the Lords of the Senate: and show manifestly that they would not dissemble in important affairs, which would look into such small matters.   

XII. Matters of policy redressed. The Senators withstand Nero touching subsidies.  
THe same year, through the often and importunate suit of the people, blaming the covetousness of the farmers of the common rents; Nero doubted whether it were best to command that there should no more subsidies and tributes be levied; and give so fair a gift to the world. But this sudden pang, having first commended the bounteousness of his mind; the LL. of the Senate stayed, affirming it to be the dissolution of the Empire, if the revenues by which it was sustained should be diminished: for if custom were taken away, it would follow that the abolishing of tributes would be demanded. Many societies of tributes and tallages were established by the Consuls and Tribunes of the people, even when the commonalty had greatest liberty. Things afterward were so proportioned, that the receipts and revenues should be answerable to the layings out. Indeed the covetousness of the farmers was to be moderated; lest things tolerated so many years without complaint, should turn to further mischief and hatred, by their strange greediness. The prince therefore by edict commanded, that the taxation of every custom which hitherto hath been concealed, should now be published: and that the farmers should not after the year was expired demand any thing, let slip, or forgotten, during that time. That in Rome the Praetor; in the provinces, those which supplied the places of the praetors & Consuls, should extraordinarily determine against the farmers of common rents. That soldiers should keep their immunity: those things excepted wherein they trafficked: and many other just things, which observed a short time, afterward came to nothing. Nevertheless the abolishing of one in forty, and one in fifty continueth, and what other names the farmers had invented for their unlawful exactions. The carriage of corn to parts beyond the seas was moderated. And ordained that merchants ships should not be valued in the general estimate of their goods, nor tribute paid for them. Caesar discharged Sulpitius Camerinus, and Pomponius Silvanus, who had been Proconsul's in Africa; and accused by the province; objecting against Camerinus, rather cruel dealing against a few private men, than extortion in general. A great number of accusers came about Silvanus, and required time to produce witnesses: but the defendant desired his defences might presently be heard: which being rich, childless, and old, he obtained; and overlived those by whose suit he had escaped. The estate of Germany was quiet until then, through the industry of the captains, who seeing the honour of triumph common, hoped for greater glory if they could continue peace. paulinus Pompeius, and L. Vetus had charge of the army at that time: yet lest they should keep the soldier in idleness, paulinus finished a bank begun threescore and three years before by Drusus, to keep in the river of Rhine. Vetus went about to join Mosella and Araxis by a ditch cast between them, that the armies conveyed by sea, then by Rhodanus and Araxis by that ditch, anon after by Mosa into Rhine, in the end should fall into the Ocean: that all difficulties of the passages taken away, the west and north seas might be navigable from the one to the other. Aelius Gracilis Lieutenant of Belgia envied the work, dehorting Vetus, lest he should bring the legions into another's province, & seek to win the hearts of the Gallois, affirming it to be dangerous to the Emperor: a pretext which often hindereth honest endeavours. Through the continual rest of the armies a rumour was spread, that the Lieutenants were forbidden to lead them against the enemy. Whereupon the Frisians placed their youth in the woods and marshes; sent their feeble old men to the banks of Rhine, planting them in void grounds appointed out for the use of soldiers; Verritus and Malorigis being the authors thereof, who then governed the country which the Germans were Lords of. Now they had built houses, sowed the ground, and tilled it, as though it had been their native country: when Dubius Auitus having received the province of paulinus, threatening to send the Roman forces, unless the Frisians would return to their old homes, or obtain a new place of habitation of Caesar; enforced Varritus and Malorigis to fall to entreaty. And taking their journey to Rome whilst they attended for Nero, busied in other matters, among other things wont to be shown to barbarous people, they went to Pompeius' Theatre to behold the multitude of people. There at their leisure (for being unskilful in those plays, took no great delight in them) whilst they inquired of many things touching the assembly, skaffolds, differences of degrees, which were gentlemen, where the Senators sat, they perceived some in a strange attire in the Senators rooms: and ask who they were, when they understood that that honour was done to the Ambassadors of those countries which excelled in virtue, and friendship with the Romans; they cried that There were none in the world more valiant and faithful than the Germans; and so went and sat among the Lords of the Senate, which was courteously taken of the beholders, as a forwardness of their old good nature, and a commendable emulation of virtue. Nero gave them both the privileges of a citizen of Rome, and commanded the Frisians to departed the country they had possessed: who refusing to obey, a troop of aid horsemen sent on the sudden forced them to it, and those taken and slain which most obstinately resisted. The Ansibarians entered the same territories, a stronger nation than the other: not only by their own strength, but by the pity their neighbours take on them; because that being driven out by the Chauci, and wanting dwelling places, they desired they might have it as a sure place of exile. They had for their conductor a man of great reputation in that country, and unto us likewise trusty, called Boiocalus: who declared, how by the commandment of Arminius he had been taken prisoner, when the Cheruscirebelled: then how he had served the Romans fifty years under Tiberius and Germanicus. He said further, He would put his nation under our dominion. What need was there of such spacious waste grounds, to put at sometimes only the soldiers herds and cattle to feed? That they might reserve those grounds they had received for their stocks (albeit men died with famine) so as they desired not rather a wilderness than an habitation of people their confederates. In times past those fields belonged to the Chamavorians; then to the Tubantians; and in the end to the Vsipians. As the heaven was given the gods, so the earth to makind; and that which was not possessed, was common. Then beholding the sun, and calling upon the rest of the stars, he asked as it were in their presence, whether they would see the land naked? That they would rather overwhelm the takers away of the earth with the sea. Auitus moved with these speeches; answered that the commandment of their betters was to be obeyed. It was the will of the gods whom they called upon, that the arbitrement should belong to the Romans, what they should give, and what take away; neither would they suffer any judges but themselves. These things he answered the Ansibarians in public, to Boiocalus he would give grounds in memory of his friendship. Which he as if it had been a reward of treason contemning added: We may want land to live in; but to die in we cannot: and so they parted both discontented. They called the Bructeri, and Tencteri, and other nations further off, their confederates to join in war with them. Auitus having written to Curtilius Mancia Lieutenant of the upper army, that he should pass over Rhine, and show the forces behind them; conducted the legions himself into the Tencterans' country, threatening their destruction unless they would break with the Ansibarians. These therefore desisting, the Bructeri daunted with the like fear, and the rest fleeing from others perils, the Ansibarian nation alone retired back to the Vsipians and Tubantians: from whose territories being expulsed, as they went to the Cattis, then to the Cherusci, by long wandering, strangers, poor, enemies, in a strange country, that youth that was left was slain: those that for age were unfit for war, divided for a pray. The same summer there was a great battle fought between the Hermunduri, and Catti, each side striving by force to be master of a river which yielded abundance of salt, sited in the confines of both their countries. And besides a desire of ending all strifes by war, they had a religion rooted in them, that those places are above others near heaven; and the prayers of mortal men no where sooner heard, then from thence. For they were of opinion, that by the goodness of the gods in that river, and in those woods came increase of salt, not as in other countries, of the woos of the sea, when the water is dried up; but by that water cast upon a pile of wood set on fire, by the virtue of two contrary elements, fire and water, which becometh thick and congealed. The war was prosperous on the Hermundurians side, but the utter ruin of the Catteans, because of a vow they made, that if they were conquerors, they would dedicate the contrary army to Mars and Mercury, protesting, horses, men, all things overcome, should be put to the sword; and truly those deadly threats were turned against themselves. But the city of the juhonians confederate with us, was afflicted with a sudden disaster: for fires issuing out of the earth, burned towns, fields, villages every where, and spread even unto the walls of a Colony newly built; and could not be extinguished, neither by rain, nor river water, nor any other liquor that could be employed, until for want of remedy, and anger of such a destruction, certain peasants cast stones a far off into it; then the flames somewhat slakning, drawing near, they put it out with blows of clubs, and other like, as if it had been a wild beast. Last of all, they threw in clothes from their backs, which the more worn and fouler, the better they quenched the fires. The same year, the Fig three called Ruminalis, in the place of assemblies, which above eight hundred and forty years before had covered Remus and Romulus infancy, having his boughs dead, and the body beginning to whither, was held as a prodigious sign, until it began to flourish again, and thrust out new shoots.    

THE FOUR TEENTH BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Nero abused by Poppaea, determineth to put to death Agrippina his mother. Agrippina's unchaste life to maintain her greatness.  
CVipsanius and Fonteius being Consuls, Nero deferred no longer his long before intended wickedness; his boldness by long rule being increased, and his lust to Poppaea more and more inflamed: who casting off all hope of marrying Nero, or seeing a divorce between him and Octavia whilst Agrippina lived, sometimes tauntingly, and sometimes merrily, began to find herself grieved with the Prince, and calling him a ward, & subject unto others controlment, said he was so far from the government of the Empire, that he wanted his own liberty. For why was the marrying of her delayed? forsooth her beauty did not please his eye, nor the nobleness of her grandfathers, who had so oft triumphed? Or did he misdoubt her childbearing and true affection? or least being his wife, she should discover the injuries done to the Senate, and the anger of the people against the pride and covetousness of his mother. But if Agrippina could endure no daughter in law but such as her son can worst away withal, let her be restored again to Otho her husband. She was content to go any whither, where she should rather hear of the contumelies done to the Prince, then see them, and take part of his dangers. These and the like piercing speeches with tears and cunning by the adulteress uttered, no man hindered: all men desiring that the mother's authority were taken lower; and no man believing that the sons hate would extend to her death. Clwius doth report that Agrippina through a burning desire of continuing her authority and greatness grew to that shamelessness, that in the midst of the day, when Nero was well tippled and full of good cheer, she offered herself to him drunk as he was, trimly decked, and ready to commit incest: and the standers by noted her lascivious kisses, and other allurements, messengers of her unchaste meaning: And how Seneca having recourse to another woman for a remedy against these intisments, sent Acts a freed woman privily to him; who careful as well of her own danger as Nero's infamy, gave advertisement, that the incest was commonly spoken of, by reason his mother bragged thereof; and that the soldiers would not endure the government of so profane a Prince. Fabius Rusticus reported that not Agrippina, but Nero lusted after that: but was discouraged by the cunning of the same freed woman. But what Clwius had reported, is confirmed by other authors: and the fame inclineth that way; either because Agrippina had conceived indeed so heinous a fact in her mind, or that an intention of strange lust seemed more credible in her, who in her yongyeeres' blinded with hope of rule, forfeited her honesty with Lepidus; and with the like lust abandoned her body even to Pallas will, as one hardened and shameless in all looseness of life, by marrying her own uncle. Therefore Nero eschewed her secret company. And when she went to her gardens, or to Tusculanum, or Antiates, he praised her that she drove away idleness. At last, wheresoever she bestowed herself, thinking her troublesome to him, determined to make her away, whether by poison or by the sword, or any other violence, that only was his doubt; and first he resolved to do it by poison. But if it should be given her at his table, it could not be attributed to chance, Britannicus already dying the same death: and to sound the minds of her servants, seemed dangerous; and being a woman long practised in wickedness, was always armed against the like; and by taking counterpoisons before hand, it was to be feared it would take no effect. To kill her with the sword, there was no invention how to conceal the murder; and Nero feared lest any chosen to so dangerous attempt, should refuse to obey.   

II. Anicetus worketh a means how to make away Agrippina Nero's mother.  
Anicetus' a freed man, captain of the navy at Misenum, one which had brought up Nero in his childhood, hating, and hated of Agrippina, found out an invention for the purpose: which was, that there might a galley be made lose by art in the bottom, that should let her fall into the sea when she suspected least. There is nothing more subject to chance then the sea, and if she should perish by shipwreck, who is so unreasonable as to ascribe that to any ungracious invention, which was the fault of the winds and waves? And to colour the matter withal, the Prince should build a temple in honour of the dead, erect altars, and institute other ceremonies, to show a love and reverence towards her. This subtle invention pleased the Prince's humour, and fell out at a fit time, because Nero then celebrated the feast of Minerva five days together at Baias. Thither by fair words he brought his mother; affirming, that the displeasure of parents was to be borne with, and means to be sought to pacify their anger: which he did to give out a reconciliation between them, and so receive Agrippina (as women by kind are of easy belief) willing enough to see the sport. Then going to meet her on the shore of Antium, took her by the hand and embraced her, and lead her to Baulos, which was a country house betwixt the promontory of Misenum and the Baian lake, hard by the sea side, where a galley trimmer than the rest was ready prepared, as a thing among others to honour his mother: for she had been accustomed to the galley, and to be carried by force of rowers. After that, she was invited to a banquet, because the night might the better cloak the device. But sure it was some one or other had bewrayed the plot, and Agrippina understanding the practice, and doubtful whether she should believe it, caused herself to be carried to Baias in a bearing-chaire: there Nero's caresses lessened her fear, being courteously entertained, and placed above him; entertaining her with much communication; sometimes with a youthful familiarity, again as it were recalling himself, and interlacing it with serious talk, made the banquet hold a long time: and his eyes fixed on her as she departed, embraced her more straightly than he was accustomed; either because he would omit no complement of dissimulation; or else because the last sight of his mother even ready to perish, did mollify his heart though fell and cruel. A bright starlight night and quiet with a calm sea, as it were to manifest the wicked practice, the gods themselves did yield. The galley not far gone, and Agrippina having only two of her own persons with her, the one Crepereius Gallus, which stood not far from the stern, & Aceronia lying at Agrippina's feet, with great joy discoursed of her sons repentance, and the favour she had recovered. But the watchwoord being given the covering of the place heavily loaden with lead, fell down upon Crepereius and priest him to death immediately. Agrippina and Aceronia, the uppermost bearing of the covering, by fortune being stronger than the rest though it shrunk with the weight, were saved, & the vessel not loosed asunder: all being amazed, and some which were ignorant of the practice, hindered others which were privy to it. Then the rowers thought best to way the galley on one side, and so to sink her. Yet they could not agree upon so sudden an advise; but some swaying to the contrary way, caused the vessel not to sink on the sudden, but by little and little. But Aceronia unadvisedly crying that she was Agrippina, and that they should help the Prince's mother, with poles and oars, and such implements in the galley as came first to hand, was slain. Agrippina not speaking a word, therefore not known, received only one wound in the shoulder: then swimming towards the bank, was succoured by small barks, and carried by the lake Lucrinus to her own house. There casting in her mind how she had been sent for by craft and false letters, entertained with especial honour: how the vessel neither tossed by winds, nor carried upon rocks, the upper part fell as it had been a land-frame: noting Accroniaes' death, and beholding her own wound, thought it the only remedy against the treachery, to make as though she perceived it not. And thereupon sent Agerinus a freed man to tell her son, how by the goodness of the gods and his good fortune, she had escaped a great danger: and prayed him that although he were affrighted with his mother's danger; yet that he would forbear a time from visiting her, because that for the present she had need of rest. And in the mean while making show of security, healeth her wound, and chearisheth her body. And commanded Aceronia's testament to be sought for, and her goods to be sealed up, which was the only thing wherein she showed no dissimulation. But whilst Nero expected messengers to certify him that his plot had taken effect; tidings came that she had escaped lightly wounded, but passed through great danger, the author thereof not once doubted. Nero strooken dead with fear, and crying she would revenge out of hand, either by arming her slaves, or stirring up the soldiers, or run to the Lords of the Senate, or people, there complain of the shipwreck, her wound, & the murder of her friends; knew no shift, unless Burrhus & Seneca would bestir themselves, whom immediately he sent for, doubtful whether they had understood the matter before or not. They stood mute a long time, fearing lest their persuasions should take no effect; in the end concluded, that unless Agrippina were prevented, Nero should perish. Then Seneca hitherto forwarder of the two, looked upon Burrhus, as though he should have asked, whether the soldier should be commanded to execute the murder? but he answered, that the guard being bound to all Caesar's house, and so mindful of Germanicus, would not undertake so cruel an enterprise against his progeny, and that Anicetus should accomplish his promise. He nothing at all staggering, demandeth the whole charge of the execution. At which speech, Nero professed openly, that that day the Empire was bestowed upon him, and that the author of so great a gift was his freed man; and therefore that he should make speed, and take with him such as were readiest to fulfil his commandment. He hearing that Agerinus, Agrippina's messenger was come, maketh a colour of his enterprise in this sort: Whilst Agerinus delivered his message, Anicetus let fall a sword between his legs, and as it were taking him in the manner, as though he had come to kill the Prince, commandeth him to be cast in prison, that he might make the world believe that the mother had pretended her sons death, and killed herself, for shame that the plot was discovered. In the mean season, Agrippina's danger being spread abroad, as though it had happened by chance, every man as he understood it, ran to the sea shore; some clammered up the sea dams, some gate into the next boats, some waded as far as they could into the sea, some stretched out their hands to her. The coast was filled with complaints, vows, and cries, of such as either asked divers questions, or answered doubtfully. And a great multitude flocked thither with torches, who understanding that she was escaped, set themselves in a readiness, as it were to have welcomed her, until they were dispersed by the sight of a threatening armed company of soldiers. Anicetus besetteth her house with a guard, and having broken the gate, layeth hand on all the servants he meeteth, until he came to the chamber doors, where there stood but a few, the residue terrified with those which burst in. There was but little light in the chamber, and one maid only, Agrippina more and more perplexed that she heard not from her son, no nor of Agerinus. The face of the shore was now almost quite changed, every man gone, and on the sudden a great noise, and tokens of extreme danger. Then that one maid going away, speaking these words, Thou dost also for sake me, she espieth Anicetus, accompanied with Herculeus captain of the galley, and Oloaritus a Centurion of sea soldiers, unto whom she said, that if he came to visit her, he should go and say that she was well recovered; if to execute any villainy she suspected her son no way, and that the parricide was not by him commanded. The murderers came about her bed, and the captain of the galley first struck her on the head with a cudgel. For to the Centurion drawing his weapon to kill her, thrusting out her belly she cried; strike my belly, and so having received many wounds, she was slain. Thus many report with one consent. Whether that Nero beheld his mother when she was dead, & praised the feature of her body, some there are which affirm, some which deny. She was burnt the same night in a banqueting bed with base funerals; and whilst Nero reigned, never buried. Not long after by the care of her friends, she had a tomb of small expenses near the Misenian way, and Caesar the Dictator's house, which from a high place looked upon a gulf of the sea underneath. When the funeral fire was kindled, Mnester her freed man thrust himself through; but whether for love of Agrippina, or fear of death, doubtful. That this should be her end Agrippina many years before did believe, but contemned it. For consulting of Nero's fortune, the Chaldaeans told her that he should be Emperor, and kill his mother: and she answered, let him kill her, so as he be Emperor.   

III. Nero's excuses in Senate for murdering his mother: the flattery of the people.  
But after this unnatural fact was committed, Caesar began to weigh how heinous it was: and the rest of the night, now in dumb silence, often rising up as affrighted, and out of his wits, looked for day as if it had been a messenger of death. But at Burrhus' persuasion the first flattery of the Centurions and Tribunes did animate him to hope: who taking him by the hand, rejoiced that he had escaped an unlooked for danger, and his mother wicked practices. Then his friends frequented the Temples, and the example begun the free towns adjoining to Campania, witnessed their joy with sacrifices and Ambassadors. He counterfeiting the contrary, sad and as it were an enemy to his life, wept and bewailed the death of his mother. Yet because the face of places is not changed like unto the countenances of men, the grievous sight of that sea and shore coming oft to his remembrance (and some there were which believed that there was heard a sound of a trumpet in those high hills adjoining, and lamentations at his mother's tomb) he went to Naples and sent letters to the Senate, with contents as followeth. That Agerinus one of Agrippina's dearest freed men, was found with a sword to kill him, and that she with the same remorse of conscience, had suffered the punishment, with which she had prepared her lewd enterprise against him. He added far fet crimes, as that she would have been equal with him in the Empire, and that his guard should have sworn allegiance to her being but a woman, hoping to have done the same dishonour to the Senate and people. And that perceiving these devices to want effect, offended with the soldiers, the Senators, and the people; she hindered a gift which should have been given the people, and sought the ruin of many noble men. How greatly laboured he, that she should not rush into the Senate, and give foreign nations their answers? And by a by-glancing at Claudius' reign, cast upon his mother all the lewd actions of his government, affirming that she was dead for the common good of the estate. He declared her shipwreck likewise; the which to have happened by chance, who was so blockish as to believe? or that one man alone should be sent from a woman that had suffered shipwreck to force a guard and Emperor's navy? Therefore now not Nero whose cruelty surpassed all complaints, but Seneca was hardly spoken of, as one confessing the fact by that oration. Nevertheless processions were ordained with a wonderful strife of forwardness in every Temple, and a bed made in the Temples in honour of their gods; and also that the five days feasts of Minerva called Quinquatrus, in which the treacheries were discovered, should be celebrated every year. And that an image of gold of Minerva should be set in the Curia and the Princes by it. And that the day of Agrippina's nativity should be accounted among the dismal days. Thrasea Paetus with silence or short assent accustomed to pass over others flatteries, went out of the Senate, and procured danger to himself, and opened not the way of liberty unto others. Many prodigious signs happened likewise, but of no effect. A woman brought forth a snake, and another companying with her husband, was stricken dead with lightning. The sun was darkened on a sudden, and fourteen places of the city damnified with tempest from heaven: which chanced so without the care of the gods, that Nero many years after continued the Empire and wickedness. But to make his mother more odious, and show his own lenity was augmented by her death, he recalled from banishment two noble women junia and Calpurnia, and Valerius Capito, and Licinius Gabolus, who had been Praetors long before, banished by Agrippina. He permitted also that Lollia Paullinaes' ashes should be brought back, and a sepulchre to be built her, and released the punishment of Iturius and Caluisius, whom not long before he himself had banished. As for Silana she died in coming back at Tarentum; Agrippina's malice which was her overthrow, either appeased, or her credit beginning to wain. Whilst he lingered in the towns of Campania, doubtful how he should enter into the city: whether his best way were to seek the favour of the Senate, or good will of the people; the lewdest conditioned, whereof there was no court better stored, persuaded him that the name of Agrippina was odious, and that by her death the favour of the people was more bend towards him than ever: therefore that he should go boldly, and with his presence try how he should be reverenced. And withal they earnestly entreated him to set forward: and found all things in a greater readiness than they had promised: the Tribes came to meet him; the Lords of the Senate in their holy-daie robes, wives and children placed according to their age and sex: and all the way he should go builded with stairs as in public shows or triumphs. Thereupon puffed up with pride, as a conqueror of public servitude, he went to the Capitol, and gave thanks to the gods: letting lose the rains to all lusts and licentiousness of life, which before badly restrained, yet the reverence towards his mother such as it was, did in some sort bridle.   

FOUR Nero's exercises.  
IT was an old practice of his never to be absent from the race of chariots: and no less unseemly was that other delight of his, at supper to sing to the harp as minstrels did, which he said to have been a custom of ancient Kings and Captains; and a thing highly commended by Poets, and attributed to the honour of the gods. For melody is sure dedicated to Apollo, & in that attire he doth stand, not only in the cities of Greece, but also in the temples at Rome: a principal deity, and knowing things to come. Neither could he now be removed, seeming good also to Seneca and Burrhus to yield him the one, lest he should persist in both. And thereupon a space was enclosed in the valley of the Vatican to manage his horses, and not to be seen indifferently of every man: and not long after of his own accord he called the people to see it, who highly extolled him; as the manner of the people is, to be desirous of pastimes, and very glad if the Prince draw them to it. And his shame published abroad, brought him not as it was thought it would, any loathing therein, but a farther provocation, thinking that the discredit would be shaken off, if he could dishonour many with the like. He brought to the scaffold many descended of noble houses, bought for poverty, which because they be dead, I will not name, as having regard unto their ancestors: being rather his fault to give money for ill doing, then lest they should commit that which is nought. He constrained also the chief gentlemen of Rome with mighty gifts to promise their labour in the Theatre: unless you say that a reward given by him who may command, bringeth a necessity in obeying. Yet lest he should be discredited by the public Theatre, he instituted Plays called Iwenalia, as it were for the health of youth, to which every man willingly gave his name; not any one's nobility, not his age, or office borne, being any hindrance unto them, but that Greeks' and Latins exercised the art of a stage player, even unto gestures and measures unseemly for men. Yea noble women practised many gestures, and unseemly to their calling. And in the wood which Augustus planted about the lake, where he represented a sea fight, Taverns and meeting places were built, where all provocations of wanton lusts were sold, where money was given to the good to spend of necessity, and to the intemperate to glory and brag of. From thence sprang all lewdness and infamy, never at any time (not when there was great corruption in manners in times past) more dissolute lasciviousness used then at those impure assemblies. Shame is scarce retained among men of honest example; much less among such which strived who should have most vices, can chastity and modesty, or any good behaviour be maintained. Last of all, Nero himself entereth on the stage, tuning and playing on his instrument with great care, and premeditating what to say; his familiars assisting him, and besides them a cohort of soldiers, Centurions and Tribunes, and Burrhus, both grieving, and praising him. Then also were first enrolled the gentlemen of Rome called Augustani, men for their age and strength of body highly esteemed: part of them shameless and saucy in behaviour, and part hoping thereby to rise to greater authority, day and night with clapping of hands made all to ring of them, commending the feature, and voice of the Prince with terms attributed to the gods, and were respected by him as honourable personages for their virtue. And yet lest the emperors skill on stage only and music should be published, he desired to be well accounted of for versifying, having gathered about him such as had any cunning therein, much more such as were excellent. They sat together *, and made those verses hang together which he made there or elsewhere, and supplied his words howsoever they were uttered, which the fashion itself of his verses doth declare, not running with one and the same vehemency, and vain of writing. He bestowed also some time after meat with Philosophers, taking pleasure to hear how every man defended his own opinion, and overthrew the contrary. Neither wanted there some, which with their voice and grave countenance desired to be thought pleasant with the Emperor.   

V A strife between the inhabitants of Nuceria, and the Pompeians.  
ABout the same time, of a light quarrel rose a great murder between the inhabitants of Nuceria, and Pompeians at a show of fencers, which Livineius Regulus put from the Senate as before I have rehearsed, represented to the people. For first provoking one another with bitter terms, as it is often seen in malapert and saucy townsmen, they came to stones, and last of all to weapons; the Pompeians being the stronger, with whom the show was set forth. Many of the Nucerians were brought lame and wounded to the town, and many wept for the death of their children and parents: the determining of which the Prince referred to the Senate, the Senate to the Consuls. And the cause being again brought to the Senators, the Pompeians were forbidden to assemble any such companies for ten years, and their corporations erected against the laws dissolved. Livineius and such others as raised the stir, were banished. Pedius Blaesus also was put from his Senator's room, at the information of the Cyrenensians; who laid to his charge that he had rob the treasure of the god Aesculapius, and mustered soldiers for money and suit. The same Cyrenensians accused Acilius Strabo sometime Praetor, and sent by Claudius as arbitrator of certain lands which once belonging to King Apio, and left to the people of Rome with the kingdom, their neighbours possessed and occupied, and by long licence and injury defended them to be theirs by right and equity. The lands therefore being given from them by sentence, they envied the judge: and the Senate answered they were ignorant of Claudius' pleasure, and that they should ask the Prince's advise. The Prince approving Straboes' sentence, wrote nevertheless that he would aid the allies, and give them that which they had usurped. There died not long after, Domitius Afer, and M. Servilius, two notable personages, which flourished with great honours and eloquence: he in pleading of causes, Servilius famous for long frequenting the Forum, and then for writing the Roman histories, carriage of himself, and neatness of life, which made him more renowned; as equal to the other in wit, yet different in conditions.   

VI Whether it be convenient to have often plays to entertain the people.  
NEro being the fourth time Consul, and Cor. Cossus, the play called Quinquennale was ordained to be played at Rome, after the manner of the Greek combat, whereof there went divers reports, as almost it happeneth in all new things: for some there were which said that Gn. Pompeius was blamed by the ancient men for building a permanent Theatre. For in times past the plays were wont to be set forth on a scaffold built for that time, and seats to continue no longer than the play lasted. Or if thou wilt look into more ancient times, the people beheld them standing, least if they should sit, they would continue in the Theatre whole days in idleness. Neither should the ancient fashion of plays be observed, when, * as oft as the Praetors should set them forth; no necessity was laid upon any of the citizens to fight, or look on. But the customs of the country being by little and little abolished, were now utterly overthrown by disorders set from strange countries; that whatsoever elsewhere might corrupt, or was corrupted, was seen in the city; and the youth unlike to that it hath been, through strange manners, wrestling naked, idleness, and licentious love, the Prince and the Senate being authors thereof, who have not only given licence to vices, but also given them strength and force. The noblemen of Rome under colour of making orations and verses are discredited by stageplaying. What remaineth then but only to unclothe themselves stark naked, and take the caesti in hand, and practise that fight in stead of arms, and exercises of war? Or do they think they shall better understand the knowledge of soothsaying, be more skilful in the decuries of gentlemen, accomplish the honourable charge of judicature, if they understand cunningly broken tunes, and sweerenes of voices? wholenights also were added to those shames, because no time should be left honest: but in that confuse multitude what every person most dissolute desired by day, durst venture on by night. That licence pleased many, and yet they cloaked it with honest terms. That the ancients likewise did not abhor the delight of plays and shows according to their calling at that time, and that stage-players were sent for, from Thuscia. The horse-race was represented by the Thurians: but since Achaia and Asia was possessed by us, plays have been more exactly set forth. Neither hath there been any one in Rome nobly descended, which by reason of stage-plays hath discredited the stock from whom he came these two hundred years, since L. Mamius triumphed, who first set forth that kind of show in the city. Farther, there was a regard had unto thrift, in erecting a continual standing Theatre, rather than with infinite charges every year set up and build a new. Neither should the magistrates waste their goods as they have done; on the people have cause to be importunate with them for the combats according to the Greeks' manner, seeing the commonwealth did defray the charge. The victories of orators and poets would be an encouragement unto wits: neither could it be offensive to any judge to lend his ears to honest studies, and allowable pastimes. To mirth rather than lasciviousness, a few nights in five years were given, in which there is such great light of fires, that no unlawful act can be hidden. In very deed that show passed without any notable dishonest part committed, neither did the people show any great insolency, although the common vices were restored to the stage, and forbidden to show themselves in such plays as were represented in honour of the gods. The praise of eloquence none carried away, but Caesar was pronounced victor: and the Greekish attire which many wore in those days, was laid aside.   

VII. Nero falleth sick.  
During these things, there appeared a blazing star, which in the opinion of the common people, betokeneth the change of a Prince. Therefore as though Nero had already been driven out, they were busy to know who should succeed him: Rubellius Plautus being famous in every man's mouth, by the mother's side descended from the julian family. He was an observer of the old manner of living, upright, grave and severe, living with all honesty, as one retired in his own house: and the more secret he was for fear of being accounted of; so much the more his reputation increased. An interpretation of a lightning begun by the like vanity, augmented the rumour. For Nero's meat being stricken with lightning, and the table thrown down at the lakes of Simbruinum, in a place called Sublaqueum, in the confines of Tiburtum, from whence Plautus had his beginning by his father's side; all men believed that he was destined by the providence of the gods to the Empire: and thereupon many fawned and courted him: which by a greedy and for the most part deceitful ambition, admire new things, doubtful and uncertain. Nero moved with these rumours writeth to Plautus, advising him to look to himself and his assemblies, and rid his hands of those which lewdly defamed him: and that in Asia he had possessions by descent from his ancestors, in which he might pass his youth safely and without troubles. Whereupon he went thither with Antistia his wife, and a few of his familiars. At the same time too greedy a desire of pleasing his will in all he liked, bred Nero both infamy and danger: for swimming in the fountain of the Martian water which was brought to the city; it was construed that he had defiled the holy drinks, and ceremony of the place with his whole body; and falling dangerously sick thereupon, it was constantly believed that it proceeded as a punishment from the wrath of the gods.   

VIII. Corbulo conquereth all Armenia; over which Nero sendeth Tigranes to be King.  
But Corbulo after the rasing of Artaxata, thinking it his best to make profit of the fresh terror: for the easilier forcing of Tigranocerta, by destroying of which, he should augment fear in the enemy; or by sparing it, purchase the reputation of clemency: marcheth thither, using no hostility by the way, lest he should take from them all hope of pardon: yet with no remissness or careless proceeding, as one knowing that that nation is easily subject to change: as slow to peril, so faithless when occasion is offered. The Barbarians every man according to his wit, some entreated; some forsook their villages and conveyed themselves to inaccessible places; some hid themselves, and the things they made most reckoning of in caves. The Roman Captain therefore, using divers policies, showed mercy towards the humble; used celerity in pursuing those which ran away; and cruelty against those which fled to the dens and caves, stopping the mouths of them with vine branches and small wood, and after set them on fire. And passing by the confines of the Mardians, a people well practised in thieving and robbing; they set on him, but fled to their mountains for their defence, when they saw he turned towards them. But Corbulo sent an army of Hiberians to waste them, revenging by that means with the blood of strangers the audaciousness of the enemy. Himself and his army, albeit he received no hurt by the battle; yet began to faint for want of victuals and over great travel, having no means to drive away hunger, but with the flesh of beasts. All this, with the want of water, fervent heat, long journeys, was mitigated by the only patience of the Captain; himself enduring more than a common soldier. Then we came into tilled grounds, but where harvest was in: and of two castles into which the Armenians had fled, the one was taken by force; and the other which had resisted the first assault was forced with siege. From thence passing into the country of the Taurantians he escaped an unlooked for danger: for not far from his pavilion, there was found a Barbarian of no small reputation with a weapon; which by torture discovered the order of a treason (himself the inventor of it) and all his complices: and they were convicted and punished which under colour of friendship went about treason. Not long after Ambassadors sent from Tigranocerta, bring tidings that the gates are open, and the inhabitants willing to obey the Romans. Withal, they presented him a crown of gold as a gift to honour a stranger: which honourably he accepted, and took away no privilege from the town, because they should more faithfully retain their obedience. Nevertheless the King's fortress, which the fierce youth had shut themselves in, was not gotten but by fight: for they came forth & skirmisht before the walls, but driven into their rampires, & no longer able to resist, at the last yield to the forces of the assailers. All which the Roman achieved so much the easilier, because the Parthians were hindered with war against the Hyrcanians: who had sent to the Roman Prince to crave their alliance, declaring that for a pledge of their friendship, they had stopped Vologeses. Corbulo fearing lest those Ambassadors in returning back, having past Euphrates should be surprised by the ambush of the enemy, with a good guard conducted them to the red sea: whereby having escaped the confines of the Parthians, they retuned safe to their country. Besides this, Corbulo drove away Tiridates far off: and from all hope of wars entering the confines of Armenia by the Medes; by sending before the Lieutenant Verulanus with the confederates, himself following with uncombred legions: and having wasted with fire & sword those he knew to be our enemies, & adhere to the King, put himself in possession of Armenia: when as not long after came Tigranes chosen by Nero to take the kingdom, one of the nobility of the Cappadocians, and King Archelaus nephew: but by being kept a long time an hostage in the city, was humble and lowly even unto servile patience: neither accepted by consent, some still favouring the Arsacides: but the most part hating the pride of the Parthians, desired rather the King given by the Romans. He had also a garrison sent him by the Romans, a thousand legionary soldiers, three bands of allies, and two wings of horsemen. And to the end he might the easilier defend the new kingdom, part of Armenia, as it adjoined to Nipolis *, Aristobolus, and part Antiochus had charge of. Corbulo came into Syria, which by the death of the Lieutenant Vinidius was without a governor and committed to his charge.   

IX. An earthquake in Laodicea. An order for appellations.  
THe same year, Laodicea one of the most famous cities of Asia, destroyed by an earthquake, without any help of ours by her own wealth, recovered herself again. But in Italy the ancient town of Puteolum, got of Nero the privileges and surname of a colony. The old soldiers assigned to inhabit Tarentum and Antium, did not furnish the lack of people in those places: many of them being sent into Provinces, where they ended their service. And not accustomed to marry, nor bring up children, they left their houses without posterity: for whole legions, were not brought as in times passed with Tribunes and Centurions and soldiers of the same band, that by consent and love they should make a commonwealth: but strangers the on to the other, of divers companies, without a governor, without mutual love, as it were gathered on the sudden, of another kind of people, rather a number than a colony. The election of praetors wont to be chosen at the will of the Senate, which was now done by suit and bribery; the Prince assumed to himself, and gave the charge of a legion to each one of the three which sued extraordinarily. And augmented the honour of the Senate, by ordaining that such as from ordinary judges appealed to the Senators should incur the same penalty, as they did which appealed to the Emperor: for before, that was free for every man, and not punishable. In the end of the year Vibius Secundus a Roman gentleman, at the suit of the Moors, was condemned of extortion and banished Italy, and supported by the favour of his brother Vibius Crispus, that he had no grievouser a punishment.   

X. War in England. Suetonius paulinus conquered the isle of Anglesey. The Queen Boudicea abused by the Romans.  
WHen Cesonius Paetus, and Petronius Turpilianus were Consuls, there was a very great overthrow received in Britanny: where neither the Lieutenant Auitus as I have already said, could do no more but keep that which was already gotten; and his successor Verannius with small inroads having wasted the Siluri 
* South-Wales. , was hindered by death from making any long war: a man whilst he lived, famous for severity, but in his last will showed himself openly ambitious. For after much flattering of Nero, added, that he would have subdued the Province to his obedience, if he had lived the two next years. At that time Paulinus Suetonius governed Britanny, in skill of service, & opinion of the people (which suffereth no man without a concurrent) comparable with Corbulo, desiring to match his honour of recovering Armenia by subduing the enemy of this country. He maketh all preparation to invade the isle of Mona 
* Anglesey.  strong with inhabitants, and a receptacle of fugitives; and buildeth flat bottomde vessels, because the sea is shallow, and landing uncertain. So the footmen having passed over, the horsemen followed by the ford, or by swimming, if the waters were high. Against them the enemy's army stood on the shore, thick in array, well appointed with men and weapons, and women running among, in mourning attire, their hair about their ears with firebrands in their hands like furies of hell: and the Druids round about, lifting up their hands to heaven, and pouring out deadly curses: with the newness of the sight amazed the soldier, and stood stock still close together, not once moving a foot, as though they had presented themselves to the wounds. Then by the encouragement of the Captain, and animating each the other, that they should not fear a flock of women, and frantic people, they displayed their ensigns and marched on; overthrew such as encountered them, and thrust them among their own fires. Which being done, they placed garrisons in their towns, and cut down their woods; which through their execrable superstitions among them were reckoned holy. For they accounted it lawful to offer sacrifice at their altars with the blood of captives, and ask counsel of their gods by the aspect of man's entrails and fibres. News came to Suetonius as he achieved this enterprise, of a sudden rebellion of the Province. Prasutagus King of the Icenians 
* Suffolk, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire Huntingtonshire. , very famous for his riches a long time gotten, made Caesar with two of his daughters his heir by will, thinking that by that flattery his kingdom and house should have been warranted from injury, which fell out otherwise: for his kingdom by Centurions, his house by slaves was wasted & spoiled as lawful booties. And to begin withal, his wife Boudicea was whipped, & his daughters deflowered. And the chiefest of the Icenians as though they had received the whole nation for a pray, were dispossessed of all their ancient inheritance, & the King's kindred reputed as slaves. By reason of which contumely & fear of worse (after that they were reduced into a form of a province) they take arms again: the 
* Middlesex and Essex.  Trinobantes being stirred to rebellion also, & others not yet broken to the yoke of servitude, by secret conspiracies had vowed to recover their liberty, bearing a bitter hatred against the old soldiers. For those which were lately brought into the colony of 
* Maldon in Essex.  Camalodunum, thrust out of their houses the ancient inhabitants, took their livings from them, calling them captives and slaves: the new soldiers favouring the insolent fierceness of the old, as well for likeness and conformity of life, as hope of like licence. Besides, a temple erected in honour of Claudius of famous memory, was an eye sore, and an altar of perpetual dominion over them: and the Priests which were chosen under colour of religion, wasted all the wealth of the inhabitants. Neither did it seem any hard matter, to extirpate that colony undefensed and unfortified, which was not circumspectly foreseen by our captains, whilst they had a greater care of pleasure then good government. Amongst these things the image of Victory set up in Camalodunum fell down without any apparent cause why, and turned back, as though it would give place to the enemy. And the women distempered with fury, went singing, that destruction was at hand. And strange noises were heard in their court, and the Theatre gave a sound like to a howling, and a strange apparition in an arm of the sea was a foretelling of the subversion of the colony. Further, the Ocean bloody in show, and dead men's bodies left after an ebb, as they brought hope to the Britain's, so they drove the old soldiers into a fear; who because Suetonius was far off, craved aid of Catus Decianus procurator. He sent not above two hundred men, and those badly armed, and the number not great which was there before, trusted to the franchise of the temple. And those hindering which were confederates of the secret conspiracy troubled their deseignments: for they neither made trench nor ditch, nor sending away the old men and women, and keeping the young men only, being as secure as it had been in a full peace, they were surprised with a multitude of barbarous people, and all overthrown, and wasted with violence, or consumed with fire: the temple only excepted, into which the soldiers had fled, which also within two days was besieged, and taken. And the Britain being thus conqueror, and meeting with Paetus Cerealis Lieutenant of the ninth legion which came to secure them, put to flight the legion, and slew all the footmen. Cerealis with the horsemen escaped to the camp, and defended himself in the fortresses. Through which overthrow, and hate of the province, driven to take arms through the avarice of the Romans', Catus the procurator being afraid, sailed to Gallia. But Suetonius with wonderful constancy passing even among the enemies, went on to London, not greatly famous by the name of a colony, but for concourse of Merchants, and provision of all things necessary, of great fame and renown: and being come thither, stood doubtful whether he should choose that for the seat of war or not: and considering the small store of soldiers he had, and how Petilius had well paid for his rashness, he determined with the loss of one town to preserve the rest whole. Neither was he won by weeping and tears to give aid to such as demanded it, but gave sign of removing, and received such as followed as part of his army. If imbecility of sex, or wearisomeness of age, or pleasantness of the place kept any back, they were all put to the sword by the enemy. The free town of 
* S. Albon.  Verulamium received the like overthrow, because the barbarians forsaking their Castles and forts, and being well manned, spoiled the richest and fattest, and carrying it to a sure place, glad of the booty, went on to places more notable. It is certain there were slain in those places I have spoken of, to the number of seventy thousand citizens and confederates. Neither did they sell or take any one prisoner, or use any intercourse of traffic of war, but kill, hang, burn, crucify, as though they would requite the measure they had suffered, and as it were in the mean time hasten to anticipate revenge.   

XI. Suetonius vanquished the Britain's, which Boudicea conducted: her stoutness and death.  
NOw Suetonius having with him the fourteenth legion, with the Standard bearers of the twentieth, and the aids from places adjoining, which came all to the number almost of ten thousand armed men, resolved to lay aside all delay, and try the chance of a main battle. And chooseth a place with a narrow entrance, and enclosed behind with a wood, being well assured that he had no enemies but before him; and that the plain was wide without fear of ambush. The legionary soldier then marshaled together in thick and close ranks, and the light harnessed closely about them, the horsemen made the wings. But the Britain's forces triumphed abroad in troops and companies, by such multitudes that the like had not been seen; and of such fierceness of courage, that they brought their wives with them, and placed them in carts in the utmost parts of the plain, as witnesses of the victory. Boudicea having her daughters by her in a chariot, now going to one, now to another: Told them that the Britaines were wont to make war under the conduct of women. But at that time not as though she had descended of such noble ancestors, she sought neither for kingdom nor wealth, but a revenge as one of the common people, of their lost liberty, of her body beaten with stripes, and the chastity of her daughters violated. That the desire of the Romans' was grown to that pass, that they left none, of what age soever, nor any virgin undefiled. Nevertheless that the gods favoured just revenge; that the legion which durst undertake the battle was slain; the rest had either hid themselves in their camp, or fought means by flight to save themselves: that they could not endure the noise and cry of so many soldiers, much less their fury and strength. If they would weigh with themselves the strength of the soldiers; if the cause of the war, they should resolve either to vanquish in that battle or die. That, for her own part being a woman, was her resolution, the men might live if they pleased, and serve. Suetonius held not his tongue in so great danger, who although he trusted in the valour of his soldiers, yet interlaced exhortations and prayers. That they should contemn the loud and vain threats of the barbarians; that there were more women seen in their army then young men; that being unwarlike, and unarmed, they would presently yield when they should once come to feel the weapons and valour of the conquerors, who had so oft overthrown them: yea where many legions have been, a few have carried away the glory of the battle; and it should be an augmenting to their glory, if with a small power they could win the praise of a whole army: that they should only continue the slaughter and butchery close together, by throwing of darts; then with their swords and pikes of their bucklers, not thinking on booty; for the victory once gotten, all should fall to their share. Such a fervency and edge followed the captains words; the old soldier experienced in many battles so bestirred himself, and showed such forwardness in lancing his darts, that Suetonius assured of the event, gave the sign of battle. And first of all the legion not stirring afoot, but keeping within the straight, as in a place of defence; after that the enemy was come nearer, and had spent his darts to good purpose, the legion in the end sallied out in a pointed battle. The auxiliary soldier was of the like courage, and the horsemen with long lances breaking before them all they met, or made head against them. The residue showed their backs, hardly fleeing away, by reason the carts placed about the plain had hedged in the passages on every side. And the soldiers spared not from killing so much as the women; and their horses and beasts thrust through, increased the heap of bodies. That was a day of great renown, and comparable to the victories of old times: for some there are which report, that there were slain few less in number then fourscore thousand Britain's, of our soldiers four hundred slain, and not many more hurt. Boudicea ended her life with poison. And Poenius Posthumus, Campe-maister of the second legion, understanding of the prosperous success of the fourteenth and twentieth legions, because he had defrauded his legion of the like glory; and contrary to the order of service, refused to obey the captains commandment, slew himself. After this gathering the army together, they encamped again, ready to end the residue of the war. And Caesar augmented his forces by sending out of Germany two thousand legionaries, eight cohorts of auxiliaries, and a thousand horse; by whose coming the ninth legion was supplied. The cohorts and wings were lodged in new winter garrisons, and all those which were either openly against us, or doubtful, were wasted with fire and sword. But nothing so much distressed that nation as famine, being negligent in sowing of corn, and of all ages given to war: and assuring themselves to live on our provision, being a fierce nation slowly gave ear to any peace. For julius Classicianus sent to succeed Catus, and at variance with Suetonius, hindered the common good with pruate grudges: and had bruited abroad that the new Lieutenant was to be expected, who without any hostile rancour, & pride of a conqueror, would entreat such as would yield with all clemency. He sent word likewise to Rome that they should look for no end of the wars, unless some other should succeed Suetonius, attributing his adverse luck, to his own overthwartness; and the prosperous, to the good luck of the commonwealth. Whereupon to see what state Britanny stood in, Polycletus a freed man was sent, Nero greatly hoping, that by his authority there should not only an agreement be made between the Lieutenant and Procurator; but also the rebellious minds of the Barbarians be won to a peace. Neither failed Polycletus with his great host to seem burdesome to Italy and Gallia; and after he had passed the Ocean sea, show himself terrible even to our soldiers. But to the enemies he was but a laughing stock, who being in full possession of liberty, knew not what the power of freed men was: and began to marvel that a Captain, and an army which had achieved so many great exploits could yield to obey a bondslave: all things nevertheless were made the best to the Emperor. And Suetonius being occupied in dispatching of business, after he had lost a few galleys on the shore, and the gallie-slaves in them, as though the war did continue, was commanded to deliver the army to Petronius Turpilianus, who had lately given up his Consulship: who neither provoking the enemy, nor egged by him, gave his lazy and idle life, the honourable name of peace.   

XII. Balbus a Senator's testament forged: and Pedanius Rufus killed by his bondmen.  
THe same year two notable lewd parts were committed at Rome: the one by a Senator; the other by an audacious bondman. Domitius Balbus sometime Praetor, being aged, without children, and of great wealth, lay open to much treachery. One of his nearest kinsmen, Valerius Fabianus, and Consul elect, forged a false testament in his name, having called thereunto Vicius Rufinus, and Terentius Lentinus gentlemen of Rome: and they associated unto them Antonius Primus, and Asinius Marcellus. Antony was ready and bold; Marcellus nobly descended, and nephew to Asinius Pollio, of a good carriage and behaviour; saving that he thought poverty the worst of all things. Fabianus then sealed the testament with those which I have named, and others of lesser calling: whereof he was convicted before the Lords of the Senate, with Antonius, & Rufinus, & Terentius, and condemned by the law Cornelia against forgery. But Marcellus the memory of his ancestors, and Caesar's entreaty, acquitted rather from punishment, than infamy. The same day overthrew Pompeianus Aelianus, a young man, who had been Quaestor and privy to Fabianus practise, and was banished Italy and Spain his native country. Valerius Ponticus sustained the like ignominy, because that eschewing the judgement of the Provost of the city, he had informed against some before the Praetor first under colour of some laws, then by prevarication to escape punishment. Whereupon a decree of Senate was ordained, that he who should either buy or sell any such actions, should sustain the same punishment, as he who was publicly condemned for forging of crimes in false accusations. Not long after Pedanius Secundus Provost of the city was slain by his bondman, either because he had denied him his liberty, which for woney he had covenanted; or hating him for the unnatural lust of a youth, as not enduring his lord to be his rival. But when all the bondslaves of the house according to the old custom should have been condemned for that fact; through the flocking thither of people, which defended so many innocent persons, they grew almost to a mutiny, and even in the Senate itself; among which there was a faction, some contemning that overgreat severity; and many on the contrary side holding it necessary that nothing should be changed. Among which, C. Cassius uttered his opinion as followeth. I have oftentimes been present in this aslemblie, Lords of the Senate, when new decrees have been demanded, contrary to the laws and ordinances of our ancestors: neither have I ever gainsaid them; not that I doubted but that in times past they foresaw and took better and more upright order for all affairs then now; and that those things which were altered were changed into the worse: but lest I should seem by sticking too much to old customs, to extol the thing I affected: with all I thought it not convenient with often contradiction, to overthrow this our authority whatsoever it be, to the end it might remain strong and entire, if at any time the common wealth should need of counsel. Which this day hath appeared, a Consul being murdered in his own house, by treason of his slaves, which none either hindered or bewrayed, although the decree of Senate be yet in force, which in this case threatened punishment to the whole family. Decree in good truth impunity. But whom shall any man's dignity warrant, seeing the Provostship of the city availed not? whom shall a multitude of slaves defend, seeing four hundred have not protected Pedanius Secundus? Whom shall any one's family help, if standing in fear of laws our servants care not what danger we fall into. Shall we say, as some are not ashamed to invent, that this murderer revenged his own private injury, because he had compounded for his father's inheritance; or that some old slave had been taken from him? Let us pronounce sentence without any further ado, that Pedianus seemeth to us to have been justly slain. Give me leave to reason of that point, that hath been determined by wiser men: If we were now first of all to consider of the matter, do you think that a slave had had the heart to murder his Lord, if no threatening word had before escaped him? if he had uttered nothing rashly? forsooth he concealed his intention, he prepared a weapon amongst such as knew nothing of it. Can he pass the watch, open the chamber doors, bring in light, commit the murder, all of his fellows ignorant of it? If slaves would bewray such attempts, they can give many signs: which if they discover, we alone may be safe among many lewd persons: in the end if we must needs die, yet not unrevenged of the wicked. The disposition of slaves hath always been feared by our ancestors; yea although they were borne in the same country and houses, and have just occasion presently to love their lords. But seeing we have nations of them in our families, using divers rites and customs, strange or no ceremonies of religions at all, this rascality thou shalt not be able to bridle but by fear. But some innocents shall be cast away. When an army is discomfited, and every tenth soldier is culled out and beaten with a cudgel, the lot falleth also upon the valiant. Every exemplary punishment hath somewhat in it which is unjust, which being in particular to the prejudice of some, yet is recompensed by the general good of the whole. As no one man durst gainsay Cassius' opinion, so many confusedly answered together, that there should commiseration be taken, of the number, age, sex, and undoubted innocency of many. Yet that opinion prevailed, which concluded they should be punished; but it could not be executed, a multitude being flocked together, threatening with stones and fire. Then Caesar rebuked the people by an edict, & beset all the way, by which the condemned parties were lead to punishment with a guard of soldiers. Cingonius Varro advised that the freed men which lived under the same roof with their master slain, should be banished Italy. But that was withstood by the Prince, lest the ancient custom which clemency had not diminished, should by cruelty be made worse. The same men being Consuls, Tarquitius Priscus was condemned for extortion, at the suit of the Bithynians, the Senators greatly rejoicing thereat, who bore in mind that Statilius Taurus their Proconsul had been accused by him. The people were numbered and valued in Gallia by Q. Volusius, and Sext. Africanus, and Trebellius Maximus; and whilst Volusius and Africanus contended for worth and nobility, and both disdaining Trebellius, they preferred him before themselves. That year died Memmius Regulus, in authority, constancy, fame, as much as might be, the imperial highness shadowing him, greatly renowned: in so much that Nero being sick, and such as were about him flattering him, and saying that the Empire was at an end if he should miscarry, made answer; that the common wealth had a support and stay. Then they demanding him in whom especially? he added, in Memmius Regulus. Nevertheless Regulus lived after this, shrouded by his quiet life, and because he was of new nobility, and not envied for his wealth. The same year, a place of all kind of exercise called Gymnasium was dedicated by Nero, and oil given when they wrestled naked to the gentlemen and Senate, according to the courtesy of the Greeks'.   

XIII. Libelers punished: of Veiento which sold Nero's favour.  
P. Marius and L. Asinius being Consuls; Antistius the Praetor, who as I have said before behaved himself licentiously when he was Tribune of the people, made opprobrious verses against the Prince, and published them in a solemn banquet at Ostorius Scapulaes' house. Whereupon he was accused of treason by Cossutianus Capito, not long before received into the number of Senators at the request of his father in law Tigellinus. It was thought that then first of all that law was put on foot, which wrought not so great an overthrow to Antistius, as glory to the Emperor: by which the condemned party, by the Senate was delivered from death, by the negative voice of the Tribune. And albeit Ostorius protested he had heard nothing to bear witness off; credit was given to the testimony of his adversaries, and junius Marullus Consul elect gave his censure, that he should be deprived of the Praetorship, and put to death according to the ancient custom. The rest after that yielding their assent, Paetus Thrasea having said somewhat in the commendation of Caesar, sharply rebuked Antistius, and declared: That it was not expedient, that the extremity of punishment should be used under a good Prince, and when the Senate was by no necessity bound to ordain it: that there was no use now of an executioner and halter: and that there were penalties ordained by laws, and punishments inflicted without note of the severity of the judges, & infamy of times. With the loss of his goods he should be confined in some Island, where by how much the longer he drew his guilty life, by so much the more miserable it should be to himself in particular; and in time to come a notable example of public clemency. Thraseas liberty of speech broke the silence of the rest. And after that the Consul had permitted the going aside to agree in their opinions, all of them (a few excepted) condescended to Thrafeas' opinion: amongst whom the forwardest in flattery was A. Vitellius, brawling and contending with every one of the better sort, but never replying to an answer: a certain note to know a timorous and faint heart. But the Consuls not daring to put the decree in execution, with common consent wrote to Caesar: who wavering betwixt shame and anger, in the end wrote again: That Antistius no injury before offered him, had used most contumelious speeches against the Prince: whereof a revenge was demanded of the Senat. And it was convenient that a punishment should be ordained answerable to the greatness of the offence. As for himself, as he would have hindered the severity of their resolution, so he would not be against the moderation of the punishment: therefore they might determine as they thought good, giving them power if they lusted to acquit him. These or the like speeches recited, and his dislike manifestly perceived: yet for all that neither did the Consuls alter their relation, or Thrasea shrink from his opinion; or the rest go from that which they had once allowed; part of them lest they should seem to have exposed the Prince to envy; many shrouding themselves under the number of voices; Thrasea by his accustomed stoutness of courage, and because he would not fall from his glory already gotten. Fabricius Veiento was accused of the like crime, for uttering many slanderous speeches against the Lords of the Senate, and Priests, in those books which he called Codicillos. Talius Geminus his accuser added further of him, that he had sold offices and favours of the Prince, and the right of obtaining honours: which was the cause why Nero undertook the hearing of that judgement. Who after conviction banished Veiento out of Italy, and commanded his books to be burnt, which as long as the reading and getting of them was dangerous, were much sought for; then liberty of having them granted they were forgotten.   

XIIII. The death of Burrhus: and who Tigellinus and Rufus his successors were. The decay of Senecaes' credit with an oration of his to Nero, with Nero's answer.  
AS public calamities daily increased; so the remedies against them grew scarce. And Burrhus ended his life, but whether by sickness or poison, uncertain. It was conjectured by sickness, because that his windpipe within swelling by little and little, and in the end stopped, he yielded up the ghost. Most men affirm that by Nero's commandment, making as though he would have applied a remedy to the palate of his mouth anointed it with poison: and that Burrhus understanding the practice, when Caesar came to visit him, turned his face from him: and ask him how he did, answered only, I am well. He was much lamented in the city for the memory of his virtue: and harmless sloth of one of his successors, and enormous wickedness, and adulteries of the other. For Caesar had made two Captains of the guard: Fenius Rufus through the favour of the people, because he dealt in corn matters without gain; and Sofonius Tigellinus, who held on his old course of unclean and infamous life, which by custom was another nature in him. Tigellinus was more inward with the Prince, chosen as one privy to his secret pleasures. Rufus was of good reputation and fame with the people, and accepted of the soldiers, which he found by experience to breed Nero's mislike. The death of Burrhus weakened Senecaes' authority, because his good arts wanted the strength they had: having lost one as it were of their guides; & Nero inclined to the worse sort. Which with sundry sorts of calumniations set upon Seneca, saying: That he continually heaped up wealth above the calling of a private man, and sought to win the people's hearts; that in pleasant gardings, and stately buildings he did almost exceed the Prince. They objected also that he attributed to himself only, the praise of eloquence, and made verses often, after he saw that Nero took a liking to them. For showing openly a dislike of the prince's pleasures; he detracted from his skill in riding, and scoffed at his voice when he sang; to what other purpose, but that nothing should seem excellent in the commonwealth, which was not thought to be his invention? Nero was now out of his childhood, and in the strength of his youth; he should shake off his master, being already instructed with sufficient teachers, to wit his ancestors. But Seneca knowing of these accusations, by some which had a care of honesty; and Caesar more and more estranging himself from his familiarity: desireth a time to be heard; and having obtained it, beginneth thus. It is fourteen years Caesar, since I have been put to thee as a guide to thy hope; and eight since thou hast governed the Empire. From that time until this, thou hast heaped on me so many dignities and so much wealth, that there wanteth nothing to my felicity, but the moderation of them. I will allege great examples; not of mine own calling, but of thine. Augustus' thy great great grandfathers father, licenced M. Agrippa to withdraw himself to Mitylenum to live a private life, and C. Maecenas to abide in the city; yet at ease as if he had been in a foreign country. Whereof the one a companion of his wars; the other tossed and wearied with many travels at Rome, had received large rewards, but answerable to their manifold deserts. As for myself, what was there in me for the requital of thy munificency, save only my stuas I may say, nourished in the shadow? By which I have gotten credit and reputation, because I seemed to have been at hand and directed thy youth with instructions: a great recompense in very deed of my travel. But thou hast done me besides this, great favours, and enriched me with infinite wealth; in so much that I do oft debate the matter with myself, saying: Am I, being but a gentleman only, and borne out of the city, reckoned among the chiefest peers of the city? Can it be that my new rising can shine among noble men honoured with the marks of ancient antiquity? Where is that mind of mine which once was contented with a little? What, doth he make such goodly gardens & walk in such manner houses near the walls of the city: doth he abound in such scope of grounds, and usury in so many places? One defence cometh to mind for all, that is, that it was not my part to strive against thy gifts, but both of us have filled our measure, thou by giving as much as a Prince could bestow upon a friend, and I in taking as much as a friend could take of a Prince. That which is above this augmenteth envy, the which no doubt, as all mortal things doth lie under thy greatness, but lie heavily on my shoulders; therefore I need help: and as weary in service of war, or on the way, I would crave succour; so in this journey of my life, old and unable to wade through the smallest cares, seeing I cannot sustain the burden of my riches any longer, I crave thy aid and helping hand; command them to be managed by thy procurators, and be received as thy own goods. Neither will I thrust myself into poverty, but give up those things, whose brightness dimmed and dazzled me: that time which I was wont to bestow in my gardens and houses of pleasure, I will employ in recreation of mind. Thou art in the flower of thy age, and the regiment of thy Empire established and settled many years, and we thy old friends may betake ourselves to rest. This also shall redound to thy glory, that thou hast raised such to great honours as could have contented themselves with a mean estate. Unto which, Nero answered almost as followeth. That I am able extempore to answer thy premeditated oration, I am principally indebted to thee, who hath instructed me how not only to acquit & discharge myself of things premeditat, but also of such as happen on the sudden. My great great grandfathers father Augustus suffered Agrippa and Maecenas after great labour to take their ease; but in such an age, that his authority might maintain whatsoever had been bestowed; yet he never took those rewards from them he had once given them. In war and dangers they had deserved them, for in these things Augustus youth was employed: neither would thy weapons and hands have been wanting, if I had been in arms. But as the present state of times required, thou didst with reason, and counsel train up first my childhood, than my youth: and therefore the gifts which thou bestowedst upon me, whilst life lasteth shall remain with me. Those things which thou hast received of me, thy orchyards, usury, country houses, are subject to casualty; and although they seem much, yet many not equal with thee in knowledge have possessed more. I am ashamed to speak of such as have been slaves, which seem richer than thou. And therefore I blush that thou, who in affection art dearest unto me, dost not surpass all men in wealth and fortune. And thou art of thy age a lusty man, and able to enjoy thy wealth and commodity thereof, and we enter into the first steps of the Empire; unless perdie thou dost prefer thyself before Vitellius thrice Consul, or me before Claudius. But how much Volusius scraped by long sparing, so much my liberality cannot fulfil towards thee. If the slipperiness of our youth be overprone to that it should not, thou drawest it back, and temperest carefully with advise our unseemly and unruly courage. Not thy moderation if thou shouldest restore thy wealth, not thy ease if thou shouldest forsake the Prince: but my covetousness, and the fear of my cruelty shall be in every man's mouth. And although thy continency should be highly commended, yet were it not seemly for a wise man, from whence he procureth infamy to his friend, from thence to seek glory to himself. To these his speeches he joined embracements and kisses, framed by nature, and practised by custom, to cloak hatred with false flattering speeches. Seneca (which is the conclusion of all speeches had with Princes) gave him thanks, but changed the course and manner of life which he used in authority, forbidding the multitudes which came to salute him, and avoiding such as would follow him; showing himself seldom in the city, as though he had kept home, either through sickness, or busy at his study.   

XV. Tigellinus credit. Plautus and Sulla's death.  
SEneca being thus pulled down, it was an easy matter to abate Rufus Fenius credit, by accusing him of the friendship he had with Agrippina: but Tigellinus credit daily grew greater, and thinking that his lewd practices, wherein only he was his craftsmaster, should be more acceptable, if he could oblige the Prince by a league of naughty dealing; he began diligently to search out all his fears, and perceiving that Plautus and Sylla were suspected above others, Plautus being banished of late into Asia, and Sylla into Gallia Narbonensis, he entereth into the consideration of their nobility, and how the one was too near the army of the East, and the other that of Germany. That he for his own part had not in his head as Burrhus had, contrary hopes to the Emperors, but regarded only his safety, which in some sort might be secured by his presence from city practices: but by what means could tumults far off be redressed? The Galli became prechant at the name of a Dictator, and the people of Asia no less to be suspected through the renown of Drusus, Plautus' grandfather. Sylla was poor and needy, and therefore bold and venturous, and counterfeiting a laziness, until he found a fit opportunity to show his rashness. Plautus' abounding in wealth, did not so much as pretend a desire of a quiet life, but made open show of imitating the old Romans: having taken upon him the arrogancy and sect of the Stoics, which maketh men busy headed, and desirous to be set awork. Neither was there any further delay used but Sylla (those which were to do the feat arriving at Marsils' the sixth day) before fear or rumour, was slain being set at table, and Nero skoffed when his head was brought him, as evilfavored by untimely hoarines. But it was not so secretly kept that Plautus death was intended, because many had a care of his safety, and the distance of the journey and sea, and the time between, had spread it abroad; and given out among the common sort, that he went about to stir up Corbulo then lord general over great armies, saying, that if noble and innocent personages were thus murdered, he was most likely to come into danger. Further, Asia had taken arms in favour of this young man, and the soldiers sent to go forward with the enterprises, being neither strong in number, nor in courage stout, seeing they could not perform that which they were enjoined, turned altogether to new hopes. These speeches were common in idle persons mouths. But Plautus freed man having a prosperous wind, prevented the Centurion, and delivered him a message from L. Antistius his father in law, which was. That he should avoid a cowardly death, and not trust a lazy life, nor seek starting holes; as to think that he should be pitied for his nobility: he should find good men and of courage ready to take his part: in the mean time that no aid was to be rejected. If he had driven back threescore soldiers (for so many came) whilst the messenger could return to Nero, and another power be sent back, many things will follow, which may prosper and grow even to a war. To be short, either he must provide for his safety by such counsel, or at all adventure there can come no worse to him by stoutness then cowardice. But those persuasions did nothing move Plautus, either foreseeing he wanted sufficient means, as being unarmed, and a banished man, or for the irksomeness of doubtful hope, or for the love of his wife and children, to whom he thought the Prince would be more mild, if he troubled him not with care. Some report, that other messengers came to advertise him, that there was no cruel matter intended; and that two Philosophers Coeranus a Greek, and Musonius a Tuscan borne, persuaded him to abide a constant death, for an uncertain and fearful life. True it is, as he was found naked in the middle of the day, exercising his body, the Centuturion killed him in the presence of Pelago an Eunuch, whom Nero had made overseer of the Centurion, and of a band of men which served for the retinue of him which executed the King's commandment. His head being brought to Nero, at the sight thereof he uttered these very words: Why dost thou not Nero (quoth he) hasten the marriage of Poppaea hitherto deferred by such fears, and put from thee thy wife Octavia, although of good and modest behaviour, yet for the memory of her father, and affection of the people disliked and ill thought of? Nevertheless he wrote letters to the Senate, not confessing the murdering of Sylla and Plautus, but that both of them were of a busy and turbulent humour, and that he had a care of the safety of the common wealth. Thereupon Processions were ordained, and that Sylla and Plautus should be put from the Senate, a matter of greater scorn and mockery then hurt.   

XVI. Nero putteth away Octavia and marrieth Poppaea: and her complaints against Octavia: and her death.  
Having thus received a decree of Senate, and perceiving that all his ungracious acts were taken for worthy exploits, he putteth away Octavia, saying she was barren, and marrieth Poppaea. She, long a concubine, and having power over him as an adulterer, then as her husband, procureth one of Octavia's servitors to accuse her that she was in love with one Eucerus a bondman, a minstrel, borne at Alexandria. Thereupon many bondwomen were tortured, some of them overcome by extremity of torment, yielded to falsehood; and many stood stoutly in defence of their mistress innocency. Amongst whom, one of them, Tigellinus earnestly urging her, answered, that Octavia's secret parts were chaster than his mouth: yet at the first she was put from him under colour of a lawful divorce, and Burrhus house and Plautus possessions assigned her, both presages of ill luck. Then she was driven into Campania, with a guard of soldiers; whereof grew many complaints and lamentations, and those not in secret among the people, as having small wisdom, and little to lose, so subject to fewer dangers: by reason whereof, though no whit sorry of that he had done, Nero recalleth his wife Octavia, and the people very joyfully went up to the Capitol, and worshipped and thanked the gods, threw down Poppaea's images, and bare Octavia's on their shoulders, strawed flomes on them, and placed them in the Forum and Temples, praised and honoured the Prince for taking her again. And now they had filled the palace with multitudes and cries, when as companies of soldiers sent, with blows and threats, thrustand scattered them some one way, some another; and changed all that the people had done by sedition, and restored Poppaea's images to their places again. Who always fell and cruel with hatred towards Octavia; and then with fear, lest a more forcible violence of the people should fall upon her; or Nero be changed, seeing how the people were affected, casting herself at his knees, said: That she stood not now on those terms that she might reason of her marriage, (although she esteemed it more than her safety) but that she was brought into danger of her life by Octavia's clients & slaves, which shadowing themselves under the name of the people, durst venture that in peace, which could hardly have happened in war. Those arms were taken against the Prince: there wanted only a Captain, which in a tumult would easily be found. Octavia might now leave Campania, and go to the city, seeing that at a beck in her absence such tumults were raised. What fault had she committed? whom had she offended? Whether is it because she was likely to bring forth a true and lawful progeny to the house of the Caesars? would the people of Rome there should be rather brought into the imperial highness the issue of a minstrel of Egypt? To be short, if that be convenient for the state, he should rather willingly then constrainedly call his mistress, or look to his safety with just revenge. The first tumults are appeased by easy means: but if they did despair of having Octavia for Nero's wife, they would provide her a husband. This doubtful speech appliable to fear and anger, did both terrify Nero, and incense him. But the suspicion of the slave was of small credit, and the torture of the bondwomen had made the matter clear: therefore it was thought convenient, to have the confession of some one, which might be charged with some practice against the state. Anicetus the executioner of his mother's death seemed to be a fit instrument for the purpose, as I have already said, Captain of the navy at Misenum, in some small favour after the villainy committed, but anon after most odious, because the ministers of great villainies are looked on as upbraiders of the same. Caesar then causing him to be sent for, putteth him in mind of the former service, and telleth him that he only had been the safeguard of his estate against his mother's treason, and that there was now an opportunity of no less favour, if he could rid him of his wife, which greatly disliked him. Neither should he need hand or weapon, but only confess he had committed adultery with Octavia: and promiseth him great rewards, though for the present the world should not know them, and pleasant dwellings; or if he should deny it, threatened him death. He like a blockhead as he was, his first villainy making an easy way to this, inventeth more than was commanded, and confesseth it unto such of the Emperor's friends, whose counsel as it were he had used in the plot. Then he was banished into Sardinia, where he endured no poor exile, and died naturally. But Nero accused her that she had corrupted the captain of the galleys, in hope of winning him to her devotion: and forgetting that not long before he had accused her of barrenness, publisheth by edict, that to hide her licentious life, she had destroyed the children she had had by others then by him, and that thereof he was assured, and therefore banished Octavia to the Island Pandateria. No banished woman did ever move the beholders to greater pity than she. Some did yet remember Agrippina exiled by Tiberius; and julia banished by Claudius was fresher in memory: but both besides the strength of age, had tasted of some pleasure, and comforted their present cruel hap with the remembrance of a better estate. Unto this woman, her first day of marriage was in stead of a grave, being brought into a house in which she could find nothing but what was doleful and lamentable: her father poisoned, and her brother anon after. Then the maid greater than the mistress, and Poppaea married for no other end, but to ruin her; and last of all a crime objected more grievous than any death. But this young princess of the age of twenty years, being between the Centurions and soldiers as it were already deprived of life, with the presage of so many miseries, yet could not yield to death. A few days after she was commanded to be put to death, although she protested she was no wife, but a widow only, and a sister of the Emperors, calling to Germanicus ghost to aid her, and Agrippina's likewise, in whose lifetime she should indeed have endured an unhappy marriage, but without danger of death. Notwithstanding she was shut up in prison, and all the veins of her body opened; but because the blood stopped with fear issued forth slowly, she was killed with the vapour of a very hot bath. And a deadlier cruelty also added, that Poppaea saw her head cut off, and brought to the city; for all which it was decreed, that gifts should be offered in the temples. Which we have uttered, that who soever shall either by us, or other writers, understand the events of those times, may be assured, that as oft as the Prince commanded either banishment, or murder, so oft thanks were given to the gods; and those things which in times past were marks of prosperity, were then badges of public calamity. Yet nevertheless we will not hold our tongue if any decree of Senate hath been ordained, new and strange by flattery, or by base and abject sufferance. The same year, it was thought he empoisoned his chiefest freed men, Doryphorus as being against Poppaea's marriage, and Pallas because he kept from him infinite wealth by living too long. Romanus by secret informations accused Seneca as a confederate of Piso's: but he was touched more near the quick by Seneca for the same fault, which drove Piso into a fear, and that commencement of great, but unprosperous treasons against Nero.    

THE FIFTEENTH BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Vologeses King of Parthia crowned King of Armenia by his brother. Tiridates is hindered by Corbulo to enjoy it, and expulsed by Tigranes.  
Whilst these things thus passed, Vologeses King of the Parthians, understanding what success Corbulo had in his affairs: and how Tiridates his brother being expulsed, and Tigranes a stranger made King of Armenia; resolved to revenge the contempt offered the greatness of the Arsacides: yet considering the great power of the Romans, and alliance a long time continued, was diversly perplexed, as one of his own disposition slow and linger; and then entangled with many wars by the revolt of the Hyrcanians, a strong and mighty nation. And as he thus wavered, he was further exasperated by the news of fresh injury: for Tigranes gone out of Armenia, had wasted and spoiled the Adiabenians, a nation bordering, farther and longer than any roads of enemies heretofore. Which grieved not a little the chief noble men of that nation, that they were grown to that contempt, that they should be foraged and rob not of a Roman Captain, but by the rashness of an hostage, so many years held and esteemed no better than a bondslave. Monobazus governor of the Adiabenians augmented their grief, ask them what remedy, or from whence? Armenia was already gone, and the country adjoining would go shortly after: and unless the Parthians would defend them, those which yielded to the Romans should find an easier servitude, than those which were taken. Tiridates chased out of the kingdom, by silence complaining not a little; was no small grief, telling them that great Empires were not maintained by cowardliness; but they must try the valour both of men and arms. For among great Princes, he seemed to have most reason and right, who had most strength. And it was the praise of private houses to keep their own; but the glory of a King to war for other nations. Vologeses being moved with these speeches, calleth a Council, and placed Tiridates hard by him, and thus began. This man, borne of the same father that I am, having yielded unto me the name of the King in regard I am his elder, I did put in possession of Armenia, which is reckoned the third part of my kingdom. For the Medes Pacorus had before possessed; making account that in so doing I had taken away the inveterate hatred which reigneth between brothers, and fully settled the state of our family. The Romans hinder this, and now break the peace also to their own ruin, which they never yet disturbed but to their own destruction. I will not deny but I had rather hold things gotten by my ancestors, by equity then blood, by reason then arms. If I have offended by linger, I will amend it with valour. Your strength and glory is entire with fame of modesty; which neither aught to be contemned of the highest, and is esteemed of the gods. Having thus said, he put the Diadem on Tiridates head; and gave Moneses' a noble gentleman a gallant company of horsemen, which usually followed the King, and withal the aid of the Adiabenians; and commanded Tigranes to be chased out of Armenia: Whilst he pacifiying the sedition of the Hyrcanians, draweth his whole forces together, and utmost power of war, threatening the Roman Provinces. Whereof Corbulo being advertised by certain messengers, sendeth two legions with Verulanus Severus, and Vectius Bolanus to aid Tigranes, with a secret charge they should proceed rather orderly and advisedly, then hastily: for he had rather entertain, than make war. And wrote to Caesar that it was needful to have a Captain of purpose to defend Armenia; and that Syria by Vologeses approach was in greater danger. And in the mean time he lodgeth the rest of the legions by the bank Euphrates: levieth and armeth in haste a power of the country people, and intercepteth the enemies passages with a garrison. And because the country is scarce of water, he fortified hard by the fountains, & covered certain small brooks with mounds of sand. Whilst Corbulo used this preparation for the defence of Syria, Moneses because he would prevent the rumour of his coming, marched with all speed: but yet found not Tigranes unaduertised or unprovided; who had put himself into Tigranocerta, a very strong town, well manned and walled. Besides this, the river Nicephorius of a reasonable breadth, environeth part of the walls, and a huge ditch cast in length, where the river was disinherited as not sufficient. There were soldiers within to man it, and provision of necessaries: for conveiing whereof, some having been too forward in venturing, and on the sudden surprised by the enemy, inflamed the rest rather with anger, than fear. But the Parthian wanting courage to perform the assault at hand, spent a few arrows a loof; lost his labour; and put the besieged into no fear at all. The Adiabeni, as they began to raise ladders and other engines, were easily thrust back, and by a sally made by our men, hewed in pieces. Yet Corbulo, notwithstanding things prospered on his side, thinking it his best to use fortune moderately, sent some to Vologeses, finding himself grieved, that violence should be offered the Province: and that a King confederate and a friend should besiege the Roman cohorts; therefore that he should give up the siege, or else he would encamp in the enemies country. Casperius a Centurion chosen for that Embassy, went to the King at a town called Nisibis, seven and thirty miles distant from Tigranocerta, and delivered his message very stoutly. Vologeses had long resolved with himself to avoid wars with the Romans: neither went things currently with him for the present; the siege took no effect; Tigranes was strong in men and provision; the besiegers put to flight; certain legions were sent to Armenia; and others in a readiness for Syria to assail him in his own country. That he had but a weak company of horsesmen; want of stour; for a multitude of Locusts had eaten up all grass and leaves. Therefore concealing his fear, and making show of more mildness, answereth that he would send Ambassadors to the Emperor of Rome, to demand Armenia and establish a peace. And commandeth Moneses to departed from Tigranocerta, and himself turned back. These things many extolled as proceeding from the King's fear, and Corbuloes threatenings. Some construed it that they had privily agreed to forbear war on both sides; and that Vologeses departing, Tigranes should also departed from Armenia. For why (said they) went the Romans forces from Tigranocerta? Why were those things abandoned in time of rest, which they had defended in war? Can they have wintered better in the remote parts of Cappadocia, in cabins erected on a sudden, than in the chief seat of the kingdom lately possessed? Doubtless the wars were put off, that Vologeses might rather fight with some other, than Corbulo. Corbulo would not endanger his glory so many years already gotten. For as I have already said, he had demanded a special Captain to defend Armenia; and notice came that Cesennius Paetus was at hand, and by that time he was come. Their forces were so divided, that the fourth and twelfth legions, and withal the fift which was lately called from the Moesians, and the aids of Pontus, Gallatia, and Cappadocia should obey Paetus: the third, sixth, and tenth legions, and the soldiers which before remained in Syria should continue with Corbulo. The rest they would join or divide as occasion served. But neither Corbulo could endure a concurrent, and Paetus unto whom it was sufficient glory, if he were reckoned the second, made small account of the service already done, saying: that there hath been no slaughter made, no booty gained; and that he had won towns only with words, and not with deeds. He would impose tributes and laws upon them, and instead of a shadow of a King, he would force them to live like conquered people under the Roman law. About the same time Vologeses Ambassadors, as before I have rehearsed sent to the Prince, returned and nothing done. And the Parthians openly made war; neither did Paetus draw back, but with two legions, whereof the fourth Famisulanus Vectonianus conducted, and the twelfth Calavius Sabinus, he entered Armenia with an unlucky presage. For having made a bridge and passing over Euphrates, without any manifest cause, the horse which bore the consulary ornaments fled backward, and escaped. And the beast ready for sacrifice, near to the winter camps which were a fortifiing, the work half finished, broke lose, and leapt over the trench: and the soldiers javelins and darts were on a fire; the wonder so much the more to be noted, because the Parthians fight with weapons thrown with the hand.   

II. Paetus goeth into Armenia: and his unskilfulness in service.  
But Paetus setting nought by ominous signs, nor having sufficiently fortified his wintering camps, nor provision of corn made, conducteth his army in all haste over the hill Taurus, to recover (as he said) the Tigranocertians, and to forage the countries which Corbulo had left untouched. And some castles he took, and some glory and some booty he wan, if he had used his glory with moderation, and his booty with circumspection. Having by long journeys overrun those places which he could not keep, and that the provision of victuals was spoiled and corrupted which he had taken, and the winter now at hand, he brought his army back again: and sent letters to Caesar as though the war had been ended, in words magnificent; but void of matter. In the mean season Corbulo having had always a special care of the banks of Euphrates; lodged on them now a greater strength of garrisons, then before he had: and lest the enemy troops should hinder the making a bridge (for they braved it with a gallant show in the champion which lay under them) he brought up the river vessels of huge bigness, joined together with timber work, and built towers on them; beating off the Barbarians with stones and spears out of Balistas and other engines, let fly farther, than that the country shot of arrows, could match us with the like again. The bridge continued and finished, the opposite hills were seized by the cohorts of allies, and afterward possessed by the camp of the legions, with such great celerity and show of puissant forces, that the Parthians, all preparation of invading Syria omitted, turned all their hope against Armenia. There Paetus ignorant what was at hand, had the fift legion far from him in Pontus: and had weakened the rest by inconsiderate licensing the soldiers to departed, until news was brought that Vologeses came with a great army resolutely bend to do great mischief. The twelfth legion was sent for, hoping that thereby it would be noised that his forces were increased; but indeed that bewrayed his weakness, with which nevertheless he might have encamped: and the Parthian deluded by drawing the war in length, if P●ato had been constant, either to follow his own, or others counsels. But he by men experienced in war being counseled what was best against imminent casualties, lest he should seem to have need of there's advise, would do quite contrary and much worse. And then forsaking his standing camps, crying that he had no trench and rampire given him against the enemy, but bodies and weapons, issued out with the legions, as though he would fight a field. And having lost a Centurion and a few soldiers, sent before to view the enemies forces, came back again greatly affrighted. And because Vologeses came on but coldly, resuming again a vain hope, lodged three thousand choice men on the top of the hill Taurus hard by, to hinder the King to pass. He placed also certain cornets of Pannonians, which were the strength and sinews of his horsemen, in one part of the plain. His wife and son were shut up in a castle called Arsamosata, and a cohort appointed to guard them; and thus dispersed the soldiers, which united in one, would much better have made head against the straggled and roving enemy. It is reported that he was hardly brought to confess unto Corbulo that the King was at hand: neither did Corbulo make any great haste, to the end that the dangers growing great, his own praise in succouring might be the greater. Nevertheless he commanded three thousand to be set forward out of the three legions; eight hundred horse, and the like number out of the auxiliary cohorts. But Vologeses although he had understood that the passages were shut up by Paetus on the one side with footmen, and on the other with horsemen, nothing altering his determination; what with violence, what with threatenings, having put the horsemen to flight, broke the legionaries; one only Centurion Tarquitius Crescens having courage to defend himself in a tower wherein he had a garrison: making often sallies, and slaying such Barbarians as came near, until he was forced by fire to yield. Of the footmen if any was unhurt he fled to byeplaces a far off, the wounded returned to the camp; extolling the valour of the King; the cruelty and number of his soldiers, and all else for fear; such easily believing them as were in the like perplexity. The Captain himself not once endevoruing to remedy the calamity, neglected all duties of service, and sent again to entreat Corbulo, that he would come away in all post haste, to defend the ensigns and standards, and the only name left of the unfortunate army: he for his own part would whilst life lasted remain faithful.   

III. Corbulo goeth to Syria to aid Paetus: who in the mean space maketh a dishonourable peace with Vologeses.  
COrbulo daunted nothing at all, leaving part of his forces in Syria to defend the fortresses built upon the shore of Euphrates, took his journey as the nearest way and plentifullest of victuals, by the Comagenians, then by Cappadocia, and from thence to Armenia. There followed the army, besides the usual furniture and provision of war, a multitude of camels loaden with corn, to drive away both the enemy and hunger. The first he met of those which were thoroughly affrighted was; Pactius the Centurion of the first ensign; then many other soldiers, who pretending divers and sundry causes of their flying away, he admonished to return to their ensigns, and trust to Paetus clemency. As for himself he was rigorous to none, but to the conquerors. Withal, he went to his legions, encouraged them, put them in mind of their old valour, and what occasion they had to win new glory. That they sought not now villages and towns of Armenia for a reward of their travels, but Roman camps, and amongst them two legions. If unto every common soldier, the crown was given by the Emperor's hands, as a special honour to him who had saved one citizen only, how great and worthy an honour shall it be when the like number shall be seen of the succourers & succoured. And with these and the like encouragements generally cheered, (and some there were whom their brother's perils and near kindred inflamed of their own proper motions) they hastened their journey day and night. Vologeses so much the more eagerly pursueth the besieged, now assailing the trench of the legions, now the fort, where the fearful or aged had fled for defence, approaching nearer than the Parthians custom is, to allure by temerity his enemy to battle. But the Romans hardly haled out of their cabins, did but defend their rampires, part at the commandment of the captain, and others by their own cowardliness, looking for Corbulo; and if they should be put to any distress, purposed to shift for themselves by the example of the overthrow at Caudina and Numantina. Neither had the Samnites people of Italy, nor the people of Carthage which contended for greatness with the Romans, so great power as the Parthians. Their ancestors also, both valiant and commended of all, when fortune crossed them provided for their safety. By which desperation Paetus, the general of the army utterly cast down, yet sent not his first letters to Vologeses in humble sort, but in manner of a complaint: That he used hostility against the Armenians, subject always to the Romans, or to a King chosen by the Emperor. That peace was alike profitable to both. That he should not regard things present only. That he was come against two legions with all the power of his kingdom, but the Romans had the whole world beside at commandment to aid the war. Vologeses answered nothing touching the matter, but that he was to expect his brothers Pacorus and Tiridates, and that that place and time was appointed to consult of Armenia. * And that the gods had favoured them so much, being a matter worthy of the Arsacides greatness, that withal they could determine of the Roman legions. After that, Paetus sent messengers to entreat a parley with the King, who commanded Vasaces' captain of the horse to go. Then Paetus beginneth with the Luculli, Pompey, and such other Captains as had conquered and given away Armenia. Vasaces' answered, that the Romans' had but a shadow of holding and giving away of Armenia, and that the right and power was with the Parthians. And having sufficiently debated the matter on both sides, Monobazus Adiabenus the next day was called a witness of their agreement: which was, that the legions should no longer be besieged, and all the soldiers depart out of the bounds of Armenia, and all forts and provisions to be delivered to the Parthians: which done, that Vologeses should have licence to send Ambassadors to Nero. In the mean space Paetus built a bridge over the river Arsamites, which ran by the camp, under colour of passing that way: but the Parthians had commanded it to be done as a token of the victory, for it served their turn, and our men went another way. And the rumour went, that the legions were sent 
* Spears pitched across like gallows, under which, enemies vanquished were forced to go in despite. Sed ut exprimatur tandem confessio, subactam domitamque esse gentem sub jugum abituros, etc. Liu. lib. 3.  sub jugum, with other disgraces which the Armenians were wont to use against the vanquished. For they entered the trench before the Roman camp was departed, and beset the way, challenging and leading away their horses, and such as had been their slaves. Their apparel also and weapons were taken from them, and the soldiers yielded them for fear, lest any occasion of quarrel should be given. Vologeses having gathered together our weapons and dead bodies, to witness the overthrow of our people, forbore from seeing the running away of the legions. A fame of moderation was sought for, after he had satisfied and filled his pride. He passed the river Arsamites on an Elephant, and every man near the King on horseback, because a rumour was spread that the bridge would fall under the burden, by the deceit of the makers. But such as ventured to go over it, found it strong and sure.   

FOUR Paetus cowardliness. Corbuloes' diligence to secure him. An agreement with the King of the Parthians.  
MOst certain it was, the besieged had such store of corn left, that they fired their storehouses; and on the other side Corbulo declared, that the Parthians were in want of all necessary provision, and their stover all consumed, ready to have forsaken the siege, and himself but three days journey off. He added farther, that Paetus had promised by oath before the ensigns, in the presence of such as the King had sent to bear witness, that no Roman should enter into Armenia, until it appeared by Nero's letters whether he agreed to the peace or not. Which things as they have been invented to increase infamy, so the rest is not unknown, that Paetus went in one day forty miles, leaving the wounded scattered behind him: which fear of the fleers away was no less ignominious, then if in fight they had turned their backs to the enemy. Corbulo meeting him at the bank of Euphrates with his forces, made no such show of his ensigns and arms, that he should seem to upbraid him of his cowardliness. For his common soldiers sad, and bewailing the case of their fellows, could not forbear weeping. They scarce saluted the one the other for tears. Strife of valour there was none, no ambition of glory, the only desire of men in prosperity. Pity only bare sway, and most of all with the meaner sort. The captains used few words, and those complaining that their labour was lost, that the war might have been ended with the flight of the enemy. Paetus answered, that all was whole and in good state to them both, that they should turn their ensigns, and jointly invade Armenia, weakened by Vologeses absence. Corbulo answered he had no such commission from the Emperor: that he had gone out of the province moved with the danger of the legions; and seeing that the Parthians attempts were uncertain, he would return to Syria. And that he was to pray for good fortune, that his footmen wearied with traveling so far afoot, might overtake the King's horsemen going before cheerfully, having the advantage of the country. From thence departed Paetus to winter in Cappadocia. But Vologeses Ambassadors sent to Corbulo, warned him to pull down his forts beyond Euphrates, and leave the river indifferent to both. Corbulo demanded on the other side, that the garrisons should departed out of divers parts of Armenia. And in the end the King yielded to it, and the fortresses which Corbulo had made beyond Euphrates were pulled down, and the Armenians left to their will. But at Rome, trophies and triumphant arches were erected in sign of victory over the Parthians, in the middle of the Capitol, by order of Senate, the war yet fresh and not finished, only for a fair show, no conscience made whether by desert or not. Yea Nero, to dissemble the cares of foreign affairs, did cast corn into Tiber, corrupted by the people's overlong keeping it, to show thereby a security and plenty of victuals: the price nothing enhanced, although almost two hundred ships were cast away by tempest in the very haven, and a hundred brought up Tiber consumed by casual fire. After that, he appointed three Consuls, L. Piso, Ducennius Geminus, Pompeius paulinus, to take charge of the tribute, with an invective against other Princes, which by excess of expenses, spent more than the revenues came to, and he would bestow yearly on the common wealth * threescore millions of sesterces. There was a very bad custom commonly practised at that time when the 
About 68750. pound.  choosing of officers was at hand, or casting lots for government of provinces; which was, that many which were without children, colourably adopted some, and being thereby admitted amongst the Lords to draw lots for Pretorships and Provinces, immediately after manumised those they had adopted. Whereupon, those which had children went to the Senate with a great complaint, declaring the law of nature, the labour in bringing up of children, against the fraud and deceit and short time of adoption. That it was a sufficient recompense to the childless, that with great security, without charge, they had credit, honours, and all things else offered them. That to them the promises of laws long expected were turned into a jest, when a man without care, a father, without mourning, childless, would on the sudden be equal with the long desires of fathers. Whereupon a decree of Senate was made, that feigned adoption should not benefit in any part to any public charge, nor yet to succeed in others inheritances.   

V Magistrates sent into Provinces no more rewarded. The Gymnase burnt. Pompeius' town sunk with an earthquake.  
AFter this Claudius Timarchus of Candie, was accused of all the crimes, that rich governors of Provinces are wont to be touched with; and grown insolent with over great wealth to the oppression of the meaner sort. One speech of his reached to the disgrace of the Senate, which was, that it lay in him whether the Proconsul's of Candie should have thanks given them, or not. Which occasion Paetus Thrasea turning to the common good, after he had given his opinion that the accused should be banished Candie; added these words. It is proved by experience, Lords of the Senate, that most excellent laws, and honest examples have their beginning by good men, from others offences. So the licence of orators was cause of the law Cincia; the suing of competitors of the julian laws; the covetousness of magistrates of the Calpurnian decrees. For the fault goeth before the punishment, and the remedy cometh after the offence. Therefore against the new pride of Provinces, let us take some advise worthy of the Roman integrity and constancy, that nothing may be derogated from the protection of the allies, or the opinion conceived of us weakened, or a citizen be else where judged, than before us, or reputed other than he is esteemed by us. In times passed not only a Praetor or Consul, but private men also were sent to visit the Provinces, which should report, what was thought of every one's duty and loyalty: and the people were afraid of a particular man's estimation and judgement. But now we adore strangers and flatter them; and as at the pleasure of one, thanks are now a days given, so the accusation of one more readily received. Let the decree contiwe, and let the Provinces have power to show their authority by such means: but let false praise, and wrong out by prayers be restrained, no less than malice and cruelty. For there are more offences committed whilst we go about to win favour, than whilst we do offend: yea some virtues are odious, obstinate severity, and an invincible mind against favour. Hereupon the beginnings of our magistrates are for the most part better, and the end declineth, whilst we hunt after suffrages: which if they were forbidden, the Provinces would be governed more justly and constantly. For as covetousness is bridled through fear of being accused of bribery and extortion; so thanks giving being forbidden, ambition would be restrained. This opinion was appooved with great consent of all: yet a decree of Senate could not be established, the Consuls denying the matter to have been propounded. Anon after by authority of the Prince they ordained, that none should propound it in the council of the allies, that thanks should be given before the Senate, the Propretors or Proconsul's, and that no man should do that message. Under the same Consuls the place of exercise called Gymnasium was burnt with a flash of lightning, and Nero's image melted to a shapeless lump of brass. And by an earthquake, the famous town of Pompey in Campania was ruined in a great part. And Laelia a virgin Vestal died; in whose place was chosen Cornelia of the Cossian family.   

VI The birth of Nero and Poppaea's child. The death of the same daughter. The Parthian Ambassadors receive no answer: and Corbulo made Lieutenant general of the war.  
MEmmius Regulus, and Verginius Rufus being Consuls, Nero had a daughter by Poppaea, which he took as a matter above all mortal joy, and called her Augusta, and gave the same surname to Poppaea. The place where she was brought to bed was Antium a colony, where he himself was borne. The Senate had already commended Poppaea's womb to the gods, and had made public vows; which were multiplied and performed. And there were added processions, and a Temple to the goddesses Fecunditati; & combat ordained to the imitation of the Athenians. And that the golden images of Fortunes should be placed in the throne of jupiter Capitoline: & that as the Circensian play should be exhibited in the honour of the julian family at Bovillas; so at Antium of the Claudian and Domitian: all which were vain and fleeting things, the girl dying within four months. Which gave occasion of new flatter; some being of advise that she should be honoured like a goddess, with a bed, a Temple, and a Priest. And Nero himself as before he was without measure glad; so now most sorrowful. It was noted that when all the Senate ran to Antium at the new birth of the child, and Thraseas forbidden: he took the contumelious repulse with a stout courage, as a presage of his imminent overthrow. It was reported, that Caesar bragged to Seneca, that he was reconciled to Thrasea, and that Seneca was glad thereof. From whence grew at once glory and danger to worthy men. In the mean time in the beginning of the spring, the Ambassadors of the Parthians brought King Vologeses message and letters to the same effect. That he would now forego all the former challenges so oft debated for obtaining of Armenia: because the gods, although arbitraters of puissant nations, had delivered the possession to the Parthians, not without the ignominy of the Romans: that having of late besieged Tigranes, than Paetus, & the legions; when he could have ruined them, yet suffered them to departed in safety. His force was sufficiently tried, & a proof given of his lenity. Neither would Tiridates refuse to come to the city to receive the Diadem, if he were not hindered by a religion of priesthood: he would go to the insignes & images of the prince, where in presence of the legions he would luckily begin his government. Vologeses letters being of this effect, because Paetus had written the contrary, as though all had been well, the Centurion which came with the Ambassadors was demanded, in what state Armenia stood? He answered that all the Romans were departed from thence. Then the Barbarians scoff beingunderstood, who demanded that which they had already taken by force; Nero consulted with the chiefest of the city, whether it were best to make a doubtful war with the enemy, or peace. It was not doubted but war. And Corbulo so many years practised in wars, knowing the soldiers and the enemies, had the general charge given him, lest there should be a new error committed by some others unskilfulness: for of Paetus bad government, they were sorry and repent. Whereupon they were sent back without any conclusion, yet with gifts; whereby it might be hoped that Tiridates should not ask in vain, if he came by way of entreaty. The government of Syria was committed to Cintius; the strength of war to Corbulo; and the fifteenth legion under the conduct of Marius Celsus was brought out of Pannonia. Letters were sent to the tetrarchs, Kings, Prefects, and Procurators, and Praetors, which ruled Provinces adjoining, that they should obey Corbulo: augmented almost like unto that, that the people of Rome gave Pompey, when he was to war against the Pirates. When Paetus at his return feared greater matters; Caesar thought it enough to scoff and jest at him almost with these words. That he would pardon him presently; lest being so easily brought into a fear, he should be sick with longer pensiveness. But Corbulo sent the fourth and twelfth legion, which seemed unable for war, because they had lost the valiantest among them, and the rest affrighted, into Syria; and conducteth the sixth and third from thence into Armenia, all entire and whole, and accustomed to often and prosperous success: and added the fift legion, which was in Pontus not daunted with the overthrow of the others: Withal, the fifteenth newly arrived, and some chosen in Illyricum and Egypt, and all horsemen and footmen with aids of King's allies, drawn together to Melitenes, where he purposed to pass the river Euphrates. Then having taken a survey of the army making an oration unto them, beginneth with many stately & magnifical discourses of the emperors government, and his own exploits, avoiding the memory of Paetus unlucky unskilfulness; which he uttered with great authority, that it served a warlike man in steed of eloquence. Then taketh his journey that way which Lucullus had once passed, opening the passages which long continuance of time had shut up. And not disdaining Tiridates and Vologeses Ambassadors coming to entreat of peace, sent Centurions to accompany them with no rough charge: For matters were not yet grown to that head, that they should need a main battle. That to the Romans many things had sorted luckily, and some to the Parthians; a lesson against pride. Therefore it behoved Tiridates to accept as a gift the kingdom unwasted: and that Vologeses should better further the Parthians being confederate with the people of Rome, than mutually endomaging the one the other. He knew what discord they had within themselves, and what a fierce and unruly nation he had to rule: contrariwise, that his Emperor had every where a firm peace, and no war but that. Besides his counsel he struck them into a fear, drove the Megistanas Armenians which first revolted, out of their houses: battered down their castles; filled with like fear the plains; the hills; the strong and weak. Corbuloes' name was not yet hateful unto the Barbarians, much less did they pursue him like an enemy, and therefore credited his counsel as faithful. Vologeses therefore was not implacablie headstrong *, and demanded truce unto some governments. Tiridates requireth place and day of parley. A short time was assigned; the place, where of late the legions were besieged with Paetus, seeing it was chosen by the Barbarians in remembrance of their joyful hap, was not refused by Corbulo; that the diversity of fortune might augment his glory. Neither was Paetus infamy increased; which appeared plainly, in that he commanded his son who was Tribune, to appoint certain bands to bury and cover the dead bodies of the unfortunate conflict.   

VII. Tiridates speaketh with Corbulo: and yieldeth up the crown of Armenia in the Roman camp.  
THe day appointed, Tiberius Alexander, a noble gentleman of Rome, given as an aid to the war, and Vivianus Annius, Corbuloes' son in law, not yet of age to be Senator; but assigned in the place of the Lieutenant of the fift legion, came to Tiridates camp to do him honour: and that having such pledges he should fear no treachery. And then were taken twenty horsemen on each side. And the King seeing Corbulo, lighted first from his horse; and Corbulo did the like immediately, and both of them on foot, joined right hands. Then the Roman praised the young Prince, that leaving dangerous uncertainties, he would embrace sure and wholesome counsel. Tiridates having spoken much of the nobleness of his stock, in the rest was temperate, saying: that he would go to Rome, and bring Caesar new glory: Arsacides humbly entreating, the Parthians being daunted with no adverse encounter. Then seemed it good that Tiridates should lay his royal crown before Caesar's image, and not take it again but at the hand of Nero; and so the speech was ended with a short salutation. A few days after, with a great pomp on both parts, they showed themselves, his horsemen ranged into troops on one side, with the ensigns of his country; and on the other the army of the legions marshaled in order with glittering standards, and ensigns and images of the gods in manner of a temple. In the middle was planted a tribunal, and in it a chair of estate, with Nero's image; unto which Tiridates went, and sacrifices offered according to the custom, taketh the crown from his head, and laid it under the image; which troubled the minds of such as had yet before their eyes the slaughter and besieging of the Roman armies. But now fortune was changed, and Tiridates a spectacle to the people; how much better than a captive? Corbulo added to his glory courtesy and feastings: and as the King marked any strange thing, and asked the cause; as the beginnings of the watches brought by the Centurion, the banquet ended with a trumpet, the pile of wood before the Augural altar lighted with a torch: Corbulo made him answer, extolling every thing more than it was, to draw the new Prince into an admiration of the old custom. The last day when he was to take his journey, he desired time to visit his brothers and mother before his departure, and left his daughter for an hostage in the mean space, and letters of submission to be sent to Nero. And departed thence, he found Pacorùs with the Medes, and Vologeses at Ecbatanes, not unmindful of his brother: for he had requested of Corbulo by special messengers, that Tiridates might not show any token of servitude, or deliver up his weapons, or be barred from embracing the governors of provinces, or attend at their doors; but have the same honour at Rome that the Consuls had. Being accustomed to foreign pride, he was unacquainted with our manners, with whom the law of rule and dominion beareth sway, vanities being laid aside. The same year Caesar honoured the nations of the sea Alps with the rights and privileges of the Latians, and in the Cirque placed the Gentlemen of Rome before the people. For until that day they sat indifferently, because the law Roscian had taken no order but for fourteen orders. A show of Fencers was represented that year with like magnificence as others before: but many noble women and Senators wives were discredited in the Theatre.   

VIII. Nero singeth on the stage. The fall of the same stage. Torquatus Silanus death. Nero attired like a woman weddeth Pythagoras.  
C. Lecanius, and M. Licinius being Consuls, Nero more and more desired to frequent the stage without any respect: for as yet he had not sung but in his house, and gardens in plays of youth, which now he despised as not frequented, and too mean for such a voice. Yet he durst not begin at Rome, but chose Naples as a Greek city, thinking that that might serve for a commencement to go to Achaia, where having obtained the famous, and in times past reputed sacred crowns, & by that means grown in credit, he thought he should stur a great desire in the citizens of Rome to hear him. The commón rabble flocked together, or such as the fame of those plays had drawn from the next colonies & towns, and such as followed him either to do him honour, or sundry other occasions; yea companies of soldiers filled the Theatre of Naples. There happened as most men thought, a doleful chance, but yet as he construed it, foretokening good luck, and sent by the favourable providence of the gods. For the people were no sooner gone, and the Theatre empty, but it fell down, without hurt done to any. Therefore with songs composed for the purpose, thanking the gods, and celebrating the fortune of the late chance, going to the Adriatic sea, he stayed in the mean time at Beneventum, where, by Vatinius was exhibited a notable play of Fencers. Vatinius was one of the shamelest monsters of his court, brought up in a cobblers shop, misshapen of body, and a scurrile jester: and therefore first employed in that practice; then by pickthanking and informing against the better sort, grew to such authority, that in credit and wealth, and power of doing hurt, he was worse than the worst. Nero then coming to the play he had set forth, no not at their pastime did they abstain from doing of mischief. For the self-same day Torquatus Silanus was constrained to die, because that besides the nobleness of the junian family, he said, that he was in the fourth degree lineally descended from Augustus of famous memory. The accusers were commanded to lay to his charge, that he was prodigal in gifts, and that all his hope lay in the alteration of the state. And that he had noble men about him which he called his Secretaries, masters of requests, & Auditors, which were names of imperial dignity, and deseignments of great attempts. Then the chiefest of his freed men were bound and carried away. And when Torquatus condemnation was at hand, he cut the veins of his arms, and Nero as his manner was, made an oration after: that although he had been culpable, and worthily disinherited his purgation, yet he should have had his life granted him, if he would have expected the judges clemency. Not long after forsaking Achaia for the present (the causes were uncertain) he came again to Rome, hammering greatly with himself of going to the provinces of the East, and especially Egypt. Then by an edict witnessing his absence should not be long, and that all should go well with the common wealth, he went to the Capitol to worship the gods. And as he entered the temple of Vesta, taken suddenly with a shaking over all his body, either the goddess of the place terrifying him; or the remembrance of his villainies always accompanying him with fear, he changed his determination; affirming, that all cares, were nothing to him, in regard of the love of his country; that he had seen the sad countenances of the citizens, heard their secret complaints, why he should go about so great a journey, whose short and reasonable absence they could not endure; as men wont to be comforted with the sight of the Prince against all crosses and adversities. Therefore as in private friendships, the nearest pledges and kindred are most dearest; so the people of Rome had great power over him, and that he must obey them, seeing they kept him from going. These and the like speeches were pleasing to the people, desirous of pastimes, and which was their chiefest care fearing want of corn if he should be absent. The Lords of the Senate and the nobility knew not whether he were more cruel far off, or near: then as the nature of all great fear is, they believed that which happened to be worst. He to win an opinion that he was no where so merry as in the city, made banquets in public places, and used the whole city as it had been his own house. Those banquets were most spoken of for riot and fame, which Tigellinus prepared, which I will lay down as a parerne of all, lest the same wastfulness should be often repeated. In Agrippaes' lake therefore he built a boat, whereon the banquet was drawn with other boats. The boats were beset with gold and ivory. The rowers were stolen Catamites, placed according to their age and skill of unnatural uncleanness. He had prepared Fowl, and wild beasts out of divers countries, and out of the Ocean. On the brink of the pool were brothel houses, filled with noble women: and over against them were common strumpets naked, using filthy gestures and behaviour. And when the night was come, all the wood and houses about rang with singing, and shined with lights. Nero himself defiled with lawful, and unnatural lusts, left no wickedness undone, because he would be most corrupt. And a few days after, he was wedded as it had been solemnly to one of that polluted crew, called Pythagoras. The Emperor was covered with a yellow vail. There went before him those which gave him in marriage, the wedding bed was prepared, and wedding torches: all was seen, which even the night doth hide in a married woman.   

IX. divers parts of Rome burnt by chance, or by the malice of Nero.  
THere followed a great misfortune, but whether by chance, or devise of the Prince, uncertain: for authors have affirmed both: but of all, the greatest and most grievous that ever chanced to this city, by violence of fire. It began in that part of the Cirque that joineth to the hills Palatine & Caelian: then taking in the warehouses wherein was merchandise, which nourished the fire, increasing more and more by the blowing of the wind, burned all the length of the Cirque. Neither were the houses compassed with any defences, or temples walled, or any thing else to stay the fury of it. But spreading with violence, consumed first the plain, then rising to the hills, again wasting the low places, by swiftness of hurt prevented the remedies, the city being subject to it by reason of the narrowness of the streets, turning and winding lanes on every hand, and unorderly as it was in old Rome. Therewithal the lamentations of fearful women, of aged men, and unskilful youth, helping themselves, and succouring and leading the weak and impotent, or tarrying for them, some hastening, some abiding, encumbered, and hindered all the rest: and often whilst they looked behind them, the fire had hold on them, either on the side, or before them: or if they had escaped to the next places, there was all on a light fire likewise: yea, those places which were thought far from danger, were found to be in the same case. In the end, doubtful what to eschew, or whither to flee, they filled the streets, and lay in the fields: some all their goods lost, and wanting daily food; other for love of some which they could not save, cast themselves away, although they had easy means to escape. Neither was there any man which durst to quench it, through the often threatening of many which hindered them: yea some openly threw burning firebrands into it, and cried aloud, that they had a warrant for it, either because they might rob and steal more licentiously, or because they were so commanded. Nero being then at Antium, came not to the city until the fire was come near his own house, on that side that it joined with the palace and Maecenas orchards. Yet it could not be hindered from burning his house and palace, and all else round about. But to give some comfort to the chased & fugitive people, he opened Campus Martius, and the monuments of Agrippa, and his own gardens: and erected buildings in haste to receive the needy multitude. Vtensiles were brought from Hostia and other near towns, and the price of corn brought down unto 
* Five pence b. q.  three nummos. All which although done in favour of the people, yet was not accepted; because a rumour was spread, that at the very time that the city was on fire, he went to the stage in his house, and sang the destruction of Troy, comparing present calamities with old disasters. At last, on the sixth day, the fire ended at the bottom of the Esquilin hill, by beating down a huge number of buildings, that the field and as it were the open heaven, might withstand and encounter the continual rage. And before the fear was past, it began afresh, but not so terribly in open places of the city, and therefore the hurt of people the less: but the Temples of the gods, and galleries devoted to pleasure, were almost all ruined. The obloquy of that fire was the greater, because it burst out to Tigellinus houses of pleasure, sometimes belonging to the Aemylians. And it seemed that Nero sought the glory of building a new city, and calling it by his name. For Rome was divided into fourteen wards: whereof four were untouched; three consumed to the ground: of the other seven, some marks of buildings remained, but rend and half burnt. It were no easy matter to reckon the number of houses, and buildings standing by themselves, called Isles, and Temples which were consumed: but the ancientest in regard of religion, as the Temple which Servius Tullius built in honour of the Moon; and the great altar and Temple which Arcas Evander consecrated to Hercules; the Temple of jupiter Stator, vowed by Romulus; Numaes' palace; and the Temple of Vesta with the peculiar gods of the people of Rome, were consumed and burnt to ashes. Now wealth gotten in so many victories, excellent works of the Greeks' inventions, then old and perfect monuments of rare wits, which in so beautiful a city, and flourishing more and more, with many other notable antiquities, ancient men have observed and spoken of, which could not be recovered. Some there were which noted, that this fire began the fourteenth Kalends of julie, on which the Senones burned the city after they had taken it. Some were so diligent therein, that they counted just so many years, and months, and days between both the fires.   

X. Nero buildeth a sumptuous house. Orders taken for the building of houses. Nero punished the Christians as though they had set the city a fire.  
YEt Nero used the destruction of his country to his benefit; and built a house, in which precious stones and gold were not so much wondered at (as a thing long used, and by superfluous riot common) as for the fields and pools, in manner of wildernesses; on one side woods, on the other spacious fields, and prospects. The masters and contrivers of the work were Severus and Celeris, men of wit and audacity to enterprise that by art which nature had denied, and foolishly cast away the Prince's wealth. For they had undertaken to make a navigable ditch from the lake Avernus, unto the mouth of Tiber along the rough and hard shore, or through the opposite mountains. Neither is there any other moisture to feed the waters, but the marshes of Pomptina: other places being uneven craggy grounds, or dry; and if they could be wrought through, it would be an intolerable labour, and no cause why. Nero notwithstanding, desirous to bring incredible things to pass, laboured to dig the hills adjoining to Avernus: where remain the marks of his vain hope to this day. But the houses which were ruined were not built without order, here and there as when the Galli had fired them: but the streets drawn by measure and proportion, with spacious and large ways; the buildings restrained to a certain height, and the courts made wide, and galleries added to defend the front of the houses called Isles: which galleries Nero promised to build at his own charges, and deliver them to their masters, the courts and floors made clean. And gave rewards according to every man's degree and wealth: and prefixed a time, within which the housings finished, or Isles, their masters should receive them. The marshes of Hostia were appointed to receive the rubbish: and that the vessels which brought corn up the river Tiber, should be loaden down with rubbish: and that some part of the buildings themselves, without timber should be built with stone of Gabi and Albanum, which cannot be damnified with fire. Now, that water intercepted by private men to their own use from the city, might more abundantly flow in many public places, there were watchmen appointed to oversee it: and that every man should have some provisions to quench fires: and that every house should be environed with his own walls, and not common to his neighbour. Which being ordained for the public commodity, brought ornament to the new city. Yet some were of opinion that the old fashion of building was more wholesome, because the narrowness of the ways, and height of the houses, could not so easily be pierced with the heat of the sun. But now the streets being open and wide, and undefended from shadow they are scorched with greater heat. And these things were provided by man's counsel. Anon after, purging sacrifices were sought for of the gods, & the Sibyls books perused; by advertisement of which, prayers were offered to Vulcan and Ceres, and Proserpina; and juno made favourable by the matrons, first in the Capitol, then at the next sea. From which having drawn water, the Temple and the image of the goddess was sprinkled, and the married wives prepared banqueting beds, and watched in the Temple in honour of the same goddess. But the infamy was not wiped away, neither by man's help, nor largesse of the Prince, or pacifiing of the gods; but that it was thought the fire came by commandment. Therefore to extinguish the rumour, Nero falsely accused and punished most grievously certain people, hated for their wickedness 
* The author being no Christian, calleth Christian religion Maleficium. , which the common sort called Christians. The author of that name was Christ, who in Tiberius' reign was put to death under Pontius Pilate, Procurator of judaea. And their dangerous superstition suppressed for the time burst forth again: not only through judaea where it first began, but in the city also: whither all wicked and shameful things run from all parts, and are solemnized and esteemed. First they were apprehended which confessed that religion; then by their detection, an infinite multitude were convicted, not so much for setting the town on fire, as for the hate of all men against them. Such as were condemned, were scorned and mocked, and covered in wild beasts skins, and torn in pieces with dogs; or fastened on crosses; or burnt in fire: and when the day failed, they were burnt in the night to give light. Nero had made the prospect of his gardens fit for that spectacle, and caused shows to be set forth in the Cirque, and himself either appareled like a wagoner, shuffled among the people, or ran the race with them. Whereupon pity was taken on those persons, though guilty and deserving exemplary punishment; seeing they suffered not for any public good, but to satisfy one man's cruelty only.   

XI. Nero raketh money on all hands, and robbeth the Temples. Prodigious sights, and their meaning.  
IN the mean time Italy was wasted by contributions and borrowing of money; the Provinces ruined; and the confederates of the people of Rome impoverished; and the cities which were called free. Yea the gods themselves were not privileged from being made a prey: but the Temples in the city were rob, and the gold carried away, which the people of Rome in all ages, either in triumphs or vows, in prosperity or fear, had dedicated to the gods. Yea in Achaia and Asia, not only gifts, but the images of the gods were taken away, Acratus, and Secundus Carinates being sent thither of purpose. The one a freed man ready to all villainies: the other exercised in the Greekish learning, in words only, but his mind not seasoned with any good arts. It was reported that Seneca, because he would shake from himself the infamy of sacrilege, desired licence to departed to some country house a far off: which not being granted, he feigned himself sick of the gout and kept his chamber. Some have given out that poison was prepared him at Nero's commandment, by a freed man of his own, called Cleonicus, and avoided by Seneca, as forewarned by the freed man, or by his own fear, sustained his life with a simple diet, Crabs, and if he were a thirst with running water. About the same time the Fencers at Preneste offering to make an escape, were hindered by a guard of soldiers which watched them: the people both fearful and desirous of novelties, & now muttering & whispering of Spartacus, and calling to mind the hurts which happened in times past. Not long after news came of a great misfortune by sea; not by war (for a more firm peace was seldom seem) but Nero had commanded the navy to return by a certain day to Campania, not excepting the hazards of the sea. The Pilots therefore although the sea were rough put from Formium; and the Southweast wind blowing strongly, whilst they strove to win the Promontory of Misenum, they dashed against the Cumanian shores, and lost almost all the galleys, and many other smaller vessels. In the end of the year prodigious wonders were noised as messengers of imminent misfortunes. Great and often flashes of lightnings, and a blazing star always purged by Nero with the blood of noble men. Monsters of men and beasts borne with two heads and cast into the streets, or found in the sacrifices when the custom is to slay them when they be great with young. And in the territory of Placentia near the way a calf was brought forth with a head in the leg. The soothsayers interpretation of it was, that the Empire was to have another head, but neither strong nor hidden, because stifled in the paunch, and brought forth by the way side.   

XII. A conspiracy against Nero by L. Piso's friends.  
AFter that Silius Nerua, and Atticus Vestinus entered the Consulship, a conspiracy was begun, and grown strong against Nero: unto which Senators, gentlemen, soldiers, and women gave their names avie, as well for the hatred they bore Nero, as good will to L. Piso. He was descended from the Calpurnians, and of great nobility by the father's side; in high reputation with the people for his virtue, or appearances like unto virtue: his eloquence he had employed in defence of the citizens: used liberality towards his friends; and to stranger's courtesy and affability. He had also the gifts of fortune: was of a tall stature, and comely countenance; but gravity in behaviour he was far from, or moderation in pleasures. He gave himself to courtesy, bounty, and sometimes to dissoluteness: which many allowed of, thinking it not necessary, that in so great sweetness of vices, he, who was destined to highest rule, should be streight-laced, or over severe. The beginning of the conspiracy proceeded not from his own desire: yet can I not easily tell, who was the first author, or at whose instigation that was begun, which so many enterprised. The forwardest to have been Subrius Flavius, Tribune of the Praetorian cohort, & Sulpitius Asprus, a Centurion, the constancy of their end doth show. And Lucanus Annaeus, and Plautius Lateranus, Consul elect, came with deadly hatred against him. Peculiar causes inflamed Lucan, because Nero suppressed the fame of his verses, and had forbidden him to publish them, vainly comparing his own unto them. Lateranus Consul elect, no injury, but love of the common wealth associated unto them. But Flavius Scevinus, and Afranius Quinctianus, both Senators, undertook the action, contrary to the opinion which was had of them. For Scevinus bore a lascivious mind, and therefore led a lazy & drowsy life: Quinctianus infamous of his body, and defamed by Nero, by reproachful verses, sought to revenge his injury. Therefore discoursing among themselves, or with their friends, of the Prince's wickedness; that the Empire drew to an end; and that choice was to be made of one to support the afflicted state, associated unto them Tullius Senecio, Ceruarius Proculus, Vulcatius Araricus, julius Tugurinus, Munatius Gratus, Antonius Natalis, Martius Festus, gentlemen of Rome: among which Senecio having been of Nero's inward familiarity, and then retaining a shadow of friendship, was perplexed with the imagination of many dangers. Natalis was a partaker of all Piso's secrets. The rest hoped after a change. Besides Subrius and Sulpitius, whom I have spoken of for greater strength, there were drawn in Granius Silvanus, and Statius Proximus, Tribunes of the Praetorian cohorts, Maximus Scaurus, and Venetus paulus Centurions. But for chiefest strength, they relied on Fenius Rufus, captain of the guard, who being for life and reputation worthy praise: Tigellinus through his cruelty and unclean life, surpassed in credit and favour with the Prince, and charging him with many false accusations, brought Caesar oft into a fear, as if he had played the adulterer with Agrippina, and therefore for love of her, carefully plotting a revenge. Therefore when the conspirators were fully assured by his own often speeches, that the captain of the guard was one of their faction, they were now more ready to consult of the time and place of the murder. It is reported that Subrius Flavius had a sudden motion to set upon Nero singing on the stage, or running hither and thither in the night ungarded, his house being on fire: on the one side the opportunity of finding him alone; on the other, the company of people, witness of so worthy an exploit pricked forward his most valiant courage, if the desire of escaping (an enemy to all great attempts) had not kept him back. In the mean time, between hope and fear linger and deferring, one Epicharis, unknown by what means she came to the knowledge of the attempt (and before that time careless of all that honest was) began to incense & blame the conspirators: and in the end grieved with their slackness, being then in Campania, went about to corrupt the chief of the navy which lay then at Misenum, and bind them to consent to the practice with this beginning. There was in that navy one Volusius Proculus, a colonel of a thousand men, and among others an instrument in murdering Nero's mother, and as it was judged not sufficiently rewarded according to the greatness of the fact. He acquainted of old, or newly grown into friendship with this woman, and showing how much he had deserved of Nero, and yet how his labour was lost, complaining much, and declaring a purpose of revenge, if means were offered; put Epicharis in hope he might be induced to conspire and draw others with him to the same confederacy. Neither was the help of the sea small, but offered many occasions, because Nero took great pleasure on the sea at Puteolum and Misenum. Whereupon Epicharis added more, and opened all the emperors villainies: and that the Senate * had provided, how he should be punished for overthrowing the common wealth: that he would only prepare himself, bestow all endeavour, draw to his side the valiantest of the soldiers, and assure himself of worthy recompense. Nevertheless, she concealed the names of the conspirators, whereby Proculus betraying the matter, took no effect, although he had carried all he had heard to Nero. For Epicharis sent for, and brought face to face before the appeacher, supported by no witnesses, easily confounded him. Nevertheless she was kept in prison, Nero suspecting that those things were not false which were not proved true. Yet the conspirators, for fear of being betrayed, thought it convenient to change the place of the murder, and execute it at Baias, in a house of Piso's; whither Caesar came oft, as delighted with the pleasantness of it; and there used to bathe and to banquet without any guard, careless of the greatness of his estate. But Piso refused, pretending it would breed him envy, if the solemnities of his table, and gods of hospitality should be distained with the murder of any Prince whatsoever. Therefore that it might be better performed in the city, in that hateful house built with the spoils of the citizens, or in public place, seeing it is undertaken for the public weal. Thus they debated the matter in common, but yet with secret fear, lest L. Silanus, a man of great nobility, and by C. Cassius' discipline, under whom he was brought up to all renown, should lay hold on the Empire; all which were free from the conspiracy joining to help him, and such also as would pity Nero as slain by treachery. Some believed, that Piso would not meddle with Vestinus the Consul's fierce courage, lest he should attempt the bringing in of liberty; or if another Emperor should be chosen, ascribe the bestowing of the state to himself: for he was not privy to the conspiracy, although Nero to satiate his inveterate hatred laid it to his charge, though guiltless. At last, they resolved to accomplish their deseignments on that day that the Circensian plays were represented in honour of Ceres; because Caesar showing himself then little abroad, or shut up in his house or gardens, came to the plays at the Cirque; and therefore might easilier be come unto, because he took delight in the pastime.   

XIII. The order of the conspiracy. How it was discovered. Epicharis constancy: and cowardliness of some of the conspirators.  
THey concluded the order of their conspiracy to be, that Lateranus under colour of making request for some aid of maintenance of his estate, should fall at the Prince's knees; and being of a stout courage, and great stature overthrow him unawares, and keep him down. Then as he lay along and hindered from rising, that the Tribunes and Centurions according to each man's boldness should run in and murder him: Scevinus requesting to be first, who had taken a rapier out of the Temple of Health in Etruria; or, as others report of Fortune, in Ferentanum; and carried it about him as some sacred thing to do some notable act. Piso in the mean time should stay in Ceres' Temple, from whence the Captain Fenius and the rest should carry him to the camp; and Antonia, Claudius Caesar's daughter followed him, to win the people's favour, as C. Plinius doth report. Our meaning was not to conceal this, howsoever it hath been left us; although it should seem absurd and frivolous (unless the desire of dominion surpass all other passions and affections) that Antonia should lend her name, or endanger herself for him, or that Piso (the love towards his wife so well known) should bind himself in marriage to any other whatsoever. But it was strange how all was kept close, among so many of divers callings, degrees, ages, sexes, rich and poor; until the detection began in Scevinus house: who the day before the feat should be effected, long conferring with Antonius Natalis; then returning home, sealed his testament: having drawn the rapier (of which I have spoken) out of the scabbard; and angry that it was dull with long keeping, commanded it to be sharpened at the point and scoured; giving the charge of that care to his freed man Milichus. Withal he made a more sumptuous banquet than his custom was: and made some of his bondmen he best liked free; and unto others gave money. And he himself was sad and easily seen, his head was freighted with great imaginations, although he dissembled mirth with impertinent talk. In the end warned the same Milichus to prepare rolls to bind up wounds, and things necessary to staunch blood; either as one knowing the conspiracy, and until then trusty; or ignorant of it, and then first took hold of suspicions, as some have thought by the consequents. For when this servile mind, weighed with himself the rewards of his falsehood, and represented to his own imagination huge sums of money and great authority, honesty gave place; and his master's safety, and the memory of his received liberty. He took also the counsel of his wife (a woman's counsel in deed, and the worser) which drove him into a further fear, affirming that many freed men and slaves were by, which saw as much as he: the silence of one availed nothing; but once should be the recompense, if he prevented the rest in detecting it. Whereupon as soon as it was day, Milichus goeth to the Seruilian gardens: and being driven from the doors, said, he brought heinous and great matters to discover, and thereupon lead by the porters to Epaphroditus Nero's freed man; and anon from him to Nero, declareth: that there was imminent and dangerous strong conspiracies at hand, and all the rest which he had either heard or conjectured. He showeth also the weapon prepared to kill him, and commanded the party accused to be sent for: who drawn by the soldiers, and beginning his purgation, answered: That for the rapier he was accused of, his father in times past made great reckoning of it, & therefore he had it in his chamber, and that it was stolen away by the fraud of his freed man. That his testament had been often sealed by him, not keeping the days when in memory. Money & liberties he had heretofore given to his slaves: but then more bountifully, because his estate was decayed, and his creditors being eager on him, he disinherited his testament. Indeed he was always wont to make liberal banquets, and lead a pleasant life, not well liked of severe and hard judges. He commanded no medicaments for wounds, but because the rest of his accusations were plainly vain, he thought good to add this crime, and make himself accuser and witness. He confirmed his speech with constancy, and rebuked Milichus as one not to be admitted to bear witness, being a lewd and naughty person; and that with such a resolution in words and countenance, that the accusation had come to nothing, if his wife had not put him in mind, that Antonius Natalis had had much secret conference with Scevinus, both of them being most inward familiars of Piso. Natalis therefore was sent for, and both of them severally examined what their speech was, and touching what matter. Then grew a suspicion because their answers agreed not. And being put into irons, they were not able to endure the sight and threatenings of the torture. Yet Natalis as better acquainted with the whole conspiracy, and withal skilfuller in accusing, first confesseth of Piso: then added Annaus Seneca, either because he was a messenger between him and Piso, or because he would purchase Nero's favour: who bearing deadly hatred to Seneca, practised all inventions to bring him to destruction. Natalis confession known, Scevinus with the like imbecility, or believing that all had been discovered, and that no profit could rise by keeping counsel, appeached the rest. Among which Lucanus, and Quinctianus, and Senecio long denied the matter. And afterward corrupted by promise of impunity, to excuse their backwardness, Lucanus named Atilla his mother; Quinctianus, Glicius Gallus; Senecio, Annius Pollio their chiefest friends. And Nero calling to mind in the mean while that Epicharis was in endurance through Volusius Proculus information, thinking that a woman's body was not able to endure much grief, commandeth her to be rend with tortures: but her; neither stripes, nor fires, nor the rage of the tortures, which so much the more cruelly racked her lest they should be contemned by a woman, could overcome: but she denied the crimes objected, and so the first day of torture was contemned. The next day when she was brought to the same tortures in a bearing-chaire (for her members out of joint and broken, she could not put foot to ground) fastening a lace which she drew from her breast to the bow of the chair, in manner of a sliding knot, put her neck into it: and weighing down with the heft of her body stopped that little breath she had left. A notable example that a freed woman should defend in such great cruelty of torture strangers, and almost unknown to her; when as men, and freeborn, and gentlemen of Rome, and Senators not touched with tortures, detected the dearest of their kindred. For Lucanus, Senecius, and Quinctianus, stuck not indifferently to bewray their confederates; Nero growing more and more fearful, although he had doubled his guard. Further, he filled the city and the walls with bands of soldiers, and beset both sea and river with watch and wards. And to and fro, by the Forum, the houses, the fields, and towns adjoining, footmen and horsemen scoured up and down, intermingled with Germans, whom he best trusted, because they were strangers.   

XIIII. Accusations continued. Piso would not take arms: his death with Lateranus and Seneca.  
AFter that, continual troops one after another were drawn to their answer, which lay before the gates of the gardens. And when they had entered in, to defend themselves every man triumphed over the conspirators. If they had spoken together by chance; if met on another on the sudden; if at a show, or banquet, they had been seen together, it was accounted a crime: and besides Nero's and Tigellinus bloody interrogatories, Fenius Rufus not yet detected, urged also vehemently: and to win an opinion that he had not been consenting to the attempt, was cruel against his confederates. The same Fenius held back Subrius Flavius then present, and nodding with the head, whether in the very hearing of the matter he should draw his sword, and execute the murder; and broke his heat even then putting his hand to his weapon. Some there were which seeing the conspiracy detected, whilst Milichus was examining, and Scevinus doubteth whether he should confess or not, persuaded Piso to go to the fort of the guard, or go up to the Rostra, and found the affection of the soldiers and people, saying: That if the confederates would join together, the rest which were not privy would follow them: that the fame of an attempt was a great matter, and could do much in new enterprises. That Nero had made no provision to withstand him: stoutmen were daunted with sudden enterprises; much less would that stage-player, accompanied with Tigellinus and his concubines take arms against him. Many things are done by venturing, which to the faint hearted seem hard. It was a folly to hope for silence and fidelity in so many minds and bodies of partakers: by torment or reward all things are made easy. And some would come to clap irons on him, and put him to a shameful death. How much more commendable were it for him to die, embracing the commonwealth, and seeking aid for liberty. Although the soldier should sail him, and the people shrink from him, if it should cost him his life, his death would be glorious as well to his ancestors, as his posterity? But nothing moved with these speeches, showing himself little abroad, then keeping within doors, confirmeth his mind against death: until a band of soldiers came, which Nero had chosen among the young soldiers, and such as lately were received into service: suspecting that the old were made on Piso's side. And cutting his veins, yielded up the ghost. His testament was full of filthy flatteries toward Nero, through the love of his wife, whom commendable only for her beauty, and nothing suitable to his calling, he took from a friend unto whom she was married. Her name was Arria Galla; her first husband, Domitius Silius: he by patience, she by unchasteness spread abroad Piso's infamy. Next followed the death of Plautus Lateranus Consul elect, and that with such haste, that he suffered him not to embrace his children, nor have so much as that short time of choosing his death: but lead away to a place where slaves were executed, was killed by the hand of Statius the Tribune: full of constant silence, never once reproaching the guilt of the same fact to the Tribune. Then followed the death of Annaeus Seneca most joyful to the Prince; not because he had found him manifestly privy to the conspiracy, but because he would show cruelty with the sword, seeing poison took no effect. Only Natalis this far did utter: that he was sent to Seneca being sick to visit him and complain, why he barred Piso from having access to him: and that it would be better to entertain their friendship by familiar conversation. And Seneca to have answered, that their interchaung of speech, and often communication was profitable for neither of them: yet that his safety did depend on Piso's welfare. These things Granius Siluaenus Captain of the guard, was commanded to carry to Seneca, and ask him whether he acknowledged Natalis speeches, and bring Senecaes' answer. Seneca by chance, or of purpose, returned that day from Campania, and remained in a country house four miles from the city. Thither came the Tribune the next evening, and besetteth the house with a company of soldiers: then openeth unto him the emperors charge as he sat at meat with Pompeia Paulina his wife, and two other friends. Seneca answered, that Natalis had been indeed sent to him, and complained in Piso's behalf that he was forbidden to visit him: and that he excused himself with sickness, as being desirous of quietness. Why he should prefer the welfare of a private man before his own safety, he had no cause. Neither was his inclination much given to flattery, as Nero best knew: who had oftener tried Senecaes' liberty of speech, then servile pleasing. When these speeches were brought back by the Tribune in presence of Poppaea, and Tigellinus, who was of the cruel Princes inward counsel, he asketh whether Seneca prepared himself any voluntary death? The Tribune affirmed, he found no signs of fear in him, nor token of sadness in words or countenance: and thereupon he was commanded to go back, & give him warning he should die. Fabius Rusticus doth report, that he returned not the same way he came, but turned aside to Fenius the captain: and having imparted unto him Caesar's commandment, asked him whether he should obey it or not; who advised him to do his commandment; which was a cowardliness fatal unto them all: for Silvanus was one of the conspirators, and was now a furtherer of the cruelty, to whose revenge he had before consented: yet he spared both his tongue and presence, and sent to Seneca one of the Centurions, to denounce him the last necessity. He nothing amazed, called for his testament, and the Centurion denying it, turned to his friends, and said: That seeing he was not suffered to requite their merits, he protested he left them yet one thing which of all other he held most precious, which was the pattern of his life: of which if they were mindful, they should carry away the fame of good learning, and of so constant friendship. Withal, hindereth their tears, now with speech, now more earnestly as it were rebuking them, and calling them back to constancy, Ask where were the precepts of wisdom? where the resolution so many years premeditated against imminent dangers? unto whom was Nero's cruelty unknown? neither did there remain any thing to be done after he had murdered his mother and his brother, but that he should add the death of his bringer up and master. When he had discoursed this or the like, as it were in general, he embraced his wife, and having somewhat confirmed her against present fear, prayeth & entreateth her to temper her grief, lament no longer, but in the contemplation of her former life spent in virtue, bear the lack of her husband with honest comforts. She on the contrary side assured him, that she was resolved to die, and demandeth the hand of the executioner. Then Seneca loath to hinder her glory, and dearly loving her, lest he should leave her, whom so tenderly he affectioned to the injuries of others, said: I had taught the comforts of life, but thou hadst rather the glory of death. I will not envy thy example; let there be of this so short a death, an equal constancy in both; but thy renown will be far greater. After which words they both cut the veins of their arms at one time. Seneca because his old body, and lean with a slender diet, gave the blood slow passage, cut also the veins of his legs, and hams; and being wearied with cruel torments, lest he should discourage his wife with his grief, and himself descend to impatiency, by seeing the torment she endured, persuadeth her to go into another chamber. And in the very last moment, his eloquence not failing him, calling some to dictat his speech, delivered many things, which published in his own words, I purpose not to alter or change with other terms. But Nero, having no peculiar hatred against Paulina, lest the odiousness of his cruelty should grow greater, commandeth her death to be hindered. Whereupon her bond and freed men at the soldiers commandment, bound her arms, and stopped the blood. But whether she knew it or not, is uncertain: for (the common people being always ready to speak the worst) there wanted not some which believed, that as long as she feared Nero to be implacable, she sought to have the glory of accompanying her husband's death; then a milder hope offered, that she was overcome with the sweetness of life, unto which she added a few years after, with a laudable memory towards her husband: but her face and other parts of her body were grown so pale and wan, that it easily appeared her vital spirits were much diminished. Seneca the mean time perceiving himself to linger and pine away with a long death, entreateth Statius Annaeus his known friend, and expert Physician, to give him of that poison with which the condemned by public judgement at Athens are put to death, whereof long before he had made provision: which being brought him he drank in vain, the parts of his body already cold, & the conduits stopped against the force of poison. In the end he went into a bath of hot water, and sprinkling his slaves next about him, saying, That he offered up that liquor to jupiter the deliverer. Then put into the bath, and with the vapour of it having yielded up the ghost, was burnt without any funeral solemnity, as he had commanded in his last will, when very rich and in authority he disposed of his mind. The report was, that Subrius Flavius, with the Centurions in secret counsel, yet not without Senecaes' privity, had determined, that after Nero should have been slain by the help of Piso, Piso should also have been slain; and the Empire delivered Seneca, as one just and upright, chosen to that high authority only for the excellencies of his virtues: yea, and Flavius own words were published to be these. It skilleth not for the shame of the matter, if a minstrel be removed, and an actor in a tragedy succeed him: for as Nero had sung with the instrument, so Piso in tragical attire.   

XV. Many soldiers punished. Fenius death. Flavius Subrius, and Sulpitius Afers' answer to Nero.  
THe conspiracy of the soldiers could be no longer kept close, the detecters being very eager to bewray Fenius Rufus, whom they could not endure should both be of counsel to the plot, and an examiner of others. Therefore urging and threatening * Scevinus, showing himself obstinate, told him that no man knew more than himself: and exhorted him, that he would show himself willing to requite so good a Prince. Fenius could neither answer this, nor hold his tongue, but entangling himself in his own words, showed a manifest fear; and the rest, but especially Ceruarius Proculus a gentleman, labouring all they could to convict him, by commandment of the Emperor, Cassius a soldier which stood by, and was of exceeding strength of body, laid hold on him, and bound him. Not long after, by their appeaching, Subrius Flavius Tribune was overthrown, first alleging the dissimilitude of his manners and life for his defence, and that he being a man of arms, would never in so dangerous an enterprise, associate himself with unarmed effeminate persons: after that farther priest, embracing the glory of confession, and demanded of Nero for what reasons he had proceeded so far as to forget his oath. I hated thee (quoth he:) neither was there any of the soldiers more faithful unto thee than I, whilst thou deservedst to be loved. I began to hate thee after thou becamest a parricide of thy mother, and wife; a wagoner, a stage-player, and a setter of houses a fire. I have reported his very words, because they were not published as Senecaes' were: neither was it less convenient to know the unpolished, but weighty words of this soldier. It is certain there happened nothing in all that conspiracy more grievous to Nero's ears: who as ready and prompt to all mischiefs, so unaccustomed to hear of that he had done. The punishment of Flavius was committed to Veianus Niger, Tribune. He in the next field commanded a pit to be digged, which Flavius finding fault with as not deep enough, said to the soldiers standing by, This is not according to the order of service. And being willed to stretch out his neck stoutly, I would to God (said he) thou wouldst strike so stoutly. Who quaking very much, when he had scarce cut off his head at two blows, bragged to Nero of his cruelty, saying, that he was killed with half a blow. The next example of constancy the Centurion Sulpitius Asper did show; for Caesar ask him why he had conspired his death? answered briefly: That so many his villainies could not otherwise be redressed. Then he sustained the punishment commanded. Neither did the rest of the Centurions degenerate in bearing their punishments. But Fenius Rufus had not the like courage, but set down his griefs and lamentations in his testament. Nero expected that Vestinus the Consul should also be drawn into the action, judging him violent, and an enemy to him: but the conspirators would not communicate their deseignments with him; some by reason of old grudges; but more, because they thought him rash, heady, and insociable. Furthermore, Nero's hatred against Vestinus proceeded of their inward familiarity, the one contemning the Princes known cowardliness; and the other fearing the fell courage of his friend, often jesting at him with bitter scoffs: which when they carry much truth with them, leave behind them a biting memory. Besides, there was a fresh cause of malice between them, because Vestinus had married Statilia Messalina, not ignorant that Caesar kept unlawful company with her. Therefore no crime, no accuser appearing, because he could put on no show of accusation, he fled to his absolute power, & sendeth Gerelanus the Tribune with a band of soldiers, & inchargeth him to prevent the Consul's deseignments, seize upon his house, which was as it were his fortress: and slew his chosen company of youth, because Vestinus had his house looking over the market place, and handsome slaves all of one age. He had fulfilled that day all the duties of a Consul, and making a banquet, fearing nothing, or else dissembling his fear, the soldiers entered in; and when word was brought him that he was called by the Tribune, he rose without any delay, had all things prepared him in a trice, shut himself up in his chamber, & had his Physician at hand which cut his veins; and being yet lusty, was carried to a bath, put in hot water, not once uttering a word, which could argue either grief, or compassion on himself. Those which were at table with him, were in the mean time beset with a guard, and not dismissed till the night was far spent; and than Nero imagining and laughing at the fear they were in, as looking for their imminent ruin, said, they had paid enough for the Consuls good cheer.   

XVI. Lucanus and Quinctianus death. Nero's liberality to the soldiers. Who Nymphidius was. The Senator's flattery toward Nero.  
AFter that, he commanded the death of M. Annaeus Lucanus, who perceiving as his blood went out, his feet and hands to wax cold, and his spirits by little and little to forsake the exterior parts of his body: his heart yet strong, & his wit fresh, remembering verses made by himself, in which he represented a soldier wounded, and dead with the like kind of death, rehearsed the verses themselves, which were the last words he spoke. After that Senecio and Quinctianus, not according to their former effeminate life, and the residue of the conspirators, were put to death, neither speaking nor doing any thing worthy memory. But in the mean time the city was filled with funerals, the Capitol with sacrifices, one having his brother, another his son put to death, or friend, or near kindred, gave thanks to the gods, decked his house with Bays, fell down at the Emperor's knees, and wearied his right hand with kisses. And he thinking it to be done for joy, rewardeth with impunity Antonius Natalis, and Ceruarius Proculus speedy detection: and Milichus enriched with recompenses, took unto him a name, which in the Greek signifieth a saviour. And Granius Silvanus the Tribune, although quit, yet slew himself. Statius Proximus frustrated the pardon which he had received of the Emperor by the vanity of his death. After this, Pompey, Cornelius Martialis, Flavius Nepos, and Statius Domitius, were deprived of the Tribuneship, not because they hated the Prince, but yet supposed so to do. Novius Priscus, for the friendship he had with Seneca, and Glitius Gallus, and Annius Pollio, defamed rather then convicted, were sent into banishment. Antonia Flacilla Priscus wife followed him: Egnatia Maximilla did the like with Gallus: at the first all their wealth which was great, left them: then taken away, both which increased their glory. Rufus Crispinus was banished also, under colour of the conspiracy; but hated of Nero, because he had been Poppaea's husband. Verginius Rufus great reputation was cause of his exile: for Verginius furthered the studies of youth with eloquence; and Musonius with precepts of Philosophy. Clwidienus Quietus, julius Agrippa, Blitius Catulinus, Petronius Priscus, julius Altinus, as it were an army to make up a number, were banished to the Isles of the Aegaean sea. But Cadicia Scevinus wife, and Cesenius Maximus were banished Italy, knowing by the punishment only that they were called in question. Annaeus Lucanus mother Atilla, though not acquitted, yet was let go without punishment. These things done by Nero, & calling the soldiers together to an oration, he bestowed by pole upon every soldier under bands two thousand Nummi 
* About 15. li. 12, s. 6. d. ; and corn without any price, which they had before, according to the rate it was sold. Then as though he would declare some exploit done in war, assembled the Lords of the Senate, & bestowed the ornament of triumph upon Petronius Turpilianus Consul; Cocceius Nerua, Praetor elect; Tigellinus captain of the guard: and so extolling Tigellinus and Nerua, besides their triumphal images in the Forum, he placed their images also in the Palace. He gave Nymphidius also the ornaments of a Consul, of whom I will speak a little, because now is the first occasion offered: for he also was part of the Roman miseries. He therefore son of a freed woman, which had abandoned and made common her comely body to Prince's bond and freed men, affirmed he was begotten by C. Caesar, because by some chance he was tall of parsonage, and of a stern grim countenance: or else C. Caesar being desirous of light-women, had abused his mother also. But Nero, the Senators assembled, and an oration made among them, published an Edict to the people; and added the informations and confessions of the condemned; because he was often defamed in the people's mouth, as though he had executed innocent persons for envy or fear. Nevertheless, those which had a care of knowing the truth, did neither than doubt, but the conspiracy was begun, grown to ripeness, and set on foot again; as those which returned to the city after Nero's death confessed. But in the Senate, all of them according to each man's grief, abiecting themselves to flattery: Alienus Clemens bitterly inveighed against junius Gallio, amazed with the death of his brother Seneca, and entreating for his own life, calling him enemy and parricide: until the whole Senate showed their dislike therein; lest he should seem to abuse public calamities, and make them occasion of his private grudge; or draw the Prince to new cruelty, forgotten, and tempered with clemency. Then order was taken, that gifts and thanks should be rendered the gods, and peculiar honour done to the Sun, unto whom there is an old temple in the Cirque, in which the enterprise should have been accomplished; who disclosed by his divine power, the secrets of the confederacy: and that the Circensian pastime in honour of Ceres should be exhibited with more horse races; and that the month of April should bear the surname of Nero: that a Temple should be built to Salus, in the place from whence Scevinus had taken the rapier, which he himself had offered up in the Capitol, and wrote under it, To jupiter the revenger. Which presently was not noted, but after that julius Vindex had taken arms, it was interpreted as a foretelling and presage of future revenge. I find in the commentaries of the Senate, that Cerealis Anicius Consul elect, gave his censure, that a Temple should be built with all speed at the common charge to divine Nero; which he thought convenient, as though exceeding the highest mortal degree, he had deserved to be worshipped of men: which after was known to be a token and foretelling of his end. For the honour of the gods was never given the Prince until he were dead, and gone out this mortal life.    

THE SIXTEENTH BOOK OF THE ANNALS OF CORNELIUS TACITUS.  

I. Nero consumeth much in seeking out a hidden treasure which Cesellius Bassus dreamt of. The death of Bassus. Nero contendeth on the Stage for the prize of playing on the Harp.  
AFter that time, Fortune began to delude Nero through his own vanity, taking hold of a promise made by Cesellius Bassus: who being an African borne, and busy headed, built an assured hope upon the shadow of a dream which he had in the night. And come to Rome, having bought access to the Prince, declareth that there was a cave in his ground of a huge depth, wherein was contained great quantity of gold uncoined and unwrought in a mass, as in old time it was wont to be hidden! For there lay a wall of very heavy bricks on the one side; and on the other, pillars standing upright: all which had lain hidden many years to increase the wealth of the present time. And as conjecture doth show Dido the Fenissian, fleeing from Tyrus, after she had built Carthage, hid that treasure there; lest the new people with overgreat wealth should become wanton and riotous: or the King of the Numidians their old enemy, for greediness of their gold sometime be incensed to make war against them. Whereupon Nero, not well assured of the credit of the Author, or certainty of the business, nor any sent to view and learn whether a truth were reported: of himself increaseth the rumour, and sendeth some to bring away all, as it were a pray already gotten. Galleys and choice vessels were appointed to help to hasten the matter: the people having no other speech in their mouth, but that treasure, through the credulousnes of the discoverer, though not reporting of it all alike. And it fell out by chance that the Quinquennale pastime, which every fift year being represented, was then the second time celebrated: which ministered the orators their chiefest subject to commend the Prince; saying: That the earth did not now bring forth only the usual fruits, nor gold mingled with other metals; but a new plenty: and that the gods themselves bestowed wealth in all abundance: and many other things with great eloquence, and no less servile and base flattery they feigned; being assured of easy belief in the hearer. Riotuousnes in the mean time grew greater by vain hope, and the old wealth was consumed, as though the other had been offered, prodigally to waste many years. Yea from thence largesses were bestowed: and the expectation of that wealth, was a cause in part of the public poverty. For Bassus having digged his ground, and large fields round about; avouching boldly this or that to be the promised cave: not only soldiers followed him; but the country people were taken to dig and labour; at length leaving his sottishness, and marveling that his dreams never proved false before, and that he was never deceived until then, rid himself of shame and fear by killing himself. Some have reported that he was imprisoned, and set at liberty again incontinently, his goods first taken to the Prince's treasure. In the mean time the Senate, the Quinquennale pastime drawing near, to shadow his shame, offereth him the victory of singing, and withal the crown of eloquence to colour the reproach of his singing on the Stage. But Nero, saying that he needed not the authority and favour of the Senate in that respect; as able of himself to make his party good with his concurrents, & little doubting but that by the uprightness of the judges he should obtain his deserved praise; sang first of all a verse on the Stage: then the people instantly craving that he would publish all his studies (for those were their words) he entereth the Theatre, and observeth all the orders of the Harpers: as that being weary, yet he should not sit down; that he should not wipe off his sweat, but with the garment he wore; that no excrements should be seen at his mouth or nose. And last of all kneeling, and showing a reverence to the assembly with his hand, expected the judges sentence with a counterfeit fear. And the citie-people accustomed also to approve the gestures of the players, answered him with a certain measure and artificial applause. Thou wouldst have thought they had rejoiced, and perhaps they did, for the injury of the public discredit. But those which from towns far off, retaining as yet the ancient severity and custom of Italy; and from remote Provinces unacquainted with dissolute behaviour, came either as Ambassadors, or for private business, could neither endure that sight, nor applaud any way so dishonourable a labour: but awearie with their unskilful clapping of hands, and troubling the skilful, were often beaten by the soldiers, placed in thick array, lest any moment of time should be lost by an vntuned and disproportionable cry, or slothful silence. It is certain that many horsemen which laboured to pass through the crowd and thick multitudes were trodden under feet; and others whilst they continued day and night in their places, were stricken with deadly sickness. And yet if they should have been absent their fear was greater; many openly, and more privily observing the names and countenances, cheerfulness and heaviness of the lookers on. Whereupon punishments were inflicted upon the poorer sort forthwith; the hatred against noble men dissembled for the time, showed itself within a short space after. And it is reported that Vespasian was rebuked by Phoebus a freed man, as though he had been somewhat drowsy with sleep, and was hardly defended by the entreaty of the better sort: and afterward escaped imminent ruin by a greater chance.   

II. The death of Poppaea. Banishment and death of others.  
AFter the pastime was ended, Poppaea died by a sudden anger of her husbands, striking her with his foot being with child. Neither do I believe that she was poisoned, although some writers do so report, of hatred rather than truth: for he was desirous of children and blinded with the love of his wife. Her body was not burnt as the Roman manner was, but embalmed according to the custom of foreign Kings, stuffed with sweet odours, and buried in the tomb of the julian's. Yet public funerals were solemnized, and he himself praised her beauty before the people assembled; that she had been the mother of a divine daughter; and other gifts of fortune he commended in steed of virtues. The death of Poppaea as in show sorrowful; so to the remembrers of her lose life and cruelty joyful; Nero made more odious by giving new matter of hatred, by hindering C. Cassius from being present at her exequys; which was the first token of his ruin, not long deferred. And Silanus bore him company for no crime committed, but because Cassius for his ancient riches, and gravity of manners, Silanus for nobleness of birth, and modest youth, were worthy praise above the rest. Having therefore sent an oration to the Senate, declared that they were both to be removed from the commonwealth. And laid to Cassius' charge, that among the images of his ancestors, he had done honour also to the image of C. Cassius, which had this written under it: To the Captain of the parts. For seeds of civil war, and a revolt from the house of Caesar's might have been intended by those words. And lest he should use the memory only of a hateful name to ground a quarrel on; he joined L. Silanus a young man of a noble stock, rash and heady, under a pretence and colour of moving new broils. Further, he rebuked Silanus for the same matters, as before he had done his uncle Torquatus, as though he did already dispose of the cares of the Empire, and give his freed men charge of the accounts, requests and secretariships: things both vain & false. For Silanus was wary & fearful, and by the death of his uncle circumspect in his actions. After this he induced some under the name of accusers, which falsely charged Lepida, Cassius wife, Silanus aunt, of incest with her brother's son; and with certain execrable rites of sacrifices. There were drawn in as privy thereto, Vulcatius Tullinus, and Marcellus Cornelius, Senators; and Calpurnius Fabatus, a gentleman of Rome: who appealing to the Prince, and disappointing the present condemnation; anon after Nero being busied about some great mischiefs, were forgotten as men of small reckoning. Then banishment was decreed against Cassius and Silanus by order of Senate; and that Caesar himself should dispose of Lepida. Cassius was exiled to the Island Sardinia, * expecting their further order from the Lords of the Senate. Silanus conveyed to Hostia, as though he should be carried to Naxus; was after shut up in a town of Apulia, called Barium. And there, wisely bearing his most unworthy adversity, a Centurion sent to kill him laying hands on him; persuaded him to cut his veins: who answered, that he had a mind resolute & ready to die, but he would not permit an executioner to have the glory of the service. But the Centurion, although seeing him unarmed; yet strong, and more inclining to anger than fear, commanded his soldiers to dispatch him. Neither did Silanus omit to resist, and lay on blows as well as he was able with naked hands, until he fell down overmatched with the Centurion's wounds on his face as it had been in a skirmish. With no less courage died L. Vetus, and Sexia his mother in law, and his daughter Pollutia: hateful to the Prince, as though by living, they should upbraid him with the murder of Rubellius Plautus, L. Vetus son in law. But the first discoverer of his cruelty towards them, was one Fortunatus a freed man of Vetus, who having pilfered away his master's goods and fearing an inquiry, began to accuse him, associating Claudius Demianus with him, who imprisoned by Vetus Proconsul of Asia for his misdeeds, Nero delivered in recompense of the accusation. Which being understood by the party accused, and that there was no difference made betwixt him and his freed man, hedeparteth to Eormianum, where a secret guard of soldiers watched him. His daughter was with him, who besides the imminent danger, through long grief, fell and cruel, as soon as she had seen the murderers of her husband Plautus, grew to further extremity: and having cast herself about his neck imbrued with blood, kept still the blood, and her apparel besprinkled with it, remaining a widow, drowned in continual grief, using no other food, than was necessary to keep off death. Then her father exhorting her, she goeth to Naples. And, because she was kept from the speech of Nero, lying in wait for his going abroad, she cried aloud that it would please him to hear the innocent, and not commit one who had been his companion in the Consulship to the disposition of a freed man, sometime with a womanish lamentation, sometimes going beyond her sex, with angry and bitter terms: until the Prince showed himself inflexible; and no way moved, either with prayers or hatred he might incur. And warneth her father to cast away hope, and resolve himself to the present necessity. Withal news came, that the matter should be heard before the Lords of the Senate, and a cruel sentence intended. Thereupon some advised him to pronounce 〈…〉 are his heir for the most part of his goods, and so help his nephews with the rest; which he refused, lest he should dishonour with this last servile act his life past almost in liberty: and gave all his money among his bondmen, and if any thing could be carried away, that every one might serve himself; three beds only reserved for his funeral obsequies. Then in the same chamber, with the same knife they cut their veins, and with speed each one covered with a simple garment, for modesty sake, they were put into baths. The father looking on the daughter, the grandmother on her niece, she on both, praying ave for a speedy end to leave the others alive, though to follow incontinently after. And fortune herein kept the order, the eldest dying first, than the next in age. And being accused after their burial, and ordained they should be punished according to the ancient manner: Nero was against it, suffering them to make choice of their manner of death, for such kind of scoffs were used after the murders committed. P. Gallus a gentleman of Rome, because he was inward with Fenius, and not an enemy to Vetus, was banished: the freed man and accuser rewarded for his pains, and a place given him in the Theatre among the beadles of the Tribunes. And the month of May which followed April, and called Nero, was changed into the name of Claudius, and july into Germanicus: and Cornelius Ofitus, whose censure that was, said that therefore the month of june was passed over, because two of the Torquatus already executed for their misdemeanours, had made the name of june unlucky. A year continued with so many lewd actions, the gods have marked and made notorious by tempests and diseases. Campania was destroyed with boisterous storms of winds, which did every where beat down houses, woods, and grain, and brought the violence of it to places adjoining to the city. Where the rage of the pestilence spared none, although there was no manifest show of corruption of the air to be seen. Yet the houses were filled with dead bodies, and the ways with funerals; no sex, no age, free from danger; as well bond, as free borne indifferently perished: amidst the lamentations of their wives and children; who whilst they sat by them and bewailed, were often burnt in the same funeral fire. The death of gentlemen and Senators although in different with others, less lamented, as though they had by a common mortality prevented the Prince's cruelty. The same year they mustered in Gallia Narbonensis, Africa, and Asia, to supply the legions of Illyria, which worn out either with years or sickness were freed from their oath. The Prince relieved the oalamitie of Lugdunum with 
* About 31250 pound.  forty hundred thousand sesterces to recover the losses of their city: which sum of money the Lugdunenses had before bestowed in troubled times.   

III. The death of certain noble men, for desire of their wealth or other jealousies.  
C. Suetonius, and L. Telesinus being Confuls, Antistius Sosianus banished, as I have said before, for making slanderous verses against Nero, understanding that pickthanks were so honoured, and the Prince so forward to murders, busy minded, and not slow in taking hold of occasions, insinuateth himself through conformity of fortune, into the favour of Pammenes a banished man of the same place; and for his skill in the Chaldean art, supported by the friendship of many. This Antistius supposing that messages and consultations came not to him in vain, understandeth withal that he had money yearly supplied him by P. Anteius. Neither was he ignorant that Anteius through the love he bore to Agrippina was hateful to Nero; that his wealth, as it had been of others, might be a motive to procure his destruction. Whereupon having intercepted Anteius letters, and stolen his writings wherein the day of his nativity and things to come, were hidden among Pammenes secrets, and withal found those things which had been composed of the birth and life of Ostorius Scapula: writeth to the Prince, that he would bring him great news touching his own safety, if he might obtain a short intermission of his banishment: for Anteius and Ostorius watch for opportunity to lay hold on the sovereignty, and searched out their own and Caesar's destinies. Thereupon swift vessels were sent & Sosianus brought with all speed. And his accusation divulged, Anteius and Ostorius were reckoned rather among the condemned than accused; in so much that no man would have sealed Anteius testament, if Tigellinus had not been their warrant. Anteius was first admonished not to delay the making of his testament: but he having drunken poison, weary of the slow working of it, by cutting his veins hastened his death. Ostorius at that time was far off in the confines of Liguria, whither a Centurion was sent to make him away with all speed. The cause of the haste proceeded of that, that Ostorius being for matter of war of good reckoning, and deserved in Britanny a civicall crown, of a mighty strength of body and skilful in arms, drove Nero into a fear lest he should assail him; always timorous & fearful, but then more than ever, through the conspiracy lately detected. The Centurion therefore when he had beset all escaping places, openeth to Ostorius the emperors commandment. He converted against himself his courage often tried against the enemy. And because his veins when they were opened, yielded but little blood, using the hand of his slave only to take out a rapier & hold it steadfast: he drew his right hand to him, and ran himself through the neck. If I should have written of foreign wars, and deaths sustained for the commonwealth, with divers other accidents & chances: yet I should not only have seemed tedious to myself; but to others also: abhorring the deaths of citizens, being doleful and continual, although honourable. But now a servile patience, and so much blood lost at home, doth trouble my mind and oppress it with grief. Neither do I require any other defence or excuse of those who shall know these things, but that they hate them not, for dying so cowardly. That was certainly the anger of the gods against the Roman state, which ought not so easily be run over with once writing, as in the overthrow of armies, or taking of towns. Let this prerogative be given the posterity of worthy personages, that as how they are distinguished from the confuse multitude in the solemnity of their funerals: so in the delivery of their last ends, that they may receive and have a proper and peculiar memory. For within a few days by the same violent course, Annaeus Mella, Cerialis Anicius, Rufus Crispinus, and C. Petronius perished. Mella and Crispinus were gentlemen of Rome, and equal in dignity with Senators. Crispinus once Captain of the guard, and honoured with consulary ornaments, and of late through the conspiracy, exiled into Sardinia, having received tidings he should die; slew himself. Mella borne of the same parents as Gallius and Seneca, forbore purchasing of dignities, by a preposterous ambition, to the end that a Roman gentleman might be equalled in authority to the Consuls. Withal he thought it a shorter course of getting wealth, to manage the affairs of the prince in quality of a Procurator. The same Mella was Annaeus Lucanus father, which was a great credit to him: but after his death, seeking out too narrowly his goods, stirred up an accuser against him, one Fabius Romanus, one of Lucan's familiar friends: which falsely fathered upon him & the father, the privity of the conspiracy, by counterfeiting of Lucan's letters: which Nero having perused, commanded to be carried him, gaping after his wealth. But Mella, which was then the readiest way to death, loosed his veins, having bestowed in his testament a huge sum of money upon Tigellinus, and on his son in law Cossutianus Capito, that the rest might stand good. He added to his will as it were a complaint of the injustice of his death: That he died for no causes deserving punishment: but Rufus Crispinus and Anicius Cerialis enjoyed their life, being the Prince's enemies. Which words were thought to have been forged, of Crispinus because he was already slain; of Cerialis because he should be slain. Who not long after killed himself, less pitied than the rest: as bearing in mind that he had discovered a conspiracy to C. Caesar.   

FOUR The constant death of C. Petronius, and what life he led.  
OF C. Petronius, a few things above recited are here again to be repeated. He passed the day in sleep, and the night in delightful sports, or other affairs of life. And as others, industry; so this man, sloth had raised to fame: a riotous and wasteful spender he was, not accounted like many, which run through all, but using riot to his credit. And his words and deeds how much the freer, and showing a certain carelessness; so much the more gratefully received, as savouring somewhat of simplicity. Notwithstanding being Proconsul of Bythinia, and anon after Consul, he showed himself quick & stout, and able to wade through great matters. Then falling again to his vices, or else show of vices, was received amongst Nero's familiar friends, as a judge and arbitrator of his daintiest delights, esteeming nothing pleasant or delightful, unless Petronius had approved it. Thereupon grew Tigellinus malice against him, as against a concurrent, or one more skilful in pleasures then himself, whetting Nero's cruelty (unto which all other lusts gave place) against him: objecting the friendship he had with Scevinus, corrupting a slave to be his accuser: taking from him all means of defence, and the greatest part of his family drawn into prison. By chance about that time Caesar went to Campania, and Petronius gone as far as Cumas, was there stayed; and not able any longer to endure the linger between hope, or fear, yet did not rashly kill himself, but cutting his veins, and binding them up as pleased him, opened them again, and talked with his friends, though not of any serious matter, or worthy to purchase the glory of constancy: but gave ear to those which discoursed with him, yet nothing of the immortality of the soul, or opinions of wise men, but of light verses, and easy songs. On some of his slaves he bestowed gifts, and on some stripes. He went sometimes abroad, and gave himself to sleep, that although his death was constrained, yet it should be like a casual death. Neither in his testament (as most men were wont to do) did he flatter Nero or Tigellinus or any other favourite, but wrote down the unclean life of the Prince, under feigned names of stolen catamites, abused against nature, and of women, with the strangeness of the abuse of either of them; and sealed up, sent it to Nero, and broke his seal, lest afterward it might serve to breed danger to others. And Nero doubting how the invention of his night pleasures should come to light, Silia by being the wife of a Senator not unknown, and abused in all his licentious lusts, and very familiar with Petronius, came to his mind, whom he thrust into banishment, as not having kept secret those things she had seen and suffered: moved thereto by his own particular hatred rather than rest occasion. He delivered Numicius Thermus once Praetor, to Tigellinus privy hatred, because Thermus freed man had laid some criminal matter to Tigellinus charge, which he should pay for by torment of torture, and his master by undeserved death.   

V Nero's hatred against Thraseas Paetus, and Bareas Soranus.  
SO many worthy men being murdered, in the end Nero coveted to destroy virtue, itself, by killing Bareas Soranus, and Thraseas Paetus, of old enemy to both; and new occasions rising against Thraseas, because he went out of the Senate, as I have already said, when Agrippina's cause was debated; & because that in the pastime of youth called Inuenales, he showed not so acceptable endeavour as was expected: which grudge pierced the deeplier, because the same Thrasea at Padua where he was borne in the Cestian plays, instituted by Antenor the Trojan, sang in tragical attire. The day also that Antistius the Praetor was condemned for outrages against Nero, he gave a milder sentence, and obtained it: and when the honour of the gods was ordained for Poppaea, absent of set purpose, was not at the convoy of the funeral. Which things Capito Cossutianus did not suffer to be forgotten, besides his over-readie inclination to naughtiness, enemy to Thrasea, because that by his authority, countenancing the deputies of Cilicia, he lost his cause, when they pursued Capito for using injustice and extortion in his office. He objected farther: That in the beginning of the year Thrasea did avoid the oath; was not present with the rest at the offering up of vows, although he were one of the fifteen Priests, yet he never offered sacrifice for the health of the Prince, or heavenly voice: that heretofore he hath been often present, and diligent, showing himself a favourer or an adversary to the ordinary consultations of the Lords of the Senate, but hath not once entered the Curia this three years: and very lately when every man ran who first might, to punish Silanus and Vetus, he attended rather on his clients private business: that was now a revolting, and a faction, and if many durst do the like, it would breed to a war. As in times past (said he) the city desirous of garboil, spoke of C. Caesar, and M. Cato; so now of thee o Nero and Thrasea, and hath his adherents or rather followers, which imitating, though not his obstinacy of opinions, yet his behaviour and countenance, severe and stern, do cast thy lasciviousness in thy teeth. This man only is careless of thy health, no way procuring thy honour, he little regardeth the Prince's prosperous successes. What, is he not filled with thy griefs, and sorrows? It proceedeth from the self-same mind not to believe Poppaea to be agoddesse, and not swear to observe the ordinances of Augustus and julius of famous memory. He despiseth holy things, abrogateth laws. The diurnals of the people of Rome are curiously read in the provinces and camp, that it might be known what Thrasea hath not done. Either let us condescend to his ordinances if they be better: or let the captain and author be taken away from desires of novelties. This sect brought forth the Tuberones & Favonians, unpleasing names to the ancient common wealth. That they may overthrow the state, they pretend liberty: but if they should overthrow it, they will give an assault to overthrow libertis likewise. Invaine thou hast extinguished Cassius, if thou wilt suffer the followers of Brutus to grow and take head. In fine, writ thou nothing of Thrasea; leave us the Senate arbitrator of the cause. Nero extolleth Cossutianus stoutness, whet on with choler, and joineth with him Marcellus Eprius, of a quick and lively eloquence. As for Barea Soranus, Ostorius Sabinus, a Roman gentleman had required he might accuse him for matter committed in the Proconsulship of Asia: in which he augmented the displeasure the Prince bore him for justice and industry: and because he had been very careful in opening the haven of the Ephesians; and had left unpunished the violence of the city Pergamena, which hindering Acratus Caesar's freed man to carry away their images and pictures. But the fault indeed laid to his charge, was his friendship with Plautus, and ambition in alluring the province to new hopes. The time chosen to condemn him, was, when Tiridates came to take the kingdom of Armenia: that domestical wickedness might be obscured and hidden with the rumours of the strangers arriving; or else that he might show the greatness of an Emperor by the death of worthy men, as a royal act. Whereupon all the city being run out to receive the Prince, and behold the King, Thrasea forbidden to go to meet him, lost not courage therefore; but wrote to Nero, demanding his accusations, boldly affirming that he would purge himself, if he might have knowledge of the crimes, and licence to clear them. These writings Nero received very greedily, in hope that Thrasea being terrified and dejected, would have written somewhat sounding to the magnificency and excellency of the Prince, and discredit of his own reputation: which falling out otherwise, fearing the countenance, and courage and liberty of the innocent, commanded the Lords of the Senate to be assembled. Then Thrasea consulted with his friends, whether he should adventure his purgation, or let it pass. Those which thought it best he should enter into the Senate house, said, they were assured of his constancy, and that he would say nothing but what should augment his glory. Cowardly and timorous men did shut themselves in secret places at the time of their death. The people should see a man offering himself to death; the Senate should hear words more than human, as it were of some divine power, that Nero himself might also be moved with the miracle: but if his cruelty should continue, certes the memory of an honourable death should be distinguished with posterity from the cowardliness of such as perished with silence. Contrariwise, such as thought it convenient to expect within doors what might happen, said the same of Thrasea: But yet that scoffs and injuries were at hand: he should therefore withdraw his ears from checks and reproachful speeches: not only Cossutianus and Eprius are prompt to naughtiness: some there are which peradventure would let their hand walk and strike, through the cruelty * of Augustus: yea the good do the like for fear. That he would rather deliver the Senate whom he had always honoured, of the infamy of so great a villainy: and leave it doubtful, what, having seen Thrasea, the Lords of the Senate would determine. That Nero should be ashamed of his wickedness, was to trouble himself with a vain hope: and that it was much more to be feared, lest he should grow cruel against his wife, his family, and the rest of his children. Therefore that undefiled and uncorrupted, whose steps and studies he had imitated in his life, theirs also he should follow in the honour of his death. There was present at this consultation Rusticus Arulenus, Tribune of the people, a hot youngman, who for desire of praise, offered to oppose himself to the decree of Senate. Thrasea cooled his courage: Lest he should begin a vain enterprise unprofitable to the criminal, and dangerous to the opposer. As for himself he had ended his years, and that he ought not forsake the manner of his life so many years continued: but he entered now into offices, and was in his choice to accept or refuse such as are behind. That he should weigh well and ponder with himself what course of governing he should enter into, of taking charge in the common wealth in such a time as this. Whether it were fit for him to come into the Senate, or not, he would have it rest in his own consideration.   

VI Thraseas accusation and death.  
THe next day two armed Praetorian cohorts, beset the Temple of Venus the mother: the ways to the Senate a company of gownd-men had filled, not hiding their weapons: and a thick array of soldiers dispersed in the place of assemblies and Temples; amidst whose looks and threats the Senators went into the court; where the Prince's oration was heard by his Quaestors mouth. None noted by name, he blamed the Senators; That they neglected public duties, and that by their example the gentlemen of Rome were become lazy. For what marvel was it, if from Provinces far off they came not to Rome, when as the most part having obtained the Consulship and priestly dignities, gave themselves rather to pass the time withal pleasures in their gardens? Which the accusers took hold of as it were of a weapon. And Cossutianus leading the dance, and Marcellus with greater vehemency: Cried that this touched the whole state, that through the disobedience of the inferiors, the lenity of the commander was made lesser. The Lords of the Senate until that day had been too mild in suffering Thrasea to forsake their side, his son in law helvidius Priscus in the same madness; Paconius Agrippinus, heir of his father's hatred against Princes, and Curtius Montanus composing detestable verses to scoff and abuse men without punishment. He found a lack of a Consul in the Senate, of a priest in vows, in an oath a citizen: but against the ordinances and ceremonies of our ancestors, Thrasea had openly put on the person of a traitor and an enemy. Finally, that he should come and play the Senator, and as he was wont, protect the backbiters of the Prince, and give his censure what he would have amended or changed: for they could more easily endure one finding fault with all things, then endure his silence now, condemning all things. Doth peace throughout the world displease him, or victories without loss of the armies? That they would not suffer him have the desire of his overthwart ambition, who grieved at the common prosperity, thought the place of assemblies, the Theatre, and Temples, solitary places, and threatened his own banishment. These things unto him seemed not decrees, not magistrates: nor this the city of Rome: that he would abandon, and separate his life from that city, whose love in time past, and now whose sight he had cast off. When with these and the like speeches Marcellus had inveighed, grim and threatening, in voice, countenance and eyes kindled with rage: not that known, and by often use of dangers, usual heaviness, but a new and a deeper fear seized the Lords of the Senate, beholding the hands and weapons of the soldiers. Besides that, the reverent representation of Thrasea came to their imagination: and some there were which had compassion that helvidius should suffer punishment in regard of harmless affinity. What was objected against Agrippinus, but the lamentable fortune of his father? When as he innocent also, was ruined by Tiberius' cruelty. Montanus, a virtuous young man was banished, because he made show of his wit, though not with any diffamatory verses.   

VII. Soranus daughters oration in Senate, and his death.  
IN the mean season Ostorius Sabinus, Soranus accuser, cometh in, and beginneth with his friendship had with Rubellius Plautus: and that being Proconsul of Asia, he carried himself rather as fitting his own nobility, than the common good, by entertaining and nourishiug sedition among the citizens. These were stolen matters, but as if they were fresh he joined the daughter to the father's alleging that she had bestowed money upon Magicians. So it was indeed, through the love and affection Seruilia (so was she called) bore her father, and undiscretion of age; yet she consulted of nothing but of the safety of their house; or whether Nero's wrath would be pacified; or the Senators hearing of the cause, would be to the prejudice of her father. She was called into the Senate, and stood one from the other before the Consul's tribunal; the father very aged, the daughter under twenty years, a widow, and desolate, her husband Annius Pollio of late banished; and not so much as looking towards her father, whose dangers she imagined she had increased. Then the accuser ask her whether she had sold her dowry ornaments, and taken her jewel from her neck, to get money to practise magical superstitions? first prostrating herself on the ground, with a long silence and weeping, then embracing the altars, said: I have not called upon any wicked gods, I have made no devilish invocations, nor any thing else by my unhappy prayers, then that this my very good father, thou o Caesar, & you Lords of the Senate, would save alive. So I have given my jewels, and apparel, and ornaments of my dignity, even as I would have done my blood and life, if they had demanded it. Let these men heretofore unto me unknown, look what names they carry, what arts they practise: I made no mention of the Prince, unless it were among the gods. Yet my most unfortunate father knoweth it not: if it be an offence, I alone have offended. Soranus took the words out of her mouth as she was yet speaking, and cried, that she went not with him into the province: for her age Plautus could not know her; she was not confederate with her husband's crimes; she was guilty only of overgreat and tender love: and therefore whatsoever should sort to his lot, he besought them that they would separate his cause from hers; withal, hastened to cast himself in the arms of his daughter which came to meet him, if the sergeant putting themselves between them, had not hindered both. By and by the witnesses were heard; and how much pity the cruelty of the accuser had moved, so much anger P. Egnatius the witness stirred. This man being a client of Soranus, and then hired to oppress his friend, pretended gravity of the Stoical sect, in demeanour and countenance to represent the pattern of honest exercises; but in mind was traitorous, and deceitful, covering avarice, and a lewd mind: which being discovered, and made known by money, hath taught us to beware of such, as under colour of liberal sciences, are false in friendship: no less then of those which are notoriously noted for vice, and treacherous dealing. The same day was showed a notable example by Cassius Asclepiodotus, who for wealth, being the chiefest among the Bithynians, used the same tokens of kindness towards Soranus in his adversity, as before he had done in time of prosperity: for which cause being deprived of all his goods, and cast into banishment, by the justice of the gods * which lay before us a precedent as well of good as of bad. Thrasea, Soranus, & Seruilia had their choice given them what death they would have. helvidius and Paconius were banished Italy. Montanus was granted to his father, with condition that he should bear no charge in the common wealth. To the accusers Eprius & Cossutianus, to each were given 
* About 39062 pound 10. shil.  5. millions of sesterces; to Ostorius 12. hundred thousand 
* About 9375. pound. , & the ornaments of a quaestor. Then toward the evening, the Consuls Questor was sent to Thrasea, being then in his gardens, visited with a great company of noblemen and women, very attentively hearing the doctor Demetrius, one of the Cynical sect, of whom as it was to be conjectured by his countenance, and heard if they speak any thing loud, he demanded sundry questions of the nature of the soul, and of the separation of the spirit from the body; until Domitius Cacilianus, one of his familiarest friends came, and declared what the Lords of the Senate had decreed. Those which were present, bewailing and moaning Thrasea with all speed were exhorted to departed, lest their lot should be to partake the dangers of a condemned person, & persuadeth his wife Arria, who would have died with him, to follow the example of her mother Arria, to keep herself alive, and not bereave their daughter of them both, & of her only stay and support. From thence he went to his gallery, where the Questor found him, rather cheerful then sad, because he had understood that helvidius his son in law was only banished Italy. Then having received the order of the Senate, he brought helvidius and Demetrius into a chamber, and stretching out the veins of both his arms, after he saw the blood gush out, sprinkling it on the ground, and calling the Questor nearer, said: Let us sacrifice to jupiter the deliverer. Behold, young man, yet the gods preserve thee from the like luck: nevertheless thou art borne in those times, in which it is expedient to strengthen thy mind with constant examples: then the slow going out of the blood, causing grievous torments, turning to Demetrius. *  
The rest of the Latin is lost.   
FINIS.   

THE DESCRIPTION OF GERMANY: AND CUSTOMS OF THE PEOPLE, BY CORNELIUS TACITUS.  
ALL Germany is divided from the Galli, the Rhaetians, and Pannonians, with two rivers, Rhine and Danubius; from the Sarmatians and Dacians by mutual fear of one the other, or high hills. The rest the Ocean doth environ, compassing broad and wide gulfs, and large and spacious islands; the people and Kings of which hath been of late discovered by war. The river of Rhine having his beginning on the top of the inaccessible, steep Rhaetian Alps, and winding somewhat towards the West, falleth into the North Ocean. Danubius' springing from the top of the hill Abnoba, not so steep, passing by many nations, falleth by six channels into the Pontic sea: the seventh is lost in the marshes. I may think that the Germans are homebred and the natural people of their country, and not mixed with others, coming from other places; because such as in times past sought new habitations, came by sea and not by land: and that huge and spacious Ocean, and as I may term it, different from the other, is seldom traveled by our men. For besides the danger of the rough and unknown sea; who (unless it were his native soil) would leave Asia, or Africa, or Italy, and plant himself in Germany? Being a country of itself rude, and the air unpleasant and rough, to look on ill-favoured; not mannured nor husbanded. They give it out as a high point in old verses (which is the only way they maintain the memory of things, as their Annals) that the god Tuisto, son of the earth, and his son Mannus, were their first founders and beginners. To Mannus they assign three sons; whose names the Ingaevones took, a nation near the Ocean: the Istaevones, and Herminones lying between them both. But some through a licence which antiquity doth give, affirm that the King had more sons, from which more nations took their names; as the Marsi, Gambrivi, Suevi, Vandali, all true and ancient names. As for the name, Germany, it is a new name lately coined: for those which first past the river of Rhine & drove out the Gallois, were now called Tungri, now Germani: so the name of one people, not of the whole nation, growing great by little and little: as they were all at the first called for fear, as best liked the Conqueror; so at last, Germans, being a name of their own invention. And they record that Hercules, came amongst them of all that ever was the valiantest person. They go singing to the wars. And have certain verses, by singing of which, calling it Barditus, they encourage their people, and by the same song foretell the fortune of the future battle: for they both strike a fear into others, and are themselves stricken with fear, according to the measure and tune of the battle: seeming rather an harmony of valour than voices; and do affect principally a certain roughness of the voice, and a broken confuse murmur, by putting their targets before their mouths, to the end their voice by the reverberation might sound bigger and fuller. Yea some are of opinion, that Ulysses in his long and fabulous wandering, being brought to this Ocean, came into Germany, and built the town Asciburgium upon the bank of Rhine and inhabited at this day, which he called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And that an altar consecrated to Ulysses hath been found in the same place, with his father's name Laertes: and that there are yet monuments extant, and certain tombs inscribed with Greek letters, in the confines of Germany and Rhaetia: which I intent not to confirm by reasons, or confute; and therefore I leave it to every man's judgement to believe or not. For mine own part I hold with them, which think that the people of Germany, not changed and altered by marrying with other nations, have continued the true and pure nation like unto none, but themselves. And therefore you see they have all one feature and making, though they be infinite in number: fiery and grey eyes, yellow hair, great bodies, and strong at a push only. Travel and pain they cannot endure: nor yet thirst nor heat; but to hunger and cold the air and the country hath enured them. The soil, although differing somewhat in kind, yet generally is wild with woods, or unpleasant and ill-favoured with marshes: moister towards Gallia: more windy towards Noricum and Pannony: batfull enough; but bad for fruit-bearing-trees; cattle plenty, but for the most part harletry runts: their kine and labouring beast hath no beauty in him: all their joy is in plenty of them: and therein consisteth their wealth; & the wealth they chief desire. Silver & gold whether the angry or favourablegods have denied them, I doubt. Neither will I affirm that there is no vain in Germany which yieldeth silver & gold: for who hath sought it? the possession of these metals or use, they do not greatly affect. Yet vessels of plate you may see among them presented to their Ambassadors & Princes; but as smally accounted of, as if they were of earth: although the borderers for commodity of traffic, like gold and silver well; and do acknowledge and choose some coin, bearing our images. Those which dwell further in the land, go more simply to work, and according to the old manner, have no buying and selling, but by exchange of commodities. The older the money, and longest known, the better liked, as that which is toothed about like a saw: or hath the picture of a chariot drawn with two horses. They desire rather silver than gold: not for any liking unto it; but because that, being in smaller money, it is easilier put away in buying and selling of small wares. Iron they have little among them, as by their weapons it may be gathered. Few of them use swords, or great lances: but carry javelins, or as they term them Frameas, with a narrow and short iron, but so sharp and handsome, that as occasion serveth, with the same weapon they can fight both at hand, and a far off: and the horseman is contented with a shield and a framea. The footmen use weapons, to throw one man a great many, and that a great way off: naked, or covered with a light cassock. Handsomeness and neatness in attire they do not brag of, but trim and distinguish their shields only with variety of colours. Brigantine or cote of fence few have. Salet or headpiece scarce any one useth. Their horses are neither beautiful to the eye, nor swift, nor managed to the career according to our fashion; but to go on strait, or turn on the right hand so close and round, that not one drags behind another. All things well considered, their greatest strength consisteth of footmen: and therefore in their fight they mingle the one with the other; the footmen which are a chosen number out of the youth, and placed before the battle, neither going too hastily before the horsemen, nor drailing after, but marching in proportionable measure with them. There is a certain number set down, that is, of every towneship or borough an hundred, for so they term themselves: and that which was but a number at the first, is now a name and an honour. Their battles be pointed: to give ground, so as they charge lustily after, they think rather a point of good policy than cowardliness. The bodies of their soldiers they carry away, even in doubtful battles: to abandon his shield is the chiefest disgrace and offence: an ignominious person is barred from their sacrifices, and from their assemblies; and many which have fled from battles, have for shame hanged themselves. Their Kings they choose by nobleness of birth, and their Captains by valour. The King's power is restrained, and not to do what he listeth; and their Captains if they be forward in sight, and in the point of the battle, are admired and reverenced rather for their example, than commandry. Power to punish, to emprison or beat, none have but Priests: yet that not as a punishment, or at the captains commandment; but as it were by the commandment of God, whom they believe doth assist warriors in battles; and carry before them certain images, and monuments taken out of the woods. And which is the chiefest encouragement of all, they make not their pointed battle at hap hazard, of all persons as they come; but of their family and friends, and kinsfolk, with their children not far of; from whence they may hear the howling of their wives, and crying of their children: which are to all, sacred witnesses of their valour, and best commenders. They go when they are hurt to their mothers and wives; which are not afeard to number or suck their wounds; and carry the soldiers meat, and encourage them to stand to it. It is reported that some battles, even ready as it were to be lost, and discomfited, have been by the women's earnest prayers, exposing their bodies to the danger, and by showing how near at hand their captivity was, recovered again: which in regard of their wives is a greater grief and hartbreake unto them; in so much that those cities are more straightly bound, which amongst other hostages have delivered also noblemen's daughters: for they dream that they have in them I know not what holiness & foresight of things; which maketh them regard their counsel, & give credit to their oracle. Under Vespasian of famous memory, we have seen Velleda a long time and with many nations counted as some divine thing: and in times past did adore Aurinia, and many others, not of flattery, or as though they would have made them goddesses.  

II. Their religion and policy.  
OF all the gods, they adore especially Mercury; unto whom they think it lawful certain days, to offer men in sacrifice: but Hercules and Mars they pacify with beasts, lawfully killed to that use: & some of the Suevians sacrifice to Isis. What reason they have to use that strange sacrifice, I know not: unless it be that the image of that goddess, being fashioned in form of that kind of boat, doth declare that their religion hath been brought them from a strange country. They think it a matter il beseeming the greatness of the gods, to enclose them within walls, or paint them in man's shape. They consecrate woods and forests; which secret places they call by the names of gods: which they see only by apprehension and reverence.  
Soothsaying and lots they observe above all others. Their custom in casting of lots is without fraud: for they cut a branch from a fruit-bearing-tree, into many pieces; and distinguished with several marks cast them upon a white garment, at adventure: then if the matter belong to a commonalty, the Priest; if to a private person, the master of the house having prayed the gods, and looking up to the heaven, taketh up every of them three times: and interpreteth them according to their marks. If the lots fall contrary to their minds, they consult no more that day, the same matter. But if they do, yet they will try what further credit there is in Soothsaying: for they are not ignorant in this country of observing the singing of birds and their flying, consulting with their gods of both. And it is a thing peculiar unto that country to try the presages and warnings of horses; which are bred and maintained in those woods and forests, white, unbacked, or unlaboured: which harnessed and put to a sacred chariot, the Priest, King, or Prince of the city do follow; observing their noise and neighing. Of all presages this is of greatest credit with the Priests, noblemen, and common people: thinking themselves ministers of the gods; and the horses privy to their secrets. They have another observation among them, by which they search out the event of great and weighty battles; which is this. They get some one, how they can, of that nation with whom the war shall be; and take another choice man of their own, and arm them, each according to his fashion; and so try their valour: and by that prejudice, conjecture on whose side the victory shall fall. In small matters, the Princes themselves determine of them: but if they be of importance, they all in general consult: but yet so, that those things whose determination belong to the people, are concluded before the Prince. And unless some casual or sudden accident fall out, they make their assemblies certain days, either in the first quarter or full moon; thinking that to be the luckiest time to begin their works. The number of days they reckon not, as we do, but of nights; and in them make their appointments, and sommonces to appear, thinking that the day is governed by the night. Their liberty is cause, that they meet not together, nor as they are commanded, but spend two or three days in expecting one another. They sit armed as they come, and the Priest, who hath authority to punish, commandeth silence. Then the King or Prince, or every man according to his age, nobility, and renown of war, or as he is eloquent, beginneth to speak. Using rather persuasion than authority of commanding. If their opinion mislike them, they reject it with a murmuring noise: if it liked, they shake their javelins: but the most honourable manner of liking is to approve it by their weapons. It is lawful in their council to accuse, and arraign in criminal causes. Punishments are distinguished by the offence: traitors and fugitives they hang on trees: the cowardly and unwarlike, and such as were unnaturally lewd of their bodies, they did drown in mud and marrishes, and cover them with hurdles. The drift of that diversity of punishments was; to declare that it was expedient to show offences as they were, in punishing, but hide heinous crimes. But in lesser trespasses, according to the quality of the punishments, the parties convicted, are fined, in some number of horses, or other cattle; whereof part goeth to the King, or city; part to the party damnified, or to his kindred. In the same counsels they choose rulers, to administer justice in towns and villages: which have an hundred chosen out of the people, to accompany them, which are as their counsel, and authority. They consult neither of public nor private affairs but armed: but yet it is not the manner for any to take weapons, unless he have been judged before by the city able to use them: and then in the council, either one of the governors, or his father, or some one of his kindred, doth honour the young man with a shield and a Framea. This is with them a gown; this is the first honour given to young men: before reputed a part of their particular house, but from thence forward, of the common wealth. High nobility, or merit of predecessors, maketh their children although they be but young, worthy of dignity, which associate themselves to the stronger, and long tried: and take it for no disgrace, to be seen among their followers: among which there be likewise degrees according to his discretion of whose train they be. And there is a great emulation among the followers who should be in greatest favour with his Prince: and amongst the Princes, who should have the greatest number following him, and most courageous. This is their honour, this their strength; to be guarded always with a company of choice youth: which is a credit and reputation, in peace; and in war, a defence. And it is not only an honour and glory in ones own nation to have a gallant number, and a valiant in his train; but is also a matter of reputation with cities adjoining: as men sought unto by Ambassadors: and presented with gifts: and do oftentimes by their only fame end wars. When they come to join battle, it is a dishonour to the Prince, to be overcome in valour: and to his followers, not to go as far in prowess as their Prince. Now to return alive from that battle, in which his Prince is slain, is a perpetual infamy and reproach: being the principallest part of their oath, to defend and maintain him, and ascribe their own exploits to his glory and honour. Prince's fight for victory; the followers, for the Prince. If the city wherein they are borne, grow lazy with a long peace, and idleness; most of the young noblemen, go of their own will to those nations, wherein there is wars: because that nation disliketh rest and quietness: as winning greater renown in doubtful and hazardeous attempts; and not able to entertain so great number of followers, but by violence and war: sometimes by the liberality of their Prince getting that horse of service, and bloody and conquering sword. Their banquets, and large, but rude diet, is instead of pay: but matter to minister liberality cometh by war and rapine. To manure the ground, or expect the season, thou canst not so easily persuade them; as to provoke the enemy, and deserve wounds: to get that with the sweat of thy brows, which thou mayst win by the loss of thy blood, they hold as an idle & slothful part. When they are not busied in wars, they give not themselves much to hunting: but spend more of their time in idleness, as a people much given to sleep and feed. When the valiantest and warlikest are idle, they commit the care of household affairs & tillage, to women & old men, & to the weakest of their family; and do themselves grow heavy and lazy: a strange diversity of disposition, that the same men should so much love sloth, and hate quietness. The custom is in cities to bestow by pole upon the Princes, either of their cattle or grain, which is received as an honour, yet supplieth their wants. But above all, they are exceeding glad if any thing be presented them by neighbour-nations, which do send sometimes in particular, sometimes in common: as choice horses, great weapons, furniture for horse, and chains; and now we have taught them also to receive money. It is well known that the Germans dwell in no cities, nor will not suffer their houses to join together, but asunder, the one from the other, as they liked best of their fountains, fields, or wood. They build not their villages as we do, one house close to another: but every man leaveth a space about his house, either as a remedy against misfortunes of fire, or by unskilfulness in building. Parget and mortar they use not, nor tiles: and use to all buildings unsquared and unwrought timber, without any beauty or delight, but do daub some places very diligently with such a clear and shining earth, that it resembleth a picture, or draft of colours. It is a fashion amongst them to dig deep caves under ground, and cover them over with dung, as a succour in the winter, and garner for their grain; tempering the rigour of the cold by such places: and if at any time the enemy come upon them, he forageth all open places, but hidden under ground, are either not found, or else are saved, because they are driven to seek them. They all wear a kind of cassock called sagum, clapsed, or for want of one, fastened with a thorn, and having no other garment, but naked, lie all day in the hearth, or by the fire. The richer sort are distinguished from the others by their garments, which are not large and wide as the Sarmates and Parthians use to wear them, but strait, and showing the proportion of every part of the body. Besides, they wear certain pelts made of beasts skins; those near the Rhene-banke carelessly; but those which are farther off more curiously, as never trimming themselves with far-fet merchandise. They make choice of certain beasts, and here and there speck their skins with spots: and the like with the skins of beasts taken in the farthest Ocean, or unknown sea. The man and woman's attire differeth in nothing, saving that the women often use linen garments trimmed and interlaced with purple: and the upper parts of their bodies without sleeves, their arms bare, and their bosom naked and uncovered. Yet matrimony is severely kept among them: the thing most commendable of all their manner of life: for of all barbarous people, they alone content themselves, every man with one wife, except some very few: which not for unruly lust, but for their nobility are sued unto for sundry marriages. The wife gives not a dowry to her husband, but the husband to the wife. Their parents and near kinsmen are present, when they give any gifts the one to the other: which are not exquisite as to dainty dames, or for to beautify and trim the new married wife; but oxen, and a horse with furniture, and a shield with a sword, and launce. With these gifts the wife is taken, and she also doth bring her husband some arms: this is the greatest bond: these are the secret ceremonies: these they think to be the gods of marriage. And lest the woman should think herself exempt and free from bonds of virtue, or hazards of war, in the very beginnings and first speech of marriage, she is put in mind, that she cometh as a companion of his labours and dangers: and that she shall suffer and venture the fame in peace and war that he doth: that is the signification and construction of the oxen yoked, of the horse with bridle and furniture, this the meaning of the weapons and arms given on one side and the other: thus she must live, thus she must die: she receiveth that which she must deliver unviolated and pure to her children, which their daughters in law do receive as worthy things, and yield again to their nephews. They live therefore in most strait chastity, uncorrupted with the allurements of shows and spectacles, or provocations in banqueting. As well men as women are ignorant of the secrets of learning. Adultery is seldom committed in so populous a nation, and the punishment for it incontinently inflicted, as best liketh the husband: who having cut her hair, turneth her naked out of his house in the presence of her kinsfolks, and driveth and beateth her throughout all the town: no pardon given to her that hath violated her chastity: neither for her beauty, nor age, nor wealth, can she ever after find another husband▪ No man laugheth at vices: neither when any is corrupted, or doth corrupt, do they say, it is the time. Yet there is one thing more commendable in those cities, that only virgins do marry, and that only once, and the man the like, contracting with the hope and desire of one wife. As they have but one body, one life; so they take but one husband: that they might have no other thoughts, no farther desires, nor love him as so deserving it, but because of matrimony. To prescribe a certain number of children, or kill any of their near kindred, they count it a heinous crime. Good manners are of greater authority and force among them, than elsewhere good laws. They grow to have these great limbs and bodies which we marvel at, naked, and slovenly in every house. Every mother nurseth her own children with her own breasts, and send them not to nurses or other women. Thou shalt not know the Lord from the slave, by any note of dainty and nice education: for they live amongst the same cattle, and on the same ground, until age doth distinguish the 〈…〉 his valour make him known. Young men give not themselves too 〈…〉 e with women; and therefore decay not so soon: neither are 〈…〉ed to marry: they are of the same years, of like growth: they are 〈…〉 with such as are of like strength; and the children express and show the strength of their parents. Sister's children are as much set by in their uncles house, as in their fathers. Some are of opinion, that this bond of blood is the straightest and holiest, and most of all required, in taking of hostages: as those which are of a more constant mind, and in the family the greatest part: yet every man's children succeed as heirs: and testament they make none at all. If there be no children to succeed, the next in degree are brothers, uncles by the father's side and by the mothers. The more kindred, the greater affinity, the more an old man is honoured: and to be without children, is of no reputation. They must as well become enemy to their father's enemies or kinsman's, as friend to their friends. Their hatred is not implacable: for man's slaughter itself is satisfied and redeemed with a certain number of beasts, which contenteth the whole family, and is profitable for the common good: for where liberty is, there private enmities are dangerous.   

III. Their domestical life and behaviour.  
GReater hospitality and entertainment is no where more bountiful than there, being a cursed deed to bar any man his house: and not give him meat and drink according to his ability. When all is spent, the last host will be a guide and companion unto him to the next house uninuited: for that skilleth not; but are received with like courtesy: in respect of hospitality making no difference whether he be of acquaintance or not. If any thing be demanded of him which is going away, the manner is to grant it; and he may with like facility ask again. Gifts are things which please them well: but those which give them do not think they do you a benefit therein, and those which receive them not bound or beholden for them. They entertain their guests courteously: immediately after they rise (which for the most part is very late and the day well spent) they wash, and most commonly in warm water, as having long winters: and when they have washed, they fall to eat, every man his stool and his mess to himself: then they fall to their business; and as oft to banquet and make good cheer all armed. To sit a tippling a day and a night, is no disgrace to any. There arise many quarrels (as commonly it happeneth where drunkards meet) which seldom end with brawling and injurious terms, but oftener with murder and hurt. In their banquets they consult of peace and war, make atonements betwixt such as are at debate, make marriages, and choose their Princes: as a time when the mind is never more open to plain dealing; or more stirred up to great attempts. The people being neither crafty nor subtle, through the liberty of the place doth them most discover the secrets of his breast. Every man's mind then being open and discovered, the next day, they weigh and examine it; with a regard had to both the times. They deliberate when they cannot dissemble; and resolve when they cannot err. Their drink is a liquor made of barley and corn, corrupted into the likeness of wine. But those which dwell near the bank of Rhine, buy wine: their meats are simple; wild Apples; fresh venison; or curds or cream: they drive away hunger without any solemn service, ordainties: but against thirst they use not the like temperance. If thou wilt please their humour in drunkenness, in giving them what they ask: they will be as easily overcome with vices as arms. They have but one and the same kind of: pastime in every assembly. Young men, which know the sport cast themselves naked, and leap between swords and lances. Practise bred the art of doing it, and art the grace; yet neither for gain nor recompense: albeit the reward of bold and rash toys is the delight of the beholder. And (which thou wouldst marvel at) fresh and fasting, they play at dice, as a matter of serious and earnest business, with such a rash desire of winning and losing; that when all else is lost, they lay their liberty and body upon the last throw: and he who is overcome entereth a voluntary servitude: and although he be younger, and stronger; yet suffereth himself to be bound and sold. Such is their obstinacy in a bad matter; which they call faith: but slaves of this condition, they make away by merchandise, to rid themselves of the shame of such a victory. Their other slaves they employ not in certain affairs of house, as we do ours; but every one governeth his own house and household. The Lord enjoineth him to pay a certain of corn; or cattle, or apparel, as he doth his tenant, which the bondslave performeth & no more: other duties of house belong to the wife & children. It is a rare matter to beat their slaves, or overlabour or emprison them: yet they are wont to kill them; not by discipline and severity, but carried away with sudden anger, as against an enemy, saving that it is unpunished. The freed men are not much above the slave; they seldom bear any sway in the house or city, saving in those countries which have a King. For there they are in greater authority, than either free borne or noblemen: in other countries freed men being of unequal condition, make liberty better known. To practise usury, and in rich themselves with it, they know not what it meaneth: which is better kept then if it were forbidden. All the ground the inhabitants about do possess, according to their number: which they divide among themselves, according to their calling; which is easily done by reason the fields are so spacious. Their earable land they change by years: and let only; not labouring to overcome the fertileness and largeness of it by industry; by planting of orchards; enclosing their meadows; and watering their gardens: only they use much tillage. Hereupon they divide not the year into so many seasons, as we do: the winter, spring time, and summer, they understand, and have names for: but as for the autumn, as well the name, as the commodities it bringeth, are unknown. Ambition they use none in their funerals: only that one thing is observed; that the bodies of noblemen are burned with a certain kind of wood. The pile of the funeral fire, they do neither fill up with apparel nor sweet odours: every man's arms, and sums horse was burnt likewise. The tomb is raised up with turns of earth: great works and laborious monuments they despise as heavy for the dead: lamentation and tears they quickly forbear; but grief and sorrow slowly. It is seemly enough for the women to mourn; and for men to remember the dead. This is it which we have learned in general, of the beginning and customs of the Germans. Now I will lay down the ordinances and customs of every people in particular; and how they differ; and what nations have gone out of Germany, to the Gallois.   

FOUR What Gallois have passed into Germany.  
IVlius of famous memory, the chiefest of all authors doth deliver, that the state of the Gallois hath in times past been of greater force and power, than now it is: and therefore not unlike, but the Gallois went into Germany. For what great hindrance could the river be; that, every nation as he was strong, should not set himself in possession and change seats, yet unoccupied, and not divided by any power of kingdoms? Therefore the Helvetians held that which lieth between the Hercynian forest, and the two rivers Rhine and Moene: and the Boijs that which is beyond, both nations of Gallia. The name of the Boiemi doth yet continue, and doth signify the old memory of theplace, although the inhabitants be changed: But whether the Aravisci from the Osi, a people of Germany, came into Pannonia; or the Osi from the Auarisci into Germany, is yet uncertain: considering they use the same language, laws, and customs: for being equal in times passed in poverty and liberty; the commodities and discommodities of both the banks were common to them alike. The Treveri and the Neruij ambitiously seem to have their beginning from the Germans: as though by this glory of blood, they should be unlike, and differ in cowardliness from the Gallois. Without all doubt the bank of Rhine is inhabited with the people of Germany, the Vangiones, Treboci, Nemetes. The Vbijs, albeit they have deserved to be a Roman colony: and desire to be called rather Agrippinians by the name of their foundress, though not ashamed of their beginning, have heretofore passed over; and for good proof of their fidelity, have been planted upon the bank of Rhine, to keep off others, and not for any safety of their own. Of all these nations, the chiefest in valour are the Batavians, which enjoy small part of the bank of Rhine, but inhabit an Island of the river ofRhene; in times past a people of the Cattis, and went by reason of civil sedition into those countries to be a part of the Roman Empire. The honour and marks of ancient alliance do yet continue, for they are neither contemned by paying tributes, nor oppressed by the farmer of public revenues. They are exempted from charges and contributions, as reserved for use of war, as it were arms and weapons. The Mattiaci do the like allegiance: for the greatness of the people of Rome hath been enlarged further than the old bounds of the Empire did extend, and beyond the Rhine. Therefore in regard of their habitation and bounds, they inhabit the bank, but in heart and mind dwell with us: in other things like the Batavians; saving that by reason of their soil and air, they are more forward and stout. I will not account them among the people of Germany, albeit they are planted beyond Rhine, and the Danube, of whose land the tenth is raised. The lewdest of all the Gallois, and whom need hath driven to venture, have possessed that country as doubtfully holden. Not long after, having enlarged their bounds, and placed fortresses farther, they are within the compass of the Empire, and are a part of the province. Beyond these, the Cattians begin from the Hercynian forest, but have not so wide & marish a country, as the other cities in which Germany doth open and spread itself: for the hills are one by another, and continue a certain space, and then by little and little wax thinner: and the Hercynian forest doth contain the Cattis, and is the bounds of their territory. They are a people hardened to labour, well set, stern countenanced, and of greater courage. As Germans go, they are sensible wise men, and considerate: they prefer choice men, hearken to their leaders, know their ranks, know where advantages are, bridle their heat, dispose of the day to their benefit, entrench in the night, hold fortune among things doubtful, and esteem of valour as of certainty: and which is most rare, and understood only by discipline, they repose more assurance in their leader, then in the army. All their strength consisteth in footmen, whom besides their arms they load with iron tools and provision. Thou mayst see others go to skirmish: but the Cattis march to war. They seldom skirmish, or fight at adventure. Their horsemen are of this property, that they either quickly win the victory, or yield. Suddenness is near unto fear; linger draweth nearer constancy. And that which is seldom used among other people of Germany, through their boldness and hardiness it is grown to a common consent among the Catteans: that is, when they come to ripe years, they suffer their hair and beard to grow at length; and never put off that vowed ornament of the face, and as it were a bond of virtue, until they have killed an enemy. Upon blood and spoil, they uncover their forehead, and say, they have paid back the price of their birth; and think themselves worthy of their country and parents: the cowardly and unwarlike remain in their ilfavourednes. Besides this, every man as he is most valiant, weareth an iron ring (an ignominious thing to that people) as it were a bond, until they rid themselves of it, by killing an enemy. This quality pleaseth many of the Catteans. And then they grow grey, respected of their own people and enemies: these begin every battle: these make always the first rank; strange to behold: for in time of peace, they are altogether as fierce in countenance. There is not one of them that hath a house, or living, or care of any thing. As they come to every man's house they are maintained: prodigal of other men's; and contemners of their own: until through feeble old age, they are no longer able to endure so hard a labour.   

V Of the Tencterians, Chamavians, and Frisians.  
NExt unto the Cattis, the Vsipij and Tencteri do inhabit the Rhine, running in a certain channel, and which may suffice for a bound. The Tencteri besides their ancient renown of wars, excel the rest in service of horse: and the Catteans deserve no greater commendation for footmen, than the Tencterians for horsemen. So did their predecessors ordain it, and successors follow it. These are the children's pastimes; this the emulation betwixtyong men; and old men continue the same; and horses are delivered, as rights of inheritance among the family: and the sons receive them, though not the eldest, but he who is most courageous, and likeliest to make a marshal man. Hard by the Tencteri, in times past the Bructeri did inhabit; but now it is reported that the Chamavians, and Angrivarians, are entered into that country, and wholly rooted out and chased the Bructerians, by agreement of nations adjoining: either as hating them for their pride, or for sweetness of prey, or some favour of the gods towards us; as not denying us the spectacle of the battle, wherein there were slain threescore thousand, not by the Roman arms and weapons: but, which is more glorious, to show us pastime, and please our eye. I wish that if those people cannot love us, that they would hate one another, seeing that the state of the Empire fatally declining, fortune can do us no greater favour, then sow sedition among the enemies. The Angrivarians and Chamavians, have behind them the Dulgibini and Chasuari, and other nations not greatly spoken of; and before them the Frisians. The Frisians are called great or small, according to their strength: the Rhine bordering both unto the Ocean, and besides that, do comprehend huge and spacious lakes, which the Roman navy hath past: yea and the Ocean itself we have entered into and tried on that side. And the fame goeth, that Hercules pillars are yet there to be seen; either because Hercules went so far, or else because by common consent all that is any where magnifical, is attributed to his renown. Drusus Germanicus wanted not courage: but the Ocean hindered us for being over inquisitive of him or Hercules. After that, no man assayed to do it, as being an act of greater devotion and reverence, to believe the actions of the gods, rather than know them. Hitherto we have seen the West part of Germany: towards the North it goeth bowing with a great compass. And first of all the people of the Chauceans, although they begin at the Frisians, and possess part of the shore, coast all those nations I have made mention of, until they wind into the Cattis; and so spacious and huge country the Chauci do not only hold, but fill likewise: of all the Germane nation the noblest; and desirous to maintain their greatness by justice: without covetousness or unbridled lust, quiet and retired; stir up no wars, never waste, spoil, nor rob. And which is a special mark of their valour and strength, they got not their superiority over others by any wrongs offered. Yet they are all ready for war, and if occasion require to make an army, wanting neither horse nor men: and although they lie quiet, yet their reputation is never the lesser. On the side of the Chauci and Catti, the Cherusci have nourished long, being never provoked, an idle and lazy peace: which was more sweet than safe unto them, because there is no sure peace between stirring and strong people. For when the matter is come to handstrokes, modesty and good dealing be terms which belong to superiors. So the Cherusci in times past good and just, are now called cowards and fools: and the fortune of the Cattis being favourable, is cause that they are counted wise. The Fosi, a people bordering upon the Cherusci, are touched with their ruin, companions in their adversity, though in prosperity they were inferior unto them. near unto the same coast of the Ocean, the Cimbrians inhabit; now a small people, but highly renowned: having yet remaining certain marks of their old glotie; to wit, on both the banks, trenches and lodges: by the circuit of which, thou mayst yet measure the greatness and strength of that nation, and believe the number of so great an army. It was six hundred and forty years after the foundation of our city, before the Cimbrians arms were heard of, when Caecilius Metellus, and Papirius Carbo were Consuls. From that time, unto the second time that the Emperor trajan was Consul, by just account, are two hundred and ten years: and so many years we were a conquering Germany. In the middle time, there were many losses on both parts. Not the Samnites, not the carthaginians, not the Spaniards, or the Gallois; no, not the Parthian have so often troubled us: the liberty of the Germans being more earnest, than the kingdom of the Arsacides. For what can the East object against us, saving the death of Crassus, when he had defeated Pacorus, before trodden down by Ventidius? But the Germans, having either slain or taken Carbo and Cassius, and Scaurus Aurelius, and Servilius Cepio, and M. Manlius, have defeated also five consulary armies, and Varus with three legions in Caesar's time: neither have C. Marius in Italy, or julius in Gallia, Drusus, and Nero, and Germanicus, molested them in their houses without blows. After that C. Caesar's great threatenings were turned to a jest. Then there was quietness, until our civil wars gave them occasion, when they had taken the standing camps of the legions, to have a desire to enter Gallia: from whence being again driven out, in late times, they have been rather triumphed over then vanquished.   

VI The Suevians and other people.  
NOw we will speak of the Suevi, which are not one nation as the Cattis and Tencteri: and possessing the greater part of Germany, and severed by peculiar names and countries: although by one general name they be called Suevi: whose mark is to curl their hair and tie it on knots. By that the Suevian is distinguished from the other Germans: and the free borne Suevian from the bond man. That in other countries is used also but seldom times, either for affinity with the Suevians; or as it often happeneth by imitation, and whilst they be young: but the Suevians even until they be old and grey, have their hair standing an end, and often tie it on the crown only: princes wear it after a finer fashion. That is the harmless care they have of their beauty. For they use it not, either to win love, or be beloved: but turn it up to a certain height, to seem to the enemy more terrible, when they go thus trimmed to the war. The Semnones say, they are the most ancient of the Suevians, and the most noble. The credit of their antiquity they confirm with this ceremony. At certain times, all of one blood meet by their deputies in a wood, reputed holy by the auguration of their forefathers, and ancient reverence; where publicly killing a man, they celebrate the barbarous beginnings of their ceremony. Yet there is another reason why the wood is had in reverence. No man entereth into it, but bound with somewhat as an inferior person, and acknowledging the power of the god. If he fall by chance; it is not lawful for him to rise, or get up: but is rolled out: all their superstition tending to this that from thence the nation had his beginning: that there dwelleth the God, ruler of all others; and unto whom all other things are subject and obedient. The fortune of the Semnones giveth this authority: their country is inhabited by an hundred villages: and by their great body, they take themselves to be the head of the Suevians. Contrarily, the Longobards are renowned, by reason their number is so small: that being hemmed in with many, very puissant nations; yet maintain themselves, not by doing any duty to any but by wars and dangers. After them the Reudigni, and Auiones, and Angli, and Varini, and Eudoses, and Suardones, and Nuithones, are defended by rivers or woods: having no notable thing particular in any; saving that generally they adore Herthum, that is, the mother-earth, whom they believe to be present at men's affairs. There is a wood called Castum in an Island of the Ocean, and a chariot dedicated in it, covered with apparel, which one Priest only may lawfully touch. He knoweth that the goddess is in some secret part of the house, and followeth her with great reverence as she is lead by Kowes: and make those holy days & places of joy which she vouchsafeth to honour with her presence. War they make none, nor put on any armour, nor show any weapon: but peace and quietness is only known and loved: until the same priest, bring back the goddess to her Temple, filled with the conversation of mortal men. Then the chariot and the apparel, if you will believe it, the divinity itself is washed in some secret lake: bond men minister unto her, which the same lake doth incontinently swallow up. Whereof ariseth a secret terror, and an holy ignorance, what that should be, which they only see which are a perishing. And this part of Suevia, reacheth far within the country of Germany: the nearer (that I may describe that part which lieth by Danub, as I have done that which lieth along the Rhine) is the city of the Hermunduri, faithful to the Romans: and therefore of all the Germans traffic, not only upon the bank of Rhine, but even within the heart of the country, and in the most famous colony of the Province Rhaetia. These go all over without a guard: and whereas we show other nations, sometimes our arms, sometimes our camp; to these we lay open our houses, and villages, as people not desiring them. In the country of the Hermunduri, the river Albis hath his beginning, in times past a famous river and well known; but now only heard of. near unto the Hermundurians dwell the Narisci, the Marcomani, and Quadi. The greatest renown and strength that the Marcomans have, is in that they got their dwellings by valour and driving out in times past the Boiens. Neither do the Narisci, and the Quadi degenerate. And that is as it were the frontier of Germany, on that side which the Danube borders. The Marcomani and the Quadi, had even until times of our memory, Kings of their own nation, of the noble stock of the Marobodui, and Tudri: but now they suffer strangers; which have their strength and power, by the authority of the Romans: and seldom use our arms, but are often helped with our money. Neither are the Marsigni, Gothini, Osi, Burij, which are behind the Marcomani and Quadi, of lesser valour: among which the Marsigni, and Burij, resemble the Suevians in speech and attire. The Gallican tongue doth convince the Gothinos, and the pannonical the Osoes, not to be Germans: and that they endure to pay tribute; part of the tribute the Sarmates, part the Quadi charge them with, as strangers. The Gothini, the more to their shame, dig for mines of iron: and all these people inhabit small store of plain ground, but wood-landes, and hill tops. Suevia is divided by a continual ridge of hills, beyond which dwell many nations: amongst which, the name of the Lygians is farthest spread into many cities. It will suffice to reckon the strongest, as the Arios, Helueconas, Maninos, Elysios, Naharualos. Among the Naharualians there is a wood long agone consecrated to religion, over which a Priest appareled in woman's attire is superintendant: but the Romans interpret them to be the goddess Castor and Pollux. The name of the god is Alcis. Images there are none, nor sign of strange superstition: yet they are reverenced as brothers, and two young men. But the Arij besides their strength, wherein they go beyond the other people I have made mention of, fell and cruel, do set forth their natural fierceness with art, & time: for they use black targets, and die their bodies with the same colour, and choose the darkest nights to fight in, striking a terror with the shadow of so deadly an army, into the enemies; none of them able to endure so strange and as it were hellish sight, the eyes being first overcome in all battles. Beyond the Lygians the Gothones live under Kings in a more severe government than the other people of Germany, and not in full liberty. Then from the Ocean follow the Rugij, & Lemovij, all of them bearing for their mark round bucklers, and short swords, and living under the subjection of Kings. After those are the cities of the Suionians, situated in the Ocean; besides men and armour, strong in shipping; which in making differ from other vessels, in that both ends are foreparts, ready to land at each end, without sail, or oars in a rank in the sides, but the mariners are at liberty ready to change hither and thither, as occasion serveth, as in some other rivers. Those people esteem of riches: and therefore one hath amongst them absolute rule and government, and not at the will of the subject. They are not all licenced to wear weapons as in other parts of Germany, but their weapons are shut up under a keeper, and that a slave, because the enemy can make no sudden incursion against them, by reason of the Ocean. If the soldiers be idle and at rest, they easily grow insolent: and in deed it is not for the King's profit to commit the charge of armour to noblemen, or free borne, or freed men. Beyond the Suionas, there is another sea so slow and almost immovable, that many think it to be the bounds which compass in the whole world, because that the Sun continueth so clear and bright from his setting till the rising, that it darkeneth the stars. And some are further persuaded, that the sound of him is hard as he riseth out of the sea: and many shapes of gods seen, and the beams of his head. So far the fame is true, and that there was the end of nature and the world. Now on the right shore of the Swevian sea the Aestyans inhabit, whose manner of life is like the Swevians, but their language more like the Britain's language. They adore the mother of the gods: for a skutchion of their superstition, they carry the pictures of wild Boars. That serveth them for all weapons and all defence, and assureth all those which worship that goddess, even amongst the enemies. They have small use of iron, but great, of clubs. They sow corn and plant fruits, more painfully, than ordinarily the slothful Germane is accustomed to do. They search out what the sea will yield: and only amongst all, gather on the flats, and on the very shore Rosin 
* or Amber. , which they call Glesum. Yet they have not sought out (so barbarous they are) what is the nature of it, or by what means it is engendered. Yea a long time i● lay as nought worth, like other purge of the sea, until our wantonness gave it a name. They have no use of it themselves: but gather it foul & filthy; & so bring it, and marvel at the price we give for it. But it is the juice of trees: for there shine in them some birds or foul, which wrapped in the humour, and afterwards waxed hard, are so shut in it. And as in the secret places of the East, there are fertile woods and forests, which sweat Frankincense and Balms: so may I believe that in the islands of the West, there are others, which being near to the sun beams, yield an humour, which melted runneth into the next sea, and by force of tempest is carried to the opposite shore. If by fire thou wilt make proof what the nature of Amber is, it will burn like unto wood pitched and rosened: and nourisheth a fat and strong savouring fire: then waxeth pliant and clammy like Rosin or Pitch. Hard by the Suionians, be the Sitones: alike in all things, saving one, which is, that a woman is their ruler: so far they degenerate, not only from liberty, but also from bondage: and there is the end of Suevia. I am in doubt, whether I should reckon the Peucinians, Venedians, and Fennians, among the Germans, or Sarmates: although the Peucinians, which some call Bastarnas, resemble the Germans in language, behaviour, housing, & dwelling: but all are generally, slovenly and lazy: and the noblemen allied by marriage with the Sarmates, are somewhat transformed into their usage: and the Venedians have learned many of their fashions also. For they scour and rob all the hills & woods which lie between the Peucinians and Fennians. Yet these may rather be accounted Germans; because they build houses, carry targets, and are good footmen. None of which the Sarmates do use, but always ride in chariot, or on horseback. The Fennians are very barbarous & beggarly: having neither arms, horses, nor houses; no food but herbs; no apparel but leather pelts; no bedding but the ground: having all their hope in their arrows, which for want of iron, they head with bones. Man and woman liveth by the same hunting: for the women follow, and ask for part of the pray. Young children have no other succour against wild beasts, and hard weather, but some coverture made of boughs: that is the lodging of young and old. That they think to be more glorious and magnifical, than toil in manuring the earth; and trouble themselves in building; and turmoil betwixt hope and fear, about their own and other men's goods. Thus secure against men and gods, they have won this hard point, that they need make no vows at all. The rest is fabulous, as that the Hellusijs, and Oxionae, have the visage and countenance of men, but the bodies and members of beasts: which I leave as a thing to me unknown.   
FINIS.