¶ The history of Italy, a book exceeding profitable to be red: Because it entreateth of the estate of many and divers common weals, how they have been, & now be governed.  
ANNO DOMINI. M. D. XLIX.  
TB.   

The contents of this book.  

THe description of Italy.  
¶ Of the estate of Italy in general.  
¶ Abbrigement of the estate of Italy, from the beginning until the Roman empire was utterly divided.  
¶ The description of Rome, and of the marvelous antiquities there.  
¶ Of the present estate of Rome.  
¶ Abbrigement of the lives of the Roman bishops.  
¶ The Venetian estate: and the order of their common weal.  
¶ The description of Naples.  
¶ The History of Naples.  
¶ The description of Florence.  
¶ The estate of Florence.  
¶ The description of Genoa.  
¶ The estate of Genoa.  
¶ The description of milan.  
¶ The estate of milan.  
¶ The estate of Mantua.  
¶ The estate of Ferrara.  
¶ The estate of Placentia and Parma.  
¶ The estate of Urbine.    

¶ To the right honourable and mine especial good lord, Iohn earl of Warrewike, Uisconte Lisle, knight of the most noble order of the Garter, lord great chambrelaine, and high admiral of England.  
THough many wise and learned men have so substantially set forth the infinite commodities that grow of the reading of histories, that my wits can not attain to a small part of the due commendation thereof: Yet seeing my travail at this present hath been to publish unto our own nation in our mother tongue the doings of strangers, and specially of the Italian nation, which seemeth to flourisshe in civility most of all other at this day: me thought I could no less do for the incourageing of them that shall take this book in hand, than partly rehearse what profit they may gather by traveling therein. First they shall see, upon what little beginning many great astates have risen, and how they that have had the power to rule, by using their authorities well and prudently, have merited immortal fame of honour and praise: and by using tyranny and ill governance, have contrariwise borne eternal slander and shame. It encourageth the virtuous men, by the examples that they read, to increase in virtue and nobility: and showeth the vicious, what the fruit of their abuses are, and how naughty doings have moste commonly naughty ending. It moveth the noble prince to maintain peace and justice: and showeth the tyrant, what plagues follow of war and cruelty: and that though his tyranny pass unplagued in this world (which happeneth seldom) yet shall his name be hated and cursed in all ages and amongst all nations, as Nero, Heliogabalus and such other princes be. It showeth also, how mutable fortune is, and how that, which hath been gotten with extreme peines, unmeasurable expenses, and unreasonable effusion of blood, hath been lost in a moment: and that commonly he that hath conquered most in war, at the best is yet a loser: and finally, that of division, either amongst the nobility or the commons, there ensueth utter destruction of realms, and subversion of common wealths: Whereunto there is none so great a minister as the alteration of ancient laws and customs.  
¶ All these things, with infinite more, histories do so set forth to the eyes of princes (if they read them well) that their hearts shallbe more inclined with peace and justice to enrich their subjects, and thereby procure theim selfes glory, than by murdering of innocentes, ravishing of honest wives and maidens, burning, spoiling and destruction of countries (which are the effects of war) to make theim selfes conquerors of that they can not long enjoy. For surely, more preise shall that prince deserve, that leaveth his realm quiet and wealthy unto his successor, than he that for the conquest of other countries enpoverissheth and disturbeth his own.  
¶ And because this little work declareth both these extremities, as well what a numbered of beautiful cities have been edified, and what great countries have been enriched by peace and concord, as also how many goodly things and wonderful regions have been destroyed by strife and war: Therefore would I wish all noble men to read it, to the end they may hereof take occasion so honourably to spend their life time, that after their death, they may shine in fame for ever.  
¶ And knowing your lordship for your excellent feats of chivalry, both by sea and land, to be such a one as is able to judge, whether mine opinion be good or not, like as your wonderful knowledge in civil orders hath made you worthy to be no less esteemed excellent in counsel, than as you have been tried a most valiant captain in the wars: I therefore could find none, to whom I might so worthily dedicate my little travail as to you: Most humbly beseeching your lordship to accept it at my poor hands, as the giefte of him that wisheth you all health and honour. At London the twenty day of September. 1549.  
Your good lordships most humble at commandment, William Thomas.   

¶ The description of Italy.  
ITalie conteigneth in length from Augusta Pretoria unto Otranto .1020. miles: and in breadth from the river Varo in Provence, to the river Arsia in Friuli (which is the brodest place) 410. miles: and in the narrow places, as from the mouth of Pescara to the mouth of Tiber .126. miles. 
The circuit of Italy.  So that to compass it by sea from Varo to Arsia, are .3038. miles, which with the .410. miles by land, maketh the whole circuit to be .3448. miles. Thus it appeareth, that it is almost an island, closed on the east side with the sea Adriaticum, and on the south and west with the sea Tirrhenum, which is a part of the great sea Mediterraneum. And from the North it hath the mightiest mountains of all Europe called Alps, which divideth it from all other regions.  
¶ The fashion (as Pliny descriveth it) is like unto an oaken lief with the stalk: 
The fashion of Italy.  but it endeth in manner of the Amazons targatte.  
¶ It hath a very temperate and wholesome air, 
Temperature of Italy.  fertile fields, pleasant hills, batfull pastures, shadowing woods, plenty of all kind of trees and groves, abundance of corn, vines, and olives: good wouliꝭ, fair cat-tail, and so many springs, fountains, lakes, rivers, and havens, that it is an open lap to receive the trade of all countries: and as it were to offer all men help it seemeth willingly to put itself into the sea.  
¶ It lieth between the vi hour and the first of the winter in manner half way between the Equinoctial and the Pole: 
The site of Italy.  between (I say) the heat of the son and the cold of the north. For the city of Bononia (where the great resort of scholars from all nations is wont to be) standeth almost in the heart of Italy, and hath in his elevation .44. degrees: so that dividing the quarter from the Equinoctial to the Septentrion into .90. according to the rule of cosmography, and taking the one half thereof, which is .45. the difference is little, to prove that Italy is in the midst between the extremities of heat and cold. And seeing than, that temperature is it that most of all other comforteth, nourisheth and maintaineth nature: it must needs follow, that this being one of the most indifferent regions, must be very pleasant delicate and abundant.  
¶ This little discourse I have made to the intent the wise may the better understand the cause of those things, that to my purpose I must hereafter treat upon.  

¶ The commodities of Italy.  
IF I should go about to descrive unto you particularly how commodious the country is, aswell to the traffic of them that live by merchandise, as to the good lief of them that love their rest, it should be enough alone to occupy an whole volume, but because I would seem no more tedious in this, than I covet to do in all the rest, I say:  
¶ first for merchandise, 
Merchandise.  Italy as an heart or knot of these parts on our half of the world, is the principal place of recourse of all nations that occupy any thing of importance far from home. For like as with us in England the most merchants of the realm resort to London, to utter their own wares, and to buy such other as make for their purposes: even so they of France, of Spain, of Germany, and of all other westerly places, that covet the merchandise of Soria, Egypt, Cyprus, Candia, Constantinopol', and those other easterly parts, as iewellꝭ, drugs, spices, perfumes, silks, cotton, sugar, malmeseis, and other like: resort most commonly into Italy with their woulles, clothes, linen, leather, metals and such other, to Genoa, Mylaine, Venice, Ancona, Missena, Naples, or to some of those places, whereas traffic is used: and there meeting with jews, Turks, Greeks, Moors and other easterly merchants, selling the tone they buy the other.  
¶ Than for pleasure, he that hath mean to pay for that he taketh, 
Pleasures.  shall have in Italy what he can reasonably desire: fine bread, singler good wines both strong and small, flesh of all sorts both wild and tame, foul of all kinds both of water and land, fish as well of the sea as of the fresh water, but specially such plenty of delicate fruits, as would make a man leave flesh, foul and fish to eat them: namely in the summer. I mean the Melons, Pepons, Pomegranettꝭ, Oranges, Lymmans, Citrous, and sweet grapes: besides their figs, apples, pears, peaches, plumbs and olives, with a thousand other of that sort. And it is not to be marveled at, though (as the ●ame goeth) the Italian be a small eater of flesh. For though here before I have commended the temperature of Italy to be comparable with any other countrei: yet must you understand, 
Feeding in Italy.  that in summer the son is somewhat fervent, and in time of that heat, the lightness of those sweet fresh fruits is better to be digested, than the heaviness of flesh or fish, which would not there be so lightly digested. As I myself have proved, that before time could in manner brook no fruit, and yet after I had been a while in Italy. I fell so in love withal▪ that as long as I was there, I desired no meat more: because me thought nothing more wholesome, specially in summer. And all be it, the heat be (as I have said) somewhat fervent, yet it exceedeth not so much of the hottest, as the winter cold is temperate at the coldest. For at the most the cold there endureth not iii months of the xii and some years in manner you shall feel no winter at all.  
¶ These rehearsed commodities, with infinite other, to long here to treat of, 
Resort of strangers into Italy.  together with the loving company of the Italians (who in manner make more of strangers than of their own) do cause the infinite resort of all nations that continually is seen there. And I think verily, that in one region of all the world again, are not half so many strangers as in Italy: specially of gentlemen, whose resort thither is principally under pretence of study. For there are diverse famous cities, that be privileged with great liberties for all scholars that come: as Padua, Bononia, Pavia, Ferrara, Pisa, and others: in every one of the which, are excellent learned men, waged for the reading of philosophy, of the civil laws, and of all the liberal sciences. Besidis excellent masters of music to sing and play on all manner of instruments, and the best masters of fence at all weapons that can be found. So that all kinds of virtue may there be learned: and therefore are those places accordingly furnished: not of such students alone, as most commonly are brought up in our universities (mean men's children set to school in ho●e to live upon hired learning) but for the more part of noble men's sons, and of the best gentlemen: that study more for knowledge and pleasure, than for curiosity or lucre. For lightly there passeth no shrovetide without running at the tilt, tourneiing, fight at the barriers, and other like feats of arms, handled and furnished after the best sort: the greatest doers whereof are scholars.  
¶ This last winter lying in Padua, with diligent search I learned, that the number of scholars there was little less than fifteen hundredth: whereof I dare say, a thousand at the lest were gentlemen.   

Of the Italian customs and nature.  
THe inheritance of lands in Italy goeth by gavel kind, that is to weet, one brother as good part as an other. So that if a Conte, (which is as much to say as an Earl) have twenty sons, every one of them is called Conte, and the youngest hath as good part in his father's lands and goods, as the eldest: unless it be in the astates of princes, as of Mantua, Ferrara, Vrbino, and such others, which theldest evermore enjoyeth. And by this mean it is come to pass, that in process of time, with change from wealth to poverty, there be divers Earls and marquesses with out land or goods, reteigning nevertheless the glory of that name to them and theirs for ever.  

gentlemen  ¶ But to speak of the gentlemen, that have whereof woorshipfully to live (which for the most part do commonly profess arms) me seemeth, that none other nation is like them in majesty.  
¶ first, to rehearse the conformitee of speech that is amongst theim selfes (considering what a number of diversities they have in their tongue) it is a merualle, that in manner all gentlemen do speak the courtisane. For notwithstanding that between the Florentine and Venetian is great diversity in speech, as with us between a Londoner and a Yorkeshyreman, and likewise between the Mylainese and the Roman, the Napolitane and the Genovese: yet by the tongue you shall not lightly discern of what part of the country any gentleman is, because that being children they are brought up in the courtisane only. And generally (a few cities excepted) in manners and conditions they are no less agreeable than in their speech: so honourable, so courteise, so prudent, and so grave withal, that it should seem each one of them to have had a princely bringing up. To his superior obedient, to his equal humble, and to his inferior gentle and courteise, amiable to a stranger, and desirous with courtesy to win his love.  
¶ I grant, that in the expense or lo●e of his money for a stranger he is ware, and woull be at no more cost than he is sure either to save by, or to have thank for: wherein I rather can commend him than otherwise. But this is out of doubt, a stranger can not be better entreteigned, nor more honourably entreated than amongst the Italians.  
¶ They are very modest in their apparel, fine in trimming of their houses, and exceeding neat at their table. But above all other they are sober of speech, enemies of ill report, and so tender over their own good name (which they call their honour) that who so ever speaketh ill of one of them, shall die for it, if the party sklaundered may know it, and find time and place to do it. Whereof there is a use grown amongst them, that few gentlemen go abroad unarmed. And though some in this case do discommend them, yet mine opinion doth rather allow than blame them. For the fear of such dangers maketh men so aware of their tongues, that a man may go twenty years through Italy without finding reproach or villainy, unless he provoke it himself.  
¶ And if one gentleman happen to defame an other, many times the defamed maketh his defiance by a writ called Cartello, and openly challengeth the defamer to fight in camp: so that there are seen sometime worthy trials between them.  
¶ And it is true, that many years ago, such contention hath grown amongst them, that almost the whole nation hath been divided into parttakynges, as Guelfi and Ghibellini: imperial and french, with other like: which hath been occasion of much manslaughter, and consequently of their foresaid continual use in wearing of armure. But at this day those open contentions are wonderfully abated, whether it proceed of weariness or of wisdom I can not tell.  
¶ Finally in one thing I can singlerly commend them, that they woull not lightly meddle with other men's mattiers, and that when they hear ill report, they do their best to cover the slander, saying that no man liveth without fault: or with some other such reason. But like as I could reckon in the Italians commendation many things more than are here rehearsed▪ even so on the other side if I were disposed to speak of vice, I might happen to find a numbered as ill as in any other men: which are better untouched than spoken of. For whereas temperance, modesty, and other civil virtues excel in the numbered of the Italian nobility, more than in the nobility of any other nation that I know: so undoubtedly the fleshly appetite with unnatural heat and other things in them that be vicious, do pass all the terms of reason or honesty.  
¶ And yet it is not to be forgotten, that these gentlemen generally profess three things: the first is arms, to maintain withal his honour: the second is love, to show himself gentle and not cruel of nature: and the third is learning, to be able to know, to understand, and to utter his opinion in mattiers of weight.  

Merchants.  ¶ The principal merchauntꝭ are for the most part gentlemen. For when there be of one house iii or four brethren: lightly one or two of them dispose them selves to merchandise. And if they happen not to divide their father's patrimony and substance (as many times they do not) than do the merchants travail aswell for the wealth of their brethren as their own: for all runneth in common, be it gain or loss. In deed their outward profession agreeth not with the gentlemen before rehearsed. For they carry neither weapon nor armure, but do what they can to live in peace: not only searching the trades of all countries with their merchandise, but also occupying at home the most substantial fermes and possessions by their factors, as hereafter more plainly it followeth. And because these merchants have nothing the less reputation of nobility, for their trade of merchandise, therefore it followeth that there be such numbres of wealthy men in that countrei, as the like is not to be found any other where. For in diverse cities of Italy it is no marvel to see twenty persons in a city worth .100000. crowns a piece and upwardꝭ.  
¶ As for the artificers I have nothing to say: 
Artificers.  saving that for the most part they are the finest workmen and best inventors of all other, and are so well paid for it, that many of them live as well as they that have standing livings: and grow sometimes unto great wealth and richesse, but not lightly in two or three descents unto any reputation of nobility.  
¶ The husbandmen are of all hands oppressed. 
Husbandmen.  For in the country there dwelleth no man of substance. All the gentlemen and other that are wealthy, dwell in the walled cities and towns: leaving the villaiges, fields and pastures in their tenants hands, not to farm at certain rent as we do in England, but to the halves, or to the third of all grain and fruit as the ground is fertile or barren. And the poor tenant is bound to till, sow and husband the ground at his own cost and charge. So that the landelordꝭ part cometh clear without disbursing of a penny. And at the harvest and vintaige the landelorde sendeth a man of his for his part, who first taketh his choice of the grain, wine, oil, and fruit: and than leaveth the rest to the tenant as his part ariseth to. And many times if the landelorde be cruel, when he can not sell his things at his own price, than forceth he his tenant to utter it for him: and to pay for it, not as he can sell it, but as the landelorde woull. By reason whereof the poor man is brought so low, that he is not able sometime to find bread of Zorgo (a very vile grain) to feed his poor children withal.  
¶ And because I have here named Zorgo, me thinketh it meet to tell, that in Italy groweth many sorts of grain, as this Zorgo, Meglio, Segala, and twenty such other, which can not be expressed by any english names, because in England there is no kind of such grain. All which serve to make course bread for the poor people, and also for the staple of victuals in strong holds. For the bread made thereof (specially of Meglio) woull endure a number of years uncorrupted. And in like manner they have certain kinds of other grain, that in general are called Legumi (as we were wont to call peasen, lenten stuff) whereof they use all the year long to make their potages.  
¶ Finally in the villages are many fair houses made only for the owners passetime against the heat of the summer. For than do they abandon the cities and go unto those houses for a month two or three, where under the fresh herbers, hedges and boowes, amongst the delicate fruits they triumph in as much pleasure as may be imagined. And for the most part each man hath his make: with some instrumentis of music, and such other things as serve for his recreation. And if ever the tenant have good day, than licketh he his lips of his masters leavings.  
As for the women, 
Women.  
Some be wonders gay,  
And some go as they may.  
Some at liberty do swim a flot,  
And some would feign but they can not.  
Some be meerie, I wot well why,  
And some beguile the husband, with finger in the eye.  
Some be married against their will,  
And therefore some abide MAIDENS still.  
In effect they are women all,  
Ever have been and ever shall.   
¶ But in good earnest the gentlewomen generally, for gorgeous attire, apparel and jewels, exceed (I think) all other women of our known world. I mean as well the courtisanes as the married women. For in some places of Italy, specially where churchemen do reign: you shall find of that sort of women in rich apparel, in furniture of household, in service, in horse and hackeney, and in all things that appertain to a delicate Lady, so well furnished, that to see one of them unknowynglie, ●he should seem rather of the quality of a princess, than of a common woman. But because I have to speak hereafter in particular, I woull forbear to treat any further of them in this place.   

Of the states of Italy.  
THe greatest prince of dominion there at this present is Charles the .v. emperor of Almain, who for his part hath the realm of Naples and the Duchy of Mylaine: which realm is divided into .8. regions, and to the intent the readers may the better be satisfied, I have set forth as well the ancient names of those regions, as the present.   

The realm of Naples.  ¶ The present names. ¶ The ancient. part of 

Campagnia di Roma  
Maremma.   Latium. Terra di Lauoro. Campania. Principato. Picentini. Basilicata. Lucania. Calabria 

Brutij.  
Grecia magna.   Puglia. terra d'otranto 

Salentini.  
Calabria antiqua.  
japigia.  
Mesapia.   Puglia. 

Apulia Peucetia.  
Aetholia.  
Apulia Daunia.   Abruzzo 

Frentani.  
Peligni.  
Marrucini.  
Vestini.  
Precutij.  
Marsi.   Valle Beneventana. Samnites. 
As for that part of the Duchy of Mylaine that the emperor hath, it lieth in Lombardy anciently called Gallia Cisalpina, for the most part on that side of the river Pò, that was called Transpadana.  
The bishop of Rome hath for his part, the city of Rome, with these countries following.  ¶ The present names. ¶ The ancient. part of 

Campagnia.  
Maremma.   Latium. part of Tuscan. Hetruria. The Duchy of Sposeti. Vmbria. Marca D' Ancona. Piceni. Romagna. 

Flaminia.  
Emilia.   The city of Bononia.  
The venetians for their part have the city of Venice with those towns in and about their marsh called La Contrada di Venetia, La Marca Trivigiana, and a great part of Lombary, anciently called Gallia Cisalpina on the same side of the Pò, that was called Transpadana. And part of the country of Istria.  
The common wealth of Genoa, have the country about them now called, If Genovesato and anciently Liguria.  
Tuscan, anciently called, Hetruria, is divided into divers dominions, whereof a small part the bishop of Rome hath, but the greatest is the Duke of Florence, who hath vii cities under him: And than there be two common wealths, Sienna and Lucca, whose territories are not great.  
The Duke of Ferrare hath part of Romagna, and part of Lombardy.  
The Duke of Mantua is all in Lombardy.  
And the Duke of Urbine is between Marca d' Ancona and Tuscan, whose people are called of Pliny Metaurensi.  
The cities of Parma and Placentia in Lombardy have been of late transposed from the church unto the estate of a Duchy, but now it is divided again: as hereafter you shall perceive.  
¶ Now here is to be noted, that every particular prince and common wealth of Italy, within his own dominion, accounteth himself absolute lord and king, and liveth upon the customs, taxes and tallaiges that he raiseth of his subjects. For lightly they have little or no lands at all of their own. And generally they proceed all together by the civil laws, and are so diligent in the administration of justice, specially against murderers and thieves, that I think no country more quiet than it: the realm of Naples, and some part of the Roman territory excepted, where many times happeneth much robbing by the ways.    

¶ An abbridgement of the state of Italy, from the beginning until the Roman empire was utterly divided.  
AFter the general blood remaigned no more but Noah, his iii sons and their wives, between whom it should seem the whole world was divided. Sem took the east part, Cham, the south, and Jafet the west. Some writ, that jafet was the same janus that first reigned in Italy, and some that janus was jafettes' son. But whether so it be, this janus was ever taken for father of the gods, and was painted with two faces, either because he was father of two nations, the Greeks and Italians, or else because the month of januarie (which hath two respectis, one to the beginning, and an other to the end of the year) took name of him. While this janus reigned in Italy, Saturn being chased out of the realm of Candia by his son jupiter, came in a manner naked unto him: and janus not only received him: But also gave him the half of his dominion. For memory whereof either of them builded a city to his own name, that is to weet janicula and Saturnia, from janus unto Numitor were xxi kings of the latins, whose names, with the years of their reign, hereafter follow.  
janus.  
Saturnus.  
Picus, being a great talker, was therefore feigned of the poets to be converted into a pie.  
Faunus, was after worshipped for a God of the woods.  
Latinus changed the name of his people from Laurentini to Latini, and gave his daughter Lavinia to Aeneas the Trojan, promised before unto Turnus, son of king Daunus.  
These .v. kings reigned about .200. years.  
Aeneas' married the daughter of Latinus, and after his death, reigned iii years, and builded the city Lavinia.  
Ascanius, son of Aeneas and of Creusa, king Priamus daughter, reigned .38. years, and builded Alba longa, to the which he brought his father's idollꝭ called the gods Penates, but they of theim selfes turned, three times back again to Lavinia.  
Silvius Posthumius second son of Aeneas, and begotten on Lavinia, reigned xxix years. Of whom all the latin kings afterwards surnamed theim selfes Siluij: and after some authors he was father to Brutus, that first named this realm Britain, and that slew his own father by mischance: which thing Polidorus Virgilius doth not grant.  
Aeneas' Silvius reigned .31. years.  
Latinus Silvius reigned .50. years.  
Alba Silvius, reigned .39 years, and builded Alba, which he made his royal city: but after it was destroyed by Tullus Hostilius. Of that city descended those that to this day are called Albanesi, though they of their own original hold divers opinions.  
Athis or Egyptus Silvius, reigned .24. years.  
Capi Silvius reigned .28. years. and builded the city of Capua.  
Carpentus reigned .13. years.  
Tyberinus reigned .9. years: of whom the river that runneth through Rome was first named Tiber: by reason he was drowned in the same: for before it was called Albula.  
Agrippa reigned .40. years.  
Remulus reigned .19. years, and was slain with a thunderbolt.  
Aventinus, reigned .38. years, and was slain in battle on the hill Aventine, and buried there: whereof that hill took his name, though Varro saith that the ●ame proceeded of the sight of certain birds.  
Proca reigned .23. years, and ordained by testament, that of his two sons the one should have his realm, and the other his treasure, so that th'elder took the treasure, and the youngest the dominion.  
Amulius reigned .24. years, and chased his elder brother Numitor out of his realm, because he had learned by divination, that one of his brother's descent should expel him out of his estate. Wherefore he slew his nephew Sergistus, and put his niece Rhea into a religion of virgins called Vestales, where at the end of vii year she was gotten with child by an unknown man, and brought forth at one burden two sons Romulus and Remus with the which Amulius was so offended, that he not only caused the mother to be buried quick, according to the law, but also commanded the two children to be thrown into Tiber, so that they were left on the bank, and there fed by a she wolf (as the poems feign) but the troth of the history is, that they were found by a shepherd, whose wife (for her beauty and licentious living) was called Lupa: and so taken and nourished till they grew unto such years, that they revenged theim selfes, slew Amulius, and made their grandfather Numitor king.  
¶ Numitor reigned not fully one year till Romulus and Remus together found the mean to slay him, and than builded the city of Rome. 
The edification of Rome.  Before which time these Latin kings had reigned in all about .620. years.  
¶ After the city was builded, the two brethren so contended for giving the name, and for the dominion, that Remus was slain.  
Romulus' then reigned .38. years, and created .100. senators for the rule of the common wealth. 
The first king of the Romans.  And within .4. years after the edification of the city, because the inhabitauntꝭ (being men assembled of divers nations) had no women to maintain succession, he devised sacrifices and plays, to the which the Sabines aswell men as women resorted. So that by order of Romulus all the Sabine maidens, that came to the feast, were taken and married among the Romans. Whereupon the Sabines made war against Romulus, and procured divers other of their neighbours to do the like: but the Roman prevailed against them all. Finally as he perused his soldiers on a day in a great tempest, he was stricken with a thunderbolt: and because he could never more be heard of, the Romans imagined, he was ascended to heaven: and therefore worshipped him as a God.  
¶ Numa Pompilius reigned .41. years, and kept the city in peace: and because the people thorough their passed continual wars were become in manner wild, he therefore entroduced religion and Gods among them: and so brought them to civility.  
¶ Tullus Hostilius reigned .33. years, and conquered the city of Alba, which he razed to the earth, and at last both he and his house were burned with thunder.  
¶ Ancus Martius reigned xxiiii years, and subdued the Latins, with divers other people about Rome.  
¶ Tarquinus Priscus reigned .37. years, he doubled the numbered of senators, and after he had vanquished the Sabines, entered triumphauntly into Rome: but at last he was slain by the sons of Ancus Martius.  
¶ Servius Tullius reigned .34. years, he ordained first the payment of taxes, and thereby found that he had at that time in Rome fourscore and four thousand persons: and was slain at last by the procurement of his son in law Tarquin the proud.  
¶ Lucius Tarqvinius reigned .35. years, he was the first that invented prisons and torments, and by reason of the odious act that his son did in enforcing the chaste Lucretia, wife of Collatinus (who therefore slew herself) he and all his were exiled out of Rome, 
The end of the Roman kings.  and the estate changed from kings to consuls, after that the kings had reigned above .230. years. 
consuls.   
¶ Than did the Romans ordain two consuls removable from year to year. The first were Lucius junius Brutus, and Lucius Tarqvinius Collatinus, husband to the dead Lucretia: under which order of consuls (a few changes excepted) the Romans mainteigned their common wealth, well near .500. years: and so prevailed in conquestꝭ over the world, that none other monarchy is to be compared unto theirs: nor almost so many other worthy men to be read of in all the histories written, as were found in that city for the time: as he that readeth Livy shall see. But because the only writing of their names would occupy a greater part of my book than should be requisite to my purpose, I shall beseech all gentle readers to be contented that I refer them over unto the Roman histories, which are common to the whole world.  
¶ Finally, about .700. years after the edification of Rome, and .47. before the coming of Christ, the liberty of the Roman common wealth ceased, by reason that julius Caesar, 
The first emperor.  after the death of Pompeius, having quieted the civil contentions, took on him by force the whole empire, and had at his commandment the greatest part of all the world. From whom unto the time of Constantine the first, there reigned, 38. emperors, as by their names hereafter it appeareth, and they all kept their principal seat in Rome, as the head city of their monarchy.  
julius Caesar, reigned in all not fully .v. years. for Brutus and Cassius, with divers other senators conspired against him, and slew him in the senate house.  
¶ Octavianus Augustus reigned .56. years, and vi months, but the first xii years he had Marcus Antonius & Lepidus as partners of the empire, till by force, with consent of the senate, he subdued them both: and because he was happy in his enterprises, the senators surnamed him Augustus. In the .42. year of his reign, our Saviour Christ was borne.  
¶ Tiberius, son in law unto Octavian, reigned xxiii years. In the xviii year whereof Christ suffered his passion, and Pilate wrote unto Tiberius of the miracles that he had done, wherefore Tiberius commanded he should be worshipped as a God: but the senators would not grant unto it, because he had proclaimed it without their consents.  
¶ Caius Caligula reigned iii years and ten months. A man of so ill living, that he shamed not to company fleshly with his own sisters, and was slain by his own soldiers.  
¶ Claudius reigned xiii years and viii months, and was poisoned. Some writ, that the second year of Claudius' reign, Peter the apostle came to Rome, and there continued xxv years after. Which other some do disallow, grounding them upon Peter's age, that reckoning the time it was impossible Peter should live so long after Christ's passion.  
¶ Nero reigned xiiii years and vii months, whose customs were odious to the whole world. He killed his mother, his wife, his master Seneca, and divers other excellent men: so that his own soldiers rebelled against him, and the whole Senate condemned him: wherefore he fled, and because he could not escape, desperately slew himself.  
¶ Galba Sergius reigned but vii months, by reason that his next successor lay in wait for him, and slew him in the banns.  
¶ Otho Lucius reigned scarcely iii months, till he was overcome by his next successor, so that through despair he slew himself.  
¶ Uitellius reigned but vii months. For the Roman army, that than was in the east parties, elected Uespasian emperor. so that in despite thereof Vitellius chased Sabinus Uespasians brother with divers into the capitol, and there set fire on them. Wherefore Uespasian came straight to Rome, took Vitellius, made him to be drawn through the streets, & hewn to peecꝭ.  
¶ Uespasianus reigned x, years, and reduced the customs and laws into a better order among the people, which by Nero and the other emperors after him were much corrupted, and began the amphitheatre, now called Colliseo. And this was he that destroyed jerusalem in fulfilling of Christ's prophecy.  
¶ Titus, son to Uespasianus, reigned ii years and two. months after his father, and was a very gracious prince.  
¶ Domitianus reigned xu years & .v. months. he was brother unto Titus, but like Nero in conditions: for he delighted in unnatural vices, and in cruel death of men▪ so that he slew divers senators, persecuted learned men and Christians, had ill success in his wars, and finally through conspiracy was slain.  
¶ Nerua reigned one year and four months, and was the first stranger (that is to weet no Roman born) that ever was made emperor.  
¶ Traianus adopted son unto Nerua and a spaniard borne, reigned xix years and vi months: so benign and courteise a prince, that for a proverb, men used to say: God make the happier than August, and better than Trajan. For being sometime advertised of his friendis, that he used himself to much familiarly, he answered, that a prince ought to be unto his subjects such as they should be to him: and giving the sword to a Praetor, that he had newly made, he said, use this against mine enemies, but see the cause be just: and if I deal unjustly, than spare not me: He prospered much in his wars, and greatly augmented the Roman empire.  
¶ Adrianus reigned xxi years, the most part in peace, for that was his study. He was well learned, and yearly wrote a prognostication: he builded a notable sepulchre: whereupon castle. S. Angelo now standeth. And in his time there rose up a false Messiah among the jews, which Adrian overcame with much a do.  
¶ Antonius Pius adopted son unto Adrian reigned xxiii. years, so gentle a prince, that all the world loved him. For he was wont to say: he had rather preserve one of his citizens, than destroy a .1000. of his enemies.  
¶ Marcus Aurelius Antonius reigned xix years and one moveth. At the first his brother Lucius Verus was joined with him: but he lived not long. This Marcus was an excellent philosopher, wrote divers good books, & prospered in the wars, where finally he died.  
¶ Commodus, son to Marcus Aurelius reigned .13. years more like in conditions unto Nero, than to his father: so that at last he was both poisoned and strangled.  
¶ Helius was surnamed Pertinax, because he took the empire on him in manner against his will, and reigned not vi. months, but that his next successor caused him to be slain.  
¶ Didius julianus reigned not fully vii months: for his next successor came against him, discoumfited his army, took him, and caused him to be beheaded.  
¶ Severus reigned xviii years, and restored much the Roman empire from the decay that it was fallen in by his predecessors time, prospered much in his wars, and died in the city of York: where (it is written) he made a ditch with a wall full of towers and bastilions from one sea to the other .132. miles of length.  
¶ Antonius Caracalla reigned vi years. he caused his brother Geta to be slain, married his stepmother julia, used much tyranny, and was at last slain by one of his own soldiers.  
¶ Macrinus with his son reigned one year, and were both slain.  
¶ Uarius Heliogabalus reigned four years. so abominable a man of living, that after he had tried all the ways of carnal vice, he caused his own membres to be cut of, in hope to change his kind. Wherefore his own soldiers slew him, drew his carcase a long the streets, tied a stove about his neck, and so threw him into Tiber.  
¶ Alexander Severus reigned xiii years, full of virtue and good governance: but because he was severe in punishing his soldiers offences, they rebelled against him, and slew him.  
¶ Maximinus reigned iii years, and because he was created of the army, without the Senators consent, therefore did the senate ordain new Emperors against him, so that his own soldiers slew him.  
¶ Gordianus reigned vi years, and prospered much in his wars, but at last for lack of victuals, the army rebelled against him, and elected his next successor emperor, by whose order Gordianus was slain.  
¶ julius Philippus with his son reigned vii years and were both christened. but finally they were slain by procurement of their next successor.  
¶ Decius with his son reigned ii years and iii months, a great persecutor of the Christian religion. In his time the Goths first assailed the Roman empire, and passed the river of Danubie, where Decius and his son met with them, and in the battle were both slain.  
¶ Uirius Gallus with his son reigned ii, years and were slain both of their own army, as they were going against Emilianus, that than would have usurped the empire.  
¶ Ualerianus with his son Galienus, reigned xu years. But Valerian in the .v. year was taken in battle against Sapor king of Persia, who put out his eyes, and used him always for his foot stool when he went to horseback: and Galienus became so vicious, that he was feign to flee from Rome, and finally was slain of his own men.  
¶ Claudius elected by the senate, reigned one year and ix. months, fought against the Goths and Germans, and discomfited both their powers: but he sickened shortly and died: Whereupon the army elected his brother Quintilianus emperor, who within xvii days after was slain.  
¶ Aurelianus reigned .v. years and vi months, recovered a numbered of regions that his predecessors had lost, and was so prosperous in the wars, that Eutropius compareth him unto Alexander the great, or Caesar. But at last he was slain through craft of one of his own soldiers.  
¶ Tacitus reigned not fully vi months, but died of the fever. And than was his brother Florianus elected, but he lived little more than ii months.  
¶ Probus reigned vi years four months, he recovered France, overcame Saturninus and Proculus, that had made theim selfes emperors, and finally was slain of his own soldiers.  
¶ Carus with his two sons reigned ii years, and achieved divers worthy enterprises. But his son Carinus became so great a tyrant, and so vicious withal, that he was compared to Nero, and at last slain of his own soldiers.  
¶ Dioclesianus reigned twenty years, a great persecutor of the Christian religion, because reason persuaded him, that whereas diversity of opinions continued, there could be no peace, but peril of commotions. And because he thought not himself able to rule the whole empire alone, he joined Maximianus with him: and either of them made a deputy, Dioclesianus took Galerius, and Maximianus took Constantius. Finally when they had brought the empire to a good stay, Dioclesian and Maximian both renounced their astates and became private, though Maximian would gladly have taken it upon him again, to have exalted his son Maxentius. Wherefore his son in law Constantine caused him to be slain.  
¶ Galerius with Constantius reigned together ii years, and divided the empire between them: Galerius had the east part, and Constantius the west. Constantius, husband to the Queen Eleyn, died in York: and Galerius, being fallen sick, slew himself. Nevertheless ere he died Maxentius had gotten the Roman soldiers called Pretoriani on his part, and so usurped the name of emperor. Against whom Galerius first sent his captain Severus, and afterwards Licinius, but they prevailed not, for Maxentius continued till the coming of Constantine to Rome, who fought with him, and so discomfited him, that in fleeing he was drowned in Tiber.  
CONSTANTINUS the first, reduced the Roman estate to tranquillity, and took Licinius as companion in the empire: to whom he gave his own sister in marriage. But as discord is common among princes, so it happened, that Licinius rebelled against Constantine, and being overcome, was deposed, and (as some writ) slain. So that Constantine reigned alone, the time of whose reign in all was xxx years and ten months. He was converted to the Christian faith by bishop Silvester, unto whom (as the clergy hold opinion) he gave his royal seat in Rome, with authority to use all the imperial rites and honours, and made him head of the Christian church: and thereupon removed his imperial seat from Rome to Constantinople: which city he than had newly re-edified. And though authors agree that he in deed builded Constantinople, and changed it from the ancient name, which was Byzantium, yet many allow not Constantine's donation to Silvester to be true: but say, that some one of those bishops of Rome long after Silvester, that usurped the name of Peter's successor, to enlarge their creadite and authority, and to maintain their pomp, 
Donation of Constantine.  invented this donation. So that though Constantine or his successors removed their dwelling from Rome to Constantinople, yet did they nevertheless retain continually both the dominion of Rome and also the name of the Roman empire, until the taking of Rome by Alaricus king of the Goths, between whose coming and the reign of Constantine were these ix. emperors following.  
COnstantinus, Constantius, and Constans sons of the first Constantine, and had the empire divided between them. But Constantine, not contented with his part, moved war to Constans, and was slain, and Constans at length was also slain by treason of one of his own captains named Magnentius: who usurped the empire, and after many battles, being overcome by Conctantius, at last slew himself. So that Constantius remaigned emperor alone: the time of whose reign, with his brethren togethers, was xxiiii years.  
¶ julianus surnamed Apostata, because being borne a Christian he became a painem, reigned ii years. First he rebelled against his uncle Constantius, that had made him Caesar, and after his death (being made emperor) he persecuted cruelly the Christian religion, and at length was slain in battle against the Persians.  
¶ I●●m●●nus reigned vii months, restored the faith of Christ, and was constrained of necessity to grant unto the king of Persia a great part of Mesopotamia. Which was the first time that ever the Romans or any emperor consented to diminish the Roman dominion.  
¶ Ualentinianus reigned xii years, and was a good Christian.  
¶ Ualens reigned four years, favoured much the Artian sect, and making war against the Goths in Thracia, was discomfited, besieged, and burned.  
¶ Gratianus reigned vi years, and he with his son were both slain by treason of Maximus and Arbogastus their own captains.  
¶ Theodosius reigned xi years, subdued the Goths, and discomfited the traitors Maximus and Arbogastus, that usurped the empire: the first of them was slain in the field, the other for despair slew himself: and so he revenged his predecessors death.  
¶ Archadius and Honorius reigned together xiii years, and than died Archadius.  
¶ Honorius after his brother's death reigned xu years. in whose time Alaricus, beforenamed king of the Goths, provoked through treason of Stillicon th'emperors captain a Uandale borne, turned his army, that than was going into France, against the emperor: and so overrenning all Italy, at length besieged Rome, and took it rather by famine than force. And here began the manifest decay of the Roman empire. For from this day forward those Septentrional nations, 
Goths. Uandales▪ Hunes' Lombard's.  that is to weet, the Goths, the Vandals, the Hunes and Lombard's, with divers others, triumphed not only over Italy, but also over France, Spain and part of Africa, in such wise, that though many of their armies were discomfited by divers of the emperors captains and others: yet in process of time they mingled theim selfes so with the other nations, that they were no more known for strangers, but became Italians, Spaniards, frenchmen, and so forth.  
¶ After this first destruction of Italy, with the taking and spoiling of Rome, the common people began to cry out, saying: that sins they left the worshipping of their ancient gods, and had embraced the new faith of Christ, all these afflictions through vengeance of the gods were fallen on them: so that many doubted whether it were good to believe or not. But surely, the removing of the imperial seat from Rome to Constantinople, was the greatest occasion of the Roman empires decay. For when the emperors began to dwell in Greece, 
Dividing of the empire.  and to leave Italy, now and than dividing the empire, one to rule in the orient, and an other in the occident, their ancient reputation declined so much, that their own private captains enterprised many times not only to rebel, but also to usurp the name of emperors▪ By reason whereof it came to pass, that within the space of. ●0. years there entered vii strange kings into Italy, with so puissant armies, that they put either the whole country, or at least a great part thereof to sword and fire.  
first Alaricus, king of the Goths before named, after he had gotten Rome by such famine, that many mothers did eat their own children, overran all campaign, the realm of Naples, and the land of Brutij, and finally died in the city of Cosenza.  
¶ After whom succeeded his kinsman Athaulfus, that married Placidia sister of the emperor Honorius, taken among the prisoners of Rome, so wise a woman, that when her husband following the trade of Alaricus, determined to go to Rome, and to raze it to the earth, she with fair words dissuaded him, and brought him to accord with her brother, in such wise that through the emperors procurement, he with all his nation of Goths left Italy, and went to conquer Spain, where in the city of Barcelona he was of his own folk traitorously slain.  
¶ The second was Attila king of the Hunes, who with an infinite numbered of people entered into Italy, and putting all to fire and sword, passed over the country now called Lombardy unto the Apennine hillꝭ, and as far as Florence, which he razed to the earth, not withstanding it was yielded unto him without resistance. But finally as he was going to Rome, intending to do likewise there: Leo the first, than bishop of the same, met him by the way, and so entreated him, that ceasing from further cruelty, he withdrew him and all his into Hungary, where not long after he died of a sudden death.  
¶ thirdly Gensericus entered into Italy with a great numbered of Vandals through this occasion,  
Theodosius the ii assigned his cousin Valentinian to rule the west part of the empire, who died within few years: so that Maximianus a Roman, by force took on him the occidental empire, and married Eudossa late wife of the same Valentinian: who disdeigning this Maximian, practised secretly with Gensericus then reigning in Africa, and did so much, that he came to Rome, took it by force, slew Maximian, spoiled and burned the city, and finally for a worthy reward, led Eudossa and her daughter prisoners with him at his return into Africa.  
¶ The fourth was Biorgus king of the Alani, afterwards called Alemani, who entered into Italy by the way of Trent, and overran all Istria, La Marca Trivisana, and a great part of Lombardy, till at last by Seuerianus one of the emperors captains, he was fought withal, slain and his host discomfited.  
¶ The .v. was Odoacrus king of the Eruli, that sometime were of the country of Valachia beyond the river of Danubie, who with an infinite numbered of men twice in xiiii year overran all Italy, calling himself king thereof, till the emperor Zenon sent Theodoricus king of the Goths against him, who fought with him, discomfited all his host, and finally slew him.  
¶ The vi was this Theodoricus himself, who by the emperor Zenon was invested king of Italy, in the title whereof he caused much slaughter and destruction ere ever he vanquished Odoacrus, but at last he established his royal seat in Ravenna, where he reigned .25. years, and died of the flux, leaving behind him a perpetual fame of his worthiness and virtue.  
¶ The vii was Gundebalde king of Gorgoyne, who with a great multitude passed the Alps, overran a great part of Lombardy, and with an infinite numbered of prisoners, and a wonderful pray of richesses returned into his own country.  
¶ Now ye shall understand, that after Theodoriche was made king of Italy by the emperors consent, his daughter Amalasuntha followed in succession of the dominion, who after the death of her own son Atalaricus, accepted her cousin Theodatus for companion in her kingdom, but he rendering ill for good, found means not only to exile her, but also to make her die: to the intent he might reign alone. Which unkind dealing so much offended his own Gothish nation, that they elected an other king in Rome, named Vitigius, who shortly caused Theodatus to be slain by treason, and yet he himself prospered not long after. For ere he had fully reigned .v. years, Bellisarius, a captain scent by the emperor justinian, recovered all Italy, besieged Vitigius in Ravenna, and finally took him prisoner, and so led him to Constantinople.  
¶ When the Goths had a little renewed their strength, they made Totila their king, overran all Italy, and twice took the city of Rome by force, reigning over the whole country ix years, till Narses, an other of the emperors captains came pvissantly into Lombary, and in a sore fought battle slew Totila, with a great numbered of his nation.  
¶ notwithstanding that discoumfiture the Goths a fresh chose them an other king, called Teia, a very valiant man, that wonderfully defended his dominion against the power of Narses: but finally in plain battle Narses slew him, and so discomfited his army, that the Goths were constrained to submit theim selfes unto the emperors obeisance, and from that time forth (being borne of two or three descen●es in Italy) they were no more known for Goths, but taken for Italians, and there ended the gothish name: Which from the coming of Theodoricus, before named, had reigned in Italy the space of .72. years.  
¶ A meruailouse matter to see the instabilitee of these worldly things: that the Roman empire, which so many years before had triumphed in richesses & wealth over the whole world, should now be subject unto all calamity and affliction. Rome itself four times taken by force within the space of .140. years, 
Rome destroyed four times.  the walls in many places thrown to the earth, the inestimable goodly buildings of temples and palaces burned and spoiled, the infinite treasures of money, jewels, and other ornamentis put to sack, or hid under the ground by the owners, where it could never be found: neither man woman nor child spared of the enemies furious sword, and finally brought to that case, that it was more than an whole year desolate without any creature to dwell in it, other than the wild beasts. And not Rome alone, but also the most part of all the notable cities of Italy were thus afflicted for the time.  
¶ But when the Gothish nation was thus subdued, Italy returned to the obedience of the empire: and was governed by the forenamed Narses, by the space of .17. years: till after the death of the emperor justinian, justine the second of that name succeeded, whose wife Sophia, through instigation of some gentlemen of the court (that envied the virtue and glory of Narses) kendled her husband the emperor so much, that he revoked Narses from the rule of Italy, with injurious words of the empress, that had boasted, she would set him amongst her women to spin and to make cloth, which she said was meeter for him than to rule such a country. But the noble heart of Narses conceived so great an unkindness of this, that (after he had answered her) he would spin such a cloth, as neither she nor her vile husband should be able to wear out, he secretly sent into Pannonia to Alboinus king of the Longobardi, now called Lombard's, exhorting him to come into Italy: how be it, ere he came, Narses repented him, and did what he could to have let●ed it: but as he travailed therein (being come to Rome) with Iohn the third bishop of the same, having now delayed the Lumbardꝭ coming a few years, he died, had his body carried to Constantinople, and there was honourably buried.  
¶ This Narses with Bellisarius before named, were two of the noblest captains that ever served the Roman Emperors.  
¶ Incontinently after the death of Narses, the forenamed Alboinus, with an infinite numbered of men women and children, entered into Italy, and occupied all the country between the Alps and the Apennine hills, naming it after their name Lombardy. And not withstanding that the emperors for the space of .180. years, made continual wars against them by their generals, whom they called Exarkes, yet could they never so abate and vanquish the glory of those Lombard's, but that sometimes they would right well be revenged: so that in effect they reigned over Lombardy above, 200. years, till the coming of Charlemagne, who in favour of the Roman bishops, 
Desiderius.  warred against Desiderius last king of the said Lombard's, took and led him prisoner into France.  
¶ In all which time of the Lombard's prosperytee, there reigned amongst them .23. kings, whose names hereafter follow.  
ALboinus, slain by procurement of his wife Rosamunda.  
¶ Dapho, slain of his own people for his tyranny. After whose death the Lombard's would have no king, but in manner of a common wealth elected .30. Dukes, who occupied all Italy, Rome and Naples excepted, and so continued the space of xii years, till the Lombard's, being weighed of their governance, returned again to the election of a king.  
¶ Antharis surnamed Flavius, took to wife Theodolinda, the kings daughter of bavarie, a woman that by persuasion of Gregory the first, bishop of Rome, secretly embraced the Christian faith, and after converted her next housdande to the same.  
¶ Agilulphus Duke of Turine, married Theodolinda after the death of her other husband, and so being made king, through his wife's procurement, he became a Christian.  
¶ Adoaldus, son of Agilulphus, being very young, reigned about ten years, under the governance of his mother Theodolinda, and after her death, was driven out of his realm.  
¶ Arioldus, of whom I find nothing notable.  
¶ Rotharius, a valiant warrior, and so well learned withal, that he prescribed laws unto the Lombard's, who from their coming into Italy till that time (which was about .70. years) had no written law.  
¶ Rodoaldus son of Rotharius was slain by one that found him in adoultrie with his wife.  
¶ Arithpertus, through feigned flight obtained a notable victory against the frenchmen.  
¶ Gundibertus, son unto Arithpertus, contended so long with his brother for the dominion, that at last they were both chased away.  
¶ Grimoaldus, took the estate from the children of Arithpert, and held long war with the emperor Constantine the third, and so overcame Theodorus the Ex●rke, that the emperor in a great rage came himself with a mighty army into Italy, and after he had overran the country of Puglia, and taken the city of Luceria, which he put to fire and sword, at last he besieged Benevento, where happened one notable thing worthy the rehearsal.  
¶ Romoaldus son to the king Grimoaldus was than within Benevento, and valiantly defended the city against the Greeks, sending word by a foster father of his named Gensualdus, ●nto his father, that unless he would shortly send succours, the city must needs be taken. Gensualde did his message, and returning with answer was taken of the enemies, and brought before the emperor. Where being straightly examined, he confessed, that Grimoalde withal the power of Lombardy was departed from Pavia, and came to raise the siege: and that he himself was the messenger of his coming. Wherefore the emperor hoping incontinently to have the town, and so to depart before the coming of Grimoalde, partly with threatening, and partly with fair offers, persuaded Gensualde, that being brought before the town, he should show Romoalde, how his father through other business of importance could not then secure him. Gensualde promising so to do, was brought to the walls, and called for Romoalde, who forthwith appeared. Romoalde (said he) thy father is here at hand, with a puissant army to secure the. I left him passing the river of Sanguine: be good to my wife and children, for I am but dead, and so it proved▪ for his head was stricken of, and for despite with an engine thrown into the town. ¶ Whereupon Constantine with his army retired to Naples, and from thence to Rome, where he was most honourably received of bishop Vitellian, withal the clergy and nobility. But he in recompense of that honour, fell to robbing and spoiling of all the goodly things that he found there, aswell marble, brass and peinture, as other richesse, insomuch that he took the tile of brass, wherewith the temple of Pantheon was covered, and shipped all that he got. So that Rome in a manner suffered more hurt and spoil in vii days that he remaigned there, than it did by any overthrow from the first coming of the Lombard's. And yet he enjoyed not, for returning towardis Greece he was slain by his own men in the city of Syracuse: and all those precious things taken afterwards by the saracenes, and carried to Alexandria in Egypt: where many of them may be seen at this day. But to return unto my purpose. Grimoaldus died of to much streigning his arm after he had been let blood.  
¶ Garmaldus, son of Grimoaldus, reigned iii months only and died.  
¶ Partharus, son of Arithpert before named, that from his youth had been in continual exile, returned home, and was restored to the kingdom.  
¶ junipertus or Compertus, son of Partharus succeeded after the death of his father.  
¶ Laimpertus, or Luitpertus, son of junipertus, being a child, had not reigned under the tuition of Asprandus fully viii months, but that Raimpertus Duke of Turine rebelled, and in plain battle overcame Asprandus, and so usurped the kingdom.  
¶ Raimpertus reigned not fully a year.  
¶ Arithpertus, son of Raimpertus, was much disturbed by the forenamed Luitpertus, but at last he slewa him in plain battle, and in manner destroyed the whole house of Asprandus. Nevertheless in the xi year of his reign Asprandus, with help of the king of bavarie, returned pvissantly unto Italy, fought with Arithpert, and so discomfited him, that in his flight passing the river of Tesino, he was drowned, by reason he had overladen himself with gold.  
¶ Asprandus reigned but iii months and died.  
¶ Luitprandus, son of Asprandus, was a great warrior, insomuch that after he had gotten Ravenna, and many other cities from the emperors Exarke, at last he besieged Rome. Nevertheless at the intercession of his gossip the french king, he levied his siege, and restored to the Romans those castles and towns that he before had taken from them.  
¶ Aldeprandus, nephew of Luitprandus, lived not fully .v. months, and died without issue.  
¶ Rachis or Lachis, as some call him, Duke of Turine, was next king, who after many gifts made to the church of Rome, when he had reigned vi years, left his crown, and became a monk.  
¶ Aristolphus, brother to Rachis, contrary to his brother's manners, made so sharp war to the church of Rome, that Stephen then bishop, called Pepine the French king twice into Italy against him, and constrained him to obey the Roman See, and at last being on a day a hunting, he died suddenly of an appoplexi.  
¶ Desiderius last king of the Lombard's, prospered long time in his wars, and specially against the church of Rome, which he so constrained, that Adrian the first than bishop there, was feign to call king Charlemagne of France into Italy to secure him: who at his coming not only restored unto the church all those cities that were taken away, but also led Desiderius, his wife and children prisoners with him into France, furnishing the whole region of Lombardy with officers and rulers of his own nation.  

The end of the Lombard's reign.  ¶ Thus ended the reign of the Lombard's, which had continued more than .200. years.  
¶ It is now to be understanded, that shortly upon the coming of Alboinus into Italy, divers cities & provinces of the same (as their strength and time did serve them) used their own liberties, and leaving the imperial laws, made new orders and officers amongst themselves. Wherefore the emperor justinus sent a general of his into Italy, named Longinus, ordaining him to be called Exarke, which should be chief over all other officers.  
¶ This Exarke passing by Rome, came to Ravenna, and there kept his estate, appoyncting the governance of Rome to a Duke: so that many years after there were no more consuls made: which office together with the most part of all the other Roman magistrates, kept their ancient form unto that time, not withstanding that the emperors had taken from them all manner of authority, except the only governance of the city.  
¶ From Longinus unto the coming of king Pepine into Italy, the emperors held in manner continual war with the kings of Lombary by their Exarkes: but after Pepine had overcome the king Aristolphe (who before had subdued the Exarke of Ravenna) he gave the lands of that Exarcate to the church: A great part whereof the bishop of Rome holdeth to this day.  
¶ And because that from the time of Honorius hitherwardes I can not find that any emperor had quiet dominion over Italy, or was at any time resident there, I therefore omit to rehearse the emperors names that have reigned sins, and woull conclude, how by Charlemaine's time, the empire that before had none other title than of Rome, (whereof it took original) was utterly divided in two, Oriental and Occidental, the occasion whereof was this.  
¶ Leo the iii successor unto Adrian bishop of Rome, was chased away by the Romans, and fled to king Charlemagne for succour, who not only restored him to his bishopric, but also for a more terror to the Romans, with a great power came to Rome in his own person: where on Christmas day, for a reward of his travail, the bishop and clergy proclaimed him emperor.  
¶ Some write, that Charlemagne was very loath to take it upon him, till he had practised first with Hirena, than Empress of Constantinople, and after with Niceforus next emperor following, and obteygned both their consents.  
¶ In effect Charlemagne was crowned, took on him the empire: and his son Pepine was entitled king of Italy. And after they had attempted to chase the greeks clean out of the same, they accorded with Niceforus to divide the east empire from the west, limiting the Duchi● of Benevento to be as a confyne or bound between them both.  
¶ And thus, sens Charlemagne, the occidental empire continued under the French dominion, 
election of the emperor.  till Gregory the .v. bishop of Rome transported the election of the emperor unto the princes of Germany, which to this day endureth. Like as on the other side the Oriental empire continued in Constantinople in the handis of Christians, till Machome● the second of that name emperor of the Turks, took the city by force, slew the emperor Sigismonde, and consequently enjoyed the whole Greekish empire, as his successors do unto this day.   

¶ The description of Rome.  
Thinking to find a great contentation in the sight of Rome, because that amongst all the cities of the world none hath been more famous than it, I disposed myself to go thither. But when I came there, and beheld the wonderful majesty of buildings that the only roots thereof do yet represent, the huge temples, the infinite great palaces, the unmeasurable pillars, most part of one piece, fine marble, and well wrought, the goodly arches of triumph, the banns, the cunductes of water, the images as well of brass as of marble, the Obelisks, and a numbered of other like things, not to be found again throughout an whole world: imagining withal, what majesty the city might be of, when all these things flourished, Than did it grieve me to see the only jewel, mirror, masters, and beauty of this world, that never had her like, nor (as I think) never shall, lie so desolate and disfigured, that there is no lamentable case to be hard, or loathsome thing to be seen, that may be compared to a small part of it. Nevertheless when I remembered again the occasions, whereof these glorious things have grown, what noumbres of wars the Romans have mainteygned, with infinite bloodshedding, destructions of whole countries, ravishments of chaste women, sack, spoil, tributes, oppression of common wealths, and a thousand other tyrannies, without the which the Romans could never have achieved the perfection of so many wonders as mine eye did there behold: Than perceived I, how just the judgement of god is, that hath made those antiquities to remain as a foul spoil of the Roman pride, and for a witness to the worlds end of their tyranny. So that I wot not whether of these two is greater either the glory of that fame, that the Romans purchased with their wonderful conquests: or their present miserable estate, with the deformity of their antiquities.  

¶ Of the river of Tiber.  
THE river of Tiber, which runneth through Rome, divideth Tuscan and champaign, so that Transtyberim, and the Vatican, wherein standeth S. Peter's church, with the bishop's palace and castle Saint Angelo, are in Tuscan: and the rest on the other side of the water, which is very Rome in deed, is in champaign.  
¶ The distance between the city and the sea called Mare Tirrhenum, is xu miles. And all be it, the river be great, deep, and large enough for an haven, from the sea to Rome, yet most commonly the ships can come no nearer than Ostia, which is xii miles from Rome, partly by reason of the stream that reuneth very swift, and partly by reason of the wonderful quantity of mud, that being brought down with the swift course of the water, lieth commonly at the mouth of the haven. So that all the merchandise, victuals, and other things that come by ship, are discharged at Ostia into certain small vessels, and so brought to Rome: either drawn by cord, or rowed up by force of oars.  
¶ The head or first spring of Tiber is in the Apennine hills, 
The head● of Tiber,  somewhat higher than the head of the river Arno, that runneth through Florence, and ere ever it come at Rome, it receiveth .42. other rivers: So that it is no marvel, though it be deep, specially in Rome and to the seawards, where it appeareth, that the natural breadth of it is restrained: and by force of strong banks made much narrower than his ancient course hath been.   

Of the bridges.  
Upon this river of Tiber in Rome be four bridges, the first and fairest is it that passeth from the city unto castle. S. Angelo, 
Ponte di S▪ Angelo. Ponte del Castello. Ponte Sisto Ponte rotto  under the which the river coming from the north towards the South, entereth into the city. And is commonly called Ponte di Sant' Angelo, or del Castello.  
¶ The second is Ponte Sisto otherwise called Ponte rotto, a very goodly bridge, that leadeth from the street now called julia, unto the foot of the hill anciently called janiculus in Transtyberim.  
¶ The third is called Ponte de Pisola, 
Ponte de Pisona. Ponte di S. Bertholomeo, Ponte di quatuor Capora. Ponte di S. Maria.  Ponte di San Bartholomeo, or Ponte di quatuor Capora, which passeth from the heart of the city through the island Tyberina into Transtyberim.  
¶ The fourth next to the going forth of the river out of the city at the South is called Ponte di Santa Maria.  
¶ But to satisfy them that be learned, I think meet to rehearse here the names of the viii bridges, Sublicius, Palatinus, Fabricius, Cestius, januclensis, Vaticanus, Elius and Miluius: and to declare where they stood.  

Sublicius.  ¶ first Sublicius, which Horatius alone defended in the wars of Porsena, was at the foot of the hill Aventine, where now is no bridge at all, and first it was made of timber, afterwards of stone by Emilius Lepidus, for the which he was surnamed Lapideus, but finally it was made of marble by Antonius Pius, & now decayed to the foundations: whereof part are yet to be seen.  

Palatinus. Fabricius. Cestius.  ¶ The second Palatinus, is now called di Santa Maria.  
¶ The third and fourth, Fabricius next the city side, and Cestius, on the side of Transtyberim, are the two bridges that pass through the island Tyberina.  

Januclensis Vaticanus.  ¶ The .v. januclensis, is now called Ponte Sisto.  
¶ The vi Vaticanus, is decayed to the foundation, part whereof is seen against the hospital di San Spirito.  
¶ The vii Elius, is now called del Castello.  

Elius. Miluius.  ¶ The viii Miluius, is ii mile northwards out at the gate called deal popolo, in the way to Tuscan: and is called at this day Ponte Molle.   

Of the walls.  
THe circuit of the city about by the wallis, as Pliny writeth, was in his time twenty miles: and Flavius Vopiscus saith, that the emperor Aurelius .200. years before the coming of the Goths, enlarged the circuit of Rome to .50. miles: whether these authors included the suburbs I can not tell: but once there can be seen no sign or token of any walls, that should contain so much compass: nor yet of the wallis that Livy mentioneth, should be made of square stone▪ For the wallis now about Rome are of brick, and in my judgement pass not xiiii miles in compass. Nor I can not perceive, either by mine own eye, or by writing of authors, or yet by report, that ever the walls were of greater circuit than they be at this present. It is evident, that many parts of the same wall have been thrown to the earth by divers enemies, and repaired again. For notwithstanding it be builded of brick, yet doth it show such an antic majesty (having .365. towers agreeable with the numbered of days in the year) that he who seeth it, must needs confess, it could never be builded but in time of the Romans glory. Perchance some will marvel, how brick should so long continue: but their brick, whether it be long of good making, or of the heat of the son that drieth much better than with us, is wonderful durable. For there be many buildings in Rome of brick, that have continued these .1000. years and more: and yet to this hour are nothing worn or decayed. In deed many gates of the city are of square stone, wrought after the most antic fashion: so that it is not incredible, as Livy writeth, that the walls have been of square stone, but it should not seem so, because that in making of a new wall in the same place, it is to be supposed, the builders would have used the old square stone, rather than brick.   

Of the gates.  
PLinie writeth, that in his time were xxx gates open, and vii closed, but because he hath not written their names, I woull not travail to try what they were. For I can find but xvi that are used: Of which four are in the Vatican, that many years after Pliny, was walled by Leo the .4. bishop of Rome, for defence of his own palace and of saint Peter's church.  

Porta de popolo. flu tuentana. Flaminia. P. Pinciana. Collatina. P. Salaria. Quirinalis. Aegonalis. P. di sant' Agnese. Uiminalis. Figulensis Numentana. P. di San Lorenzo. Tiburtina Exquilina. P. Maggi o'er Nevia. Labicana. Prenestina P. di. San Hioanni. Celimontana. Asinaria. P. Latina▪ P. di S. sebastiano. Appia. Capena. Triumphalis. P. di San Paolo. Trigemina. P. Portese di Ripa. P. di. S. Pancratio Aurelia. P. deal Torrione. P. Portusa. P. di Beluedere. di San Piero. del Giardino. di. S. Peregrino. P. deal Castello. Posterula  ¶ first next unto the coming down of Tiber on the northside, is the gate called Porta del popolo, which anciently hath had divers names, as Flumentana and Flaminia of the way Flaminia that went out thereat.  
¶ Than coming about towards the East, the next gate is called Pinciana, sometime Collatina.  
¶ The iii Salaria, anciently called Quirinalis, or Aegonalis.  
¶ The four Porta di Sant' Agnese, sometime Viminalis, Figulensis and Numentana.  
¶ The v. Porta di San Lorenzo, sometime called Tiburtina after some authors, and after other Exquilina, though Andrea's Fuluius affirmeth plainly Exquilina to be between this and the next gate.  
¶ The vi Porta maggiore was sometime called Nevia, Labicana and Prenestina.  
¶ The vii Porta di San Hioanni hath been called Celimontana, and Asinaria, by reason it lieth towards the ream of Naples, that breedeth many asses.  
¶ The viii Porta Latina hath not changed name, or if it be changed, the ancient name can not be known now,  
¶ The ix Porta di San Sebastiano, was sometime called Appia and Capena, and after most opinions was also called Triumphalis.  
¶ The ten Porta di San Paolo, was sometime called Trigemina. All which ten gates are on the champaign side of the river.  
¶ The xi Porta portese, or Porta di Ripa.  
¶ The xii Porta di San Pancratio, sometime called Aurelia.  
¶ The xiii Porta del Torrione.  
¶ The xiiii Porta portusa, on the top of the hill behind saint Peter's.  
¶ The xu hath divers names, as Porta di Beluedere, di San Piero, del Giardino, or di Santo Peregrino, and is hard under the bishop's palace.  
¶ The xvi Porta del Castello, sometime Posterula, lieth under castle Sant' Angelo, and serveth to go into the meadows. As for those ancient names, Carmentalis Pandana, Mugonia, Queruetulana, javernalis, Rudusculana, Rhuttumena, Carthularia, and divers others, which as I suppose were old gates, that lost their places as the wallis were enlarged: I could never learn where they should be, and therefore do believe they have been converted to the use of other buildings.  
¶ These gates and walls about Rome are not strong, nor yet fortified with rampires of earth or otherwise to defend shot of artillery, and in many places are so decayed, that to assault there needeth not much battery. Many of the gates have been exceeding fair, but like as most notable things there be decayed: so are these rather a figure of their antiquity, than any thing else.   

Of the vii hills.  
THe vii hills, whereon Rome standeth, are but of a small height, standing a rue upon the river side.  

Aventinus.  ¶ The greatest of them Eastwardes is called Aventinus, wherein was the cave of Cacus the giant that Hercules slew: and the fountain, where the goddess Picus and Faunus were taken by the policy of Numa, who giving them wine in stead of water, made them drunk, and so took them a sleep. And albeit, that on this hill have been many goodly edifices, as the temples of Matuta, Diana, Minerva, Lucina, Liberta, with divers others, yet at this day there is nothing to be seen, not so much as a token of Claudius' notable conduct, that Frontinus and Cassiodorus treat so much upon. For there is now none other building, but the monasteries of Santa Sabina, and Sant' Alesso, with a few other little churches. The rest is either covered with rubbel, or occupied with vines.  

Capitolinus  ¶ The next hill, first called Tarpeius, after Capitolinus, and now Campidoglio, was the principal place of the city, such as for example the yield haul is in London. For thither came all they that happened to be received with triumph: and amongst all the buildings of the world Capitolium was counted the goodliest. For Cassiodorus saith, It is a great wonder to behold the market place of Trajan: But to climb up into the capitol, O there is the excellency of all human wits to be regarded. Cicero calleth it in many places the habitation of the gods: and Virgile the golden Capitoline. Whereof at this day remaineth no more but an old house called the Senate, and the church of Araceli. They say, that the temple of jupiter optimus maximus was there, where the church of San salvator in massimi is now: and the temple of janus custos, where the prisons be now called La Cancellaria. But of their antiquity appeareth at this day not so much as the bare foundations.  
¶ Next unto Campidoglio is the hill Palatinus, 
Palatinus.  on the which the emperors, kings, consuls, and other chief officers had their palaces, besides many famous temples that have been built there, whereof remaineth none other now but the old ruins, and a church of saint Nicolas not yet finished.  
¶ Here is to be noted, that these iii hills Aventinus, Capitolinus, and Palatinus were only closed with walls by Romulus: so that Rome was nothing so great in circuit at the first as it is now. But as the people multiplied, so the other hills were taken in: as he that readeth Livy shall well perceive. In effect, setting the rubbel and old monstrous foundations apart, Rome (as touching these iii hills) is returned desert, pasture, and vineyards, as it was before the first foundation.  
¶ Next is the hill Celius, wherein is seen unto this day a part of the ancient Roman majesty, 
Celius.  by the marvelous buildings that yet remaigne, not whole, but so that the magnificence thereof may be comprehended: as the Amphitheatrum, now called Colliseo, the conduits and banns, the great palace, and a numbered of fair churches, translated from old temples.  
¶ Next unto this is Exquilius, which as Varro saith, are two hills, 
Exquilius.  but they seem not so to me. In this part are Therm Dioclesiani, the pillar of Adrian, the tour de i Conti, Trosei de Caio Mario, the garden and tour of Mecena●es so much renowned, with divers other things, and is well inhabited.  

Viminalis. Quirinalis  ¶ Finally the hills, Viminalis and Quirinalis, lie so together, that I could not divide them: But by estimation and report they begin at the gate of S. Agnes, and stretch down by Monte Cavallo unto Tiber, In which are few notable things to be seen, except Monte Cavallo, Therm Constantiniane, Torre delle militie, and a few others.  
¶ Now that part of the city that is called Transtyberim, 
Transtyberim.  is divided in two, that is to weet the Vatican and janiculum.  
¶ The Uaticane was walled about by Leo the four bishop, 
Vatican.  and called Citta Leonina after his own name, and is well known from janiculum, because that going from the one to the other, 
Porta Septimiana. Subtus Janum. Fontinalis. Janiculum.  it behoveth to pass through the gate called Septimiana, sometimes called Subtus janum, or Fontinalis: Whereby it is evident, that the Vatican or Borgo San Piero (as they now call it) was never any part of Rome until Leos time. But janiculum in Transtyberim was ivigned unto Rome by Ancus Martius four king of the Romans, and is affirmed to be the same city, that the god janus builded and dwelled in, like as many writ Saturnia, that Saturn builded, was against it on the other side of the water, in the place that we call now Campidoglio: though some hold opinion it should be at Sutri.   

Of the conduits of water.  
FRontinus writeth, that for the space of .441. years after the edification of Rome, the Romans used none other but the water of Tiber, or of such wells and springs as were found within the city. But from the time of Appius Claudius they have had so much water brought by conduits upon arches, through the mountains, and some under ground, that no city of all the world could be better served. And the manner was this. When they had taken a spring, and had brought the water of it to the city, than was there a place made to receive it, closed about with walls like a castle: from the which, pipes were laid to serve aswell the common people in the open streets, as also the nobility, and such as were able to have water in their own houses. And so (as Strabo writeth) it seemed that rivers ran abundantly through the city, and almost every house had channels and conduits with cisterns to preserve the water. For Marcus Agrippa in one year caused .700. ponds .105. fountaignes, and 130. castellꝭ to be made, besides a numbered of other goodly edifices for the maintenance of these fresh waters: amongst which I shall recite the principallest.  
¶ first the water called Appia was conveyed upon high arches of stone out of the Lucullane territory the space of viii miles, 
Aqua Appia.  and brought in between the hill Aventine and the hill Celius: but now there remaineth nothing of them that can be seen.  

Aqua Martia. Anfeia. Traiana.  ¶ An other, Aqua Martia, sometime called Anfeia, lastly Traiana, came out of the lake Fucinus, and served principally to drink, where most part of the rest served for other uses: and this was brought by mine through the mountains and by arches above ground xxiii miles.  

Claudia.  ¶ Aqua Claudia was brought .35. miles from ii fountains Ceruleus, and Curtius, part of the way upon wonderful arches of square stone, which are yet to be seen both within and many miles without the city. Pliny saith, 
Pli. li. 36. nat. histor.  that the conveyance of this water did cost .555. thousand sextertia, which make above lx thousand talentis, and reckoning every talon at. 130.li. sterling (which I think was the least) the sum amounteth to vii millions and viii hundred thousand pounds of our money: which as it seemeth a sum impossible to be gathered together, and more incredible to be spent in one work, so is the majesty of that building wonderful, that in manner I am abashed to write the troth thereof: for I would not have believed it myself, if I had not seen it. And Frontinus writeth, that these arches in some places were .109. foot high.  
¶ Than was there the old and the new Auiena, the one whereof was brought xlii miles of, 
Auiena.  and at length ioygneth with the water Claudia, and is received upon those arches before mentioned.  
¶ divers other waters there were, to long here to reckon, because of all these waters that were wont to come to Rome, can be found no more at this day but one, called Triviana, and anciently named Virginia, which runneth under the ground by the gate Pinciana, 
Triviana. Virginia.  and sourgeth under the hill called Monte degli hortuli: from whence it is conveyed abroad to serve all partis of the city, because in Rome there is none other good water to drink.  
¶ Of the decay not only of these conduits, 
Opinions of the decai of the antiquities.  but also of the other antiquities be divers opinions. Some affirm, that the Goths, the Vandals, and the other barbarous nations, that so often destroyed Rome, were causers and doers of it. Some other ascribe the fault to time, mother and consumer of all things. Other say, that neither the barbarous nations, nor yet time ought to be blamed for it, but rather the greedy beastliness of them, that both within the city and without, regarded not to spoil those noble antiquities, to garnish and beautify therewith their private buildyngꝭ.   

¶ Of the Thermes.  
YOu shall understand, that the Romans used oftentimes to bathe theim selfes, wherefore at the first, private men made them stewfes or hotehousꝭ of their own: But afterwards (as a thing necessary for the common wealth) The emperors gave theim selfes to the making of these Thermae. Of which Blondus reckoneth xii and Fuluius saith xviii naming them Agrippine, Neroniane, Alexandrine, Titianes, Dioclesiane, and the rest. These were not only common banns for washing, but also sumptuous hauls, goodly chaumbres, fair walking places, and every other gallant building, that might serve for the commodity of them that thither resorted. The pavements were of fine marble wrought in colours, the vaults susteigned on rich pillars of porfirie and finest marble of one piece, A numbered of hotehouses in every Therm, some several, and some common, with lodgingꝭ according, and offices assigned for the service of them that would eat there, besides all other pleasures that were to be imagined. insomuch that the emperors theim selfes many times would come thither openly, and be washed in the common houses. For it is written that the emperor Adrian entered on a day into one of the baynes, and finding an old soldier there rubbing himself against the marble stones, asked him why he did so: The soldier answered, because he had no servant. 
Adrians' courtesy, and wisdom.  This answer so much pleased the emperor, that straight way he not only gave this soldier a servant, but also honestly wherewith to maintain him. Through the fame whereof the next day when the emperor came to the same bain, divers old men were gotten in before, and were likewise rubbing theim selfes: who being demanded why they did so, answered, because they had no servants. But Adrian perceiving their intent, called them to him, and showed them how they might well enough one rub an other.  
¶ Of all these goodly Thermes, there remaineth none other but the broken walls, and the old monstrous ruins, specially of those two that were the greatest, Antoniane, and Dioclesiane, whose hugeness may be reckoned as a wonder amongst the buildings of the world.   

Of the naumachy.  
THere were certain ponds of water called Naumachiae, made of purpose so large, that small ships might meet in them. For like as the Romans were diligent in bringing up their youth in feats of chivalry, So also they exercised them in practice of the water, to make them no less expert by sea than by land. For the which these naumachy were made, specially for the triumphing days, when they used to fight ship with ship: and when also on the land the horsemen should be proving of their strengths. So that in one spectacle you should behold the feats of arms both by sea and land, as most commonly in Circulo maximo it was wont to be. But at this day there scarcely appeareth any sign or token of those ponds, save that every man there can tell where some of them have been: as that before the froute of Palazzo maggiore, an other under Monte de glihortuli, and one of Nero's in the Uaticane. For now through lack of water, since the decay of the conduits, they are become dry ground, and converted into gardens, pastures, and other uses.   

Of the arches of triumph.  
THe Romans used to edify certain arches, and to dedicate them unto the names and memory of such as had conquered strange countries, or returned victorious●ly from dangerous battles. For the which they were received triumphantly into the city, sitting on a rich chario●te, drawn with four white steeds, and their notable prisoners and spoil before them, with goodly representations of the gotten cities, towns, countries and other things: and so passing through the city, should ride unto the temple of jupiter in Capitolio.  
¶ There have been many of these arches, but at this day four only are to be known, that is to weet of Constantine, of Titus, of Severus, and of Domitian.  

Arcus Constantini.  ¶ The first of Constantine standeth on the corner of the hill Palatinus, a little besides Coliseo, and is yet me●ely fair to behold, were it not that the fine carved figures on both sides wrought in the hard marble, are battered, and almost defaced by the weather.  

Arcus Titi.  ¶ The next of Titus and Vespasianus, is in the midst of the way called Sacra, wherein may be seen the representation of the chariot of triumph, with the▪ xii. sergeants on the one side, and on the other the spoils of jerusalem, that is to weet the golden candeltricke of seven branches, the two tables of Moses, the golden table▪ and vessel of the temple, with divers other things: which as joseph writeth, were laid up in the temple of peace.  

Arcus Se●eri.  ¶ The arch of Septimius Severus standeth in the old market place, now called Piazza Romana, at the foot of Campidoglio: and this is the fairest of all the other, having finely graven on both sides the representations of his battles and victories, aswell by sea, as by land, with the title in fair Roman letters, to whom it was dedicated.  
¶ Finally in the way Flaminia, 
Arcus Domitiani.  hard by the church of saint Laurence in Lucina, is the arch of Domitian as they say: and is now called L'arco di Tripoli, nothing of beauty comparable to any of the rest.  
¶ These arches are as it were gatehouses to pass through, but the finesse of the marble, and curious workmanship showeth well, that they were exceeding sumptuous, and more beautiful than any other kind of building.   

¶ Of Theatres.  
LIke as the Romans in their wars, triumphs, and buildings exceeded all other nations of the world, even so did they in their feasts and spectacles: that is to weet in their plays and sights devised for pleasure and recreation.  
¶ One while they recited comedies, an other while they used divers sounds of instrumentis to the Pandomimo, who was one that with signs would counterfeit all manner of men, and declare his conceit as evidently, as if he should have spoken. Sometime they had a numbered of wild beasts brought in, as Elephants, Lions, Tigers, and other like, against whom, men that were either condemned to death, taken in the warris, or foolhardy fellows thereunto hired, should be put to fight: and torn to pieces, unless their chance were wonderful. Sometime again the masters of fence with their scholars, and many times the soldiers, would entre with their sharp swords, and there kill one another, to try theim selfes valiant. Sometime they wrestled, sometime they jousted, and sometime they fought as it were in plain battle, aswell by water as by land, with other like pastimes to long here to rehearse.  
¶ To behold these things, at the beginning every man took such place as he could get, but in process of years when their common wealth flourished, than they devised certain scaffolds of board, with grices or steps one above an other, and fastened them on great beams made after the form of an half circle, for the commodity of the more numbered of people to sit upon. Whereof Pliny saith thus: Behold the people Conqueror of other countries, and lord of all the world, they that overthrow realms and nations, give law to strangers, and be as it were a certain divine thing amongst the human generation, stand here nevertheless dangerously on an engine, rejoicing while they be in peril.  

Theatrum.  ¶ This engine of timber was called Theatre, and the first that ever made any in Rome was Marcus Scaurus, whose Theatre received fourscore thousand persons, and served for .30. days only. But to ease the great charges that the building of such Theatres required from time to time, Pompeius builded one of square stone, sufficient for .80. thousand persons: which Theatre Nero at the receiving of Tiridates king of Armenia, caused to be guilt clean over in a day.  
¶ Many of these Theatres have been in Rome, but the most notable were these iii of Pompeius, or Marcellus and of Cornelius Balbus: of which there remaigneth so little memory at this day, that almost no man can tell where they stood.  
¶ Finally the Amphitheatre, now called Coliseo, 
Amphitheatrum. Coliseo.  is yet standing, one of the perfectest to be seen amongst all the antiquities of Rome, and may in deed be accounted one of the wonders of the world. For though part of it be already fallen down, and the rest decaying daily, yet is it not so defaced, but that you may see perfectly, what it hath been, aswell for the marvelous height, great circuit, and fair stone: as also for the excellent workmanship and proportion. It is round both without and within, from the ground within upwards, it riseth uniformly one step above an other staierwise to a very great height: so that to behold the show in the bottom, which I think is above .300. yards in compass, there might sit an hundred thousand persons at their ease. And because they used to gravel the ground, when any great pastime should be, therefore in the latin tongue some authors have called it Arena: 
Arena.  notwithstanding they have known the name to be Amphitheatrum, which signifieth two Theatres joined togethers, and after most opinions this Amphitheatre was builded by Vespasian and his son Titus.  
¶ There is also an other Amphitheatre yet to be seen, edified by Statilius Taurus: but it is so decayed, that it scarcely deserveth to be spoken of.   

Of the circles.  
AS for the circles, 
Circu●●.  which served to like purposes of spectacles, because there is none of them at this day, that hath any similitude of their ancient being: I can say nothing to them.   

Of the porches.  
OF the solemn and sumptuous porches or vaults, that many authors write, were made through all the principal streets of Rome, to cover the people from son and rain, there be none now any thing like, neither for the pillars, nor yet for the proportion. Where is the porch of Nero, that Tranquillus writeth, extended foorthright iii thousand paces? Where be the porches of Livia, or Octavius, and of his sister Octavia, of Pompeius, of Severus, and of many others? Amongst all of that sort there is but one remaigning, which standeth before the door of the temple Pantheon, situate on xvi wonderful fair pillars, set in iii rows.   

Of temples.  
THe temple of Pantheon is the perfectest of all the antiquities, 
Pantheon.  and standeth whole unto this day. It is round, and hath but one gate to enter in at: the doors whereof are of brass, very great and antic. The circuit within forth is very large, and the height proporcionable. The roof is all vaulted like the half of an egg, of so great compass, that it is a wonder to behold: and in the very top is a great round hole, through which the temple receiveth light. For other window it hath none, and yet is the light so much, that if all the sides were made in windows, it could give no more: under the which in midst of the floor is such hollow provision made, that the rain passeth away without offending the eye or the place. Finally the walls are furnished round about with fair marble, and a numbered of goodly pillars: so that the temple being old, 
S. Maria Rotonda.  is yet thought goodlier than any new building that can be found, and is now called Santa Maria Rotonda.  
¶ Many other temples have been in Rome, that for the most part are likewise converted into churches, which to descrive should be an endless work. But because of the alteration and ruin that time hath wrought, their true antiquity can not be declared: Wherefore I will show where some stood, and into what churches some other have been converted.  
¶ The ancient temple of Romulus is now called San Cosmo●e Damiano, 
Templuni Romuli.  not much unlike the building of Pantheon, with the porch before, and the gates likewise of brass.  
¶ The ruin of the temple of peace, 
T. Pa●is.  which was the beautifullest and richest of all the world, is yet to be seen between Palazzo and Exquilie.  
¶ The temple of janus, 
T. Jani.  which was never open but in time of war, was near unto the church now called San Georgio in Velabro.  
¶ The temple of Isis is now called, 
T. I●idis.  Santa Maria in Aquiro.  
¶ The temple of Minerva is now a house of friars called Santa Maria Sopra la Minerva. 
T. Minerva.   
¶ And the temple of Pallas was in the place before the 
T. Palladis▪  porch of Faustina, now called Pallara.  
¶ As for the temples of Fortune and Concord, which were many, besides a numbered of temples dedicated to the other gods and goddesses, there is none now worthy to be seen.   

Of the pillars.  
IT shallbe necessary to declare, that there be iii kind of pillars, round, square, and striped. These are always of one piece, and the chapter of the pillar called in latin Epistylium, is the stone that standeth on the top of the pillar, like as the base called basis in latin, is the stone that the pillar standeth on. Of which bases there be four sundry fashions, jonici, Dorici, Italici, and Corinthij, or Tusculani, as vitrvuius writeth. These kinds of pillars were so common amongst the Romans, that almost he was no man, that had not a numbered of pillars in his house, of white, red, or divers coloured marble, or of porphyry, or other like rich stone: for the grey is not accounted marble in Italy, but grey stone. So that to consider the infinite numbered of these pillars that were in Rome, and that yet amongst the old ruins are to be seen, it seemeth a wonder where they should be had, and what a treasure they cost. For I have seen divers almost two fathom about, and above .40. foot high. And nothing more earnestly desired I, than to see some of those wonderful temples or edifices upon pillars in their old fashion, with the presence of some of those ancient Romans, that with their naked majesty durst pass through the power of their victorious enemies, as Livy writeth, that Caius Fabius did, when the frenchmen had gotten Rome, and besieged the Capitol. But to my purpose.  
¶ Besides these pillars of one stone they used in Rome certain pillars called Structiles, 
Structiles▪  that were made of divers stones. These were dedicated to the perpetual memory of the worthy emperors, as the two that yet stand do well witness.  
¶ The tone is called the pillar of Trajan, 
Columna Traiani.  which is 123. foot high, and hath a staier of .195. steps withinfoorth, whereby I have gone to the top. It hath 45. little windows that give light inward, and is all of white marble, so well and finely graven, with the stories of all Traian's wars and victories, that it should seem impossible to peincte a thing better.  
¶ The other pillar dedicated unto Antoninus Pius, 
Piazza Colonna.  much after the same sort, hath his wars and doings set forth in figures graven, and is .63. foot higher, but much more decayed than Traianes' pillar: for it is cleft almost from the top to the base, so that if it be not looked unto the sooner (as I think it shall not) it must needs fall.  
¶ There was such an other pillar made all of porphyry, which Constantine took down, and carried to Constantinople. Besides divers other pillars, as one of Caesar, an other called Milliarium aureum, Moenia, and Lactaria, and many more, whereof no part remaigneth now that can be known.   

Of Obelisks.  
OBeliscus is a stone, that being broad and square at the foot, ascendeth proporcionally to a sharp point. Of which sort of stones, there be but viii. now to be seen in Rome: notwithstanding that Fuluius affirmeth, there have been vi great & .42. small.  
¶ These Obelisks were first invented by the Egyptians, and dedicated to the son, not only because it hath the likeness of the son beam, but also because they used by the shadow thereof to try divers conclusions of Astronomy, and specially the hours of the day: as by divers caractes and figures that are yet seen in some of them, it doth evidently appear.  
¶ And a wonder it is to think, what an unreasonable enterprise it was to dig one of them out of the mountain, seeing it could not be had but by cutting away all the ground and rock about it.  
¶ In effect there is but one of them standing, which is in the Vatican, on the southside of saint Peter's church, 
La Guglia  called La Guglia, being .72. foot high of the very stone itself, besides the base and four great Lions of marble that it is set upon: and hath on the top a great ball of brass guilt, with the ashes of Caesar in it, as some hold opinion.  
¶ Octavian August brought two very great ones from Heliopoli in Egypt, the one whereof being .122. foot high, broke in two pieces, as they would have erected it, and the other of .110. foot lieth in Campo Mar●io.  
¶ There lieth one in Girulo, that sometime was Salu●tus garden, and two other lie besides the church of saint Roke, the one of them in the high way.  
¶ The other two are but small, and seem rather pieces than whole stones, the one is in the garden of Araceli in the Capitol: and the other is in the street of San Macutio.   

¶ Of Pyramids.  
THere is no more Pyramids in Rome but one, which the common people take to be the sepulchre of Remus, but the letters graven therein witness it to be the sepulchre of Caius Cestius, one of the vii men that was ordained over the feasts of the solemn sacrifices. And whereas Livy writeth, that Remus was buried in the hill Aventine, whereof it was named Remuria, it is manifest, that this Pyramids was not his sepulchre, for it standeth in the plain, and in the very wall of the city, between the gate of San Paolo, and the hill Testacchio. The fashion of it is like unto a pointed dyamante, and is made of square stone, so great at the foot, that ascending uniformly to the top, it is higher than any tower of the wall.  
¶ In the high ways wihout the city specially Flaminia, Salaria, and Appia be many like seen of much less quantity: But for the most part they are either decayed or decaying. Like as the Cimiteri, which were vaults under earth, that served of later time for Christian sepultures, which with other like kind of buildings, by process of years are worn and come to nought.   

Of Colossuses and images.  
COlossus signifieth an unreasonable great image, such as that of Apollo, that was brought out of Apollonia in Ponto, and set in the Capitol, whose height was xxx cubits. Or that of jupiter in Campo Martio, commonly called Pompeianus. But above all that ever were, the Collose at Rhodes exceeded. For it was .70. cubits high, and so proportionate to that height, that lying on the earth (after it was shaken down by an earthquake) few men could embrace one of the fingers, and many of the hollow places in the joints, seemed valeis or deep bottoms: so that it is written, the saracenes after they had gotten Rhodes, jaded above .900. camels with the brass that they picked out of that Collose.  
¶ Nero caused one to be made of .120. foot high to his own likeness, and set it in the porch of his golden house, which afterwards was removed thence unto the Amphitheatre, and thereof it is thought it took the name of Coliseo.  
¶ Finally I can find no more of these Colossi whole at this day but one head, one hand, and a foot, that lie before the doors of the Conseruatori in the Capitol.  
¶ It is true that in many placis of Rome are seen wonderful pieces of marble, that should seem to have been membres of those Colossi: but they are in manner clean defaced.  
¶ Likewise of the excellent images, both of brass and marble, aswell of men as of horse, many pieces yet remaigne: though scarcely worth the name of good images, as they appear now.  
¶ Fuluius writeth, that there were in Rome .24. horses of brass guilt, and .114. of ivory, besides a numbered of men's images on horseback and on foot of marble and other matter. But of all these there are now none to be seen, saving one of brass on horseback at Saint john Lateranes, which some ascribe unto Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, some to Lucius Verus, and some to Severus: and an other there is in the Capitol called, Jl gran Villano.  
¶ In deed there be divers bodies without heads, I think because some strangers deliting in those antiquities, have broken of the heads to carry them away.  
¶ Amongst all other Constantius, son of Constantine, being come out of Greece to see Rome: and arriving in the street called Forum Traiani, rested all amazed to behold the wonderful beauty thereof: and despairing with himself to be able to bring to pass any of those things that were before his eyes, said, he would see, whether he could make such an other horse of brass as was there under Trajan in the midst of the market place. Whereunto one of his skilful men present, named Ormisda, answered, that he were best first to make such an other stable to put his horse in. And if emperors theim selfes have marveled at these things, why should not other men wonder at them?   

Of the hill Testacchio.  
IF the common report be true, this hill is one of the notablest things amongst the antiquities of Rome: because (as they say) the Romans ordained, that all tributes, which were brought yearly to Rome, should be laid in pots made of the earth of the countries from whence it came, which pots after the money was paid, should be brought to the place where this ●ill lieth, there to be broken and remaigne on an heap for a perpetual memory of the Roman empire. And being well considered, it shall appear, that there can be no devise like unto this, to have a thing endure for ever. For if the hill had been made of any matter worth the carrying away, it should have been spoiled long ere this time: but because there is nothing to be gotten, saving potshards, therefore it remaigneth whole as none other antiquity doth. And although learned men allow not this vulgar opinion, thinking it hath grown rather of the broken pots, that have been thrown out of the vii college of potters, founded by Numa Pompilius, yet beholding advisedly the place, whereon it standeth, being the fairest plain within the walls of Rome, me seemeth it half incredible, that the Romans would suffer so fair a ground to be occupied with potshards: unless there were some further purpose in it, than I can imagine. For the hill is little lack of half a mile compass, higher a great deal than any tour in the town wall, and so easy to get up on every side, that I have ridden up at the one end, and down at the other: and yet is the earth of it so thin, that digging iii inches deep, you shall find potshards.   

De Hippodromo.  
Between this Testacchio and the hill Aventine is a fair green anciently called Hippodromus, where some years at shrovetide, the Romans use to this day, to tourney on horseback, and among other pastimes, they tie two bulls to the tail of a cart, and so drive the cart from the top of Testacchio down into the plain, and he that first can take the cart and bulls, shall have them: But if the bulls break lose, as many times they do, they make foul work amongst the people ere they be taken, so that sometimes they are feign to kill them. Some hold opinion, that this play was first devised by Tarqvinius Priscus, to be celebrated in February in honour of the infernal gods.   

Of Graners and Arsenales.  
ON the other side between Testacchio and Tiber have been .140. graners for corn, long and large, as by some of the old foundations it doth yet appear. And somewhat ne●er the foot of the hill Aventine, were the sellers and ●aultes for sault, and all manner of merchandise: with the Arsenales, where their ships and galleys were made: of which at this day is scarce any sign to be perceived.  
¶ Finally it were to tedious a matter for me to speak of every notable thing in Rome. For if Blondus, nor yet Fuluius Italians borne, dwelling in Rome, and well learned men, have travailed therein, and would not yet undertake fully to descrive those antiquities, should I a stranger, that tarried there but a small time, enterprise to do it? And yet amongst all other I had almost forgotten the sepulchre of Bacchus, that lieth in a little old temple besides the church of Saint Agnes without the walls, 
Sepulchrun B●cchi.  more notable for the value of the stone than for the workmanship. For it is of fine red porphyry, plain and square like a chest, and so great, that the only cover woull require a great force to lift it up: so that my guide said meriely, if I had company sufficient to raise up this stone, I would one night see what were within: meaning that the god Bacchus could not be buried there without some treasure.  
¶ And to the intent that generally men may the better understand the sorts of marble, and manners of building, wherewith the city hath been anciently beautified, I shall here rehearse one saying of Fuluius.  

The saying of Fuluius.  ¶ The ancient great buildings, aswell public as private, for the most part were founded upon great square stones, to the end that the weight and substance of the building should be the more steadfast, every stone so joined to other with iron clasps, that they needed no mortar. And than the wall from the foundation upwards was made of stones, that weighed not passed a pound weight a piece, laid together proporcionallie chekerwise. The front of the building was most commonly wrought after the manner of a net, or pergetted either with a fair white mixture, or else with jesse, and some covered finely with thin marble, or with certain plates of latin guilt. The vaults and roofs of the chaumbres were trimmed either with glass, with lead, with jesse, or else with very fine peintyngꝭ: and the floors under foot made some of glass and some of the finest marble, or other pleasant devices of divers making.  
¶ They had many kinds of strange marble, 
kinds of Marbles.  as white marble of the isle of Paro and of Carrara, and that which cometh from Laconia the pleasantest of all. The red marble not unlike the masarde, with certain white spots, which they call porphyry. The bloody marble that groweth in Troade. The black marble called Luculleus. The spotted marble called Serpentine. The Onichite brought out of Arabia. The alabaster, and some marble transparent, that is to be seen through, as the Fengite, with divers others.   

¶ Of the present estate of Rome.  
OF the ground conteigned within the wallis scarcely the third part is now inhabited, and that not where the beauty of Rome hath been, but for the most part on the plain to the water side, and in the Uaticane: because that since the bishops began to reign, every man hath coveted to build as near the court as might be. Nevertheless those streets and buildings that are there at this time are so fair, that I think no city doth excel it, by reason they have had the beautifullest things of the antiquities before rehearsed to garnish their houses withal. Specially the bishop, his Cardinals, prelate's and other membres of his church, who have all at their commandment. For though the Romans have in their hearts unto this day a certain memory of their ancient liberty, which they have attempted many times to recover: yet doth the bishop keep them in such subjection, that they dare not once steerre for their lives, but speak they may what they list, so it be no treason: and therefore many times you shall hear them rail on the bishop and his officers that it is a wonder. In effect the present estate of Rome in comparison of the ancient estate deserveth not to be spoken of, and yet I believe, that in the Romans most glory, there was never half so much pomp used as now. O what a world it is to see the pride and abomination, that the Churchemen there maintain? What is a king? wha● is an emperor in his majesty? Any thing like to the Roman bishop? No surely, nor I would not wish them so to be. And to the intent you may the better perceive it, you shall understand, that on Christmas day, the year of our lord 1547. Paul the third being bishop, I noted his coming to church, because it was a principal feast celebrated in Pontificalibus. Wherefore early in the morning I resorted to the palace, and there waited the coming of the Cardinals, that for the most part lie in the city, and to come to saint Peter'S, must pass Ponte Sant' Angelo, where is an old order, that when so ever any Cardinal passeth the bridge, there is a piece of ordinance shot of in the castle: for an honour that the bishop is bound to observe towards his brethren.  
¶ I had not been long in the palace, but I hard two pieces shot of at ones, whereby I knew that two Cardinals were coming, and therefore resorted to the gate to see them and their train.  
¶ From Castle Sant' Angelo to Saint Peter's stairs, there is an exceeding fair street, straight and level more than a quarter of a mile long, called Borgo San Piero, in the further end whereof I saw these Cardinals come, and therewith out of the bishops palace came his guard of swizzers all in white harueis, and there alongst before the gate made a lave half on one side and half on the other, with their ii drums and a fife before them. And assoon as the Cardinallis approached, the drums and fife began to play, and so continued till the Cardinals were well entered amongst the guard. Than the trumpets blewe up an other while, till the Cardinals were almost at the gate, and as they should enter, the shawms began to play, and ceased not till they were alighted, and mounted up the stairs to the bishops lodging.  
¶ The like ceremonies were used unto all the Cardinals that came, whether one came alone or many togethers. And there tarried more than ii hours hearkening to this gunneshot and merry piping, and reckoned above .40. Cardinals that came thus riding, sometime one alone, and sometime iii or four together.  
¶ There was no Cardinal that came without a great train of gentlemen and prelate's, well horsed and appointed, some had .40. some .50. and some .60. or more, and next before every of them road ii henchemen, the one carrying a coushin and a rich cloth, and the other a pillar of silver, and the cardinals themselves aparayled in robes of crimson chamlet, with red hats on their heads, road on moils.  
¶ When they were all come to the palace, and had waited awhile in the chaumbre of presence, the bishop himself with the iii crowned mitre full of jewels, in a very rich cope, with shoes of crimson velvet, sect with precious stones, and in all his other pontifical apparel, came forth, and at the chamber door sat him down in a chair of crimson velvet, through the which reuneth two staves covered with the same. Thus being set, the prelate's and clergy, with the other officers passed on afore him. Which are such a numbered, as were able to make the muster of a battle, if they were well ordered in the field, Dataries, Threasorers, Clerks of the Chambre, Penitentiaries, Prebendaries, Notaries, Protonotaries, and a thousand more, each order of them in his divers devise of parliament robes, all in scarlet, and for the most part finely furred. Than came the double cross, the sword and the imperial hat, and after that the Cardinallis by two and two, and between every two a great rout of gentlemen. Than came the ambassadors, and next them the bishop himself blessing all the way, and carried in his chair by viii men clothed in long robes of scarlet: and on either side of him went his guard making Rome, and crying abasso abasso, for they that woull not willingly kneel, shallbe made kneel by force. And I think verily the foremost of this order was distant from the hindermost more than a quarter of a mile.  
¶ Thus when he came into the midst of the church against the sacrament of the altar, he turned himself towards it, and bowing his head a little, seemed to make a certain familiar reverence.  
¶ Than was he carried into the chapel, brought behind the altar (for the altar standeth in the midst open every way) and there in a throne of wonderful majesty was set up as a god.  
¶ The Cardinallis then bestowed themselves after their auncientees in certain stalls, somewhat lower about the queer. Than sat the Ambassadors, and other prelate's at their feet. And so when they were set, the chapel began the offitorie of the mass, and sang so sweetly, that me thought I never heard the like. At the communion of the mass the Cardinal that celebrated, broke the host in iii pieces, whereof he eat one himself, and the other two he delivered upon the paten to a Cardinal appointed, that brought it to the bishop, and in his presence (for fear of poisoning) took assay of the second piece: and delivered him the third.  
¶ When the mass was finished, the bishop gave his benediction, with many years of pardon, and than returned to the palace in like order as he came.  
¶ As for the pomp he useth when he rideth abroad, I need not to speak of it, considering what I have said, saving that you shall understand, how Corpus domini is always carried in a tabernacle before him on a white hackeney, that is taught to kneel both at the setting up, and also at the taking down of it.  
¶ In deed the bishop for his own ordinary keepeth no great house, but his train exceedeth all that I have seen. For every Cardinal and prelate keepeth house according to his hability, and some of them are so precise, that if one of their retinue be myssing, when they go out of their doors, be it gentleman or other, he forfeiteth a certain piece of money, which he is constrained forthwith to pay. And lightly there is none of them without three or four paiges trimmed like young princes, for what purpose I would be loath to tell.  
¶ If I should say, that under their long robes they hide the greatest pride of the world, it might happen some men would believe it, but that they are the vainest men of all other, their own acres do well declare. For their ordinary pastime is to disguise themselves, to go laugh at the Courtisanes houses, and in the shroving time, to ride masking about with them, which is the occasion that Rome wanteth no jolly dames, specially the street called julia, which is more than half a mile long, fair builded on both sides, in manner inhabited with none other but Courtisanes, some worth ten and some worth twenty thousand crowns more or less as their reputation is. And many times you shall see a Courtisane ride into the country, with ten or xii horse waiting on her.  
¶ Briefly by report, Rome is not without .40000. harlots mainteigned for the most part by the clergy and their followers. So that the Romans theim selfes suffer their wives to go seldom abroad, either to church or other place, and some of them scarcely to look out at a lattice window, whereof their proverb saith, In Roma vale piu la putana, che la moglie Romana, that is to say, In Rome the harlot hath a better life, than she that is a Romans wife.  
¶ In their apparel they are as gorgeous as may be, and have in their going such a solemn pace, as I never saw. In conclusion to live in Rome is more costly than in any other place, but he that hath money may have there what him liketh. But now remaigneth to speak of the new buildings.   

Of saint Peter's church.  
THe church of saint Peter standeth somewhat aloft on the hill Vatican, and hath before it a very fair and large room, as it were a market place: in the midst whereof is a goodly fountain of marble, that gussheth out water of a great height.  
¶ From this place up to the church are about .30. steps or grices of square stone, the solemnest that I have seen. For they are almost .30. paces long. At the top of this stair, over the midst of a goodly porch, is a great image of saint Peter of fine marble. Within that is a large court paved with fine marble, in the midst whereof is an antic pineaple of brass of a wonderful bigness, and so many images, pillars and other rich stones, that have been gathered out of the antiquities, and brought thither to furnish the new buildings withal, that it should be an endless work to descrive them. Out of this court is the entry into the church, which hath iii great gates of brass, wherein the stories of the acts of Eugenie the four are finely graven.  
¶ This church within is nothing fair to the eye, but it hath in it many beautiful and fine things, as the tabernacle of marble, where (they say) Christ's sudarie, and one of the iii nails lieth, the goodly brazen sepulture of Sixtus the four the brazen images of saint Peter and Paul, a numbered of goodly pillars, and divers other things.  
¶ But above all the new building, if it were finished, would be the goodliest thing of this world, not only for the antic pillars that have been taken out of the antiquities, and bestowed there, but also for the greatness and excellent good proportion that it hath. Nevertheless it hath been so many years adoing, and is yet so unperfect, that most men stand in doubt, whether ever it shallbe finished or no.  
¶ In the midst of this new building is a preaty chapel, wherein the bishop, with all his Cardinals and clergy, use to celebrate their solemn ceremonies.   

Of the bishop's palace with Beluedere.  
THe bishop's palace joineth to the church, which to mine eye seemeth much greater than goodly: notwithstanding the lodgings within forth are fair, but I can most commend the staier, that goeth down from the palace to the church, almost a quarter of a mile about, so fair paved and plain, that a man may easily ride up and down.  
¶ About iii quarters of a mile from the palace is the bishops banqueting house, called Beluedere, one of the finest buildings that is to be seen, so rich, so pleasant, and of so goodly a prospect, that it seemeth almost an other paradise. The garden walled round about, is full of fair orange trees, and hath in the midst a goodly fountain with perfect plots in mould of the river of Nile in Egypt, and of Tiber, that runneth through Rome. Besides the images of fine marble of Romulus and Remus playing with a wolves teats, of Apollo with his bow and arrows, of Laocoonte, with his ii children wrapped about with serpents, of Venus beholding little Cupid, of the sorrowful Cleopatra, lying by the river side, and of divers other to long to rehearse.   

¶ Of Castle Sant' Angelo.  
THis Castle is no less notable than some of the rest. It standeth on the bank of Tiber in manner clean without the town, and hath iii wards, one within an other: excellently well builded and strong, and after most men's opinions is impregnable, unless it be by famine. The two inner wards stand upon the sepulchre of the emperor Adrian, which is a certain black mass of earth of a great height, compounded of certain mixtures, which being dried, is harder and more durable than stone itself. Upon this foundation Adrian made his tomb, and decked it with such ornaments of marble and other sumptuous things, as made it seem one of the rarest things of the world. But after it came to the bishop's handis, considering the force of the place and strong foundation, they converted it to a fortress, and have edified many goodly lodgeynges upon it: so that oftentimes the bishop himself lieth in it, and keepeth his court there.   

Of buildings in general.  
Finally there be a number of as fair palaces in Rome as in any other place of the world, whereof it should be to long here to make particular mention: but specially the palace that Paul now bishop there hath builded, by the place called Campo di fiore, where Pompeius' house stood in the old time, deserveth not to be forgotten. For he hath rooted out of the ruins of the antiquities such goodly marble pillars and other fine stone, which he hath bestowed on that house, that if he finish it, as it is begun, it woull be the galauntest thing old or new, that shall be found again in all Europe, and he hath called it after his own name Palazzo Farnese.    

Abbridgement of the lives of the Roman Bishops.  
BEcause my principal purpose tendeth to descrive the astates of Italy, I need not to use much circumstance, either in mattiers of religion, or yet in writing all the lives of the bishops of Rome. Wherefore intending to begin at Silvester, the first bishop there that had any thing in perpetuitee, I have thought good to declare the divers opinions of their original.  

Peter the apostle.  ¶ Some ancient authors affirm, that Peter one of Christ's Apostles, after that he had sufficiently confirmed the church in Asia, and confuted the error of those Christians that allowed circumcision, came to Rome the second year of Claudius' Empire, and there was received of the congregation as bishop. In which office he ministered .25. years, and at last was crucified with the head downwards, the same day that Paul the apostle was beheaded, the last year of Nero's reign, and the 37. year after Christ's death.  
¶ contrariwise many learned men at these days are of opinion, that Peter never came in Rome, grounding themselves upon divers reasons, as this. If Peter had comen thither, it could not have been unwriten in the holy scriptures, either by Luke in the acts of the apostles, or else by Paul in some of his epistelles. Or if Peter were of that age, that it should seem he was at Christis death, and after continued in Antioch and other places so many years as is to be proved, it seemeth impossible he should come to Rome, and there live .25. years. Wherefore they say, the ambitious bishops of Rome, to cover their usurped authority, have feigned this coming of Peter thither.  
¶ But this is clear, that from Peter to Silvester they reckon .33. bishops: which for the most part were persecuted, and many of them martyred by the emperors officers. So that in manner they always kept theim selfes out of sight, preaching and ministering secretly without pomp estate or solemn ceremony. But from the time of Silvester hitherwardes, as they grew in wealth, so increased their worldly majesty and ambition, as hereafter more plainly appeareth.  
¶ As for the bishops names, the time of their reign, and the date of our Lord, because that in a table I have put them all togethers, I need not particularly to rehearse every one of them, but such as the occasion of my purpose shall necessarily require.  

Silvester .1  SIluester the first of that name, after he had been a certain space in the hill Soratto, now called Monte di San Siluestro, where for fear of persecution, he hid himself, hearing of the good inclination that the emperor Constantine the first was of, towards Christian religion, came to Rome, and so discreetly behaved himself that the emperor was converted to the right faith, and baptized.  
¶ Some write, that the occasion thereof proceeded of a miracle done on Constantine, in recovering his health from the leaprie. But Platina thinketh that to be a fable, and in manner proveth it, thinking rather it proceeded of the sign of the cross, that Constantine did see in the firmament, under which he was promised victory, and so carrying a red cross in his standard before him, he overcame his enemy Maxentius, whereupon he gave ear to Silvesters preaching, and was converted. But what so ever the occasion was, it is agreed, that Silvester baptized Constantine, who being christened, turned many of the gentiles temples to Christian churches: enduing them with ornaments and possessions.  
¶ Not long after, leaving Rome to Silvester and his successors, as the clergy say, Constantine went to dwell at Byzantium, which he had than newly re-edified, calling it Constantinople after his own name. So that from thenceforth the Christian faith began to flourish over all the world: and therefore most part of all Christian churches sent to the bishops of Rome to learn of them the ceremonies and ordres necessary to be used in the church, by reason whereof the emperors being resident elsewhere, the Roman bishops grew in such reputation, that at length they became emperors themselves.  
¶ And there is an ancient writing in the Vatican library, called the Donation of Constantine, 
The donation of Constantine.  which is so vehement liberal, that it should seem the emperor spoiled himself of all his glory and honour, and of a great part of his dominion, to give them to the church of Rome: by authority whereof the Roman bishops have taken upon them the imperial vestments, majesty, commandments and dominion over some countries.  
¶ In deed Laurentius Valla, an excellent learned man, 
Ualla against the donation.  and a Roman borne, hath written a book to confound this Donation of Constantine, and proveth by so many reasons, that it hath been feigned by some bishop of later time than Silvester, that I am persuaded rather to believe him than the Donation. In effect this Silvester was the first that prescribed a direct order of ministers in the church, and how they should be known in their degrees from the highest to the lowest: by whose time there sprung divers sects amongst the Christians, as the Arrianes, Photines, Sabellianes, and others: for whose reformation the Nicene counsel was called, 
Nicene counsel,  but for all that those errors ceased not many years after.  
¶ Next unto Silvester Mark succeeded, 
Marcus,  who made his clergy like unto a common wealth, exempting the same from all temporal jurisdiction, and further established a certain order for the solemn consecration of the Roman bishops, that before used no pomp at all.  

julius.  ¶ julie the first contended with the church of the Orient, partly for the Arrian sect, but most of all for the supremacy of the church. For this julie was the first that claimed the inheritance of Peter's keys, for the which Constantius, the son of Constantine, banished him out of Rome. But ere he had fully been away ten months the emperor died, and than returned he from exile.  

Liberius.  ¶ Liberius the first was bishop after him, who by the power of the Arrianes, after the counsel holden at Milan, was banished, and Felix the second chosen in his place. But at length through the emperors displeasure, 
Felix .2.  Felix was deposed, and Liberius restored, who from that time forward favoured the Arrianes, and ordained that every bishop should be resident on his benefice, and apply himself to feed his flock.  

Damasus.  ¶ Damasus succeeded Liberius, who contented with Vrcisinus, one of the deacons of the church, that was likewise elected unto the bishopric. For the romans at that time were divided into sects, so that a numbered of either side were slain, but finally Damasus prevailed: and Vrcisinus was confined to Naples.  
¶ This Damasus was afterwardis accused of adultery: and therefore called .40. bishop's together, and clering himself of the crime, not only punished his accusers, but also made a decree, Sub poena tallionis, that none of the clergy from thensefoorth should be accused: which Poena tallionis condemneth the accuser to the pain of the accusation, in case he provet it not.  
¶ At this time lived saint Hierome, 
Hierome.  that than had newly translated the bible out of Hebrew into the latin tongue, and had set it forth to the edification of the church, which before had none other but the .70. interpreters.  
¶ Syritius was next bishop, in whose time, 
Syritius,  the sect of the Manichees increased much: of all other most pestilent to our Christian religion. It began through one Maneph, a Persian borne, who named himself Christ, chose unto him .12. apostles, reproved the old testament, followed the new, and said, that Christ had but a fantastical and a feigned body: and with wonders gate him such creadite, that in manner all the east parties were corrupted with his heresies.  
¶ Finally Syritius, to reform this and other like sects, called a general counsel in Constantinople of 1350. bishops, where these opinions were universally condemned: though they could not be clearly extinguished many years after.  
¶ But because it apperteygneth not to my purpose, to write of sects and opinions, seeing that till the time of Gregory the second, about the year of our lord .720. the Roman bishops travailed most in mattiers of religion, being always obedient and ruled by the emperors without peculiar dominion: I woull pass them over for that space.  
¶ True it is, that in the time of Phoca the emperor, upon controversy moved between the Patriarch of Constantinople and the bishop of Rome, for the supremacy of the church, 
Supremacy of the church.  Boniface the iii obtained a privilege of the emperor, that he and his successors from thensefoorth should be taken for Primates and chief of all Christian bishops. By reason of which preferrment not long after the Roman bishops, not only took on them the direction of all other bishops, with granting of Dispensations, jubilees, and Pardons, but also would put forth their feet to be kissed of princes: yea and of emperors theim selfes, as appeareth by the example of the emperor justinian, who kissed the feet of bishop Constantine the first, as Platina affirmeth: like as other emperors sens have accustomed to do. But for all that I find not, that any bishop openly contended with the emperors till the time of this Gregory the second.  

Gredori●s .2. Images put out of churches.  ¶ Leo the iii emperor commanded throughout his dominion, that all manner of images should be clean had out of the churches for avoiding of Idolatry, but the most part of the people disallowed this ordinance. Through comfort whereof this Gregory so contended against it, that in most parts of Italy, the emperors officers executing their princis commandment in this behalf, were hewn to pieces: as the exarke of Ravenna with his son, Marinus Spatarius duke of Rome with his son, and divers other. insomuch that Gregory not only sequestered from the emperor the customs and taxes due unto him out of Rome and many other cities in Italy, but also called a counsel, and excommunicated the emperor as an heretic, and leaving the church in that estate died. Blondus saith, that the doer hereof was Stephen the second, who was bishop before this Gregory: but by agreement of most authors it should not seem to be so.  
¶ Than succeeded Gregory the iii who following the example of his predecessor, 
Gregorius. ●.  called a counsel in Rome of a .1000. bishops, wherein the emperor was not only excommunicate again, but also by decree deprived of his imperial title and jurisdiction, and the Italian nation procured to rebel against him.  
¶ By reason whereof when Luitprandus king of the Lombard's, had besieged the city of Rome, the bishop could not for shame require succours of the emperor, but was feign to send to Charles martel, 
Charles martel.  than being chief ruler in France: by whose fair mean and entreaty, the Lumbarde withdrew his siege, the rather because Charles martel had made him his gossip. And here began the first amity between the kings of France and the Roman church.  
¶ Zacharie succeeded Gregory, 
Zacharias.  who to increase the reputation of the Roman church, at the intercession of Pepine, son unto Charles martel, than great master of the french kings house, 
Chilperike deposed.  deposed Chilperike than being king, and made him a monk closed up in a cloister, and afterwards invested Pepine king of France. For which act the heirs of Pepine were ever after earnest friends to the Roman See.  
¶ This Zacharie upon occasion went to Narnia to Luitprandus king of Lombard's, and there partly with making a sermon, and partly with his humble behaviour, entered in such grace with the king, that he gave to the church of Rome iii cities, Narnia, Ancona, and Humana, with a great valley in Sutri: which were the first notable possessions that the church of Rome obtained. For until this time if the church had any temporalties, they were so small, that they served scarcely to the necessary finding of the ornaments and ministers. But after this they increased so much, that they passed princely astates.  

Stephanus .2.  ¶ After Zacharie followed Stephen the second, in whose time Aristolfus or Aistolfus, king of Lombard's, troubled all the astates of Italy, by reason he had gotten Ravenna, with divers other cities, and was like to have subdued the rest. Wherefore the bishop, that than had taken upon him to rule the Romans, sent for aid unto Constantine the .v. than emperor. From whom he received so small comfort, that for his last refuge, he repaired to Pepine king of France, and procured him to come into Italy.  
¶ Pepine to gratify the Roman church, used all his power, and two several times passed the Alps against Aristolfe. At the first he besieged Pavia, and there constreigned Aristolfe to promise more than he performed in deed: and at the second time, for breach of that promise, to forego the exarkate of Ravenna, which he had before taken by force from the emperors exarke there: so that Pepine at his last voyage gave unto the Romans, although the bishop under that name received it as his own, all the territory of Pentapoli and Aemilia, from Placentia to Pesaro, lying between the Apennine hillꝭ, the Po, and the Adriatic sea: which are at the least xi or xii cities, with the countries about them. Through the gift whereof the Roman bishopric increased no less in power than before time it had done in authority.  
¶ True it is, that the emperor sent his ambassadou●rs unto Pepine, to claim this exarkate, whereof he and his predecessors had been in possession .170. years: but those ambassadors could not be heard.  
¶ Blondus saith, that these things happened in the time of bishop Gregory the iii  
¶ Of this Paul I find nothing notable, 
Paulus.  saving he did his best to dissuade Constantine the .v. emperor from the defacing and hurling of images out of the christian churches: but Constantine, following the example of his father Leo, 
Images.  not only extirped the images, but also put divers to death that went about to resist it.  
¶ After the death of Paul, Desiderius, king of the Lombard's made Constantine bishop by force, 
Constantinus .2.  but within a year, the clergy of Rome deposed him, and elected Stephen the iii in his place, 
Stephanus .3.  in whose time happened no notable thing in the church, saving that he with all the clergy immediately after his election, in token of humility, went barefoot in procession from the Laterane church to Saint Peter'S.  
¶ This Adrian was so halt of courage, 
Adrianus.  that when Desiderius the king sent ambassadors to congratulate his election, and to enter in amity with him, he answered them, how may I trust him, that so oft hath broken his faith? wherewith Desiderius took such displeasure, that he invaded the church's dominion, and took by force Faenza, Ferrara, Comacchio, Montefeltro, Vrbino, Senegalia, and was come as far as Spoleti, intending to go to Rome, had not iii bishops met him there with an excommunication: for fear whereof he returned to Pavia without any more ado. But because he held still in possession the foresaid cities, the bishop of Rome procured Charlemaigne, than french king, to come into Italy, who with a mighty power besieged Pavia, took Desiderius with his wife and children prisoners, restored to the church all that his father Pepine had given, with more, and reserved unto himself the dominion of Lombardy.  
¶ In this bishop's time Tiber rose so high, that Rome was in manner clean drowned.  

Leo .3.  ¶ After Adrian succeeded Leo the iii who because the Romans conspired against him, fled unto Charlemaigne, and by him was restored with great pomp into his estate, & for pacifying this roman fury against the bishop, Charlemaigne himself with a great army came to Rome, where for the high service he had done to holy church, the Roman bishop anointed and proclaimed him emperor August: 
Thempire divided.  and his son Pepine king of Italy. So that from this time forwards the emperors of Constantinople were no more reputed roman emperors: but emperors of Greece. For Charlemaigne did so much, that at length the empires were divided by confines, and the Greek Emperors consented to suffer the frenchmen in quyette both with the name and dominion of the Occidental empire.  
¶ After the death of Charlemaigne and of Pepine, this Leo remembering the old conspiracy made against him, caused many of the chief Romans his enemies to be put to death. For the which at last he was feign to withdraw him from Rome, and lying at Blera, the Romans in a sudden rage spoiled and razed to the earth all the buildings that he had made or procured to be made in Rome. And because the bishop died shortly thereupon, Lewis the french king and emperor, sent his cousin bernard as king into Italy, to be a stay against the inconveniences that of this fury might have followed: which bernard within few years after rebelled, but at last he was constrained to yield himself, and so being brought into France, was beheaded.  
¶ This Stephen went into France, 
Stephanus .4.  and there crowned the forenamed Lewis emperor, who for his great courtesy and gentleness was called Lewis the meek: and at his return to Rome, this bishop brought many Romans home with him, that his predecessor had exiled.  
¶ After Stephen succeeded Paschal, 
Pascalis.  who crowned Lotharius, son of Lewis the meek, king of Italy, and successor to his father in the empire: and with fair persuasions obtained of Lewis the election or confirmation of all bishops, which before that time depended only upon the emperors pleasure. And further procured the confines and limits of the church's dominion to be made certain, and that with the largest.  
¶ But Gregory the four would not take upon him the bishopric, 
Gregorius .4.  till he had received his confirmation from the emperor Lewis before named.  
¶ In his time, the saracenes in great number landed in Italy, besieged Rome, took it, spoiled it, and all the country about: but at last they were repulsed by the Marquis Guido of Lombardy, with help of the frenchmen.  
¶ Sergius the second, 
Sergius▪ ●  first gave precedent to all his successors to change their names: by reason that his own name Bocca di porco that is to say, swynesmouth, was so unseemly, that he thought it not agreeable to his dignity. He repaired the walls of the Vatican, and builded castle Sant' Angelo upon the tomb of Adrian.  

johannes .8.  ¶ johan the viii was an english woman, that in her youth disguised in a boys apparel was brought to Athenes in Greece, where she profited so much in learning, that when she returned to Rome, for her good behaviour and singler reputation she was elected bishop: and so continued more than two years, till at last going in procession towards saint john Lateranes, she fell in travail of child in the high way, and there died. For which cause the bishops to this day do forsake that way, and (as they say) when any new bishop is elected, he is brought to saint john Lateranes, and there set in a chair with an hole, that the eldest Deacon of the Cardinals may feel utrum habet testiculos.  

Adrianus .2.  ¶ Adrian the second was elected and established bishop without the emperors consent, wherewith the emperors ambassadors, than resident in Rome, began somewhat to be moved: but at length the emperor himself was so contented withal, that from thensefoorth the clergy in manner esteemed not the emperors.  

johannes .9.  ¶ john the ix succeeded Adrian, and willing to crown Lodovicus Balbus french king emperor: the Romans (that favoured more Charles the iii king of Germany, who than was entered into Italy with an army) put the bishop in prison: but he was shortly conveyed out, and fled into France, where he anointed the king emperor. Nevertheless within a while after the french king died, and than was the bishop reconciled to the foresaid king Charles, whom he afterward crowned emperor.  
¶ Adrian the iii bishop made a law, 
Adrianus ●  that from thenceforth the emperors should have nought to do with his successors elections.  
¶ Stephen the vi bearing malice in his heart against his predecessor Formosus, 
Stephanus .6.  caused him to be taken out of his grave, to be spoiled of his pontifical vestments, his fingers to be cut of, and his body to be thrown into Tiber, as an excomunicate and damned person. For which act there grew heinous contention amongst the Romans, that ceased not many years after.  
¶ At this place Platina began to lament the tyranny of the Roman bishops, because from hence foorthf there reigned no more humility, temperance, religion, troth nor charity among them: but in stead thereof ambition, disdeygne, avarice, falsehood, and tyranny. For shortly after Leo the .v. was by force deposed, and put in prison by Christofer the first, one of his own bringing up: who continued scarcely vii months, but was likewise served by Sergius the iii  
¶ Here, I have thought good to make a little digression, because of the notable change of the empire.  
¶ About this time began the contention between Lewis the French king, and Berengarius Duke of Friuli for the empire and dominion of Lombardy.  
¶ The Italians would not, that the bishops of Rome should crown any other emperor than one of their own nation, whereupon Berengarius took on him the name of emperor and king of Italy, and in that quarrel fought twice with Lewis. The first battle he lost, but the second he won: in the which Lewis was taken prisoner, and one of his eyes put out. And thus ended the empire in charlemagne descent, 
Change of the empire.  for the which was no small contention awhile between the iii nations, Italian, French and Douche.  

Berengarius .1.  ¶ first this Berengarius reigned with the name of emperor four years, and had no small wars, specially with the Conte Guido di Spoleti: who at the last was discomfited and slain in the field. And as some writ, the bishop Lando gave Berengarius the crown.  

Berengarius .2.  ¶ After him reigned Berengarius the second vii years, who suffered the hungarians to pass into Italy, upon condition they should not offend his subjects: but they kept not their covenant with him.  

Raulfe Duke of Burgoyne.  ¶ And than came Raulfe Duke of Burgoyne, and drove him out of Italy: which he ruled for the space of iii years, till Berengarius, with help of the hungarians recovered it again.  

Hugo C●nte d' Arli.  ¶ Than came Hugh, Conte d' Arli, and reigned after Berengarius ten years asking of Italy.  

Berengarius .3.  ¶ The last of the Italians was Berengarius the iii who reigned about xi years, and was expulsed, as you shall here afterwards.  

johannes .11.  ¶ john the xi (a better warrior than churchman) with the help of Alberico Marquis of Tuscan, gathered an army, and fought with the saracenes, that than had overrun Puglia and Calabria, and were coming to Rome, and in effect so discomfited them, that they fled to Monte Gargano, where they fortified themselves, and did much hurt afterwards in the realm of Naples. Finally he fell at variance with the forenamed Marquis, who therefore called the Hungarians into Italy, and scourged the whole nation, aswell his own subjects as others: So that the Romans to be avenged took Alberico and beheaded him, and the soldiers took the bishop and strangled him.  
¶ Agapet the second, 
Agapitus .2.  seeing the puissance of Berengarius the iii and fearing to come under his subjection, with consent of the Romans procured Otho, than newly chosen emperor in Germany, 
Otho.  with a great army to come into Italy. Where he fought twice with Berengarius, and at either time took him and his son Albert prisoners. The first time he restored him to the estate of Lombardy upon conditions. But the second time he and his son both were led away, and confined the one to Bamborough in Almaigne, and the other to Constantinople: where they died miserably.  
¶ john the xii not by free election, but by the power of his father Alberico than chief of the Romans, 
johannes .12.  was made bishop. For though the bishops had long time continued like kings, I mean for their estate and temporal possessions: yet for all that the Romans created yearly certain consuls and other officers after their old fashion, and had belonging to their common wealth divers towns near unto Tuscan, between Vrbeventano, and Tudertino, and all that is between Naples, Marsi, Riete, and Rome, so that the chief Romans bore a great stroke in the bishops elections.  
¶ This bishop crowned Otho beforenamed first emperor of the Germans. For neither Henry Duke of Saxony last emperor before him, nor yet Conrade successor to Lewis before named of charlemagne descent, were ever crowned: though they both took upon them the imperial authority.  
¶ This john was a man of so ill living, that two of his Cardinals complained on him to the emperor: beseeching him to see a reformation for an example to the world. But the bishop hearing of this, was soon even with them. For he cut of the ones nose, and the others hands: and afterwards received the emperor with so good a countenance, that he seemed nothing guilty, till the clergy with one voice accused him, whereupon he fled into the mountains and hid himself: so that the emperor with consent of the clergy chose Leo the viii But assoon as the emperor returned home, john by force of his friends expulsed Leo, recovered his bishopric, and so continued till he died.  
¶ Some write, that this was john the xiii For amongst the authors is some confusion in the numbered of these johns, specially because some reckon the english johan for one, and some reckon her not: but how so ever it be, this john succeeded Agapet the second: and as some writ, was taken in adoulterie and slain by the woman's husband.  

johannes .13  ¶ john the xiii elected by the clergy against the Romans will, was taken by Geffroie Conte di Campania and exiled, till this Geffroie and his son were slain by an other lord of Campania. insomuch that the emperor Otho, hearing of this bishop's exile, made an army, and came to Rome, where after a solemn entry, he took all the senators and put them in prison, sent the consuls prisoners into Almaigne: and one Peter that had been chief of the conspiracy against john, was drawn througe the streets, whipped naked, hanged by the hear of the head, and finally in manner half dead sent prisoner into Germany, where he finished his days. For which courtesy this john crowned Otho the second (son of this first Otho) emperor, by the father's consent, and his wife Theophila empress.  
¶ Benedict the vi was taken by Cinthio, 
Benedictus .6.  a noble man of Rome, and being laid in prison in castle Sant' Angelo, was either strangled or famished to death.  
¶ Boniface the vii being constrained to forsake Rome, 
Bonifatius .7.  took all the richesses of S. Peter's church with him to Constantinople, and there sold it: and at length returned to Rome, where after he was well received, he put out one of his cardinals eyes.  
¶ Gregory the .v. by reason of a commotion in Rome, 
Gregorius .5.  fled first into Tuscan, and afterwards into Germany, because he would not consent to crown Crescentius emperor: who being the noblest amongst the Romans, was provoked by the Italians to take the empire upon him. So that when Gregory was fled, they made one that had been bishop of Placentia bishop of Rome, and named him john the .17. but Otho the iii than emperor, with a puissant army came to Rome, and would have besieged it, had not the romans received him, so that Crescentius and the bishop john both fled into castle Sant' Angelo, and there held them till they had so fair offres made on th'emperors behalf, that upon trust thereof they came forth and submitted them selves. But for all that they were both tormented, and at last put to death. Whereupon it followed, that this Gregory, who was a Saxon borne, transferred the election of emperors unto vii princes of his own nation, that is to weet, The king of Boeme, cupbearer, the Marquis of Brandenburg chamberlain, 
electors of the empire.  the Conte Palatine sewer, and the Duke of Saxony swoordbearer, with iii archbishops of Mentes, Treue●e, and Coleyn. And ordained further, that from the emperors election to his coronation, he should be called none other but Caesar and king of romans, 
Cesar.  and after that the bishop of Rome had crowned him, he should be called Emperor and August, 
Augustus.  which order by consent of the forenamed Otho, was established about .200. years after charlemagne coronation.  

Benedictus .8.  ¶ benedict the viii crowned Henry the second, emperor: who was the first that according to the order of Gregory the .v. was elected by the princes of Germany. Some call him Henry the first, because Henry Duke of Saxony, that succeeded Conrade, never came to Rome to be crowned.  

Benedictus .9.  ¶ Benedict the ix for his naughty behaviour was expulsed, and Silvester the iii placed in his room, who held it .40. days, and than was Benedict restored. Nevertheless Benedict mistrusting that he could not keep it long, sold his jurisdiction unto Gregory the vi. but the emperor, 
Shifting and poisoning of Roman bishops.  Henry the iii came to Rome, deposed these iii bishops, and created Clement the second, who lived not fully ten months, by reason that his next successor Damasus the second found mean to poison him, being after so served himself the .23. day next following his election.  
¶ Leo the ix being sent as bishop to Rome, 
Leo .9.  at the Romans request, that desired the emperor to send them a good man, met with ii monks by the way, who persuaded him so much, that he put of his pontifical habit, and privately came to Rome, saying that he repented him to have taken of the emperor, that which appertained to the clergies free election. For which humility the clergy embraced him, and nevertheless made him their bishop.  
¶ He made an army against the Normains, than reigning in the realm of Naples, to recover Benevento, that they had won from the church, where his army was discomfited, and he with divers of his Cardinals taken prisoners. But the normans freely delivered him, and honourably sent him home.  
¶ In his time was the counsel of Vercelli called against the opinion of Berengarius for the sacrament of communion.  
¶ Stephen the ix brought the church of Milan to the obedience of the church of Rome, 
Stephanus .9.  which for .200. years before would never knowledge Rome for her superior.  
¶ Nicolas the ii after the clergy had deposed benedict the ten was elected, who made a decree, 
Nicolaus, 2.  that from thensefoorth the Cardinals only should choose the bishop.  
¶ He created Robert Guiscarde Duke of Calabria and Puglia, and made him lieutenant of the church, by whose power he subdued to the church's dominion the Prenestini, Tusculani, and Numentani: with divers other territories about Rome.  

Alexandre .2.  ¶ Alexandre the ii in the beginning of his estate was disturbed by Gadolo bishop of Parma: for the which they fought two battles, but finally Alexandre prevailed, by reason that at a counsel holden in Mantua, where the emperor was present, the whole clergy agreed upon Alexander, and exempted from all emperors the authority of confirmation of the Roman bishops: which afterwards was occasion of many inconveniences.  

Gregorius .7.  ¶ Gregory the vii incontinently upon his election began to prove masteries with the emperor Henry the iii first he would not be confirmed of the emperor, and afterwards, where the emperor before time had used to give bishoprics, Gregory would give them himself. So that when a bishop died, the emperor would name one, and Gregory an other. Whereof followed excommunications as thick as hail, so that at last the emperor himself was not only excommunicate, but also by the ecclesiastical power deposed of the empire. And yet had religion so much power in him, that when he was come into Italy, and had besieged his enemy Gregory within the town of Canosso, the emperor himself went barefooted to the town gates in the hard frost and snow, to ask forgiveness of the bishop: who for all that stood stiff iii or four days ere he would assoil him. At length they agreed upon condition, that the emperor should obey the bishop's commandments.  
¶ But the bishop not yet contented, within a while after so offended the emperor again, that he came to Rome, and was there received of the Romans. Wherefore Gregory fled into castle Angelo, and there kept him, till he was rescued by Robert Guiscarde, for fear of whose coming the emperor retired into Germany. Where by the bishop's procurement the princes had elected Radulphus de Suevia emperor, between whom and Henry were many bloody battles fought, and not only Radulphus himself slain at length, but also the emperors own son so suborned, that he warred against his natural father, and besieged him in the town of Mentz. Nevertheless (much against the bishops will) nature and friends wrought a peace between them at last.  
¶ And though Guiscarde delivered this bishop out of th'emperors handis, yet he was so hated of the Romans, that he durst not abide in Rome, but went with Guiscarde into the realm of Naples, and there died.  
¶ Some write, 
priests marriage.  that this Gregory was the first that prohibited matrimony unto priests.  
¶ Victor the iii was poisoned by the emperors procurement, as some writ, 
Victor .3.  but some hold that he died of a natural infirmity.  
¶ Paschal the ii fell at variance with the family of Colonna in Rome, by reason whereof, 
Pascalis.  whiles he was at the getting of Benevento (which by the help of Roger Duke of Puglia he obtained) the Colonesi by force took the town of Caua appertaining to the church. But the bishop at his return both recovered Caua, and also took from them Zagarolo, and Colonna their own inheritance. Whereupon followed so much business, that almost no man could pass in quiet any where through Campania.  
¶ This Paschal went into France to reform the disordinate life of the clergy there.  
¶ After his return into Italy, he condemned the doings of Henry the four emperor, so that when the emperor himself was come as far as Sutri, with a great army, the bishop forbade him the coming to Rome, till he had promised not to meddle with the church matters: and further to cause those bishops that he had made, to renounce their bishoprics.  
¶ But when the emperor had kissed the bishop's foot at the head of S. Peter's stairs, and was received with solemn procession into the church, than he required Paschal to confirm his bishops, who refusing so to do, he with divers of his cardinals and prelatis, were taken, spoiled of their miters and copes, and so led into the army that lay without the city, and from thence into a strong hold, till the bishop so consented to the emperors will, that he not only crowned him there, but also confirmed his bishops. How be it, shortly after the emperors return into Germany, Paschal called a counsel in Laterano, and revoked all his doings to the emperor, because they had been done through compulsion and not of free will. Wherefore the emperor with a puissant army returned to Rome, and finding that Paschal was withdrawn into Puglia, for fear of displeasure, he caused himself to be crowned a new by the archbishop of Barcare, of whom he also took authority to dispose the bishoprics at his pleasure.  

Matilda.  ¶ About this time died the Countess Matilda, that gave unto the church of Rome all the territory from the river Pissea and San Quirico upon the Senese, unto Ceperano between the Apennine hills and the sea, with the Feodariship of Ferrara.  
¶ And in this bishop's time was the great voyage made of the Christians into the holy land, 
Usage into the holy land,  where Jerusalem was won, and Godfrey of Boulogne crowned king.  
¶ Gelasius the ii succeeded Paschal by the clergies election, but the family of Frangipani in Rome, 
Gelasius .2  which were of the imperial faction, took him by force: and put him the first night in prison, but there was such a commotion of the people the next morning, that the chief of his enemies was feign to kiss his feet, and to let him go. Wherefore shortly after the emperor came so suddenly to Rome, that no man knew thereof, till he was in saint Peter's church, so that the bishop incontinently fled, and by boot escaped down Tiber unto Ostia, and so into France, where he died. After whose departure, the emperor created the abovenamed bishop of Bracare in his place, calling him Clement: and so committing him to the protection of the Frangipani, returned into Almaigne.  
¶ Calixt the second, before archbishop of Vienna, 
Calixtus. ●  was elected successor unto Gelasius by the Cardinallis that than were resident in France: how be it, he would not take the dignity upon him: till he had word from Rome, that the clergy there were contented withal. Upon good advertisement whereof he repaired thither: and finding the imperial bishop to be fled, settled his estate there: sending to the emperor for peace and favour, which he easily obtained.  
¶ And hearing that the imperial bishop was gone to Sutri, and there had fortified, he made an army, went thither, besieged Sutri, took his adversary, brought him to Rome, made him ride about the streets on a camel, with the tail in his hand: and at last closed him up in an abbey. He travailed much for William Duke of Puglia in the defence of his country against Roger Earl of Sicily, but it availed not.  
¶ Innocent the second immediately after his coronation, 
Innocen●ius .2.  suddenly raised an army, and went against the forenamed Roger that than wrote himself king of Sicily: whom he found so unprovided, that he made him flee to Castle Galuzzo, and there besieged him: till his son William with a great power came to the rescue, fought with the bishop's army, and took the bishop withal his cardinals prisoners. Nevertheless they were afterwards courteously let go, and accompanied towardis Rome, where in the mean season was a new bishop made, named Anaclete. And this new bishop using the jewels of saint Peter'S as his own, made so many friendis, that Innocent was feign to flee from thence to Pisa, from Pisa to Genoa, and so into France. Finally he went unto Lotharius the iii than elected Caesar, and by his means was restored to his bishopric again. For the which he rewarded Lotharius with the imperial crown as the custom was, causing him afterwards so to invade the realm of Naples, that Roger, who than called himself king thereof, forsook Italy clean for a time.  
¶ The emperor was no sooner returned into Germany, but the bishop, thinking himself in peace, fell at variance with the Romans for choosing of senators, because somewhat before that time the other bishops his predecessors, had taken all temporal power clearly from the citizens, and used it privately as their own. In the heat of which contention Innocence died.  
¶ Eugenius the iii incontinently upon his election forsook Rome, 
Eugenius .3.  because the Romans were resolutely determined to maintain their Senators: and he to the contrary, using his uttermost power, constrained them to cry him mercy, and to commit the order of all magistrates unto him. Nevertheless after his return, the people (that could not brook the loss of their liberties) so rebelled against him, that he was feign to flee, and went into France: where declaring his case unto Lewis the king, he obtained such succours, that in manner by force he returned to Rome, and had his own will.  
¶ Adrian the four an englishmen borne, 
Adrianus▪ 4.  constrained the consuls and Senators of Rome to depose themselves, and to commit all their rule unto the church. He crowned Fredrick Barbarossa emperor, though afterwards he did excommunicate him. He also granted the title of king to William the third, descended of the Normaine blood, being than lord of Sicily, and of the realm of Naples. He increased not a little the Church's territory, but he was much hated of the Romans for taking away of their liberties. Finally before his death he repented the excommunication of the emperor, saying, that there could be none so miserable an estate, as the Roman bishopric gotten with blood.  

Alexander. ●.  ¶ Alexander the iii had unto his election the voices of 22. Cardinals, and Octavian had but iii as most authors agree. Nevertheless between them two grew so great a Schism, that the emperor Fredrick was feign to call divers counsels for the mattyer: citing both the parties there to appear, that the matter might be righteously judged. Octavian came at the emperors calling, but Alexander would never appear. Wherefore the emperor became so much his enemy, that he was fain to flee from Rome into France and other regions, to procure help of other princes. So that there happened much blood, fire, and destruction for this matter many years together.  
¶ Some write, that Alexander was so pursued of the emperor, that in a cook's apparel he was fain to flee unknown, from place to place, till at last he came to Venice, and there in a monastery took a gardeyners wages, and served in the kitchen. Where he was discovered by a pilgrim, and thereupon appareled, and brought in Pontificalibus with procession to S. Marks church, remaigning there honourably enterteigned, till after fore fight by sea, between the emperor and the Venetians, Otho the emperors son was taken prisoner, by whose means a peace was made between Alexander and the emperor. Some writers make no mention of this history: but say, that by appoin●tment Alexander came honourably to Venice, to meet the emperor for a treaty of peace, whereby the other history of the cookish apparel should seem untrue. In effect how so ever it were there they met, and the emperor in presence of all the people kneeled down to kiss the bishop's foot. At which kissing, some affirm, that the bishop used these words: Super aspidem et Basiliscum ambulabis et conculcabis leonem et draconem: And the emperor answered, Non tibi sed Petro. whereunto the bishop replied: et Petro et mihi. Nevertheless there they concluded such a peace, that the bishop returned to Rome and enjoyed his place. Immediately whereupon he called a counsel in Laterano, in the which iiii. bishops (that since his first election had been created by the emperor) were condemned body and soul.  
¶ In his time Thomas Beckette, 
Thomas Beckette.  bishop of Caunterburie, was slain. And the king of England (as some writ) sent ambassadors to this Alexandre, protesting the same to be done unknowing to him. But the bishop not crediting the ambassadors, sent two Cardinals into England to examine the troth: who compelled the king to swear, that he was not guilty of Beckettes' death: and nevertheless they enjoygned him in penance, to send .200. soldiers to serve an whole year in Jerusalem: and within the term of iii years to go against the infidels himself, to maintain all the liberties of the church, and to permit mattiers to be appealed to the court of Rome.  
¶ Lucy the iii would have deprived the Roman consuls of their dignity, but the people so resisted, 
Lucius .3.  that he was feign to flee, and as many as were taken of his party, had their eyes put out. Wherefore the bishop went to Verona, called a counsel, and there died.  
¶ Celestine the iii envying the succession of Tancredi, 
Celestinus▪ 3.  bastard son of Roger, brother to the good king William of Sicily, called into Italy Henry the vi than elected Caesar▪ And after he had crowned him emperor in Rome, took Constantia a Nun out of her cloister: and because of the normans royal blood, married her to this emperor: endowing him and her both with the titles of the realms of Naples and Sicily: and so transferred the Napolitane estate from the Norman succession to the Germans, whereof there followed great bloodshedding.  

Innocen●ius .3.  ¶ Innocence the iii because Philip Duke of Suevia, son unto Barbarossa, was chosen emperor against his will, not only excommunicated him, but also caused Otho the four to be elected, and crowned him in Rome.  
¶ This bishop contending with the forenamed Philip was wont to say, either shall Philip take from me my mitre, or I from him his crown.  
¶ Otho had not long enjoyed the crown, but the bishop with his excommunicacions made his princes to forsake him, and he the emperor himself to forsake Italy: because he had moved wars against the church, and gotten Montefiascone and Radicofano, intending also to invade the realm of Naples, than belonging to young Fredrick son of Henry the vi who by his parents was committed to the bishop's protection.  
¶ Finally he deposed Otho, and named this Fredrick emperor. Whereof there followed so sharp wars, that at length, when Fredrick had afterwards received the crown of Honorius the iii the Roman bishops persecuted Fredrick, and he them.  
¶ This Innocence being of the family of Conti in Rome, builded a notable fair tour of brick there, which yet is to be seen, called La torre d' i Conti.  
¶ Honorius the iii crowned Fredrick the ii emperor, and after excommunicated him, 
Honorius .3.  for what cause I can not tell.  
¶ Gregory the ix did likewise excommunicate the emperor, 
Gregorius 9  because he would not at his appointment go into Asia against the infidels. Afterwards he ass●yled him upon his humble submission at Anagnia, for .120. thousand ounces of gold paid by the emperor.  
¶ Than fell he in contention with the romans for the tribute of the territories about the city, which the romans alleged that the bishops usurped upon their common wealth. And because Fredrick favoured the Romans cause, the bishop did excommunicate him again, whereof followed cruel wars between the emperor and the confederate cities of Lombardy, with the battle besides Corte nova, where the milanese and Lombard's were so miserably slain, and their Caroccio taken.  
¶ Than began also the civil sedition of the two parties in Italy, Guelfi and Ghibellini, that caused so much mischief.  
¶ The romans after they had been once by force subdued of this bishop, began to rebel again: For the pacifying whereof the bishop carried about saint Peter's and Paul's heads in procession, and so quieted the people.  
¶ Finally being hardly handled by the emperor Fredrick, who had taken divers legates, cardinals, and prelate's prisoners, in their coming to Rome, he died for sorrow.  
¶ Innocence thee, iiii, before he was elected bishop, 
Innocentius .4.  was very friend to the emperor Fredrick, but after he became so mortal enemy unto him, that they ceased not the one to persecute the other as long as they lived: not withstanding that principally for respect of his old amity with the emperor, Innocence was elected bishop. And the emperor against this election set at liberty divers cardinals, that he had taken prisoners in the wars, between him and Gregory the ix  
¶ This Innocence was occasion of the great discomfiture that Fredrick had before Parma, and yet was the authority of the Romans so great in his later days, that he durst not come in Rome.  

Cardinal hats.  ¶ He first ordained the Cardinals to ride with red hats: and went to the city of Naples, intending to have conquered the realm, where travailing to set forth an army he died.  

Urbanus .4.  ¶ Urbane the four seeing the army prepared of Innocence, discomfited by Manfredo, than governor of the realm of Naples, and himself unable to resist both Manfredos power and the romans also, 
Manfredo.  that newly had recovered their liberty, practised with the French king, that Charles Duke of Angiowe might come to conquer Naples and Sicily: but he died ere his purpose could take effect.  

Clemens 4  ¶ Clement the four following the practice of Urban, received the forenamed Duke Charles, that came with .30. galeys from Marsiles to Rome, and there created him Senator. Which office he exercised for a time. Afterwards he invested him king of Naples and of Sicily, upon condition, he should hold it of the church in fee, paying tribute yearly .40000. ducketes: and by this mean brought the frenchmen to war against Manfredo. In which wars Charles prevailed, and the German blood ceased: not only by the death of Manfredo slain in the field, but also by the death of Corradino the right heir, who being taken prisoner, through this bishop's counsel was beheaded.  
¶ After long contention amongst the Cardinals, and two years vacation of the see, 
Gregorius 1●.  Gregory the ten was elected bishop. He incontinently pacified the wars between the venetians and Genoese, and called a counsel in Lions, unto the which the emperor of Greece came with a noble company: and amongst other certain infidel Tartars, who there received baptism.  
¶ He confirmed Radulphus earl of Holsatia emperor, though he came not to Rome to receive the crown.  
¶ Nicolas the iii deprived Charles king of Naples of the vicarage of the empire, 
Nicolaus .3.  that Clement the four had given him in Tuscan: and took from him also the Senatourship of Rome, taking the use of that office into his own hands: and made a law, that no prince from thenceforth should be Senator of Rome. He repulsed the Venetian ambassadors with foul words, because of the siege that they had laid to the city of Ancona. He took many cities in Flaminia by force and practise, and brought them from obedience of the emperor to the church's subjection. He went about to make two of his own kin of the house of Vrsina in Rome kings, the one in Tuscan, and the other in Lombardy: but he could not bring it to pass.  
¶ Finally he procured Peter king of Arragon, to challenge the realms of Naples and Sicily, as the inheritance of his wife Constantia, daughter to the king Manfredo. Whereof there followed sharp wars.  
¶ Martin the four a frencheman borne, after long contention amongst the Cardinals was elected bishop, 
Martinus .4.  who incontinently restored unto Charles than king of Naples, the office of Senator of Rome, against the Romans will. For the which there happened much bloudsheeding: But at last the frenchmen so prevailed, that Richard Hannibal, chief of the Romans, was feign to come with an halter about his neck to ask pardon at the bishop's feet. Whereupon the bishop made two new Senators, and so ruled Rome at his will.  
¶ He excommunicated king Peter of Aragone, and cried the croisie against him, because he had prevailed in winning of the realm of Sicily against king Charles of Naples: and the excommunication was such, that all men might lawfully take his lands and goods, where or how so ever they could come by them. But this letted not king Peter of his purpose.  

Honorius .4.  ¶ Honorius the four confirmed the excommunication of Martin against king Peter: entitling the French king to the realm of Aragone, and the Earl of Arras, the French kings son, to the realm of Sicily. Which both with several powers enforced theim selfes to occupy both those realms, according to the bishops gift: but in effect they prevailed not.  

Celestinus 5.  ¶ After long contention, at length the Cardinals chose Celestine the .v. being an hermit, who was so simple a man, continuing still the old manner of his abstinent life, that the Cardinals could not well support him.  
¶ Wherefore the Cardinal benedict Gaietane began a new practice, and fell at composition with his brethren, that if he could make Celestine resign, they should elect him. So he made one with a cave through a wall cry to Celestine in the night, as he lay in his bed: that God commanded him to resign his bishopric unto Benedict. Whereupon this simple man, believing the voice to come from heaven, gave over his dignity, and caused Benedict to be chosen in his place, naming him Boniface the viii who for reward, fearing least Celestines life might be a trouble to his glory, caused the poor man to be taken by the way as he returned towards his hermitage, and laid in prison in castle Fumone: where shortly after he was famished to death.  
¶ Boniface the viii cleaving earnestly to the Guelfe part, 
Bonifa●ius .8.  persecuted cruelly two Cardinals of the house of Colonna, that than were chief of the Ghibellines: and did so much hurt to that family, that after he had razed their towns and houses to the earth, none of them durst appear. For Sarra Colonna, chief of that house, fled so much the persecution of this bishop, that after he had lived a certain space in the woddis poorly amongst the sheeppeherdes, at last he was taken of Pirates upon the sea costs, and made a slave to the ore in the galeys.  
¶ This bishop giving ashes on ashewednesday to Porchetto archbishop of Genoa, said to him in latin, remember man that thou art a Ghibelline, and with the Ghibellines shalt return into ashes, and therewithal threw the ashes in his eyes.  
¶ He also was the first that ordained the year of Jubilee amongst the Christians, 
year of Iubili●.  which caused wonderful resort from all parties to Rome.  
¶ He excommunicated Phi●ip the french king, because he would not go into the holy land at his appointment, and deposed him of his crown, entitling Albert Duke of ostrich to the same. To the intent the Almains might avenge his quarrel against the frenchmen. But at length Sarra Colonna happened to arrive in the port of Marsicles in France, where disclosing himself, he was taken out of the galley, had to the french court, and finally sent so strongly into Italy with .200▪ men of arms, that he came suddenly on a night to Anagnia, took the bishop in his bed, and led him to Rome prisoner: where within less than .24. days he died for sorrow. So that there followed a saying of him: he entered like a fox, reigned like a wolf, and died as a dog.  

Benedictus .11.  ¶ Benedict the xi assoiled the french king, reconciled the two Cardinals of the house of Colonna, and condemning the acts of his predecessor, did nevertheless excommunicate the authors of his death.  
¶ Clement the .v. a Gascoigne borne, and bishop of Bordeaux, 
Clemens .5  was after xii months contention amongst the cardinals elected bishop of Rome: who for affection to his country, transferred the see of Rome to Lions in France: and called all the Cardinals thither to his consecration. Whereat the french king, with many other princes was present: and the Duke of Britain, and divers other slain, with the falling of a wall. For fear whereof Clement fell from his horse, and lost a carboncle of his mitre: esteemed to be worth vi thousand ducats.  
¶ Than incontinently he made xii french Cardinallee, three of the which he sent to Rome, with senators authority, to rule the city and all Italy. He oppressed the sect called Fratic●lli: that were than newly risen in Lombardy, who would have had all things in common, without magistrates or rulers.  
¶ He interdited the venetians, because they succoured the house of Este against the church.  
¶ The Cardinal Orsino, than legate in Tuscan, excummunicated the cities of Florence and Luke, because they would not be ordered by him, but the Florentines provided a speedy remedy. For they laid such taxes on the spiritual men, that the bishop, for his membres sake, was glad to assoil them.  
¶ The French king practised with the bishop, to reduce the imperial estate unto him: but at length they agreed so ill, that Clement caused the Germans to elect emperor Henry the vii of Luxemburgh, who by the bishop's procurement passed into Italy with a mighty army, streigned sore the Italians, was crowned of the Cardinals in Rome, and finally waxed so great, that the bishop, mistrusting his power, threatened to excommunicate him, if he departed not the rather out of Italy. Wherefore the emperor fortified himself and his army in the Theatres and Thermes of Rome, resisting the bishop's fauters, and specially them of the house of Orsina: but at length for lack of victuals, he was feign to forsake Rome, and to retire into Tuscan: where being at Arezzo, he summoned Robert king of Naples, to appear before him, and for lack of appearance deposed him of his realm by imperial sentence, which was by Clement disannulled.  
¶ Finally the emperor by means of the bishops legate was poisoned in receiving the sacrament of communion, in the town of Bonconuento. After whose death the bishop himself lived not long.  
¶ When Iohn the xxii had received the mitre in Lions, 
johannes .22.  he went streigthe to avignon and there created viii. Cardinals, of the which two only were Italians.  
¶ Shortly after he degraded a french bishop, and put him cruelly to death for a conspiracy that he was accused of.  
¶ In this time the electors of Germany, not agreeing togethers, chose two emperors, Lewis of Bavarie, and Fredrick of ostrich: each of them having three voices: but the bishop allowing Fredrick, did excommunicate Lewis. Wherefore Lewis after he had fought and taken Fredrick prisoner, went with a power into Italy, and received in Rome the imperial crown at the hands of the Cardinal Colonna, both by assent of all the clergy there, and of the Romans: who than had recovered to theim selfes a manner of liberty, to choose their own officers, and used yearly to take for their rulers two presidents of their own nobility, naming them vicar's of the empire. And because the emperor had divers ways sought to the bishop for his absolution, and could not obtain it: therefore immediately after his coronation he created a new bishop in Rome, naming him Nicolas the vii who took it upon him, gave bishoprics, and granted dispensations, till after the emperors departure out of Italy, he was taken by the Conte Bonifacio of Pisa, and sent prisoner to the bishop Iohn in Avignon, where he was laid in a stinking prison, and miserably died.  
¶ This Iohn condemned them as haeretikes, that would have had the churchemen live poorly, as Christ's disciples did, and burned divers of the iii order of saint Frances, that than followed this profession.  
¶ Finally he died in Avignon, leaving to his friends much more treasure, than ever any of his predecessors had done.  
¶ Benedict the xii confirmed the excommunication against the emperor Lewis of Bavarie, 
Benedictus▪ 12.  not of his own will (as some writ) but in manner by constreinct of the kings of France and Naples. And the better to maintain his quarrel, he assoiled all the astates of Italy of their fealty to the empire, confirming them free princes in the same as vicar's of the church. So that ever since, the Dukes of Mylaine, with the houses of Este, of Gonzaga, and the common wealths, of Florence, Lucca, and others esteemed themperors less than they did before.  
¶ Besides this he made the Senators of Rome confess theim selfes subjects to the church only, and not to any other power. 
Francis Petrarke.  And by his time Francis Petrarke, as a Laureate poet was crowned with Laurel in the Capitol of Rome, by Orso Earl of Anguillara than Senator there.  
¶ Finally this bishop died very rich in avignon, and left his goods to the church.  
¶ Clement the vi changed the Jubilee, 
Clemens Jubilee.  that was first ordained to be but ones every hundredth years to be kept every .50. year, and to hold the astates of Italy in amity with him, he confirmed each lord as vicar of the church in his own estate, Visconti in Mylaine, Malatesta in Rimino, Pes●ro, and Fano, Feltrano in Vrbino, and a numbered of other.  
¶ In his time the Romans recovered their liberty again, and created their officers without the bishop's consent: so that one Nicolas Renzo, a Roman, being entered into a wonderful favour and credit with the people, took upon him the name and authority of emperor, writing himself Nicolaus Severus et Clemens, Tribunus libertatis pacis et justitiae, et liberator illustris sacrae reipublicae Romanae. At whose beginning all Italy was in such admiration, that every prince sent to salute him as emperor: thinking he should restore the Roman empire to his ancient estate. But his own folly destroyed him. For he took part with one of the factions that were than in Rome: so that where before he had no man against him, now had he a great number, which brought him at last into such a fear, that suddenly he disguised himself, and fled from Rome to Charles the four than emperor in Almain, who took him as a lewd person, and for a present sent him to bishop Clement to Avignon: and he cast him in prison, sending certain Cardinallis to Rome to settle the estate there: which by means aforesaid had been a certain space disobedient.  

Jubilee.  ¶ In this bishop's time fell the year of Jubilee, which caused great noumbres of people from all countries to resort to Rome, 
Plague of pestilence,  by reason whereof there fell such a plague of pestilence, as the like hath not been heard of. For (as some authors affirm) it endured continually the space of three years throughout all Italy, and in most parts of the whole world, so vehemently, that of every hundred there remaigned not ten persons alive: and in many countries not ten of a thousand. Some writ, that this plague began in the east parts of Asia.  
¶ Finally this Clement procured the restitution of the realm of Naples to Queen johan the first. For the which, and for his other good practices at her being with him in avignon, she sold the city of avignon with the dominion apperteigning to the same, to the church: and was contented to accept for payment thereof, the arrearages of such tributes, as the bishop pretended, that she and her predecessors did owe unto the church, for the realm of Naples: whereof they claimed to be lords in chief.  
¶ Innocence the vi was more given to religion than divers of his predecessors. 
Innocentius .6.  For he reform the courtly pomp that the Cardinals and prelate's before time used, and commanded spiritual men to be resident upon their benefices, with divers other good orders, which took little effect.  
¶ The Romans in his time took on them their liberty: creating a Senator of their own: so that the bishop, to recover his estate, delivered Nicolas Renzo out of prison, and sent him to Rome, where on the bishop's behalf he prevailed. But through parttaking he was again constreigned to flee disguised, and being met, was known and slain.  
¶ This Innocence travailed much to have appeased our king Edward the iii with the french king Iohn in the time of the sharp wars between them, trusting always to have brought them to some good end: till he heard that king Iohn was taken and led prisoner into England.  
¶ He caused Charles the four to be crowned emperor in Rome, and would have quieted the Christian princis and powers, and united them in an enterprise against the Turks: but his purpose could not take place.  

Urbanus. ●.  ¶ Urbane the .v. sent Giles a spaniard, as his legate into Italy, which Giles, with help of the other Italian princes, so sore oppressed the house of Visconti, that it was like to have been destroyed, had not the kings of England, France, and Cypress by their ambassadors procured a peace.  
¶ This Urbane withal his court went to Rome, where after long search (as they writ) he found the heads of saint Peter and Paul.  
¶ Finally returning into France, he died by the way, of poison as some think.  

Gregorius 11.  ¶ Gregory the xi removed the seat of his bishopric from avignon to Rome, after it had been holden in France .70. years. 
1●76.  Some say he did it because of the cruel wars that were among the princis and lords of Italy: which was ascribed to the bishop of Rome's absence: for their residence there stayed the Italian nation in peace.  
¶ Some say he did it upon a check given him by a bishop, that was his familiar: whom he asked, why he was not resident upon his bishopric, as the Canon laws commanded? Whereunto the bishop answered: And why holy father are not you resident upon yours? But what so ever the occasion was, he conveyed himself with all his court from avignon to Rome: where of the Romans and clergy, he was received with jubilate.  
¶ After when he had pacified most part of the Italian princis, because the Florentines would neither be entreated, nor reformed by excommunication, he made war against them: and during the same died of the stone.  
¶ In his time Iohn Acton, 
Sir john Acton.  with .v. or vi thousand english horsemen, sought the adventure of the wars in Italy, and first served the citizens of Pisa against the Florentines, than the Visconti against the church, in which service he was taken prisoner, but afterwards the bishop of Rome made him his general, whilst the bishop lay in France. And than did Iohn Acton get the towns of Faenza and Bagnacavallo, whereof he sold one to the Marquis of Este for .20000. crowns, and the other he kept to himself. But when the bishop was come to Rome, and had not so rewarded him as he deserved, he forsook the bishop, and was made general of the Florentines. Under whom he served very honourably, with such a numbered of our nation, both horsemen and footmen, that all Italy feared him: and glad was that prince that might retain him. For in all his enterprises he behaved himself so worthily, that the Florentines after his death buried him honourably in their cathedral church, as a singular defender of their common wealth.  
¶ Urbane the vi was elected by xvii Cardinals, 
Urbanus .6.  whereof xiii were frenchmen, that would feign have chosen a bishop of their own nation. But for fear of the people that cried a Roman or an Italian, they consented to this election: and did honour Urbane the space of iii months and more.  
¶ The season than waxing hot, they desired licence to go abroad into the realm of Naples: where by maintenance of Queen johan viii of the french Cardinals elected a new bishop of their own nation, naming him Clement the vii whereof followed a great Schism. For Germany, Italy, and Hungary, held with Urbane, and the other realms with Clement. So that Urbane, being of nature a cruel man, to make his party the stronger, called Charles Durace out of Hungary to conquer Naples from Queen johan.  
¶ This Clement upon displeasure deprived Charles, & gave the title of the realm of Naples to Lewis Duke of A●giowe, who with a puissant army of frenchmen entered into Italy, purposing not only to expel Charles, but also to take Peter's mantle from Urbane: but he prospered not. For after he had made war in Puglia about xii months, at last he was slain in battle. Whereof Urbane waxed so proud, that because Charles king of Naples would not consent to make his nephiew prince of Campania, he did excommunicate him, and if his power had been equal to his will, had deposed him of his crown. But Charles handled the bishop so streictely, that he was feign to flee to Genoa: In which journey he sacked .v. of his Cardinals, and threw them into the sea, 
Cardinals sacked and baked.  and caused two other to be baken to powder: carrying their ashes in sacks upon moils before him for a terror to the rest.  
¶ After this Charles death, he returned to Rome, and did as much as in him lay to destroy Charles children. Wherein he prevailed not: but rather procured himself a great danger, if he had not prevented his mischief with creating of xxix Cardinals, whereof xxvi were Napolitanes. And finally by most opinions he was poisoned and died in Rome, to the people's great contentation, that for his cruelty much abhorred him.  
¶ Boniface the ix of xxx years of age succeeded him, which had not been seen before. 
Bonifa●●us .9.  And because he would bridle the Romans from the liberty that the people had used many years in choosing of their officers, he absented himself with his court from Rome, and lay at Ascisa: so that when the year of Jubilee came, the Romans could by no mean get him to Rome, till they had promised to renounce their liberties unto him, which since that time they could never recover. For incontinently as he was entered into the city, he made castle Sant' Angelo so strong, that it hath been and shallbe a continual bridle to the people: and a great stay against emperors.  
¶ This bishop ordained the Annates, that all spiritual promotions should pay to the church of Rome, 
Annates.  half a years value at every change: which decree took place in all realms, saving in England. For the king and his barons would suffer none other but bishops to be bound to this Annates.  
¶ In his time the year before the Jubilee, a certain priest passed the mountains into Italy clothed in linen, who drew a world of people after him, called the white company: persuading them, that a certain crucifix, which he carried before them, did many times weep. All the day long they should travail on their journey, and at night like beastis lie them down, whereas the day light failed them. But the bishop, fearing this multitude, as they were coming towardis Rome, sent men of war against them, dispersed the company, and brought the priest to Rome: where for his abusion he was burned. After whose death partly through this fond assembly, and partly through the great resort of people to Rome for the Jubilee, there followed a wonderful great pestilence over all Italy.  
¶ About this time Crisolora a Constantinopolitan, revived the Greek letters in Italy, where they had not been used .500. years before.  
¶ And like as this Boniface succeeded Urbane in Rome, even so did one Peter Luna succeed Clement in Avignon, and was called Benedict the xiii  
¶ Innocence governed the Romans with so much tyranny, 
Innocentius .7.  that they openly murmured against him, and at length sent xi of their chief citizens to require their liberty, with the fortresses that he held, as Campidoglio, castle Sant' Angelo, and Ponte Molle, but all in vain. For he kindled with ire thorough the message, caused those xi citizens to be put to death, and thrown out at the windows of his nephiewes house. So that the Romans assembled, and not only caused the bishop to flee to Viterbo, but also sacked and spoiled the houses and richesses of all his prelate's and Courtisanes, and the Capitol with Ponte Molle, and would have gotten castle Sant' Angelo, had it not been impregnable.  
¶ Than called they Ladislaus king of Naples to aid them, but Paulo Orsino, with the bishop's power, discomfited Ladislaus, and so constrained the Romans to ask mercy, to receive their bishop home again, and to obey him as he would. Whereupon the bishop made his nephiew Lewis Marquis of Ancona, and prince of Fermo, and so died.  
¶ Gregory the xii was then chosen upon condition, 
Gregorius 12.  that if Bennet the xiii than resident in avignon, for the union of the church, would consent to be deposed, he also should depose himself. Whereupon a counsel was called at Pisa, in the which they two were deposed, and Alexander the .v. elected. But for all that the Schism ceased not till the counsel of Constance.  
¶ Whilst this Gregory was absent, Ladislaus king of Naples came to Rome, and there was received of the Romans as their sovereign lord. But he enjoyed it not long. For Paolo Orsino fought with him to so much advantage, that Ladislaus was feign to retire into his own realm: and divers of the principal Romans were for this cause beheaded.  
¶ Alexandre the .v. gave the title of the realm of Naples to Lewis Duke of Angiowe, 
Alexandre .5.  and by his ecclesiastical authority deposed Ladislaus, and did what he could in helping Lewis to subdue him: but it prevailed not.  
¶ Iohn the xxiii succeeded Alexandre, 
johannes .23.  more by force than by free election, by reason that he, being legate in Bononia, where Alexander died, and having the men of war at his commandment, threatened so the Cardinals, that they durst chose none other.  
¶ He in deed resembled more a man of war than a prelate.  
¶ He moved war against the king Ladislaus, but at length he was repulsed, and constrained to forsaken Rome. And being by the whole consent of the astates of Christendom called to the counsel of Constance, where divers crimes were laid unto him, he fled away thence: was taken, laid in prison: and finally he with Gregory the xii and Benedict the xiii all three than living, deposed of their pontificalitee, and Martin the .v. elected in their place.  

Martinus 5.  ¶ Martin the .v. rested xii months after his election at the counsel in Constance, the better to establish his own authority, and than went into Italy, where he pacified the wars between the Duke of Mylaine and the venetians. By force he constrained Braccio di Montone, a notable man of war, to humble himself at his feet: and to restore certain towns that he before had taken from the church: and finally so behaved himself, that he was over all quietly accepted for supreme bishop: so that the Schisms, that had so long continued ceased. And coming to Rome, which was greatly decayed, he so disposed himself to the repairing of it, that in short time it became indifferent fair and pleasant.  
¶ Eugenie the four had so great press of people at his consecration, 
Eugenius .4.  that the bishop of Senegalia was styfled to death. And shortly after, being persuaded, that his predecessor Martin, had left a great treasure hid, he caused Oddo Poccio, that had been Martin's vice-chambrelaine, to be sent for, by his captain Stephen Colonna: who only of the house of Colonnesi favoured the bishop. And because the servants of this Stephen sacked Oddos' goods, and brought him like a thief to the bishop, whereas he commanded no violence to be used: therefore the bishop fell out with Stephen: so that Stephen fled to Preneste to the prince Colonna, informing him, that Eugenie purposed the destruction of their whole name and family. Whereupon the Colonnesi made an army, came to Rome, entered in at the gate called Appia, and going forth as far as saint Marks without hurt doing, met there with the bishop's power: and fought a sore battle: so that at length, contrary to all men's expectation the Romans took the bishop's part, and constrained the Colonnesi to withdraw. In which retiring they took prisoners and prays as in open war: and after that used such practices for poisoning of the bishop, and betraying of Costel Sant' Angelo, with other like featis, that Eugenie was glad to entreat them for peace: which he easily obtained.  
¶ Than came Edmonde son of Charles the four emperor to Rome, and there with great solenmitee and pomp received the imperial crown of Eugenie, and returned into his country without attempting any thing of importance.  
¶ Not long after the Duke of Mylaine made war against the bishop, and sent Nicolas Fortebraccio with a great number of chosen men to Rome: who arrived there with so much diligence, that he passed Ponte Molle, and came to the gate Flaminia, ere ever the bishop was ware of him.  
¶ This Nicolas Fortebraccio had served the bishop before in a certain enterprise that was made at Vetrala and Civita Vecchia: and because he had gotten there many fair booties, therefore at his return the bishop refused to pay him his wages, saying, that his fair gayve aught to suffice him. For the which Nicolas departed: and now returning under the Duke of Mylaine, with help of the Colonnesi, encouraged the Romans so to challenge their liberty, that Eugenie was feign to disguise himself in a monks habit, and to take his boat towards Ostia. And yet ere he were far onwards on his way, the people hearing of his departure followed him down the river, with hurling of stones and shot of arrows: and than created new magistrates after their own manner, deposing and chasing away all such as had aught to do in the bishop's name: and laid siege unto castle Sant' Angelo, which was all their undoing. For the captain thereof wrought this policy, he sent his men forth daily to skirmish, and ordained certain of them to suffer he to be taken: who for their libertee and money withal, should promise to slay their captain, and to betray the castle. It came to pass as it was devised, so that after their return to the castle, 
A witty policy.  they showed out a dead man's head, and requiring their money offered to deliver up the castle. Whereupon certain of the principal Romans entered, and so being taken, were occasion that within the space of .v. months after the Romans returned to their former obedience: the bishop than being at Florence.  
¶ This mean while the princis and prelate's of all Christendom began to assemble for keeping of the general counsel at Basile: and by one agreement cited iii times Eugenie to come thither, with his Cardinals. And because he came not, they threatened to depose him. Wherefore he sent his apostolical bulls thither with certain Cardinals to confirm all things there determined.  
¶ Than sent he the Patriarch Vitelesco to Rome, who there used many cruel torments and deaths against the enemies of Eugenie: and after went into the realm of Naples: pretending title thereunto in the churches right. In which quarrel he fought with the prince of Taranto, and took him prisoner with two thousand horse: and miss little of taking the king Alfonse under colour of truce.  
¶ In his return to Rome he utterly destroyed Preneste, the chief town belonging to the house of Colonna: but at last his chance was to be betrayed and slain himself.  
¶ After this Eugenie called a counsel in Ferrara, whereunto john Paleologo emperor of Constantinople, with the principal of the greek church came, and disputed certain articles of religion, which were agreed upon in the counsel following at Florence. And all be it, that Eugenie had great assemblies at both these counsels, yet were there a number of bishops, that sat still at Basile, always summoning Eugenie to repair thither: and at last for lack of appearance (partly through instance of Philip Duke of Mylaine, than enemy to Eugenie) the counsel of Basile deposed him, and created in his place one Amideus, than being an eremite, that before had been Duke of Savoie: naming him Felix. By reason whereof Christendom was divided into iii parts: Two held with these ii bishops, and the iii with neither of both.  
¶ Than returned Eugenie unto Rome, where he was joyfully received of the people, and lodged the first night at the gate Flaminia: but the second day, as he went in Pontificalibus toward saint Peter's, because the custom of the city was raised double, the people began to cry, down with the customs, and with the inventors of them: so that the bishop was feign to promise them it should be no more levied.  
¶ Shortly after he made war in the Mark of Ancona, and recovered it out of the hands of Francisco Sforza: and finally provoked Charles than Dolphin of France, by plain force to drive away the bishops that held the counsel at Basile: and so remaigned in his estate till he died.  

Nicolaus .5. Amideus.  ¶ Nicolas the .v. succeeded Eugenie, unto whom Amideus renounced his title by compulsion of the emperor Fredrick. For which renunciation Nicolas created him Cardinal and legate in Germany. He crowned the same Fredrick and his wife with the imperial crowns in Rome, and travailed much, partly by fair means, and partly by threatningꝭ to appease the war between the princes and states of Italy: but his excommunications could not rule them.  

Calixtus .3  ¶ Calixt the iii incontinently after his election prepared an army against the Turks, armed xvi galeys of his own, and under the leading of the patriarch of Aquileia sent them into the Levant seas: and ceased not to persuade all Christian princes, as much as in him lay, 
Alfonse.  to that expedition. Amongst whom Alfonse king of Naples, and Lewis Duke of Burgoyne, took once the cross on them towards that voyage: but through some occasions they changed purpose.  
¶ Not long after the king Alfonse died. Whereupon Calixt, under pretence of title to the realm of Naples, made great preparation of war against Ferdinando son to Alfonse: but being prevented by death, both the rumour and fear thereof ceased.  
¶ When he died, he left .150. thousand ducats in his coffers, which he said he had prepared for the wars against the Turk.  
¶ Pius the second, 
Pius. 2●  shortly after his election called a counsel in Mantua: Unto the which came ambassadors from all Christian princes. And all be it, that through the bishop's persuasion, who was himself an excellent Orator, it was there concluded, that to the expedition against the Turks, at the bishop's devise, every prince and estate should be contributour, as well for sending of men and munition, as also for maintenance with money, yet when it came to the point there was nothing done.  
¶ During this counsel, many rumours were raised in Tuscan, yea and in Rome: that one Tiburtio, son of Angelo Massiano with certain companions, had taken the temple of Pantheon, and there fortifying him, disturbed the whole city.  
¶ The party called Auersana, enemies to the bishop, had also taken Viterbo: which the bishop at his return recovered.  
¶ All which things, with a numbered of commotions in the Mark of Ancona, in Vmbria, and in the confines there, at length the bishop appeased either by policy or by force.  
¶ He caused Lewis the french king to renounce certain exactions, granted him of the church in the counsel at Basile: and defended Ferdinando king of Naples against Iohn son to Raynolde Duke of Angiow.  
¶ Finally disposing himself altogether to the enterprise against the Turks, and being arrived in Ancona, to meet with the Venetian galeys and captain, named Christofer Moro, for the same purpose, he died of a continual fever.  
¶ And leaving behind him .40000. ducats, with certain ships and galeys prepared for that voyage: the Cardinals delivered both the one and other to the Venetian captain. The money to be sent to the king of Hungary, to relieve his need, and the ships to serve on the seas with the Venetian army.  

Paulus .2.  ¶ Paul the second so much abhorred learned men, that he accounted all them that were of Plato's Academy, to be heretics: and deprived a numbered of virtuous and learned men of such offices and promotions as his predecessors had called them to: amongst whom was Platina. And being entreated to be more gracious unto them, considering they were old men, had followed the court all their days, and many also had bought their livings dear, so that neither by law, nor yet by reason, he ought to deprive them: he answered, that forasmuch as the law and reason rested in his breast, to allow or disallow what he thought good: his will being so, it was both sufficient law and reason.  
¶ Than picked he a quarrel to the family of Auersa, and with help of certain men of war, sent to him by Ferdinando king of Naples, he assaulted them, and took .9. of their castles. Of the which ●ame were so strong, that they seemed impossible to be won. And because the bishop, through the kings help, had attained these fortresses and possessions, the king required certain small benefits at his hands: but the uncourteyse bishop would grant nothing: wherefore they squared a little: and than agreed again.  
¶ After this, the bishop gave himself to idleness and plays, and in the shroving time devised a numbered of games & prices to be won, and distributed much money amongst boys, the better to maintain his pastime. In the end whereof happened him such a fear, that he witted not what to do. For it was told him, that certain young men had conspired against him by the procurement of one Calimaco a simple man. And further, that one Luca Totio a banished Roman had been seen with a numbered of banished men in the woods there by. Upon which enformations he caused divers men of reputation to be taken, aswell courtiers as other, and without any matter or good ground of suspicion, put them to such terrible tourmentꝭ, that it would grieve and gentle heart to hear it.  
¶ He attempted the winning of Tolfa, first by treason, than by siege, and lastly, when he could not so get it, he purchased it for .7000. dukates.  
¶ Likewise he assaulted the city of Rimino, to have taken it from the family of Mala●esta, but he failed of that enterprise.  
¶ He used very great Simony: and when any bishopric fell, he would translate the bishops from one see to an other for the gain of their first fruits: by reason whereof he gathered a great treasure, and delighted very much in jewels.  
¶ Finally he persuaded all men to keep their children at school till they could write and read: and no longer: and died suddenly.  

Sixtus .4.  ¶ Sixtus the four was both learned and eloquent, and contrary to his predecessors nature delighted in learned men.  
¶ He did his best to secure the princes that were driven out of their countries by the Turk, as the queen of Bossina, the Paleologi, the Despoti, and divers other. And yet did he unjustly both raise wars himself, and also cause other princes to do the like.  
¶ first he began with the Florentines, because they had imprisoned his nephiew a Cardinal, and had hanged the archbishop of Pisa for killing of juliano di Medici.  
¶ He made war to Ferdinando king of Naples, because he had not aided the Duke of Ferrara against the venetians.  
¶ He made war also to the venetians, and gathered all the astates of Italy into a league against them: leaving them excommunicate when he died.  
¶ He levied many dimes and subsidies of the clergy through all Christendom, and was very beneficial to his own kin and friends.  
¶ Finally by his time Macomet the ii emperor of the Turks had taken Otronto in Puglia: and prepared himself to the conquest of Italy. Wherefore the bishop made him ready to flee into France, and had fled in deed, if God by preventing of that enterprise had not set a stay to the turkish fury with Macometes death.  
¶ Innocence the four assoiled the venetians, and travailed much to agree the Christian princes together. 
Innocentius .4.  Nevertheless because his last predecessor had released to the king of Naples certain pretended duties of the church: therefore, procuring first certain astates of the realm to rebel, he moved war against Ferdinando, and at length constrained him to agree at his own appointment.  
¶ He pacified also a great contention between the families of Colonna and Orsina, whose variance had been cause of no small fire, blood, and spoil. He had a son and a daughter, whom he left very rich: and was nevertheless reputed both liberal & pitiful.  
¶ Alexander the vi was a spaniard borne, 
Alexander .6.  and a great philosopher. He entered in league with Alfonse king of Naples against Charles the viii French king, who than prepared himself to come into Italy. Nevertheless Charles power was such, that the bishop not only gave him passage, but also received him in Rome honourably. And yet mistrusting the french kings high courage, seeing he feared but little the ecclesiastical power, the bishop withdrew himself into castle Sant' Angelo, though by fair entreaty he came out again, and yielded all his dominion at the kings will: and besides that delivered him Zizimo, brother to the great Turk, that before was the bishops prisoner.  
¶ But ere ever Charles returned out of the realm of Naples, which was within less than half a year after, the bishop had wrought a new league against him, wherein the emperor Maximilian, the king of Aragone, the venetians, and the Duke of Mylaine were his collegꝭ. So that Charles in his return towards France was fought withal, and sore handled.  
¶ Finally Charles being thus departed, this bishop began to wax high, and imagining how to extol his own name, he created his son Valentino Borgia Duke, causing him first to renounce his cardinal hat, which at his father's creation was given him, and than made he him captain of an army sent into Romagna: where first he warred against Katherine lady of Imola and Furli, and not only took her just possessions from her, but also sent her prisoner to Rome: and than proceeded further against the other lords thereabouts. So that having chased away the families of Manfredi, Ordelaffi, Malateste, Feltrani, Veranei, and divers other, in manner of no less estate than princes, he got into his possession the countries of Romagna, and Marca d' Ancona, with the dukedoms of Vrbino, Camerino, and Spoleti. Of all the which his father entitled him Duke, and entered into so great a pride with his sons prosperity, that he would say to him, either a Caesar or nothing.  
¶ Through comfort whereof, being given to overmuch covetousness, in hope of empire, he poisoned divers rich Cardinallis to have their goods: and amongst his other practices he appointed poisoned coumfettes for a Cardinal that dined with his father, but the father himself was served of the wrong box and died. And the son not long after slain in the midst of all his glory: notwithstanding that by his father's time he was coupled in marriage with the daughter of the Duke of Ferrara.  
¶ Pius the iii died within a month, 
Pius .3.  not without suspicion of venom.  
¶ julie the ii being a man more given to arms than to prayer, more like julius Caesar, than Simon Peter, 
julius .2.  was wont to say, that Maximilian had been meet to be bishop, and he emperor.  
¶ first he procured such a league against the venetians, that they had never a foot of ground left them on the main land: so that he had for his part Ravenna, with the other cities of Romagna.  
¶ He destroyed the family of Borgia: and quieted much the civil sedition, that had long time reigned in the Roman nobility.  
¶ He made war against the Bentivogli, that than were lords of Bononia, and having chased them away, entered into that city with like triumph, as the ancient Roman conquerors were wont to do into Rome.  
¶ Many times he would go armed himself, specially in the enterprise against Lodovicus Picus of Mirandula.  
¶ Finally fearing the french kings to much prosperity, he entered in league with the venetians, and the king of Spain against the French king, which was occasion of the notable battle of Ravenna, fought on Easter day: where on both sides were slain about 30000. men. For as I have been credibly informed, when both battailꝭ were joined, Spaniards on the one side, and frenchmen on the other, the Duke of Ferrara that came on the french part, shot of his artillery amongst the thickest, and slew a multitude aswell of his friends as enemies: but they were all strangers to him.  
¶ In conclusion the frenchmen took Ravenna, with divers other cities of the bishops, which they enjoyed not long. For the bishop immediately got into his league the emperor, the king of England, the Germans, and the Suizers. So that the French king, being vexed on all sides, was easily constrained to forego his conquests and dominions in Italy: specially through force of the Suizers, that under the leading of their Cardinal Sedunese, came in great numbered to the bishop's service: who rewarded them with the title of defenders of the church, and gave them a gilt sword, and an hat of maintenance.  
¶ Somewhat before his death he established his cousin Francisco Maria Duke of Urbine.  

Leo .10.  ¶ Leo the ten of the house of Medici, a Florentine borne, was a pleasant man of nature, and gave himself more to humanity and pleasures of this life, than either to religion, or to increase of dominion.  
¶ He increased much the reputation of his house, but because he expulsed by force Francisco Maria, Duke of Urbine out of his estate, and placed in the same, first his brother julian, and after his nephiew Laurence, the world accused him of tyranny. For he attempted to do the like unto the Duke of Ferrare, but he prevailed not.  
¶ Some ill was suspected of him for his to much delicateness in bringing up of children, and for his opinion of immortality.  
¶ Adrian the vii by contention amongst the Cardinals happened to be elected, 
Adrian .7.  reputed of them for an ignorant man, though some other had a good opinion both of his virtue and learning. But because his life was nothing courtely, or agreeable to the Cardinals, either through god's visitation, or (as most men think) thorough their poison practices, he was soon dispatched.  
¶ Clement the vii brother, 
Cleme●s▪ 7.  unto Leo the ten immediately after his election, took part with the French king against the emperor. So that, when the french king was taken before Pavia, the family of Colonna, which hath been always imperial, through help of Don Hugo Moncada, began to war with the bishop: and after divers subtle practices and persuasions, so handled the matter, that they entered into Rome, and miss but a little to have taken the bishop: who hearing the rumour, suddenly fled to castle Sant' Angelo. Wherefore after the bishop had drawn Don Hugo Moncada to his part, the Colonnesi endured cruel war to their great damage.  
¶ Than came the Duke of Bourbone, who was slain with the shot of an handgun from the wallis of Rome▪ but the emperors army, whereof he was captain, took the city by assault, sacked, spoiled, and burned it: and for the space of xu days used such triumph, that for their pastime they would make such Cardinallis and prelate's as were their prisoners, ride scornfully about the town upon asses, with their faces to the tail: and so streictly besieged Clement, that he was feign to give them .400000. ducats for his ransom, and to yield the castle into the emperors hands.  
¶ But within less than iii years after, the emperor came himself into Italy, and having made peace with the bishop, received of him the imperial crown in Bononia, with so great triumph and pomp, that the like hath not been heard of in our days. During the which there came ambassadors to Clement with letters from Preter Iohn of great commendations, desire of amity, and union of religion.  
¶ Before their departure from Bononia, the emperor granted the bishop his army against the Florentines, and concluded the marriage of his bastard daughter to Clementes nephiew, Alexander di Medici, that afterwards was Duke of Florence. But ere the Florentines would lose their liberties, they susteigned a notable war for the space of xii months.  
¶ And like as by force he oppressed the Florentines, so by treason he subdued Ancona. For under pretence of amity and counsel, persuading them that the Turks army by sea, was coming against them, he sent a captain of his, called Bernardin, who with certain men of war was received into the city, and so usurped the dominion for the church.  
¶ In this bishop's time happened such a sudden rage of water in Rome, that the high towers were drowned, and a great numbered of people, with infinite richesses lost: so that the bishop himself had much ado to escape it: which may well be thought a plague of god, sent for the abomination that reigneth there.  
¶ Finally Clement met with the french king at Marseiles in observance, and there concluded the marriage that followed between Katherine Clementꝭ niece, and Henry now french king, than but secounde son to the french king. Shortly after whose marriage Clement died.  
¶ Paul the iii that now is bishop, 
Paulus .3.  before the time of his election, held himself so indifferent between the factions imperial and french, that no man could know to whether part he was most inclined.  
¶ In the beginning of his time he procured all Christian princes to war against the Turk, so that the emperor, that venetians, and he made an army by sea under the leading of Andrea Doria, who met with Barbarossa besides Corfu, but they fought no battle, though the Christians were more in number and better furnished than the Turks: whether Andrea Doria were blame worthy I can not tell. But once the Venetian galleon, a notable ship, was left alone in the midst of the Turkish navy, that assaulted her four or v. hours, and yet at length came clean away in despite of them all.  
¶ This bishop went to Nisa in observance, where by his procurement the emperor and french king met, and concluded a peace, which dured not long.  
¶ Than died the Duke of Urbine. Incontinently upon whose death, the bishop made war to the young Duke Guido Ubaldo for the state of Camerino, and constrained him for a little sum of money to give over the estate. In in which the bishop established his own son Pietro Aluigi Duke.  
¶ After this upon a light occasion the bishop made war to Ascanio Colonna, thief of that family: and Peter Aluigi, being general of the bishop's army, handled Ascanio Colonna and his adherentes so cruelly, that they were feign to abandon their own towns and castles, and to live in exile as banished men, till by the emperors means they were restored to the bishop's favour and absolution.  
¶ This Paul, to exalt his own blood, by consent of his Cardinals exchanged the Duchy of Camerino with the church, for the cities and territories of Placentia and Parma. Whereof he invested his forenamed son as Duke: whose behaviour was such, that he continued not fully two years: for the nobility of the same, detesting his wicked life and tyranny, conspired against him, and slew him in his own house in Placentia: yielding that city the next day into the emperors hands.  
¶ The bishop sent a fair army both of horsemen and footmen, to succcour the emperor in his enterprise against the Germans: and made his sons son, called the Duke Ottavio general.  
¶ Finally he is a great astronomer, and so old a man, that (as they say) for the most part he is nourished with the suck of a woman's breastꝭ: and to help his cold nature, hath two young girls to lie by him in his bed a nightis.   

Anno do. Numbered of b. Names. Years. Monethꝭ. 33 1 Petrus. 25 7 70 2 Linus. 11 3 81 3 Cletus. 11 1 92 4 Clemens. 9 2 101 5 Anacletus. 9 2 110 6 Evaristus. 9 10 119 7 Alexander. 10 7 129 8 Sixtus. 10 3 139 9 Thelesforus. 11  143 10 Iginius. 4 3 147 11 Pius. 12  159 12 Anicetus. 9 4 168 13 Sotherus. 9 3 177 14 Eleutherius. 21 6 198 15 Victor. 10 3 208 16 Zeferinus. 9 2 217 17 Calixtus. 5 2 222 18 Urbanus. 8 2 230 19 Pontianus. 5 2 239 20 Antherus. 3 1 242 21 Fabianus. 14  255 22 Cornelius. 3  258 23 Lucius. 3 2 261 24 Stephanus. 3 2 264 25 Sixtus .2. 2 9 266 26 Dyonisius. 6  272 27 Phelix. 4 3 276 28 Eutitianus. 8 10 284 29 Caius. 11 4 295 30 Marcellinus. 9 4 304 31 Marcellus. 5 6 309 32 Eusebius. 2 7 311 33 Melchiades. 4 7 315 34 Silvester. 21  336 35 Marcus. 2 8 338 36 julius. 16 4 354 37 Liberius. 16 7 370 38 Phelix .2. 1 4 371 39 Damasus. 18 2 389 40 Siritius. 15 11 404 41 Anastasius. 3  408 42 Innocentius. 15 2 424 43 Zosimus. 1 8 425 44 Bonifatius. 3 4 428 45 Celestinus. 8  436 46 Sixtus .3. 8  444 47 Leo. 21 1 465 48 Hilarius. 6 3 471 49 Simplicius. 15 1 486 50 Phelix .3. 8 11 494 51 Gelasius. 4 8 498 52 Anastasius .2. 1 10 499 53 Symacus. 15 6 514 54 Hormisda. 9  523 55 johannes. 2 8 525 56 Phelix .4. 4 2 529 57 Bonifatius .2. 2 1 531 58 johannes .2. 2 4 533 59 Agapitus. 1  534 60 Silverius. 1 5 535 61 Uigilius. 17 6 552 62 Pelagius. 11  563 63 johannes .3. 13  576 64 Benedictus. 4 1 580 65 Pelagius .2. 10 2 590 66 Gregorius. 13 6 603 67 Sabinianus. 1  605 68 Bonifatius .3.  8 606 69 Bonifatius .4. 6 8 613 70 Deodatus. 4  617 71 Bonifatius .5. 5  622 72 Honorius. 12 11 634 73 Severinus. 1  635 74 johannes .4. 1 9 636 75 Theodorus. 6 5 643 76 Martinus. 6 1 650 77 Eugenius. 3  653 78 Uitellianus. 14 6 667 79 Adeodatus. 4 7 672 80 Donus. 1 2 673 81 Agatho. 2 6 676 82 Leo .2.  10 677 83 Benedictus .2.  10 679 84 johannes .5. 1 11 682 85 Conon.   684 86 Sergius. 14 8 698 87 johannes .6. 3 3 701 88 johannes .7. 2 7 707 89 Sisimus.  20. days. 713 90 Constantinus. 7  729 91 Gregorius .2. 2 9 740 92 Gregorius .3. 10 8 752 93 Zacharias. 10 2 757 94 Stephanus .2. 5 1 768 95 Paulus.  10 769 96 Constantinus .2 10 1 772 97 Stephanus .3. 1 5 796 98 Adrianus. 3 10 817 99 Leo .3. 23 5 820 100 Stephanus .4. 20 7 827 101 Paschalis. 3 3 830 102 Eugenius .2. 7  831 103 Ualentinus. 4 40. days 846 104 Gregorius .4. 16  848 105 Sergius .2. 2 3 858 106 Leo .4. 2 5 860 106 johannes. foe .7 2 5 863 107 Benedictus .3. 9 2 871 108 Nicolaus .9 5 9 877 109 Adrianus .2. 10  887 110 johannes .8. 1 5 888 111 Martinus .2. 1 3 890 112 Adrianus .3. 6  896 113 Stephanus .5. 5 6 901 114 Formosus.  15. days. 901 115 Bonifatius .6. 1 3 902 116 Stephanus .6.  3 902 117 Romanus.  20. days. 902 118 Theodorus .2. 2  904 119 johannes .9. 3 4 907 120 Benedictus .4.  40. days 907 121 Leo .5.  7 907 122 Christopherus.  3 914 123 Sergius .3. 7 2 916 124 Anastasius .3. 2 6 917 125 Lando.   930 126 johannes .10. 13 2 930 127 Leo .6.  6 933 128 Stephanus .7. 2 1 937 129 johannes .11. 4 10 941 130 Leo .7. 3 6  131 Stephanus .8. 3 4 944 132 Martinus .3. 3 6 948 133 Agapitus .2. 9 7 958 134 johannes .12. 4 10 962 135 Benedictus .5.  2 962 136 Leo .8. 1 4 963 137 johannes .13. 6 11 969 138 Benedictus .6. 1 6 971 139 Donus .2. 1 6 971 140 Bonifatius .7.  6 973 141 Benedictus .7. 8 5 981 142 johannes .14.  8 932 143 johannes .15.  4 982 144 johannes .16. 10 6 992 145 Gregorius .5. 2 5 994 146 johannes .17.  10 995 147 Silvester .2. 4 1 999 148 johannes .18.  5 1000 149 johannes .19. 4 4 1004 350 Sergius .4. 2 6 1006 151 Benedictus .8. 11 11 1018 152 johannes .20. 9  1027 153 Benedictus .9. 10 4 1038 154 Silvester .3.  2 1038 155 Gregorius .6. 2 3 1040 156 Clemens .2.  9 1040 157 Damasus .2.  1 1040 158 Leo .9. 13 2 1053 159 Victor .3. 1 3 1055 160 Stephanus .9.  4 1060 161 Benedictus .10.  8 1061 162 Nicolaus .2. 3 6 1063 163 Alexander .2. 11 6 1073 164 Gregorius .7. 12 1 1085 165 Victor .3. 1 4 1086 166 Urbanus .2. 12 4 1100 167 Paschalis .2. 18 3 1118 168 Gelasius .2. 1 5 1120 169 Calixtus .2. 5 10 1126 170 Honorius .2. 5 5 1131 171 Innocentius .2. 14 8 1145 172 Celestinus .2.  5 1146 173 Lucius .2.  11 1147 174 Eugenius .3. 8 7 1155 175 Anastasius .4. 2 4 1158 176 Adrianus .4. 4 10 1161 177 Alexander .3. 21  1181 178 Lucius .3. 4 2 1185 179 Urbanus .3. 1 11 1186 180 Gregorius .8.  2 1186 181 Clemens .3. 2  1188 182 Celestinus .3. 6 7 1195 183 Innocentius .3. 18 4 1214 184 Honorius .3. 10 7 1225 185 Gregorius .9. 14 3 1240 186 Celestinus .4.  18. days. 1242 187 Innocentius .4. 11 6 1254 188 Alexander .4. 6 6 1262 189 Urbanus .4. 3 1 1265 190 Clemens .4. 3 9 1271 191 Gregorius .10. 1 2 1273 192 Innocentius .5.  5 1273 193 Adrianus .5.  40. days 1273 194 johannes .21.  8 1276 195 Nicolaus .3. 3 8 1280 196 Martinus .4. 4 1 1284 197 Honorius .4. 2 1 1286 198 Nicolaus .4. 4 1 1290 199 Celestinus .5.  5 1291 200 Bonifatius .8. 8 9 1300 201 Benedictus .11.  9 1302 202 Clemens .5. 8 10 1317 203 johannes .22. 19 3 1336 204 Benedictus .12. 7 3 1343 205 Clemens .6. 10 8 1353 206 Innocentius .6. 10  1362 207 Urbanus .5. 8 5 1371 208 Gregorius .11.  8 1379 209 Urbanus .6. 11 8 1380 210 Bonifatius .9. 14 9 1390 211 Celestinus .6. 15  1399 212 Benedictus .13. 21  1404 213 Innocentius .7. 2  1407 214 Gregorius .12. 2 7 1409 215 Alexander .5.  8 1410 216 johannes .23. 4 10 1415 217 Martinus .5. 14 3 1430 218 Eugenius .4. 15  1438 219 Phelix .5. 9  1447 220 Nicolaus .5. 8  1455 221 Calixtus .3. 3 3 1458 222 Pius .2. 5 11 1464 223 Paulus .3. 6  1471 224 Sixtus .4. 13  1484 225 Innocentius .8. 5 11 1492 226 Alexander .6. 11  1503 227 Pius .3.  1 1503 228 julius .2. 9 4 1513 229 Leo .10. 9 3 1522 230 Adrianus .6. 1 7 1523 231 Clemens .7. 11  1535 232 Paulus .3. 14   
¶ Authors do vary somewhat in the times of these bishops, but I have agreed the best togethers, and so have set it forth.   

¶ The Venetian estate.  
BEcause the marvelous Situation of the city of Venice, amongst other things seemeth unto me most notable, I therefore have thought good first to treat thereof: and than consequently to proceed unto the declaration of the venetians estate, their customs and proceedings.  

¶ Of the marvelous Site.  
When I consider what things necessity causeth (having an earnest proof for my part thereof) I nothing marvel, to see the wonders that it worketh. For he that beholdeth the place, where Venice standeth, and would imagine it to be without any building or habitation, should say it were the rudest, unmeerest, and unholsomest place to build upon or to inhabit, that w●re again to be found throughout an whole world: It standeth open upon the main sea, four miles from the nearest main land, in such a marsh, as at every low water leaveth the muddy ground uncovered, and at every full sea drowneth it clean. And yet men (constrained of necessity) have brought this marsh to such a pass, that it is now not only exceeding full of people, and rich of treasure and buildings: but so wholesome withal (through the much haunt of people and the great number of continual fires) that I think none other city able to show so many old men. But were it not, that as it seemeth nature hath of purpose made a bank two or three miles of, between it and the sea, it were impossible to be inhabited: Because the city standing equal with the water, the blood by reason should pass through the houses at every full sea. But this bank, that beginneth at Chiozza, and stretcheth towardis the city of Concordia, 60. miles of length, doth so defend the water blood, that within those marshes it hath nothing the like force as on the other sea costs. For it is a great matter when the sea swelleth in Venice four or v. foot above the low water mark: notwithstanding that the city seemeth to be rather in a part of the sea, than in a marisshe. For every channel (as who would say every street) is full of water, and the channels are so many, that you may row through all parts of the city: though there be ways also, to go on land if you list. Which streets for the most part are very narrow, and the houses nothing so fair as on the water side. And in the marisshe, between the city and the main land, when the water is low, the most part of the channels are so shallow, that the boats have much a do to pass to and fro. For the mud increaseth daily, by reason of the land flouddes, that a number of rivers falling into the same, do carry with them. And a wonderful treasure the venetians spend in continual digging and carrying away of that mud, to preserve their foresaid channels, and to defend, that their city join not to the main land.  
¶ The bank before rehearsed, is broken in vii places, through the which boats may come in: but no ship can pass to Venice, saving at the port of Malamoco, or at the two Castles of Lio. The entry whereof is so dangerous (by reason the sandꝭ are movable here & there) that when any ship cometh in, she taketh first pilottes to sound the way: which in effect is reputed to be one of the greatest sureties, that the venetians have for defence of their city, against all enemies by sea: and than by land it is impossible to hurt or besiege it, unless the enemy were able to occupy .150. mile compass with his army.   

Of buildings.  
next unto the situation, the manner of their building is most to be marveled at. For almost every man that buildeth an house, maketh his foundation lower than the water: and ere ever he set in hand withal, is constrained to make such a strong pale of piles and mud between his building and the water, as shall be able to defend his work, when (after he hath closed it well) the water and mud that resteth within, is cleansed and emptied out. Than causeth he strong piles of timber of a great length, to be driven in, and thereupon with stone and gravel beginneth his foundation. So that when he hath brought it to the full sea mark, he rekenneth to have furnished one half of his building: notwithstanding that above water I think no place of all Europe, able at this day to compare with that city for numbered of sumptuous houses, specially for their frontes. For he that woull row through the Canale grand, and mark well the frontes of the houses on both sides, shall see them, more like the doings of princes than private men. And I have been with good reason persuaded, that in Venice be above .200. palaces able to lodge any king.  
¶ But now to the particular of their notable buildings: The new Castle, at the mouth of the haven Lio, for strength and beauty is one of the rarest things done in these days.  
¶ The church of S. Mark is a very antic thing, furnished with goodly pillars of fine marble, to the numbered of .900. (as they say) besides the floor under foot of small marble stones, wrought in knots of divers colours, and four fair brazen horses over the front.  
¶ The Duke's palace is a very sumptuous building, and not yet finished.  
¶ The street called, La Piazza di San Marco, is very fair and large, and the one side is built of hard stone, all uniformly with fair glasen windows, and the street by low, paved over with brick.  
¶ Saint Marks steeple is a very high and fair tour of brick, so well built, that within forth an horse may be led up unto the bellfroy.  
¶ The Rialto is a goodly place in the heart of the city, where the merchants twice a day assemble.  
¶ The schools of S. Rock and S. Mark, are two notable things: the frontes whereof are the fairest and costliest that ever I have seen.  
¶ Finally, the Arsenal in mine eye exceedeth all the rest: For there they have well near two hundred galeys in such an order, that upon a very small warning they may be furnished out unto the sea. Besides, that for every day in the year (when they would go to the cost) they should be able to make a new galley: having such a staple of timber (which in the water within Th'advocate hath lain a seasoning, some .20. year, some .40. some an .100. and some I wot not how long) that it is a wonder to see it. And every of these galeys hath his covering or house by himself on the dry land: so that the long lying unoccupied can not hurt them. Their masts, cables, sails, anchors, rooders, oars, and every other thing are ready in houses of offices by theim selfes, that unseen it is almost incredible: with such a quantity of artillery, both for sea and land, as made me to wonder, besides the harness and weapons, that suffice (as they say) to arm an ●00000. men. Finally the numbered of workmen waged for term of life about those exercises, is wonderful. For by all that I could learn, their ordinary is never less than .600. working in the Arsenal, be it peace or war. And because they have such a numbered of boatmen, that continually live by gain upon the water within the city: they need not to seek further for mariners to furnish their galeys withal. For it was credibly told me, that there are no less than 12000. boats daily serving in those their channels: and almost no boat rowed, but of a sufficient mariner. So that if the venetians had been men, as the Romans were, given as well unto chivalry by land, as unto the exercise on the water: no doubt they might many years agoen have subdued the world. But sure their power hath been more warily governed, than valiantly enlarged. For sens Constantinople was gotten by the Turks, their dominion hath decreased, both by reason (as the ●ame goeth) they rather practise with money, to buy and sell countries, peace and war: than to exercise deeds of arms: and for that most Uenetians are at these days become better merchants than men of war.  
¶ And now methynketh it convenient to speak in this place, of the armory that is in an hall of the Duke's palace, called La Sala del Consiglio d'i dieci, which surely is a very notable thing.  
¶ There be (as they reckon) a thousand coats of plate, part covered with cloth of gold and velvet, with guilt nails so fair, that princes might wear them: besides divers other fair harneyses made of late, which are bestowed in so fair an order, with their divers kinds of weapons, furnished of the best sort, that a great while looking on, could not satisfy me. This hall is divided into divers several portions, as the house doth give it, and every portion hath his sort by himself very handsomely.  
¶ Finally for provision of fresh water it is a wonder to see their number of costly wells, made only to receive the rain that falleth from the houses. I call them costly, because first every well hath his bottom as low as the salt water, and must therefore be so surely walled and stopped with sand on the utter side, that it defend the salt water from soaking in. And on the inner side it must have his vent to receive the water, that falleth from the houses, gravel within to pass through, and last of all a fair paving of brick or stone in the bottom closed about like a cistern, to preserve the purged water.  
¶ And though they have a great number of those wells, and plenty of rain, yet the poor men, that dwell in the country, do gain yearly above .20000. crowns, by bringing their boats laden with fresh water from the rivers to Venice. Yet all this notwithstanding, you shall many times hear much lamentation among the poor folk for lack of water.   

Of the dominion.  
BEsides all those towns and habitations that are in their marshes, and on that long bank between them and the sea, as Murano, Mazzorbo, Torcello, Malamoco, Chiozza, and others, they have on the main land the country of Friuli, anciently called Forum julij, the cities of Treviso, Padua, Vicenza, Verona, Bressa, Bergamo, and Crema, with their appurtenances.  
¶ The most part of the country of Istria, and upon the costs of Dalmatia (now called Schlavonia) they have Zara and Zebenico: In the mouth of the Adriatic sea the isle of Corfu: and in the Levant seas, otherwise called Mare Mediterraneum, the notable islands of Candia and Cyprus. So that if the ground that they be lords of, were in one man's hands, he should be no less worthy to be called a king, than most kings that are known at these days. For not long agoen Cyprus (a part of this) hath had a king alone. And how and when they got these things, this brief history, hereafter following particularly declareth.   

Of revenue.  
AS I have been credibly informed by some gentlemen Uenetians, that have had to do therein, they leavey of their subjects little less than .4. millions of gold by the year, which (after our old reckoning) amounteth to the sum of ten hundred thousand pounds sterling. A thing rather to be wondered at than believed, considering they raise it not upon lands, but upon customs after so extreme a sort, that it would make any honest heart sorrowful to hear it. For there is not a grain of corn, a spoonful of wine, a corn of salt, egg, bird, beast, foul, or fish bought or sold, that payeth not a certain custom. And in Venice specially the customers part in many things, is more than the owners. And if any thing be taken by the way uncustomed, be it merchandise or other, never so great or small, it is forfeited. For those customers keep such a sort of prollers to search all things as they come to and fro, that I think Cerberus was never so greedy at the gates of hell as they be in the channels about Venice. And though they in searching a boat, find no forfeiture, yet woull they not depart without drinking money. And many times the meanest labourer or craftsman throughout all their dominion, payeth a rate for the Poll by the month. insomuch that a Candiote my friend (one that had dwelled in Constantinople) swore to me by his faith, the Christians lived a great deal better under the Turk, than under the venetians. It is almost incredible, what gain the venetians receive by the usury of the jews, both privately and in common. For in every city the jews keep open shops of usury, taking gaiges of ordinary for xu in the hundred by the year: and if at the years end, the gaige be not redeemed, it is forfeit, or at the least done away to a great disadvantage: by reason whereof the jews are out of measure wealthy in those parties.   

Of dignities and offices.  
They have a Duke called after their manner, Doge, who only (amongst all the rest of the nobility) hath his office immutable for term of life: with a certain yearly provision of .4000. ducats or thereabouts. But that is so appointed unto him for certain ordinary feasts, and other like charges, that his own advantage thereof can be but small. And though in appearance he seemeth of great estate, yet in very deed his power is but small. He keepeth no house, liveth privately, and is in so much servitude, that I have heard some of the venetians theim selfes call him an honourable slave: For he can not go a mile out of the town without the counsels licence, nor in the town depart extraordinarily out of the palace, but privately and secretly: And in his apparel he is prescribed an order: so that in effect, he hath no manner of pre-eminence but the bare honour, the gift of a few small offices, and the liberty, Di mettere una part, which is no more, but to propound unto any of the counsels his opinion, touching the order, reformation, or correction of any thing: and that opinion every counsel is bound taccepte into a trial of their sentences by Ballot: (the manner of which ballotting shall hereafter appear) and this privilege, to have his only opinion ballotted, no man hath but he. And whereas many have reported, that the Duke in ballotting should have two voices, it is nothing so: for in giving his voice he hath but one ballot, as all others have.  
¶ Next unto the Duke are three called the Signori Capi, or Cai, which outwardly seem inferior to the Duke, and yet are of more authority than he. For their power is so absolute, that if there happen cause why, they may arrest the Duke. And all such proclamations as concern the majesty of their common wealth, go forth always under their name: Like as we use to say in the kings name, so say they, Da part de i Signori Cai. Two of which Caiazzo, or one of them, with one of the Auogadori, have power, Di metre una part, such as is before rehearsed of the Duke.  
¶ Than have they vi counsellors of the most worthy among them, who are joined with the Duke to sit in the college for audience of ambassadors, and other mattiers of importance: and these specially are called La Signoria. For notwithstanding there be divers joined in the same college with them, as, Gli ●auij della terra ferma, and other more: yet those vi counsellors are of most reputation in that place: and accordingly go always appareled in scarlet or crimson silks.  
¶ In deed, La Signoria, is commonly used as the name of their whole majesty, and principally it doth include the Duke, with the rest of the chief officers or senators (to the numbered of three score) that accompanieth him, when in his solemnity he cometh to church, or goeth unto any of the ordinary ceremonies abroad in the city.  
¶ Now of such as have authority to consult upon mattiers of importance (as we should say, the kings majesties privy counsel) they have xvii persons appointed, called Il Consiglio di dieci: Of which the Duke, the three Caiazzo, and the vi counsellors are part.  
¶ For mattiers of conclusion of peace, of war, of estate, or of other like greatest importance, they have a counsel called, Pregadi, into the which entereth the Duke, with the Consiglio de dieci, and of the other principal officers, to the numbered of .200. or theraboutꝭ.  
¶ For mattiers of justice, there be divers other offices, as Il Consiglio di Quaranta, Il Consiglio di trenta, gl' avogadori, ● Signori di not, gl' Auditori uecchie nuovi, and many more: which have their degrees and orders so appointed, that not one of them woulle meddle with an others office: b●yng a thing no less fearful unto them than poison. For their principal profession is liberty: and he that should usurp upon an other, should incontinently be reputed a tyrant: which name of all things they can not abide. For when a subject of theirs saith: sir, you are my lord, you are my master, he taketh it for the greatest villainy of the world.  
¶ The Signior della Sanita hath the charge to see the city kept clean, and the sick provided for. And as for other particular officers, that have the oversight of all manner provisions and assize of victuals, it shall suffice to say, that there cometh nothing unto their city, but it is viewed, and an ordinary price appointed unto the seller, to the intent the bier be not deceived.   

Of the great counsel.  
Now it behoveth me to say somewhat of their great counsel, which seemeth to be the whole stay of their common wealth.  
¶ There be about .200. families of name, as Contarini, Morosini, Donati, Badoeri, Foscari, and such others: of which families be well-near the numbered of 2500. gentlemen. And all they that are of the age of 25. and upwards, do entre into the great counsel: the order of whose admission into the same is: When a gentleman is grown unto .20. year old, his father or friends do present him unto the Auogadori, who taketh his name, and with other names of the same sort, putteth it into a box, until the four of Decembre: being the day appointed, that all they of that age resort unto the Duke, unto whom (besides this box) there is brought an other box, with so many balls, as the names amount unto: of which every fift ball is gold, and all the rest silver. Than taketh the Duke a bill out of one box, and a ball out of an other, and if the bill meet with a golden ball, than is that gentleman allowed: and if he meet not, than must he abide a better chance the next year, or else the age of .25.  
¶ This foresaid great counsel may be likened to our parliament: For unto it many mattiers of importance are appealed, and that that it doth, is unreformable. By it all offices are given. And into it entereth the Duke, and all the other officers. And finally there pass so many things through that great counsel (specially offices) that ordinarily every holiday, and many times the work days, the same sitteth from dinner till night. The order being this.  
¶ They have an hall very fair and large, in the principal part whereof, at the tone end, sitteth the Duke with certain counsellors. And over against him at the other end the Caiazzo: and on the sides the Auogadori, with the other magistrates. Than in the body of the hall there be ten long benches from the one end thereof unto the other, and so made, that the gentlemen may sit by two rues on a bench back to back. And so every man being set, in what place it shall please him to take at his coming in, the doors are shut: and the chancellor standeth up, and readeth the office that is void, with the names of them that desire it: and he that in the election hath most ballottes (so that they pass the half number) is admitted officer. If there be none that hath more than half the voices as of a 1000 to have .501: than is the election put over till an other day. This manner of giving their voices by ballotte, is one of the laudablest things used amongst them. For there is no man can know what an other doth.  
¶ The boxes are made with an hollow place at the top, that a man may put in his hand, and at the end of that place hange. ii or iii boxes, into which he will, he may let fall his ballot, that no man can perceive him. If there be but two boxes (as commonly it is in election) the one saith yea, and the other saith nay: And if there be iii boxes (which for the most part happeneth in cases of judgement) the one saith yea, tother saith nay, and the third saith nothing: and they are all well enough known by their divers colours. By this order of ballotting they proceed in judgement through all offices, upon all manner of causes: being reputed a sovereign preservation of justice. For oftentimes the judges may grant their voices, and nevertheless (when they come to the hearing of the matter) do as their consciences shall lead them: aunswearing afterwards, that they did their best, but they could not prevail.  
¶ Finally in the disposing of their offices they use this order: that all offices of pre-eminence, as of the Signoria, that are before rehearsed, or the being Potestate, captain, or Governor of any city, castle, town, or country, may be given to none other, but unto gentlemen Uenetians. All offices, that be under commandment, as chancellor, secretaries, and such others, are bestowed amongst their best known citizens. For though there be many of those offices of commandment very profitable, yet can no gentleman have the benefit thereof. Either because they woull maintain in their personages a certain majesty, with their liberty, or else because they woull avoid the inconveniences that may grow of perpetuitee. For all manner of gentlemen's offices, from the highest to the lowest (the Duke's dignity only excepted) are removable, some from year to year, some every ix months, some more, some less (for no gentleman may long enjoy one office): So all offices, that appertain unto their citizens, are durable for term of live without any change.  
¶ Amongst all other, this notable order they have, that two gentlemen of one family can not be in one magistrate or high office together at ones. By reason whereof those gentlemen, that of one name are fewest in numbered, grow a great deal sooner and oftener to authority, than they that be of the most: which is thought a wonderful help of their unity and concord. For if many of one name should rule at ones, they might happen so to agree, that it should be an undoing of their common wealth.   

¶ Of the proctors and treasure.  
THere be certain principal officers, which should seem exempted from their common wealth, and be nevertheless headis of the same, that is to were xii. of the principallest called Procuratori di San Marco, out of which numbered the Duke is alway chosen: and those have their offices for term of life, with a certain stipend of an hundredth dukates a year, or there about. Their charge is, seem to govern the revenues and treasure of the common wealth, and some the rents and treasure of saint Marks church.  
¶ As for the treasure of their common wealth I could never find the mean to see it: but I have been credibly informed, that it is a great sum of ready money locked up in chests, (that no man may come at) which is sometime more and sometime less, as their wealth or charges increase. And though their revenue be very great, yet considering the often wars that they have, the great wages that the senators and officers receive, the numbered of strange captains that they wage for term of life, the numbered of castles and fortresses that they maintain, fortified with watch and ward, their continual costly buildings, and finally the unreasonable charge of their Arsenal, and of their galeys abroad, I think they can not lay up any great some at the years end.  
¶ The other treasure of saint Marks church, I have seen: the principal thing whereof is a table on the high altar, plated over with silver, graven and enamelled, and set full of precious stones of all sorts. And than in a little strong corner on the southside of the church are certain plates of gold much like women's partelettes set full of rich stones, a goodly imperial crown for their Duke, two fair unicorns horns, and divers other things, the value whereof consisteth only in the precious stones: For the gold that is about them is but small in quantity, but the stones are many in numbered, excellent great and fair, and almost inestimable of price.  
¶ Finally to return unto the Proctors, their reputation is the greatest next the Dukes, and there is none can climb unto that dignity, but either he must be so worthy, ancient and notable a man, as few like are to be found amongst them: or else so rich, that in time of need he hath before his election releaved the common wealth with the lone of a notable sum of money. Which second sort of election is also comen up of late, sens money (as some say) hath entered in more reputation than virtue.   

¶ Of laws.  
Their advocates (as we should say our men of law) study principally the civil laws, and besides that the statutes and customs of the city: which are so many, that in manner they suffice of theim selfes. But he that substantially considereth the manner of their proceedings, shall plainly see, that all mattiers are determined by the judges consciences, and not by the civil, nor yet by their own laws. For in every office there be divers judges, and that part that hath most ballottes, prevaileth ever: be it in matter of debt, of title of land, upon life and death, or otherwise. And in every trial of theft, murder, or such other, the party himself is never suffered to speak. But there be certain advocates waged of the common revenue, which with no less study plead in their defence, than the Auogadori, in the contrary. One day the Auogador cometh into the court, and layeth against the fellow that, that either by examination, by torture, or by witness hath been proved: And an other day cometh in th'advocate, and defendeth the fellow with the best answer he can devise: so that many times the prisoner tarrieth. ii.iii. and sometime four years, ere ever he come unto his trial of life and death.  
¶ This order they observe in Venice only. For out of Venice the gentleman Venetian, that is Potestate of the city, town, or place, hath absolute power to judge upon all mattiers himself alone: how be it every of them, hath a counsel of learned men, to advise him what the law commandeth. Besides that, every .v. years there be certain inquisitors, called Sindici, sent forth to reform extortions, and all other things that they find amiss, throughout their whole dominion.  
¶ Finally there is a law in Venice, that no gentleman Venetian may speak with any ambassador, without licence of the Signoria, for fear of intelligence, or of dangerous practice. And because they fear, least civil sedition might be the destruction of their common wealth, as of divers other it hath been, therefore they have provided an order, that when any two gentlemen happen to fall out, either they do so dissemble it, that their malice never appeareth to the world, or else they agree within theim selfes. For if it come to the Signorias knowledge, it can not be chosen, but he that is most faulty receiveth a great rebuke, and many times in those cases divers are banished, or sharply punished. As for their other laws, though I were sufficiently expert in them, yet partly for briefness, and partly because they are not so much necessary to my purpose, I pass them over. But this is clear, there can be no better order of justice in a common wealth than theirs, if it were duly observed. How be it corruption (by the advocates means) is so crept in amongst the judges, that poor men many times can want no delays in the process of their mattiers.   

Of war.  
I Find two sorts of war, one by sea, an other by land.  
¶ By sea the venetians theim selfes govern the whole, and by land they are served of strangers, both for general, for captains, and for all other men of war: because their law permitteth not any Venetian to be captain over an army by land. (Fearing I think Caesar's example) Nevertheless with their army by land, they send forth divers of their gentlemen, some as legates, some as paiemaisters. So that their general, (what noble man so ever he be) hath always a counsel of the venetians about him: by whom in manner all things are done.  
¶ And by sea every Galley hath one gentleman Venetian for captain, by the name of Sopracomito: and over a numbered of galeys one Legate (as it were an admiral) that may hang and punish at his pleasure. This is ordinary both in peace and war. For though the peace be never so sure and quiet, yet fail they not to send forth yearly certain armed galeis to keep the seas against Corsales, and Pirates: not only because their merchandise may pass safely to and fro, but also for the honour that they claim in the dominion thereof. For yearly on the ascension day, the Duke, with the senate, in their best array use to go into the haven at Lio, and there by throwing a ring into the water, to take the sea as their espouse.  
¶ Finally when they hap to have any dangerous war by sea or land, they create a proveditor, who (out of Venice) is of no less authority, than the dictator was wont to be in Rome: specially by sea. And lightly they never make a proveditor, but either they be in great fear, or peril. And throughout all their dominion, within any city or walled town, no man may carry weapon without a special licence.   

Of common provision, and charitable deeds.  
Their diligent use in provision for grain is notable. For be it dear or good cheap their common graner (which is a mighty great house) is in manner always furnished. So that lightly in the city can be no great dearth, because many times of their own common purse, they are contented to lose for the poor people's relief (though an other time they pay theim selfes the double).  
¶ They have also certain schools or fellowships gathered together for devotion, as one of saint Mark, an other of saint Rook, one of this saint, an other of that: which (being for the most part substantial men) do relieve a numbered of the poor after this sort.  

Poor people.  ¶ They give them once a year a course livery, with a certain small stipend, for the which the poor man is bound to carry a taper at one of the brethren or sister's burial, and besides that to attend certain holidays at the school, where the principal brethren assemble, to dispose unto the marriage of poor young women and in other good works, that part of money that their rate for the time doth allow: and afterwards (with their priestis and clerks) go a procession a certain circuit, in the which the poor men likewise carry their tapers before them.  

Hospitals.  ¶ Furthermore there are certain hospitals, some for the sick and diseased, and some for poor orphans, in which they are nourished up till they come unto years of service: and than is the man child put unto a craft, and the maidens kept till they be married. If she be fair, she is soon had, and little money given with her: if she be foul, they advance her with a better portion of money.  
¶ For the plague, there is an house of many lodgeyngꝭ, two miles from Venice, called the Lazaretto, unto the which all they of that house, wherein one hath been infected of the plague, are incontinently sent, and a lodging sufficient appointed for them till the infection cease, that they may return.  
¶ Finally for prisoners they have this order: 
Prisoner's  Twice a year, at Christmas, and Easter, the Auditori do visit all the prisons in Venice, and there give audience unto all creaditours that have any debtor in prison for the sum of .50. ducats and under. If the party be able to pay, days are given, and sureties found: and if the debt be desperate, than do they theim selfes agree with the party for more or less, as the likelihood is, and pay him of the common purse. So that ere ever they depart, they empty the prisons of all them that lie for that sum.   

Of customs in their living.  
TO speak of the gentleman Uenetians private life and customs, I wot not whether it be best to follow the common report: or to dissemble the matter. And yet me seemeth I can not do more indifferently than recite what is used to be said on both sidꝭ.  
¶ If any man would say, there were no worthy men amongst the venetians, he should greatly err. For (as I believe) there be some, and specially of those old fatherly men, as wise, as honest, as faithful, as honourable, and as virtuous, as in any place can be found. Likewise some of the young men, as gentle, as liberal, as valiant, as well learned, as full of good qualities, as may be. But to speak of the greater numbered, strangers use to report, that the gentleman Venetian is proud, disdeinfull, covetous, a great niggard, a more leachour, spare of living, tyrant to his tenant, finally never satisfied with hoarding up of money. For though (say they) he have. viii.ix. or ten thousand ducats of yearly revenue, yet woull he keep no more persons in his house, but his wife and children, with two. or iii women servants, and one man, or two at the most, to row his Gondola. He woull go to the market himself, and spend so miserably, that many a mean man shall far better than he. Of his .10000. ducats a year, if he spend three or four C. in his house, he esteemeth it a wonderful charge. Besides all this, he hath ii or iii jews, that chop and change with him daily: by whose usury he gaineth out of measure. And yet woull be rather see a poor man statue, than relieve him with a penny. It is true, he will have his wife go gay and sumptuously appareled, and on his woman besides, if he be a lover (as in manner they be all) he woull stick for no cost. To the marriage of his daughter .30.40. or .50. thousand ducats is no marvel. Finally his greatest triumph is, when saint Mark hath need (for under that name is comprehended their common wealth) to be able to disburse an huge sum of money in lone, to receive yearly till he be repaid .10.12. or .15. of the. hundredth.  
¶ This kind of priest the Signoria useth to take (borrowing of all them that are able to lend) when they happen to have wars. And they that may, do the more willingly lend: because they are not only well paid again with the usury, but also the more honoured and favoured as long as their money is out of their hands.  
¶ This is their trade, saith the stranger. But the Venetian to the contrary defendeth himself on this wise.  
¶ Admit (saith he) that this report were true, If I be proud, I have good cause, for I am a prince and no subject. If I be spare of living, it is because my common wealth alloweth no pomp, and measure is wholesome. If I keep few servants, it is because I need no more. If I buy my meat myself, it is because, I will eat that, that I love, & that (having little a do) I will exercise myself withal. As for my tenant, he liveth by me, and I am no tyrant for husbanding mine own. If I gain, I gain upon my money, and hide not my talon in the ground. If I love, I hate not: if she be fair, I am the more worthy. If I spend little, I have the more in my purse. If I spend largely with my daughter, it is because I woull bestow her on a gentleman Venetian, to increase the nobility of mine own blood, and by mean of such alliance to attain more hability to rule and reign in my common wealth: Besides that, my money: if her husband die, is hers and no man's else. If my wife go gay, it is to please mine eye, and to satisfy her. In keeping my money to lend unto saint Mark, it is both an help to my common wealth, and a profit unto myself.  
¶ And thus defendeth the Venetian it, that in manner all the world layeth unto his charge.  
¶ But surely many of them trade and bring up their children in so much libertee, that one is no sooner out of the shell, but he is hail fellow with father and friend, and by that time he cometh to twenty years of age, he knoweth as much lewdness as is possible to be imagined. For his greatest exercise is to go amongst his companions, to this good woman's house and that. Of which in Venice are many thousands of ordinary, less than honest. And no marvel of the multitude of their common women, for among the gentlemen is a certain use, that if there be divers brethren, lightly but one of them doth marry: because the numbered of gentlemen should not so increase, that at length their common wealth might wax vile: wherefore the rest of the brethren do keep Courtisanes, to the intent they may have no lawful children. And the bastards that they beget become most commonly monks, friars, or nuns: who by their friends means are preferred to the offices of most profit, as abbottis, priors, and so forth. But specially those Courtisanes are so rich, that in a mask, or at the feast of a marriage, or in the shroving time: you shall see them decked with jewels, as they were Queens. So that it is thought no one city again able to compare with Venice, for the numbered of gorgeous dames. As for their beauty of face, though they be fair in deed, I woull not highly commend them, because there is in manner none, old or young unpeincted. In deed of their stature they are for the most part very goodly and big women, well made and strong.   

¶ The liberty of strangers.  
ALL men, specially strangers, have so much libertee there, that though they speak very ill by the venetians, so they attempt nothing in effect against their estate, no man shall control them for it. And in their Carnovale time (which we call shrovetide) you shall see maskers disguise theim selfes in the venetians habit, and come unto their own noses in derision of their customs, their habit, and misery.  
¶ Further, he that dwelleth in Venice, may reckon himself exempt from subjection. For no man there marketh an others doings, or that meddleth with an other man's living. If thou be a papist, there shalt thou want no kind of superstition to feed upon. If thou be a gospeler, no man shall ask why thou comest not to church. If thou be a jew, a Turk, or believest in the devil (so thou spread not thine opinions abroad) thou art free from all controllement. To live married or unmarried, no man shall ask the why. For eating of flesh in thine own house, what day so ever it be, it maketh no matter. And generally of all other things, so thou offend no man privately, no man shall offend thee: which undoubtedly is one principal cause, that draweth so many strangers thither.    

An abbridgement of the Venetian histories from the edification of the city unto this day.  
Omitting the divers opinions of many men, touching the beginning of the Venetian name, I will recite that which most writers agree upon, (that is to say) either they are descended of certain people called Heneti, (which after the destruction of Troy came with Antenor into Italy: and landing in those marshes of the Adriatic sea, inhabited the country thereabouts) or else of certain Britons called Veneti, part of those frenchmen that first passed the mountains, whose habitation in Britain, at that time called Veneti, is supposed to be now called Vanes. So that whether it be of Heneti, or of Veneti, at length they were called Venetiani.  
¶ Now to come to the foundation of their city, I find, that between the years of grace .422. and .456. (about the time that Attila plagued the whole region of Italy) the gentlemen and citizens, principally of Padua, and generally of all the country about, between the Alps and the Venetian Goolfe (to flee the fury of the Hunni, that with fire and sword consumed all things before them) resorted with their goods and richesses into the marshes, where Venice, with her other membres now standeth: and perceiving what a commodity or safeguard those marshes were against the enemy's rage (Italy being so oft scourged with wars at that time) they upon agreement began the edification of that city, in the place Rivo alto, now called Rialto: where was builded the church of saint james, that yet unto this day remaineth. And all be it, that before this time the banks within those marshes had been occupied and inhabited: yet because the inhabitants were poor fishermen: the place merited not to be written of or mentioned, until such time as those gentlemen and citizens resorted thither. Wherefore I say, that the Padoanes (most of authority amongst the rest) after this first building of the city, ordained certain consuls for the governing thereof: who for a few years, now one, now other ruled the same: until the city began to wax great and populous: and that (because the situation of the places in the water, would not suffer the city to be one whole thing together, but divided into divers islands, as the water did give) they were feign to appoint yearly over every island one Tribune to govern them: and for mattiers concerning the whole common wealth, they ordained a general counsel, whereunto all the Tribunes, with certain of the chosen citizens, should repair. And so under these Tribunes began their common wealth to increase, their citizens to make ships, as well of war as of merchandise, and so to traffic abroad the world. But principally the diligence of their fishers yielded them no small gain, by reason that their saltfish, carried into other places, was bought as a special merchandise. So that in process of time their reputation, wealth and force began so much to grow: that in the defence of Italy, and favour of the emperor justinian (whose captain Bellisario had besieged the Gottishe king Uitige in Ravenna) they made out certain ships and boats, and upon the river of Pò, met with part of the Gottisshe army, fought with them, and discomfited them. Again, in company of Valeriano, governor of Ravenna, they were part of those .40. ships, that discomfited other .40. sail of the king Totila before Aucona: taking and drowning the most part of them. For the which doings they were both embraced of th'emperor, & also much honoured of his captains: in so much that the famous Narses, being sent of the emperor to defend Italy against the foresaid Goats, what to thank the venetians, and to see the manner of their city, went in person unto Venice, where he commended much the diligence of their goodly building: and in that mean while sent his army by land to Ravenna: in which journey at the passage of the Pò, the Venetian ships did him great service.  
¶ Thus while Narses was in the Rialto of Venice, the Padoanes sent ambassadors unto him, complaining, how the venetians had usurped upon them those marshes, which time out of mind had been theirs: together with the haven of the river of Brent. Whereunto the Tribune of the Rialto made such an answer: that Narses curtesely told them, the matter required longer debating, than his hasty journey would as then permit: wherefore exhorting the Pad●anes to take patience for the time, he desired them, in the defence and fortifying of their country, to show like diligence, love, and faith towards the empire, as the venetians had done: and than so much the more should he be glad to advance them.  
¶ And so under the favour of divers emperors those islands of Venice, as Grado, Eraclea, Equilo, and Malamoco were governed of private Tribunes, & by a general counsel for the space of .200. years and more, without any great incident, worthy to be mentioned: except that between the bishops (afterward made patriarchs) of Aquileia, which standeth in the main land: and of Grado, that lieth in the marshes, there was much war, strife, and fighting for the interest of their jurisdictions.  
¶ Finally in the time of Constantine the four after Italy through divers wars had been sore afflicted, and that from all parts the persons that were of power (for their safeguard) fled thither: Venice increased so much, that Luipandro, Duke of Friuli, either for enui, or for fear of their towardness, provoked certain of his neighbours to oppress Venice. And secretly on a night made out a certain number of boats down the water, and suddenly assaulted Grado, Eraclea, and Rialto: where they took certain ships, jaded with merchandise, lately comm●n out of the east parts. But incontinently as the rumour was raised, these assaulters fled, and were so pursued, that many of them were slain, many hurt, and the most part of their pray recovered. Nevertheless the noise of the people continued, and specially the lamentation of them that had lost their friends or goods. Wherefore in Eraclea they called a counsel, and much ado there was through diversity of opinions: because the people laid all the fault in the ill governance of the officers. But at last the Patriarch of Grado, an ancient learned man, of authority, was prayed to say his mind. Who with a long oration persuaded, that without concord it was impossible to live surely or quiet, and that whereas were divers heads, there could be no concord. Wherefore his opinion was, that they should choose them one only prince, to govern their common wealth, and preserve their unity. For where any estate (said he) is not governed with one consent and will, there neither abundance of money, strength of place, number of people, worthiness of captains, nor help of friendis or neighbours can avail. So the whole counsel agreeing to his opinion, resolved upon the election of a Duke: that should have authority and charge over all mattiers of importance, to call the counsel, and to have private things referred unto him by the Tribunes: that the counsel of the clergy should not assemble, but by licence of the Duke: and that the benefices given by the people and clergy, should be confirmed by him.  
¶ To which dignity they first elected a worthy citizen Paolo Lucio of Eraclea, 
Paolo. Lucio.  giving him an oath for the administration of justice, and for the quiet rule over them without tyranny.  
¶ Thus when Paolo had taken the governance into his hands, he began to agree those persons, that before contended: which was so much the more easy to do, by as much as at that time there was almost continual wars between the Lombard's, and some of the Dukes, either of Friuli, Spóleti, or Benevento: that in manner all their neighbours were in arms.  
¶ When he had thus well quieted his citizens, he ordained watch and ward to be kept at the mouths of the rivers: fortifying some of them with castles, as time and place would serve him.  
¶ He commanded every town to have a certain numbered of boats in a readiness, when the Duke should give them any token: and restored the Venetian dominion unto his old limits, now called La piave Secca.  
¶ He maintained amity with the king Ariperto, and made peace with Luipandro, with conditions of advantage. But amongst all his other doings the worthiest of memory, was, that he reformed the laws, 
Laws.  and brought them into such a plain and brief order, that each man might be his own lawyer: Affirming, that nothing can more hinder a man, than the following of long suits and greedy lawyers. Wherefore in those days they used none imperial laws: but besides those their few laws written, if there happened any doubt, incontinently they resorted unto the law of nature, choosing that, which seemed unto them most just and honest.  
¶ After Paolo, an other citizen of Eraclea, 
Marcello.  named Marcello, a very sober and wise man, was elected Duke, but in diligence he was nothing comparable unto Paolo.  
¶ In the time of this Marcello (except the strife and contention between the patriarkis of Aquileia and Grado, which I esteem not worth the writing) I find no worthy matter of memory.  

Orso.  ¶ next him succeeded Orso, a man not only noble of blood, but also worthy of deeds.  
¶ He first used to bring up the youth of Venice in the exercise of arms. He augmented the numbered of soldiers in the ships of war, and through his valiantness restored Paolo, one of the Greekish emperors captains, unto the estate of Ravenna. In which enterprise Perendio, Duke of Vicenza was slain, and Ildepandro, nephew of Luipandro taken prisoner: who by commission of the same Luipandro, had (by siege) gotten the said city from the foresaid Paolo.  
¶ This victory was one notable thing that first exalted the Venetian name.  
¶ Finally upon contention sprung between the Eracleani and Equilesi, for the limits of their confines, for the which was daily fighting between them the space of two years: This Duke Orso supposed to be the author of that sedition, in a tumult of the people was slain.  
¶ Surely a lamentable end, of the glorious and happy beginning of so worthy a man. The more because of an other inconvenience that followed, that the Patriarch of Aquileia took from the venetians the towns of Mossone and Centenara: though afterwards through the menaces of Gregory, bishop of Rome, he restored Mossone, when he had utterly destroyed Centenara.  

737  ¶ After the death of Orso, there began a new rumour for choosing of the Duke, and many grudged, that Eraclea alone had so long time enjoyed the honour thereof. Wherefore now both the seat and election was translated unto Malamoco, which at that time was very much increased both in people and richesse. Nevertheless the counsel in this election could not agree amongst themselves, and therefore at length concluded, to choose a new manner of officer, naming him, Master of the soldiers, whose authority was removable from year to year.  
¶ The first was Domenico Leone, and succeeding him was Felice Cornacchino, the iii Deodato son of the Duke Orso, who continued in that office, as some say, two years. The fourth juliano Ipato, and the v. Giovanni Fabritiaco, who before the end of his year, was put out of his office, and lost both his eyes. In which mean time the old strife, between the Equilesi and Eracleani, renewed, in so much that meeting together, near unto the channel, now called dell'arco, so many on both sides were slain, that almost they came to noughts.  
¶ The Uenetians (wearied with these and such other businesses) returned to their old governance, 
Deodato .737.  electing the forenamed Deodato to their Duke: who finally being occupied abouts the fortifying of Brondolo, was assaulted by Galla, a citisin of Malamoco, and being taken prisoner, had his eyes put out. The naughty doing whereof so much offended the venetians, that ere the year passed, they took Galla, put out his eyes, deprived him of his usurped estate, and at last took from him his life: choosing Domenico Menicaccio or Monagario, in his place.  

Domenico Menicaccio .747.  ¶ This Domenico had not so great authority as his predecessors, for to abate the power of their Duke, which by the passed experience the venetians thought to be overlarge, they joined in company with him two of their Tribunes: which so much offended this Domenico, that at length he openly contended, to recover the w●nte absolute power. And therefore was not only deprived of his dignity, but also for a punishment his eyes put out.  

Mauritio. 7●2.  ¶ And than in his place was created a worthy rich man called Mauritio of Eraclea: who in his time pacified much both the secret grudges, and also the open contentions between his private citizens: and obtained the see of a bishop to be placed in Venice, in the church of saint Peter. Which bishop was afterwards exalted unto the degree of a Patriarch, by Nicolas the .v. bishop of Rome.  
¶ During the rule of this Mauritio the venetians (after great debating of the matter in counsel to and fro) granted to aid king Charlemagne with xxv vessels well armed and paveysed, which did Charlemagne great service in the assault of Pavia, when he took Desiderio king of Lombardy prisoner.  
¶ Finally Mauritio obtaining of the venetians to have his son Giovanni, joined in the estate with him, and having ruled xi years alone, and vii years joinctly with his son, he died.  

Giovanni .768.  ¶ Giovanni likewise ruled alone a certain space: and obtained his son Mauritio to be joined with him: who both togethers bare themselves very ill towards their citizens. And amongst other things Mauritio, being sent of his father unto Grado, caused the Patriarch of that place to be thrown down out of a tour: because he was wont to warn both the father and son of their ill behaviours. Wherefore they became hateful to their citizens: so that a conspiracy was wrought against them, the chief whereof was named Obelerio, that before time had been Tribune of Malamoco.  
¶ This conspiracy came so to pass, that the people proclaimed Obelerio Duke: and the rumour was such, that Giovanni, with his son, and one Christofer a bishop their friend, fled all three unto Mantua.  
¶ Than was Obelerio placed in the estate, 
Obelerio▪ 78●.  who shortly obtained his brother Beato to be joined with him. In their time the ancient malice between the Eracleani and the Equilesi renewed, in such wise that it made a fowl slaughter amongst them. Wherefore it was finally concluded, that both the one and other town should be destroyed, and the inhabitants reduced unto Malamoco and Rialto. And so was it quickly done, the rather because even than king Pepine, son of Charlemagne was determined to assail the country and havens of Dalmatia, against the Greekish emperor Niceforo: towards which enterprise Pepine required passage and victuals of the venetians. But they would not consent thereto though Obelerio their Duke favoured the french part. For in consulting upon this matter were great disputations, and many reasons laid both for the one part and the other: but finally this opinion of Agnolo (a worthy citizen of Eraclea) was best allowed: that for the neweltee of king Pepine, they should not show theim selfes unpleasant to break their ancient amity with the Grekysh emperor: not withstanding that Pepine by reason of the haven of Ravenna, might in manner undo their traffic by sea.  
¶ So Pepine to be avenged, made an army at Ravenna, and costing towards Venice, took Brondolo, Chiozza, Pelestrina, Albiola, and came so near, that he constrained the Duke and senators of Malamoco, to flee unto Rialto with their richesses and children. Finally Pepine was discomfited by the imperial captain Nicaea, sent as well to secure the venetians, as also to defend Dalmatia: so that incontinently there followed a peace between all three, that is to say, the imperial army, king Pepine, and the venetians, to their great contentation. For if Pepine in that voyage had prevailed, they had been in a dangerous case.  
¶ This mean while the venetians had banished Obelerio and Beato as partial of the french part: and elected to their Duke Angelo Particiaco, 
Angelo▪ Particiaco .792.  that before had dissuaded them from Pepines amity. Who obtained of the French king a confirmation of the passed peace: and after re-edified the town of Eraclea, where he was borne, calling it Citta nuova, and in it began the palace of the Signoria, that the Dukes hitherto use to dwell in. And obtaining his son Giustiniano to be joined with him (after he had builded divers fair churches, and done many good deeds) he died.  

Giustiniano's .810.  ¶ Giustiniano thus confirmed Duke, incontinentelie called home his brother Giovanni, that for his ill behaviour had been before banished, and took him as his companion in the estate. In whose time at the instance of the greekish Emperor, the venetians sent an army by sea against the Turks, to defend Sicilia. And certain merchants of Venice coming from Alexandria in Egypt, brought with them (as they say) the body of. S. Mark, unto whose honour the said Giustiniano began the church of Saint Mark before rehearsed: and the whole city ever since have taken him for their advocate.  
¶ Finally, upon his death bed, he took an order for the continuance of that building and died, 
Giovanni▪ 813.  Leaving his brother Giovanni alone in the estate, who joined the church of saint Mark unto the Duke's palace: and found provision for priests to sing and serve in the same. And the war being begun between the venetians and the Narentani, he made an army, and went unto Veglia in the isle of Corcia, and took it with Obelerio before named in it: who had begun a preparation there to recover his old estate. Wherefore Giovanni caused him to lose his head, and afterwardis burned Malamoco, because certain of Obelerio his old friends fled thither for refuge.  
¶ Finally this Duke Giovanni had two conspiracies made against him: the first was occasion that he fled into France: the second (after he was reconciled once again unto his estate) made him to forsake the world, and become a friere in Grado, where he died.  
¶ After Giovanni succeeded Peter Gradenico, 
Pietro Gradenico▪ 82●,  who joined his son Giovanni in the estate with him: and at the request of the greekish emperor sent .60. sail armed, against the Moors, that were than newly landed besides Rome. Which .60. sail were all taken or drowned. In following the victory the same Moors scoured all the Adriatic seas even to Caorle: and in ●●eyr way took certain Venetian ships, laden with merchandise, coming out of Soria. So that whether it were for this ill luck, or through sedition that than reigned in the city, a conspiracy was made against this Pietro, and was finally slain in the church of saint Zacheria, hearing of evensong. Which sudden death troubled not a little the city, and caused the office of the three Auogadori to be made, 
Auogadori  to pursue the trial of manslaughters and murders. An office unto this day of no small authority amongst the venetians.  

Orso Particiaco. ●65.  ¶ Than was Orso Particiaco made Duke: who with help of his son Giovanni, discomfited the saracenes, that a little before had gotten Candia, rob alongst all the costs of Dalmaria, and had run even unto Grado. For the worthy and valiant doing whereof the Greekish emperor Basilio rewarded Orso with much honour: who for his part again not to seem uncurteyse, 
Bells.  sent xii brazen bells unto the emperor for a present: being (as they say) the first bells that ever were used amongst the Greeks.  

Giovanni. ●84.  ¶ After Orso, his son Giovanni as well for his father's merits, as for his own worthiness, was confirmed Duke. In whose time the Ravennates received extreme damages by the venetians, and the city of Comacchio was gotten. Finally this man being fallen sick, and having his brother joined with him in the estate (a man not the merest to rule such a common wealth) deposed both himself and his brother, remitting the counsel to the election of a new Duke. An act surely not only rare and marvelous, but also worthy of high commendation.  
¶ Than Pietro Candiano was elected, 
Pietro. Landiano 890.  who proved so worthy in arms, that twice he fought with the Schlavone armies, and overcame them, although in the last battle he was slain.  
¶ After whose death Giovanni Particiaco, before named, was once again called unto the dignity, and continued in the same till the Schlavone wars were fully quieted, and than again was contented that Pietro Tribuno should be chosen in his place.  
¶ This Pietro discomfited the Hungariens, 
Pietro Tribuno .893.  that before had overcomen th'emperor Berengario, and overran all Lombardy, & approached so near to Venice, that they wan Eraclea, Equilo, and Capo d'aggere, and were minded to pass unto the Rialto: giving such cause of fear to the venetians, as afterwards both doubled the glory of Peter's victory, and exalted highly the Uenenetian name.  
¶ Some write, that after this enterprise Pietro fortified the city with a wall from Santa Maria in Zubenico, unto the Rio del Castello, and that he cast chains of iron overthwart the Canale grand, but at this day there remaineth no memory thereof.  
¶ After Pietro followed Orso Baduaro, 
Orso Baduaro .915.  that first coygned money in Venice, a man so much given to religion that at length, renouncing his estate, he became a friar, and so died.  
¶ Than succeeded Pietro Candiano, 
Pietro Candiano 938.  who conquered many towns of Istria, and other places: and overcame Alberto son of the emperor Berengario, which being lord of Ravenna, used to spoil and take the Venetian ships in their passage.  
¶ He recovered certain gorgeous damsels ravished by the Schlavons at a feast in the church. S. Peter Diego Castello, and for memory of that victory ordained yearly certain plays, called Le Marie. And (as some writ) in his time the Schlavons were made tributaries to the venetians, to pay them yearly an hundredth barrels of wine.  

Pietro. Baduaro's .956.  ¶ After his death followed Pietro Baduaro, In whose time no notable thing happened.  

Pietro. Candiano .958.  ¶ Than was Pietro Candiano, son of the other Pietro, revoked from exile: which for his naughty life was before banished by his father. And albeit that in the help of Alberto di Ravenna he had showed himself enemy to his own country (the unkindness whereof was cause of his father's death) yet did the venetians create him their Duke. But finally his proceedings were such, that the people rose against him, set fire on the palace: and as he fled with his son in his arms they slew him. Wherewith their fury was sooner appeased than the kindled fire quenched. For ere it ceased, it burnt a great part of the church of. S. Mark, with two other churches, and above three hundredth houses.  

Pietro. Orseolo .973.  ¶ This rumour being pacified, Pietro Orseolo, a man much given to religion, was elected Duke. The notablest thing in his time was, that the venetians succoured the city of Bari, than besieged of the saracenes. Finally, after he had done many charitable deeds in Venice, he was persuaded by a pilgrimme monk of Gascoigne to forsake the world. And so habandoning wife, children, and friendis sta●e away: and died a friar in Gascoigne.  
¶ Than followed Vitale Candiano, who falling sick, 
Uitale Candiano. 97●  renounced the estate, became a friere, and so died.  
¶ After whom Tribuno Memmo succeeded, 
Tribuno Memmo▪ 975.  which either for fear of the emperor Ottone, or through the great debate between the families of Morosini, and Caloprini (than the chief of Venice) forsook the dignity, became a friere, and within vi days after sickened, and died for sorrow.  
¶ Than followed Pietro Orseolo, 
Pietro Orseolo. 9●7.  who conquered Dalma●ia, with the islands ioygning thereunto. And therefore obtained the first title of Duke of Dalmatia and Venetia.  
¶ The emperors Basilio and Alesso granted him free passage for the venetians through their dominions, without custom paying. And the emperor Ottone held his son at the crisme, and for his sake granted many liberties unto Venice.  
¶ After whose death, 
Ottone Orseolo .1007.  as a recompense of the father's merit, Ottone Orseolo his son, of the age of .18. years, was elected Duke, who overcame the Adrianesis, with the king of Coruatia: and so returning victoriousely out of Dalmatia, fell into the hands of Domenico F●abenio, with others, that had conspired against him, who shau●d his beard for despite, and finally confined him into Greece: where shortly after he died.  
¶ Than follows Pietro Barbolano, 
Pietro Barbolano .1026.  who endeavoured himself to pacify the rumour of the people, offended for the outrage done unto Ottone: but all in vain. For at length, by mean of Orso Patriarch of Grado, brother unto Ottone, Barbolano was taken, his beard cut of, clothed in a friars weed, and banished.  

Orso Orseolo .1030.  ¶ And because the death of Ottone was than unknown, the Patriarch Orso supplied the place as his lieutenant. But incontinently upon knowledge of his death, the Patriarch called a counsel, and after a long Oration, lamenting the injury done unto his brother, surrendered the estate.  

Domenico Orseolo .1031.  ¶ Whereupon craftily and in manner by force, Domenico Orseolo took the dignity upon him. But finally being expulsed of the people, he fled unto Ravenna, and there miserably died.  

Domenico Flabenico 1031.  ¶ Than succeeded Domenico Flabenico, who made a a law, that from thensfoorthe no Duke should take a companion to him. He was the principal cause of Ottones exile, as it well appeared after. For he found the mean, that the family of Orseoli was clearly put besides the counsel. And finally, having well pacified and reformed all things, he died.  

Domenico Contarini .1042.  ¶ After whom succeeded Domenico Contarini, that in his time recovered Zara, which before rebelled, by returning unto the obedience of the king of Coruatia. He overcame Roberto Guistardo in Puglia, and re-edified the city of Grado, that was half destroyed by Pepo Patriarch of Aquileia: and after died.  

Domenico Silvio .1068.  ¶ Than was chosen Domenico Silvio the greatest man of reputation that thitherto had ruled Venice. He married the sister of the emperor Niceforo, and at his request sent an army unto Durazo, against Roberte Duke of Puglia and Calabria: which army first prevailed, but at length was so discomfited, that Domenico was therefore deposed. Though some writ that he died in the estate. His wife was so delicate a woman, that she would have dew gathered to make her vain withal, with many other curious perfumes and tricks, to long here to rehearse: and yet ere she died, her flesh did rot, that no creature could abide her.  
¶ Domenico being thus deposed Vitale Falero was elected, who in favour of Alesso, the Greekish emperor, 
Uitale Falero. 108●.  renewed an army against the forenamed Duke Robert: which army was also discomfited. Nevertherlesse he caused the venetians to be called lords of Dalmatia, because he valiantly conquered the same both by sea and land.  
¶ After whose death succeeded Vitale Michele, 
Uitale Michele .1095.  a worthy warrior on the sea, in whose time the Venetian navy was reckoned .200. sail armed of ships and galleys. which being sent into Asia, with Michele his son, fell out with the Pisani a little besides Rhodes, and fought with them, and took .22. of their galleys.  
¶ After which victory he and many other Christians, went against the Infidels, and got Smirna, Soria, and jerusalem.  
¶ Finally this army being returned unto Venice, was again sent out into Puglia, and there took Brundizi, and overran all those seas about, and so returned loaded with glory and rich pray.  
¶ After him Ordelaffo Falero was created Duke. 
Ordelaffo▪ Falero .1098.  In whose time the venetians sent an other army into Soria to secure Bawdewyne king of jerusalem to get Ptholemaido, otherwise called Acres.  
¶ About the same season the emperor Henry the four agreed the venetians and Padoanes together for their confines: after the Padoanes with great slaughter had been once discomfited.  
¶ There chanced also a fire, begun in the house of one Henry Zeno, that burned a great part of Venice. Which fire was no sooner ceased, but news came, that Calon●ano, king of Hungary, had passed the mountains of Coroatia, and constrained the city of Zara to rebel. Wherefore an army was made out, under the leading of Ordelaffo, who not only recovered Zara, but also passed the mountains, and conquered the country of Coruatia, and so victoriously returned to Venice: where he rested not long, but word came, that the hungarians were comm●n again before Zara. To the succour whereof he sped him, and there in the fight was slain with a dart, and his army discomfited, so that the venetians were fain to sue to the hungarians for truce, which for .v. years (with much ado) they obtained.  

Domenico Michele .1115.  ¶ next followed Domenico Michele, who at the intercession of Calixto bishop of Rome, with .200. sail took his way into Soria▪ to rescue joppes, that time besieged with .700. sail of Infidels: against whom he obtained the victory. And following the same, went unto Tyro, took it, and gave it unto Ualmondo Patriarch of jerusalem.  
¶ The prosperous success of which victories was occasion, that Emanuel emperor of the Greeks sent and forb●dde him, to proceed any further. But he being offended with that commandment, bend himself against the emperor, and by force took from him the islands of Sc●o, Rhodes, Samo, metelino, and Andro, and so with great honour returned to Venice, where he died.  
¶ Than was Pietro Polano chosen his successor, 
Pietro Polano .1130.  who brought the city of Fano under the Venetian obedience, and fought first with the Pisani, and after with the Padoani, both whose armies he overcame: so that of the Padoani he brought. 35●. prisoners unto Venice, and after released them without ransom.  
¶ This Duke favouring the part of the emperor Emanuel against Rogier Duke of Puglia, went in his own person unto that enterprise, recovered Corfu, and ouerronne and sacked all Sicilia. And through his great travail syckened and died, was brought to Venice and buried.  
¶ After him Domenico Morosini entered into thestate, 
Domenico Morosini▪ 1147.  who besieged Pola, because the inhabitants had hindered the Venetian passengers: and at last upon agreement, ordained, that in manner of a tribute the Polani should yearly pay to the church of saint Mark a thousand weight of oil. The like whereof he constrei●ned them of Patenzo to do. Finally, having made a league with William king of Sicilia successor unto the forenamed Rogier, of whom he obtained divers privileges for the Venetian merchants commodity, he died.  
¶ Than entered Vitale Michele: 
Uitale Michele, 1●●4.  by whose days the Vero●●si, Ferraresi, and Padoani, through provocation of the emperor Federico Barbar●s●a, did no small damage to the venetians. For the revengeing whereof they made out an army, and took the Patriarch of Aquileia, with xii of his canons (of the imperial faction) prisoners: who were after set at liberty, upon covenant to pay yearly tribute unto the venetians at shroftyde, a fatie bull, and xii hogs.  
¶ This mean while the emperor Emanuel, entering secretly into affinity with king William of Sicily, took Spalleto, Trau, and Raugia from the venetians. Wherefore they armed, and Vitale in person went forth: recovered Trau, threw it to the earth, with part of the walls of Raugia, and so went to Negroponte: where by counsel of the governor, he concluded a peace with the emperor. notwithstanding, the emperor had a little before taken Scio. For concluding of which peace, and for the pestilence that his infected soldiers brought home with them, the venetians at his return slew him.  
¶ Much ado was made for his death, but nothing to effect: save a certain number were than appointed unto the election of the Duke: some writ ten and some xl. but how so ever it were Orio Malipiero was chosen, who refusing it, preferred Sebastian Ziani, for his auncientee, richesse, and wisdom. So his refusal was accepted, his modesty highly commended, and Sebastiano accordingly elected.  

Sebastian Ziani▪ 1171.  ¶ This Sebastian erected the two notable pillars of marble, that are yet seen in the market place of saint Mark: which with an other greater than either of them, were brought out of Candia: but the biggest fell into the water (and for his unmeasurable weight) can not be gotten up again.  
¶ The emperor Emanuel, who secretly hated the venetians, 
Emanuel.  constreigned Henry Dandolo their ambassador, to stand so long daring in an hot basin, 
Crueltee,  that he lost his sight. For what cause he wrought this, I find not. And though it much offended the venetians, yet the time served not to revenge it. For they had taken part with Alexandre bishop of Rome against the emperor Federike Barbarossa: and with an army by sea Sebastian in person took Ottone the emperors son, with certain galeis, and brought him prisoner to Venice. So that through the practice of Ottone there followed a peace between Federike, the bishop, and the venetians. And the Duke was rewarded of the said bishop with licence for him and his successors to seal in lead, to have a canopy borne over him, a wa●e taper before him, with trumpets and standards, and finally once a year to espouse the sea, with throwing a gold ring into it. All which ceremonies the Venetian Dukes use unto this day.  
¶ After the death of Sebastian the forenamed Orio Malipiero was created Duke, 
Orio Malipiero 1180,  who went unto the enterprise of Zara, that lately had rebelled.  
¶ He also sent an army into the holy land, that recovered the city of Ptholemaida, with those other placis, that the venetians before time had gotten there. Finally he became a friar, and so died.  
¶ Than succeeded Henry Dandolo, 
Arrigo Dandolo▪ 1194,  who banished the Veronesi from the trade of Venice, so that the Veronesi for their part would suffer nothing to pass down the river of Adice▪ But at length they were feign to agree with the venetians, and to restore certain goods that they before had taken.  
¶ The Pisani also envying the Venetian glory, made an army against them, and got Pola, which by the Venetian army was incontinently recovered, the w●llꝭ razed to th'earth, and the enemy's ships burned: and before Modone they took two other Pisane ships, laden with merchandise: and made Trieste and all Istria, tributors.  
¶ After this they recovered Zara also, and semblably razed the walls thereof to the earth, in so much that many of the inhabitants (being fled before) with the help of the hungarians, renewed an army, and overrun all Dalmatia. But at length they were constrained to make peace with the venetians, giving their children in ostaige, submitting their church unto the Patriarch of Grado, and binding theim selfes to give yearly three thousand coney skins to the Duke for a present.  
¶ This mean while came Alesso, son of th'emperor Isaac (than lately expulsed out of Constantinople) unto Venice for succours: who obtained, that the Duke with an army, joining himself with an other army of frenchmen, went to Constantinople, and after many prosperous successes by the way, took it, and restored both Isaac and his son unto the empire. But the emperor lived not long after: and his son, coveting to keep his promise with the venetians, was betrayed and strangled by Mirtillo or Murcifone one brought up by his father from low degree, unto so great reputation, that after he had murdered Alesso, he took the empire upon him. Wherefore the venetians and frenchmen abhorring this unnatural cruelty, enforced their powers of new, revenged the death of Alesso, took Constantinople by assault, and divided the dominion between them: so that of the French part Baldewine a Fleming was made captain or emperor, and of the venetians, Thomas Morosini was made Patriarch: adjoining unto the Venetian dominion the isle of Candia, with the other islands of the seas jonium and Egeum.  
¶ So when they had recovered Raugia, and established the greekish empire, this Duke Dandolo died. And was buried in Constantinople.  
¶ The Uenetians being thus entered into an empire, began to contend amongst theim selfes, whether they were better to remove their common wealth to Constantinople, for the increase of their name and power: or to remain still in Venice. But finally it was concluded, that better it was to trust to the perpetuitee of the Site of Venice, than to the brittle change of Constantinoples' glory.  
¶ Than was Peter Ziani elected Duke in Venice, 
Pietro Ziani .1203.  and the army in Greece on the other side elected Mari●●o Ziani Potestate of Constantinople: on condition that he should receive his confirmation from Venice.  
¶ This Peter proved an excellent man: he increased the army in Greece: by mean whereof Corfu, Modon, Coron, Galipoli, Nasso, Paro, Molo, Erma, and Andro were gotten: Negroponte was made tributary▪ and the Genoese army fought withal, and discomfited.  
¶ He sent also a Colonia of venetians to inhabit Candia, with officers according: which many times after rebelled.  
¶ He overcame the Padoanes, and brought .400. of them prisoners to Venice: Finally he waxing very religious, renounced the estate, and withdrew himself into the monastery of saint George, where he died.  

james Tiepolo .1225.  ¶ After him succeeded james Tiepolo, who with the help of Mark Samuto, rescued Candia, than molested by the greekish Corsales.  
¶ Twice he raised the siege of Constantinople (Teofilo Ziani being Potestate there) and got many of the enemy's ships. And after making truce with the Genoese, in the favour of Gregory the ix bishop of Rome, he sent an army against Federike Barbarossa, got Terma, Campo Marino, and Bestice: and in the haven Manfredonia, burned the Cetea: a notable ship that the emperor had made for his own person, and there slew a thousand men of war.  
¶ About this time Ezelino di Romano got Padua from the venetians, and entered into the Venetian marsh as far as saint Ellero and the Bebbe.  
¶ This Duke under the governance of his own son, sent .60. galleys to Durazo to secure the Genoese against the emperor and the Pisani: who in his return recovered Pola and Zara, and than peace was made with the king of Hungary, upon condition, that from thenceforth he should never pretend title to Zara.  

Marino Morosini .1247.  ¶ next this james followed Marino Morosini, who was chosen of the counsel called Pregadi, and being provoked by the Romish legate, made war unto the forenamed Ezelino, and recovered Padua, whereof Ausedino, nephew of Ezelino was captain, whilst Ezelino lay at siege before Mantua. For which loss and for his labour spent in vain before Mantua, Ezelino returning to Uerona, fell in such a rage, that he caused .12000. Padoanes, part of his army, to be hewn to pieces. Such a cruelty as hath not been heard of, 
Crueltee,  since the time of Silla, who did the like unto .12000. prenestines, friends of his enemy Marius.  
¶ Of this name Ezelino were four, one after an other, that caused no small trouble in Italy.  
¶ The first Ezelino, a Doucheman borne, came into Italy with the emperor Otho, the third, and by him was made Conte di Onara, a town of the Marca Trivigiana. But afterwardis he gate himself the lordship of Bassano upon the river of Brent, with main fair territories thereabouts, and so became great, both of dominion and also of alliance by marriages.  
¶ His son was called Ezelino Balbo, and the iii Ezelino Monaco, all three crowell men of nature. But the four Ezelino di Romano passed all tother, and died rather for choler and despite of the discomfiture, 
Ezelino di Romano.  given him by the Vicentines, than for the hurt that he received in his leg. Whom Peter Gerardo a Padoan writer, descriveth thus: He was hard of favour, terrible in word and deed, scarce of laughter or speech, full of despite, suspicious, taking every thing to the worse, dangerous to enterprise, prompt to all evil, cruel to all persons, and out of measure delighted in their death and torments, prisons, iron, hunger, cord, fire, and other such. So that to extirp the whole stock of so ●●uell a generation, after his death there was no creature of his blood suffered to live.  

Rinieri Zeno. 12●0.  ¶ After the death of Marino succeeded Rinieri Zeno, who sent an army into Soria against the Genoese, that discomfited them between Ptholemaida and Tyro: besides vi other genoway ships, that were lost in Candia, and near unto Tyro in the second and iii battle.  
¶ In this mean time Baldewyne the captain, and Pantaleon justiniano patriarch of Constantinople, were betrayed of the Greeks, and constreigned to flee to Negroponte, leaving the city & empire unto Mighell Paleologo, that afterwards through help of the Genoese, got many Islands: traveling to extend his dominion unto Morea. Whereupon the venetians made forth more galeys by .30. at a time, to increase their army, that than was comen out of Soria, in hope to find their enemies about Sicilia: But all in vain, wherefore returning into Soria, they took the Cetea of the Genoese, and began to assault Tyro. In which business, the venetians lost a notable ship, called castle fort, with ten others laden with merchandise. Nevertheless renewing their army with part of their staple, that lay in Candia and Dalmatia, they met again with the Genoese in Sicilia, where after a long fight, they took .24. genoway galleys, burned the rest, slew above .1200. men, took, 1500. prisoners, and drowned all the rest.  
¶ This notable victory brought the emperor Paleologo in such fear, that he sued for truce to the venetians: and obtained it for .v. years.  
¶ This mean while was a great muttering in Venice for the treasure spent, because the chamber was found empty, and that for the maintenance of those wars, they were about to levy subsidies. So that the people assembled, and furiously assaulted the Duke's palace, hurling stones at the windows, with other despiteful deeds.  
¶ Finally the army was renewed, and in an other conflict with the Genoese, they took .v. of their ships▪ About which time Rinieri died.  
¶ Than followed Lorenzo Tiepolo, 
Lorenzo Tiepolo .1267.  in whose time happened a wonderful dearth of corn in Venice: by reason their neighbours, for envy of their prosperity, would suffer no corn to come to them. For remedy whereof the venetians made a law, that all merchauntshippes, passing between the Goolfe of Fano, and the mouth of the river Pò, should pay them custom after a certain rate of their merchandise. Whereby to their great gain, they revenged theim selfes upon their enemies. But the Bologniese most of all others, being offended with this law, made out an army against the venetians, and were overcomen, constrained to ask peace, to overthrow a castle that they had made at Primano on the Pò, and to grant the venetians free entry into their rivers at all times.  
¶ About this time, by mean of Philip the french king, who travailed to secure the Christians in Soria against the infidels, the venetians, Genoese, and Pisani made a league together for .v. years.  
¶ After Tiepolo, jacopo Contarini was Duke, 
jacopo Contarini▪ 1275.  in whose time the war was well near renewed between the venetians and Genoese, for certain goods that the Genoese had taken: which being restored, the army prepared for them, turned against Istria, that than newly rebelled, through the provocation of the Patriarch of Aquileia: who by force were reduced to their wont obedience.  
¶ They of Ancona being offended with the foresaid law of custom paying for their merchandise, began to rob and spoil alongst the costs of Istria: so that the venetians, to correct them, besieged the city of Ancona: which dured not long: for the bishop of Rome entreated the venetians, to agree with them, and break up their siege.  
¶ Finally this Contarini perceiving himself very sickly and unapt to rule the estate, did willingly renounce it.  

Giovanni Dandolo .1281.  ¶ Than succeeded john Dandolo, in whose time the water in Venice swelled so high, that in manner the city was drowned: and after that followed a wonderful earthquake.  
¶ He also first coygned ducats of gold. And at the request of Nicolas, than bishop of Rome, prepared a new army to sail into Soria: but it went not forth: so that the king of babylon in Egypt, took and sacked Ptholomaida, and after razed it to the earth.  

Piet●● Gradenigo .1290.  ¶ After Dandolo, Peter Gradenigo was elected Duke. At whose entering the truce with the Genoese expired: so that a new army, under the leading of Roger Morosini proveditore, was sent into the east parts: Where they took Pera, and Castello delle foglie vecchie: and abode there so long, that the year following john Zoranzo, with .25. fresh galleys, was sent thither: who took the city of Cafa in Chersonesso.  
¶ The Genoese this mean while prepared an army of .70. galeys, and under their captain Lampado d' oria, entered into the Adriatic seas, intending to come to Venice. But the Venetian army (being the greatest that ever they made) caused them to retire: yet meeting together upon the cost of Dalmatia, they fought, and the venetians were discomfited, and Andrea Dandolo proveditor taken prisoner, who so much despaired, that beating his head against the galley boards, he slew himself. And albeit that the loss of this army was of great importance and peril unto the venetians, yet incontinently they renforced their power, and in the streict of Gallipoli, sometime called Hellespontus, met with the Genoese again, and were there again overcomen. But the Genoese for all their victories were so wearied, that they granted the venetians peace, and laid war aside for a season.  
¶ Thus the things far of, being appeased, their business at home began to awake. For one Marino Bocconio conspired against the Duke and Senate, which being discovered, he and divers of his complices, were put to death between the pillars of. S. Mark.  
¶ The Padoanes began than also to fortify at a certain place, between Chiozza, and Albano, called Petabubula, which was no little trouble unto the venetians, for the time, howbeit at length they remedied it.  
¶ After this they made out an other army by sea under Belletto justiniano, who prospered much in Greece. For after he had overrun all those costs, he returned home with .15000. prisoners, and with a great sum of money recovered of the Greekish emperor, that before time the venetians had lente him. Which was no small comfort to the common wealth that long time had suffered.  
¶ shortly after Clement bishop of Rome excommunicated the venetians, for aiding of Azo da Este unto the estate of Ferrara, and wrote his letters throughout all Europe, condemning them as enemies of the church, and giving their goods as a lawful pray unto all men, which caused them to sustain great loss.  
¶ Besides this, Baiamonte Tiepolo, their own citizen, intending to make himself lord of Venice, enterprised to assault the Duke and Senate in the palace, where after much blood shed, at last he was slain, and his parttakers accordynglie punished, part in Venice, and part at a place there besides, called Malpasso.  
¶ Zara about this time rebelled again, and shortly after this Duke died.  

Marino Giorgio .1312.  ¶ After whom succeeded Marino Giorgio, that lived but ten months, in whose time an army was made out to besiege Zara.  
¶ Than followed john Soranzo, who recovered Zara, and brought Nova, 
john. Soranzo .1313.  Spalleto, Trau, and Sibenzani, towns of Dalmatia, under the Venetian dominion.  
¶ This mean time Frances Dandalo, ambassador with bishop Clement, used such humility, that Venice was not only assoiled, but also privileged to be no more on that wise accursed.  
¶ These things finished, they sent out .50. galleys against the Genoese, because they had taken the venetians goods. But after they had besieged Pera, and were promised amends and restitution of their goods, the army returned without other expedition.  
¶ Than was justiniano, that had been captain thereof, sent proveditor into Candia, where with his wisdom he quieted the country, that began to rebel.  
¶ Finally, after the venetians had preserved the Padoanes from the fury of Mastino della Scala, that would have oppressed them, this Duke Soranzo died.  
¶ After him entered Frances Dandolo, 
France's Dandolo .1329.  in whose time happened a great dearth of corn in Venice: which was relieved afterwards with provision brought out of Sicilia by Nicolas Falero: for that purpose sent thither.  
¶ This Duke accepted the Polani and Valesi under the Venetian dominion: and ever after defended them from the power of the Patriarch of Aquileia.  
¶ He caused Thomas Viaro proveditor of the army against the Genoese, to die in prison: because he had not borne himself prudently in that enterprise.  
¶ He sent Peter Zeno with an army against the Turks, that than had newly chased the Christians out of Soria. Which Turks were fought with, and finally discomfited.  
¶ Than began the wars against the Signori della Scala, the chief whereof was Mastino before named: who chasing the Rossi from Parma, got Feltro, Belluno, and Ceneda, before time taken by the said Rossi from king Iohn of Boeme. This Mastino thus growing great, attempted to trouble the venetians with building of fortresses and bastilions about Petabubula. Wherefore the venetians entered in league with the king of Boeme, and with the most part of all the states of Italy, specially with the Florentines, against this Mastino: and made P●●er Rosso general of that league: who (assembling an army, of the venetians, Florentines, Bologniese, Ferrarese, and other their colleges) after many skirmishes, taking of fortresses and towns: finally did discomfit Mastino in two several battles, and brought him by force to require peace: which was granted on this wise, that he should leave Feltro, Cividale di Belluno, and Ceneda unto Charles son of the king of Boeme: Bergamo and Bressa unto the Visconti of Milan: Treviso, with the appurtenances, Castelbaldo, and Bassano, to the venetians: and four castles to the Florentines.  
¶ After the happy success of these wars, Dandolo died.  

Bartholomeo Gradenigo .1340.  ¶ Than Bartholomeo Grandenigo, succeeded, in whose time, the water in Venice for the space of three days, did swell four yards higher than his wont course: so that they thought to have been all drowned: but at last saint Nicolas, saint George, and saint Mark came into a poor fisshers' boat, and in the mouth of the haven drowned a ship of devils that wrought all this mischief. For proof whereof, this poor fisher the next morning after the water ceased, presented unto the Duke and senate a gold ring that saint Mark had given him. This was taken there for a miracle, though I think no man would believe it.  
¶ The fear of this water was no sooner ceased, but news came, that the Candians rebelled. Wherefore a power sent thither, assaulted them on three sides, and with the correction of the principal rebels, reduced them to their former obedience.  
¶ Shortly after happened a great dearth of corn, and Gradenigo died.  
¶ Than followed Andrea Dandolo, 
Andrea Dandolo▪ 1343.  a man for his wisdom and civility much commended of Petrarcha. In whose time Peter Zeno (in company of other Christian princes) was sent with an army against the Turks, whom at the first they discomfited, and took Smirna: but afterwards the Turks assembled again, and with great slaughter overcame the venetians, the Cypriotes, and the Rodianes.  
¶ This Duke procured licence of the king of babylon, that Venetian merchants might freely traffic in Egypt, and sent an army unto Zara▪ than yielded unto the king of Hungary, who being come thither with .120000. men, was fought with by the venetians discomfited, and Zara recovered.  
¶ This duke ordained the office of the three Auditors, for the better expedition of matters, because the Auogadori had to much charge on them to dispatch well: and he himself wrote a worthy history of the Venetian estate and laws for the time than passed.  
¶ He sent vi ships into Sicilia for corn, whereof two peerished by the way, the other four relieved the city in their great dearth. After followed such an earthquake, that iii or four steeples, with divers other buildings in Venice were shaken to the earth: and than such a pestilence that in manner Venice became void. Nevertheless a new army was made out against the Genoese, that fought with them at Caristo besides Negroponte, where first the Genoese were discomfited, than the venetians, and thirdly in Sardegna the Genoese again: and thereby brought so low, that they became subjects to john Visconti, archbishop and Duke of Milan, who sent the famous Petrarcha ambassador to Venice, to obtain peace for him and the Genoese. But the venetians would not grant it. Wherefore the Visconti sent his army into Dalmatia, sacked the towns of Faro and Corfu, took Parenzo in Istria, and spoiled a Venetian ship, going into Candia, of value (by report) of .800000. ducats.  
¶ Thus while the venetians for ease of this trouble were making a league with the king of Boeme, to bring him against the Uisconti, this Duke Dandolo died.  

Marino. Falerio .1354.  ¶ Marino Falerio succeeded him, in whose days the common wealth lacked little of utter undoing. First their army was sore discomfited by the Genoese, Pagano Doria being captain, at the isle of Sapientia, besides Morea. After this, the Duke himself conspired against the cities libertee, intending to make himself absolute lord thereof, by putting the nobility and senate to death. But his purpose was discovered by Beltrame a skinner, one of the confederatꝭ, so that the Duke was beheaded, and divers other punished, besides a numbered that fled, and were banished.  
¶ Finally this Beltrame for his reward, was made a gentleman of Venice, with a thousand ducats of yearly revenue. But after a certain space, thinking his reward over little in respect of so great a service, he lamented himself unto the senate, and was so importunate, that they not only took from him his foresaid revenue, but also deprived him of the gentilmans dignity, and made him a skinner again, as he was before.  
¶ After this Marco Cornaro as Vice Doge, ruled for a certain space.  
¶ Than john Gradenico was elected Duke, 
john Gradenico .1355.  who sending out vii galleys against the Genoese, was occasion of the peace, that immediately followed between them.  
¶ In his time Lewis king of Hungary entered in league with certain princes and nobles of Lombardy against the venetians: so that after he had been before Zara, Spalleto, Trau, and Nona, with other places in Dalmatia: he besieged Treviso: during which siege Gradenico died.  
¶ Than john Delfino was chosen, 
john Delfino .1356.  who being that time besieged within Treviso, and advertised of his election, required the kings safeconduct to pass: which would not be granted. Wherefore at last in company of certain men of arms, he secretly departed, and came to Venice: and was no sooner in the authority, but he revoked the Potestate of Padua, and took from the Padoanes the trade of salt. A matter unto them of great importance. This did he to be revenged on Carraro, a principal of the Padoanes, who was entered into intelligence with the hungarians.  
¶ Finally this king prospered so much against the venetians, that they were constrained for a peace to grant him all Dalmatia, from the goolfe Fanatico, to Durazo, with certain other towns about Ceneda and Treviso, that he had than newly gotten.  
¶ To this peace the venetians at that time, were glad to agree, for eschewing of more danger. And not long after this Delfino died.  
¶ Whom Lorenzo Celso, than captain of the army upon the goolfe, 
Lorenzo Celso. 13●0.  was elected, who being advertised thereof, incontinently repaired unto Venice: where he was received with such pomp as the venetians use. But his own father, would in no wise go against him: thinking it unmeet, that the father should use any reverence to his son.  
¶ In his time, first the Duke of ostrich, and after the king of Cyprus came to see Venice for their passetime, where they were received and honoured accordingly.  
¶ Than of new Candia rebelled, for the great taxes that the venetians levied of them. Wherefore first one, and than an other army was sent thither: which with much ado (by reason of the Greeks defence) at last recovered it: and so with triumph returned to Venice.  
¶ About this time the king of Cyprus took and sacked Alexandria in Egypt, from whence he returned laden with a wonderful pray. And not long after this Duke Celso died.  

Marco Cornaro .1365.  ¶ His successor was Marco Cornaro, who forthwith had word that Candia again rebelled. Against whom a new army was prepared, with privilege obtained of the bishop of Rome, of clear pardon and remission of sins, for all them that should bear arms in that enterprise.  
¶ Finally the Candiottes were so oppressed, that they were constrained to ask peace, and with sharp punishments were brought to their wont obedience.  
¶ The business of Candia being thus well quieted and reform, Cornaro lived not long after.  
¶ Than entered Andrea Contarini, 
Andrea Contarini▪ 1367.  notwithstanding that he oftentimes refused the dignity, perchance through foresight of things to come. For first they of Trieste through succour of the Duke of Austria, rebelled, and being in a sharp battle overcomen, were constrained to return to the Venetian obedience.  
¶ Than began a new bickering between the Carrari, lords of Padua, and the venetians, for the interest of certain confines, between whom were many skirmishes with variable fortune on both sides. But the venetians had ever the better, until the Carrari had gotten in league the king of Hungary, the Duke of Austria, the Genoese, and the Patriarch of Aquileia, who on all sides by land and sea, oppressed the venetians sore. For notwithstanding that in this mean while, with help of the king of Cyprus on the one side, they first discomfited Andronico son of the emperor Caloianni with the Greeks in the isle of Tenedo, and after that divers of the Genoese by sea. And than on the other side with the help of Bernabo Visconti, by land discomfited the Carraro on the Padoan territory, with getting of some towns: yet fortune turned so against them, that at Pola they lost xu galleys at one time, and by little and little lost Vmago, Grado, Caorle, Chiozza, Loreo, Le Bebbe, Capo d'aggere, Malamoco, and Poviglia: looking every foot, when they should be assaulted in Venice. insomuch, that they sent a blank Charter unto Peter Doria, than captain of the Genoese army, beseeching him to prescribe them what conditions he would, and they gladly would accept them: but as it happeneth commonly in prosperity, men are not contented with reasonable advantage: he would not have them but at his own discretion. And so drove forth the time till Carlo Zeno, with the Venetian army, scoured all the levaunte seas, took many rich ships, of their enemies: and with the slaughter of .300. Genoese, restored the fortress of Constantinople unto Caloianni emperor of Greece, besieged Pera, and finally after many worthy victories in those parties (advertised of the peril that Venice was in) retired homewards: joined with Vettorio Pisani captain of the rest of the Venetian army, and near unto Brondolo, Chiozza, and th●se other places thereabouts, fought divers times with them, with divers fortune, and at last slew their captain beforenamed, recovered Chiozza through famine, and took ●0. Padoan boats, with .19. genoway galleys, besides certain ships laden with salt, and a numbered of prisoners.  
¶ This great victory thus obtained by Vettorio Pisani and Carlo zeno, was not yet enough to end this war: For the rest of the Genoese army discomfited at Chiozza, departed to Trieste, causing it to rebel. And than leaving Istria in governance of the Patriarch of Aquileia, returned again to attempt the getting of Brondolo and Chiozza. But finding the passages closed against them, they made towards Pirano and Parenzo, doing their best to get them: wherein they prevailed not, and so at last withdrew them into the haven of Marano.  
¶ This mean while the venetians endeavoured theim selfes to recover again Bebbe, and the other placis near about them. All which they obtained, Capo d'aggere only except, that was holden by the Carraro.  
¶ Than came news, that Pola was taken, and that the Genoese, renewing their army, had also taken Arbe in the isle of Scardona. Wherefore a new power was made out, which passing into Istria, sacked justinopoli, and besieged Zara. In which enterprise Vettorio Pisani died, so that Carlo Zeno rested captain alone: who with viii galleys of new, scoured all the costs of Dalmatia, took xii Schlavon ships, and went forth into the river of Genoa, where he wrought wonders: whilst the Genoese and their colleges on the other side sacked Capo d' Istria, took Conigliano, Novale and Treviso before yielded to the Duke of Austria: besides xiiii Venetian ships, that the Genoese took in the port of Pesaro.  
¶ And so long contended they thus warring one upon an other, that at last both parties were wearied, and by mean of the Duke of Savoie, accorded. In the concluding of which peace the venetians rendered the isle of Tenedo unto the Genoese (that by the mean of the emperor Caloianni, came before to their hands.)  
¶ Finally, after the Carraro of Padua had gotten Treviso by force from the Duke of Austria (the king of Hungary being dead) this Duke Contarini finished his life.  
¶ Than followed Michele Morosini, 
Michele Morosini .1383.  that living but .4. months, made a new law for the trial of murders and manslaughters.  
¶ Next succeeded Antonio Veniero, a pleasant wise man, that in the governance of Tenedo, 
Antonio Ueniero▪ 138●.  had behaved himself prudently.  
¶ He bore so earnest a zeal to justice, that hearing a complaint against his own son, for certain dishonest parts played about a gentilmans door, of whose wife he was enamoured, caused him to be laid in prison, where he miserably died of the plague. And though he knew, that the infection was entered into that prison, yet would he not at no friends intercession remove his son into any other. Which act one way seemeth commendable▪ an other way unnatural and cruel.  
¶ About this time the Uenet●ans entered in league with Giangaleazo Visconti, Duke of Milan, and with the marchese Da Este of Ferrara, against Carraro of Padua: so that between these three the territory of Carraro was divided.  
¶ first the venetians had Treviso, the marches of Este had certain ca●●●lles, that he had before lost, and the Visconti had Padua, Feltro, and Cividale di Belluno: which with Vicenza and Verona, that he had also gotten a little before, set the Uisconti of Milan on such a height, that immediately he moved war against the Bologniese and Florentines, whereby he began to be had in jealousy and mistrust, of all the other astates, about him. Wherefore the venetians, with those other two beforenamed, the Manroan, the Ferrarese, Carlo Ma●atesta, and Robert Duke of Baviera (unto whom the young Novello Carraro was fled for succours) entered all into a league against him: by reason whereof Verona was sacked, Padua besieged, and the Visconti at length in such wise discomfited, that he was feign to require peace, which was granted for ten years following.  
¶ After the death of Veniero succeeded Michele Steno, 
Michele Steno .1400.  in whose time four Venetian galleys, laden with merchandise were lost in the Arcipelago.  
¶ Than Zeno, with xi galleys was sent out against the Genoese: who had been in Soria, sacked Baru●ti, and taken certain Venetian ships. But in their return, between Modone, and Giunchio, Zeno discoumfited them: notwithstanding that in manner they were double as many.  
¶ This mean time the young Carraro being (partly through the venetians favour) restored unto the dominion of Padua, besieged Vicenza, and streigned it so sore, that in despite of him they yielded theim selfes to the venetians: who took occasion of unkindness towards Carraro, because he had been the principal mover of the Genoese against them: and that also he had counseled william Scala to take on him the dominion of Verona. insomuch that the venetians armed, and first chastised Alberto da Este of Ferra●a for parttaking with Carraro, and finally by plain force, gattebothe Pad●a and Verona: and led this Novello Carraro, with his two sons prisoners to Venice, where by night they were all three straungled.  
¶ And albeit, that the venetians were esteemed to have spent in those Padoane wars better than two millyons of gold: yet this victory over their approved enemy was so grateful unto them, that forgetting all expenses, they triumphed with feasts and bonfires so long, that they set the top of saint Marks steeple on fire: which afterwards (to their cost) was made up again and clean guilt over.  
¶ Thus the venetians rested not long, but that Ladislao, king of Naples and of Hungary, warred on them in Dalmatia, and took Zara: which they redeemed of him for the sum of an .100000. ducats, taking also truce with him for .v. years. And than died Steno.  

Thomas Mocenigo 1413.  ¶ Next followed Thomas Mocenigo, that reform certain offices in the Rialto.  
¶ He also recovered certain towns in Friuli, that one Pippo, a captain of the kings of Hungary had in the last wars before taken from them. And was author also of the renewing of the palace of Saint Mark, for the mocioning whereof, he willingly paid a thousand ducats, forfeited by an ancient law made against him that should first motion the alteration of that palace from his old fashion.  

France's Foscaro. 14●4.  ¶ When Mocenigo was dead, France's Foscaro entered into the estate▪ who being prayed thereunto, entered in league with the Florentines, against Philip Duke of Milan: and sent Carmignuola their captain to Bressa, which by mean of intelligence was soon gotten: though the fortress held a certain space. On the other side the Florentines took Nicolos da Este, marches of Ferrara for their captain, and sent him into the territory of the Genoese, where was gotten no small booties. So that Duke Philip thus troubled, fearing least the country of Romagna should return to the Florentines dominion, yielded up the fame to the use of the church of Rome, into the hands of the legate of Bononia, and for advoiding of further inconvenience, caused the same legate to procure him a peace, which was sooner obtained than well observed. For Philip encouraged with the money and large offers of the milanese, would not suffer the articles to be observed▪ and invading the Mantuane territory, provoked his enemies the colleges, to renew their power, with which, and by the power of the general Carmignuola, the Duke received such a discomfiture, besides Terentiano, with loss of his carriage, plate and money, that if Carmignuola had followed the victory, he had been like enough to have driven Philip out of his Duchy.  
¶ Finally after sundry conclusions and breaches, at last a full peace was concluded, that Bergamo and Bressa, with their apportenaunces, should remain to the venetians, Cremona, with his territory should be given to Sforza for the dower of his wife Bianca, daughter to Philip Romaningo, with the fortresses of Gieradadda to be restored to Philip by the venetians (P●schiera and Lanado only excepted) that Conzaga should have the rest of the Mantuane confines, and that in those quarters Legniago, Porto, Riva, Torboli, Penetra, and Ravenna, should remain to the venetians. That within the term of two years Nicolas Piccinino should restore Bononia to the church. That Astorre di Faenza should deliver unto the Florentines their fortresses, and finally that Philip should no more meddle with the Genoese.  
¶ This peace satisfied, all the colleges (the bishop of Rome's legate only excepted) whose part in Bononia seemed nothing honourable in this behalf.  
¶ During these businesses in Lombardy, the Turks assaulted Thessalonica, a city of the venetians in Macedonia, and by force took it▪ with james Dandolo, and Andrea Donato, governors of the same.  
¶ Not long after Andrea Dandolo was sent ambassodour unto the Sultan of Egypt, to excuse the senate of Venice, for the taking of certain of his vessels, without their consent.  
¶ In this time the water in manner drowned all Venice, so that when the blood was past, the hurt that it had done, was esteemed above a myllion of gold.  
¶ The daughter of the king of Arragon, wife of Lionello da Este of Ferrara, came to see Venice: and the fury of the people was so great to see her, that they broke the bridge of the Rialto: in the fall whereof twenty men were slain, besides a numbered maimed and hurt.  
¶ Eugenius the bishop of Rome, impatient that Piccinino should so long keep Bononia, entered in league with Alfonso king of Naples, and with Duke Philip, against Sforza: and so renewing the wars in Italy, the Bologniese, through help of the venetians and Florentines, recovered their liberty, and for advantage, got divers of their enemy's castles. By mean whereof Philip fell in hand again with the venetians and Florentines, that came to their succour: so that their captain Michelle Attendulo fought with him besides Casale Maggiore, put him to flight, took four thousand horse of his, ran to the gates of Milan, and brought Philip so low, that besides Milan he had no more left, but Crema and Lodi. Wherefore he sought peace of new: but it would not be granted him.  
¶ This mean time james Foscaro, son unto the Duke, for certain his ill demeanours, was twice confined into Candia, and there died.  
¶ Than Sforza taking part with Duke Philip lost Casale Maggiore, and the Marca d' Ancona, that the bishop of Rome took from him, but finally Philip diseased both with a fever and the flux, died.  
¶ Incontinently upon whose death Lodi and Vicenza, submitted theim selfes to the venetians. Wherefore Sforza, captain of the Milanese, came with an army to Vicenza, took it, and sacked it. And A●tendulo on the other side wasted a great part of the Milanese, until such time as Sforza agreed him with the venetians, to have .4000. men, and .13000. ducats of yearly provision, until he might get the state of Milan: promising them, when he were Duke, he would be contented to renounce to them all that, that Philip had gotten on that side the river of Adda. So that when Sforza obtained the state of Milan (which happened shortly after) he observed his promise, and peace followed.  
¶ About this time a certain Greek, called Stamato, rob the trea●ure of saint Marks church, after he had been two years in cutting an hole through a very mighty stone wall: but being bewrayed through a tailor, that he trusted, the treasure was recovered, the Greek taken, and for his long patience and worthy theft, hanged with a golden halter.  
¶ Than came news out of Sicilia, that Loredano, captain of the Venetian army, had fought with the Genoese and Sicilians: and had burned .47. of their ships. After which victory a general peace followed for a time.  
¶ The king of Bossina sent for a present to the venetians certain vessels of silver four goodly horses, and many Faulcones.  

liberality  ¶ Federike the emperor, returning from his coronation at Rome towards Almain, passed by Venice, where the Senate presented to the Empress a rich crown, set with jewels, whereof some one stone was esteemed at .3000. ducats, and besides that gave her two coverings for a cradle, richly embroidered with stone and pearl: because she was at that time great with child.  
¶ A new league made between the venetians, and the Senesi, the Duke of Savoie, the marquis of Monferrato, and the lords of Correggio, against Sforza, than newly made Duke of Milan. For defence whereof Sforza had secret help of the Florentines: so that the venetians, with their colleges, procured Alfonse king of Naples, against the Florentines: who after made war upon them in Tuscan, whilst the gentle Leonesio, captain of the league on the other side, took Lodi, Gotolengo, Manerbio, Pontoglio, and ran even to the gates of Milan.  
¶ About this time the Turk won Constantinople, in the taking whereof the emperor of Grece, with divers gentlemen venetians, valiauntelie resisting their enemies, both by sea and land, were slain, besides a numbered of others taken prisoners, with the lo●se of their navy and substance. Wherefore the bishop of Rome took upon him the appeasing of the Italian wars: agreeing the parties on this wise: that Sforza should restore unto the venetians all that that he had taken from them in those wars (the castles of Gieradadda only excepted) that the king of Naples should do the like to the Florentines (Castiglione excepted) and the Florentines to do the like to the Senese. And that when any controversy should happen of new between them, the bishop of Rome should order the matter without any business of war.  
¶ The Genoese were left out of this peace, by mean of the king of Naples.  
¶ Federike emperor of Almain required ambassadors from all the princes of Europe, to make a new league against the Turk.  
¶ But this mean while Bartholomeo Marcello returned from Constantinople with an ambassador of the Turks, that brought certain articles of agreement to the senate, which the venetians accepted: and thereupon was confirmed amity between the Turk and them.  
¶ After the death of Foscaro succeeded Pasquale Malipiero, of whom I find nothing of importance, 
Pasquale Malipiero 14●7.  saving that in his time happened the terrible earthquake in Italy, that specially in the realm of Naples did so much hurt: and that emprinting was than first invented.  
¶ After him succeeded Christofero Moro, 
Christofero Moro. 14●2.  in whose time the Turks wan by force, and razed to the earth the Venetian wall, made upon Isthmus of Morea, and after did in manner what they would throughout all that region.  
¶ This Morea, anciently called Peloponnessu●, 
Morea.  is the chief part of Greece, a very rich country, compassed about with the sea, except in one narrow place, that it seemeth racked unto the main land: in which place being about six mile over, was such a wall made, as with reasonable furniture had been sufficient to resist a wonderful power. But the venetians (because they first of Christian princes, entered in amity with those infidels) trusting to much in their new friendship, attended more to the undoing of their neighbours at home, than to the earnest provision that so worthy a country, against so puissant an enemy, the Turk, required. So that shortly after the loss of that wall, they were shamefully discomfited at Patrasso: james Barbarico being their proveditor. And than also they lost Negroponte, where was such a slaughter of Christians, as would make any Christian heart weep to hear it. Besides a huge sum of money, that they were constrained to give to the king of Hungary, to resist the Turks passage, that with an other army by land was than coming towards Dalmatia.  
¶ Than succeeded Nicolo Trono, who was cause of the establishment of Ercole da Este in the duchy of Ferrara. 
Nicolo Trono .1471.   
¶ He entered in league with Vsnucassan king of Persia (whose successor is now called Sophy) against the Turk.  
¶ In his time the venetians got the realm of Cyprus by this mean. james, last king of the same, for the great amity between his forefathers and the venetians, came unto Venice, and required the Signoria to adopt one of their daughters, as daughter of their common wealth: and than would he be contented to accept her unto his wife.  
¶ This large offer was soon accepted, and Katheryn Cornaro, a goodly young gentlewoman espoused to the king, who thereupon returned into his realm continuing in peace the time of his life. At his death, (leaving his wife great with child) he ordained, that she and her child not yet borne, should enjoy the realm▪ But the child after the birth lived not long. Assoon as the venetians heard of the kings death, 
Cyprus won.  they armed certain galleys, and sent them with Georgio Cornaro, brother to the Queen into Cyprus, to comfort her on the Signorias behalf: with this wile, that when Cornaro should arrive before Famagosta (the principal city of Cyprus) he should feign himself so sick, that he might not go out of the ship, and when his sister the Queen, with her barons should come to visit him, than should he keep them sure from returning, and sodeinelye entre the city, subduing it with the whole realm, unto the Venetian obedience. As it was devised, so it happened from point to point, albeit that the Queen was counseled not to go abourde the galley, and that some business was made after for it, yet in effect the venetians prevailed, & the Queen was brought to Venice, where she passed the rest of her years.  
¶ Some esteem this doing treason, but many men allow it for a good policy.  
¶ After Trono followed Nicolas Marcello, in whose time happened no notable thing, 
Nicolo Marcello 147●.  other than the victorious defence of the town of Scodra in Albania against an infinite numbered of Turks.  
¶ Next him succeeded Peter Mocenigo, 
Pietro Mocen●go .1474.  which at the time of his election, was captain of an army by sea, wherewith he had in Cyprus quieted a great rebellion, preserved Scodra from the Turks fury, and restored the king of Carramania to his estate.  
¶ For these worthy deeds, and for his other virtues was in his absence first made Proctor of. S. Mark, and than (as I said) created Duke. And being called home from the army, to govern the dominion, Antonio Loredano was sent forth in his stead: who delivered Lepanto fr●m the Turks siege, and used great diligence in the conservation of the country of Morea.  

Andrea Vendramino .1476.  ¶ After Mocenigo, Andrea Vendramino was elected Duke. In whose time the Turks returning into Albania, came first before Cro●a, and after overran all the countries between that and the river of Tagliamento in F●riuli: so that the venetians were feign to call back the captain Carlo Montone, who not long before put out of wages was than gone into Tuscan.  
¶ This Duke attempted a peace with the Turks, but his purpose was interrupted by means of the king of Hungary and of Naples.  

john Mocenigo 1478.  ¶ After Vendramino followed john Mocenigo, brother to Peter beforenamed.  
¶ This man agreed with the Turk, after they had warred with him .17. years. The articles of accord were, that the venetians should yield into the Turks hands Scodra, the principal city of Albania, with the islands of Corfu, Tenaro, and Lemno, and besides that should pay him .8000. ducats a year. In consideration whereof the Turk for his part granted them safe passage for traffic of merchandise into the sea now called Mare Maggiore, and anciently named Pontus Euxinus: and that the venetians should have power to send an officer of theirs under the name of Bailo to Constantinople, to judge and order all their merchants business.  
¶ Not long after this agreement, the isle of Corritta in Dalmatia, was brought under the Venetian dominion.  
¶ And in the four year of this man's rule, war was moved against Ercole Duke of Ferrara, for the breach of certain articles between him and the venetians.  
¶ After that Robert of. S. Severino was sent with an army against Ferrando king of Naples, in which enterprise the venetians discomfited Alfonse Duke of Calabria, son of the foresaid king. But those wars, by mean of the other Princes of Italy, were soon appeased, when the Duke of Ferrara (besides the loss of Comacchio) had sustained very great damage, for his part taking.  
¶ next to Vendramino succeeded, Marco Barbarico, 
Marco Barbarico 1485.  who never seeking to be avenged on his enemy, would say, It sufficed a discreet prince, to have power to revenge, whereby his enemy should have cause to fear him. Therefore he used severity against the transgressors of the common wealth, and not against them that privately offended him. In his days happened little ado.  
¶ The contrary whereof followed in the time of his successor Agostino Barbarico. 
Agostino Barbarico 1486.   
¶ first by reason of the wars with Edmonde Duke of ostrich, for the interest of certain mines of iron: in which enterprise the Venetian captain Robert of. S. Severino died: than thorough the coming of Charles the viii French king into Italy, who at length, partly through the Venetian force was constrained to retire into France: but most of all they were troubled with the Turks, who fell out with them, overran all their countries as far as Tagliomento, slew above. 7000. persons of the Venetian part, and took from them Lepanto, Modone, Corone, and Durazo. Nevertheless this mean while the venetians got Cremona, and divers other towns in Italy, which is rather a reproach to them, than an honour that would lieffer war upon their christian neighbours, than bend their power to resist the Turks.  
¶ After Barbarico, Leonardo Loredano was elected to the estate: 
Leonardo Loredano. 15●1.  in whose time all Christian princes about the venetians, conspired by one accord utterly to destroy them. And the league was such, that in one self time the emperor Maximilian, Lewis the xii French king, Ferrando king of Spain and of Naples, julius bishop of Rome, with the Dukes of Mantua and Ferrara, should war upon them, beginning about the year of grace .1509. So partly by force, after many discoumfitures of the venetians power, partly by accord: in manner all the Venetian dominion with in the main land was divided amongst these princes. The french king had Bressa, Bergamo, Cremona, and Crema: the emperor Maximilian, Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and part of Friuli: The king of Spain, the cities and ports in Puglia, that the venetians before had gotten: The bishop of Rome, Arimino, Faenza, Ravenna, and Ceruia, with the rest of Romagna: and the Duke of Ferrara the Pollisene di Rovigo. So that the venetians had so little dominion left on the main land▪ that the emperor Maximilian came to Maestie: v. little miles from Venice, as near as the sea would suffer him to approach: and there for a triumph or despite, shot of his artillery to Uenicewardes: though he could do it no hurt. Wherefore the venetians, provoked in manner by despair, and through an oration made by their Duke, that encouraged them rather to die like men, than to suffer theim selfes thus vilely to be eaten by and despised, renewed an army by land, recovered Padua, than negligently kept, fortified it and Treviso, fought divers times with variable fortune against their enemies, fought to be revenged on the Duke of Ferrara, against whom they sent xvii galleys and 400. boats to assail the Ferrarese dominion by the river of Pò: and finally behaved theim selfes so manfully, that the king of Spain, and the bishop of Rome, made a new league with them against the french king: who at that time, besides the state of Milan, had gotten Bononia, and was become so great in Italy, that they were all afeard of him. Upon conclusion of which league the citizens of Bressa returned to the Venetian obedience, so that for defence of that city against the frenchmen, Andrea Gr●tti, with certain other noble venetians and captains, and a convenient number of soldiers, were sent thither: where after a sore conflict with the frenchmen, they were all discomfited, slain or taken, and the principal prisoners sent to Milan to Mounser du Foys, than governor there, who s●nt Andrea Gritti, as a singular present, prisoner to the French king.  
¶ The Uenetians not a little troubled for this loss, caused the camp of the league, that than lay before Bononia to draw towards Ferrara: and in succour of that camp, made a new army by water, wherewith they sacked Argenta, took Mirandula, and did much hurt to the Ferrarese dominion, till at last the Vice Roy, of Spain general of the said camp, came before Bononia, and from thence to Ravenna for fear of the French host, that from Milan pursued him. Unto which French army the Duke of Ferrara united his power, and so together followed the army of the league to Ravenna: where on Easterdaie in the morning was fought the blouddiest battle between them, that hath been heard of in our days: and so many thousands slain on both sides, that it could scarcely be judged who had the better: Saving that the frenchmen obtained the victory, took Ravenna, put it to sack, and after got divers other towns in Romagna.  

Douchemens' hall in Venice.  ¶ Whilst these things were doing, the Douchemens' hall in Venice, called ill fondago di Tedeschi, was re-edified: a very fair and great house: and of a marvelous rent. For they affirm, that it yieldeth to the venetians above .100. ducats a day: which after our old reckoning amounteth above .7000. pound sterling by the year.  

Antonio G●imani.  ¶ After Loredano succeeded Antonio Grimani, who being in exile, was called home, made proctor of saint Mark, and finally Duke.  

Andrea Gritti.  ¶ Than Andrea Gritti, before named, newly returned out of France, was elected Duke: by whose means the venetians entered in league with the french king: and so recovered Bressa, redeemed Verona for a great sum of money, and aided the frenchmen to recover Milan, and to do many feats in the realm of Naples: how be it, the frenchmen not long after, lost all again through their ill governance and tyranny.  
¶ Finally practising now with France, now with the emperor, now with the bishop of Rome, as best served for the common wealth: this Duke left it in good order, tranquillity and peace, and so died, greatly bewailed of his citizens.  
¶ Than followed Peter Lando, in whose days the Turk made war to the venetians, 
Petro Lando.  because they joined with the emperor against him: so that they to obtain peace, were feign to give him the strong and notable cities in Napoli, and Maluagia in Greece: and beside that the sum of .300000. ducats.  
¶ It was thought, that the Turk would have been appeased with a much less gift, but being secretly advertised by the French ambassador, how the venetians had given their Bailo or ambassador commission, that rather than the war should continue to make this offer: he would none other wise agree with them.  
¶ This knowledge came through intelligence, that the french ambassador had with one of the Venetian Secretaries, who through corruption of money, disclosed all the proceedings of the privy counsel: which at length being discovered, the same Secretary fled into France, and ii other venetians of his confederacy were taken and hanged.  
¶ By this man's time Andrea Doria, with a great navy of the emperors, of the bishop of Rome's, and of the venetians together, enterprised a journey against Barbarossa, admiral of the Turkish navy: and yet meeting with him at great advantage, both of power, and place, Doria retired: for what cause no man can tell. He left the Venetian galleon, the notablesse vessel of the world, in the midst of the Turks navy. And yet after she had been assailed .v. hovers on all sides, she came her ways safe, in despite of them all, leaving an infinite numbered of her shot in the Turkish beaten ships and galleys.  

Francisco Donato.  ¶ After Lando Francisco Donato was elected unto the estate, about two years and an half before the writing hereof. And because in his time hitherto hath not happened any worthy thing to the venetians, I woull refer the rest to them that hereafter shall find occasion to write.   

The description of Naples.  
THe city of Naples (some time called Parthenope) is one of the fairest cities of the world, for goodly streets and beautiful building of temples and houses, 
castle novo.  specially the Castle novo, wherein the kings were wont (as the Uicere now is) to be most commonly resident: being one of the rarest buildyngꝭ for greatness and strength, that any where is lightly to be found. The country about is so pleasant, that in manner every village deserveth to be spoken of, aswell for sumptuous buildings and numbered of commodities, namely abundance of delicate fruits, as also for the wholesome air. For in most places it seemeth always (yea at the deadest of the winter) to be continual springe time. 
Temperature of Naples.  In deed the heat of summer doth somewhat grieve them, but they are so provided of large and open buildings, that it doth not much annoy them.  
¶ And one thing amongst all the rest is to be marveled at, whereof it should proceed, that many times the fire breaketh out of the earth in divers places upon the sea costs, like to the flames of Mongibello, anciently called Ethna in Sicily, as in the first year of the emperor Titus, it happened besides Naples in the hill Vesevio, now called Summi, 
Pliny's death.  where Pliny the same time (seeking the cause thereof) ended his life, not by violence of the fire (for he approached not so near) but by the vehement oppilation of the sulfur, that stopped his breath. It is true, 
Hot baynes.  that the natural hot banns (whereof there be many in Italy, and namely, in the realm of Naples) come of the natural heat that is in the sulfur, through the veins whereof the water maketh his course: but what should be cause of this flame, that (as it were against nature) ascendeth out of the cold earth? almost no man can make any reason. In deed, the best opinion that I gather, 
Fire breaking out of the earth.  is, that the vain of sulfur in the earth, receiving sometimes through the extreme heat of the son, a certain kind of fire, kindleth: and as the vein is great or small, so worketh it the effect. If it be near the upper part of th'earth, and have vent, it breaketh out in fire or smoke: if it be so deep, that for the great weight of the earth, it can not issue, than doth it cause th'earth to quake: as in those parties (most subject to the son) earthquakꝭ are common, and sometime whole towns and countries are destroyed withal.  

Fertilitee of Naples  ¶ Some think the fertilitee of the realm should proceed much of the heat that this sulfur giveth the ground (seeing there is more plenty than elsewhere) but whereof so ever it cometh the country is surely replenished of all things necessary for man's life, and so pleasant withal, that Pandolfo Collenuccio (a notable writer of the Neapolitan histories) thinketh, the wonderful mutacious that have happened in the same, to proceed of the desire that men had unto the pleasers and commodities of the country. And further speaking of the inconstancy of the people, he saith these words: It seemeth, that the realm of Naples is predestinate to have in it continual tyrannies, seditions, falsehood, rebellions, wars, destruction of cities, ravishementes, and flame, with all the other calamities that of avarice and ambition (true mothers of such plagues) may grow. And allegeing the authority of divers ancient writers, affirmeth, that the provinces of the realm, which he calleth Regnicoli, do persever without rebellion as long as they find none to rebel against. Nevertheless Titus Livius, and the ancient Roman histories show, that Naples itself was of all other cities most constant in their faith towards the Romans, aswell in time of danger as of prosperity. And for the space of these .30. years and more they have persevered in quiet obedience under their princes. Nevertheless in this the abbridgement of their histories ye shall see, that since the decay of the Roman empire, no realm in all the world hath been so much subject to alterations and wars, principally through occasion of the inhabitants theim selfes, who always were divided in partetakynges to their own confusion. And you shall yet to this hour see, that the Neapolitans are scarcely trusted on their words. Not that I think they deserve less credit than other men, but because the wont general ill opinion of their unsteadfastness, is not taken out of men's hearts. Yet is the Neapolitan for his good enterteiment reckoned to be the varaie courtesy of the world, though most men repute him to be a great flatterer and full of craft. What will you more? They are rich, for almost every gentleman is lord and king within himself, they have very fair women, and the world at will, in so much as Naples contendeth with Venice, whether should be preferred for sumptuous dames. Finally the court about the Vicere, was wont to be very princely, and greater than that of Milan for train of gentlemen: but now it is somewhat diminished as you shall perceive in the end of this history.  
¶ The saying (of them that best can guess) is, that it yieldeth the emperor iii millions of gold by the year, which after our reckoning is about .700000. pound. A great part whereof is consumed in mainteigning the Uiceres estate, and keeping of many fortresses, and in the wages of .300. men of arms, continually mainteigned there, that must keep every one his iii horse, for the which he hath as good as .50. pound stipend yearly, and many of them have more. And one great fault there is, for almost no stranger can travail the realm unrobbed, specially between Rome and Naples. It is in manner closed about with the sea, except .150. mile, that is cut over from the mouth of the river of Vfente now called Maseno, unto the mouth of Tronto, and is of compass in all, measuring it by the bank, about .1400. miles, having upon the sea costs such a numbered of havens and good towns, as few realms christened have the like.   

¶ The history of Naples.  
AFter Charlemagne had taken on him the occidental empire, and agreed with Niceforo emperor of Constantinople for their confines, leving (as I said before) the Duchy of Benevento for a mere between both, wherein he placed Grymoalde a noble man descended of the Lombard's nation, the realm of Naples rested in peace abouts the space of .27. years, till the coming of the Sarasines into Italy, 
829.  who landed at Civita Vecchia, razed it to the earth, went to Rome, spoiling and burning there what they would, 
The first coming of the Sarasines into Italy.  passed by Monte Casino and by the monastary of. S. Bennet, destroying all before them, and jaded with wonderful richesse, returned to their navy in the river Garigliano, and so passed home into their own country again.  
¶ Not long after the saracenes under their captain Sabba, returned into the realm, and besieged Taranto, 
845.  to the succours whereof the Greekish emperor sent his captain Theodosius, with a great army by sea, of the which .60. sail were venetians, who meeting with the saracenes, fought with them, were discomfited, many taken, slain, and drowned: and finally Theodo●ius himself put to flight.  
¶ Than the Sarasines took the isle of Candia, 
864.  and the more part of them arriving in Italy, took all the towns on the sea costs from Ancona to Otranto, and so about to Taranto, spoiling and burning over all, until at last, the Venetian army met with them, discoumfited them, and drove them clean away.  
¶ Within a while after Constantine a child, son unto Leo late emperor of Constantinople, was deprived of his estate by one Romano, general of his father's 〈◊〉. And this Romano (being also a Roman bor●e 〈…〉 condition) usurped the empire by force▪ which 〈◊〉 much ruffling, & namely the 〈…〉 Puglia rebelled against him. 〈…〉 on them, caused the Sarasines 〈…〉 who not only ouerronne those two countries, but also all the rest of the realm of Naples, and Campaine almost to Rome: intending to assault and sack it, had not john the ten than bishop of the same made a great army, that so fought with, and discomfited them, that they were feign to flee unto the mount of Gargano, now called saint Angelo: where they fortified theim selfes and dwelled many years, running now here now there through the realm, burning, spoiling, and killing in such wise that when they came before any town, and promised, not to kill the people nor to burn the houses, incontinently the inhabitants would yield he: because they had been so often beaten, that they thought resistance nought available.  
¶ And thus triumphed the saracenes in one part and an other of the realm, but most in Calabria and Puglia, 
Otho the first.  till the coming of Otho, the first of that name, emperor of Almain, into Italy. Who being arrived at Rome (for pacifying of certain rumours moved against john the xiii than bishop there) was persuaded by Pandolfe, prince of Capua, to send the army he had brought out of Germany into the realm: it should be an easy matter for him to drive all the Sarasines away. And so it proved: for the emperor had no sooner sent his son (also named Otho) with his power into those parts, but incontinently the Saracens made what they could to carry with them, 
964.  and so departed. By reason whereof, 
Otho the two.  this Otho the second, held the realm as his own certain years, till the Greekish emperor Basilio, sent a mighty army of Greeks and Sarasines into Puglia, and there discomfited Otho in such wise, that if the Greeks had known how to have used their victory, they might easily have recovered Rome and all Italy. But they contented with the recovery of Calabria and Puglia, fortified the same and kept it, not without war, sometime of one prince, sometime of an other, and many times of the saracenes, that (still enjoying the isle of Sicilia) would by stealth, here and there, be doing mischief against their Christian neighbours.  
¶ Finally Henry the first emperor of Almain, Mighell Catalaico emperor of Constantinople, 
100LS.  and Sergius the four bishop of Rome, the realm of Naples stood thus divided into sundry dominions, Calabria and Puglia (as I have said) was in possession of the Greeks: the Romans some hear, some there in Campaine and theraboutꝭ, had their parts, and some other under the name of princes, occupied the rest.  
¶ Than one Tan●redi, Conte d' alta villa, 
Tanered● the Normain.  a Normain borne, came into Italy, who having xii sons of his own, and a certain number of other normans besides, took wages of Pandolfe prince of Capua, to serve in his wars against Guaimaro prince of Salerne: in which wars the Normains served so well, that Pandolfe prevailed as he would wish himself. But because he seemed to set little by those normans, after he had obtained his purpose, therefore when the time of their appointment was expired, they left Pandolfe, and went to serve Guaimato, whose estate by their help was shortly after much increased.  
¶ Finally Tancredi being dead, his son Guglielmo Ferrabach, was made general over the Normains, 
Guglielmo Ferrabach  that were than a great number: insomuch that the emperor of Constantinople determining utterly to drive away the saracenes, that than occupied the isle of Sicily, required his help, promising for his reward, the iiii. part of all that should be gotten. But when the Sarasines were all driven away, Morocco the emperors captain, took the whole realm of Sicily into his own hands to the emperors use, and would assign no part thereof to the Normains. Which wrong Ferrabach dissembled for the time, and so withdrew him withal his into Puglia, taking the most part of the country by force, and entering into Melfi (a very strong place before fortified by the Normans, for safeguard of their goods, wives and children) he prepared all things necessary for the war. And tarried till the forenamed Morocco came to besiege him with a notable army, and than (as an expert captain) considering the Greeks to be weary of their great travail from Sicily thither, incontinently issued out against them, and discomfited Morocco, slew the most part of his army, and drove him in manner clean out of Puglia, taking the possession of it into his own handis, and naming himself Earl of Puglia, and so continued the rest of his life, which was not long.  
¶ This Guglielmo Ferrabach than being dead, his brother Drogone, 
Drogone.  succeeded in the dominion of Puglia, who had divers conflicts with the Greekish armies, and divers fortune withal, but finally in a great battle, between the river Ofanto and the castle Oliue●●o, the Greeks were overthrown, and from that time forth, the Normains enjoyed the whole country of Puglia, as their own quiet possession.  
¶ After the death of Drogone, 
Hunfredo.  followed his brother Hunfredo, who continued vii years in the estate without any notable thing that happened in his time.  
¶ Than succeeded Godfrey an other brother, 
Godfrey.  in whose time the prince of Salern happened to be slain of his own men, and Gisulfo a Normaine made prince in his place. This Gisulfo had divers times attempted the getting of Benevento, and now of new made preparation for the same, wherefore Leo the ix than bishop of Rome, required succours of Henry the ii emperor of Almain then being in Rome. So the emperor sent for his Germans, that lay at Uercelly in Lombardy, and delivered them to the bishop, that in his own person, with the rest of those Italians he could make, entered into the realm, intending utterly to expulse the Normans. But Gisulfo, hearing of his coming, hasted to Benevento, took and fortified it, and afterwards abid the bishops army at a place called Civita, where in conclusion was stricken a sore battle, but the Normains got the victory, taking the bishop with certain of his cardinals prisoners, whom (after very gentle entreating they let go without ransom. For reward of which courtesy, the bishop afterwards confirmed unto the normans, all that they held in Italy, to be their lawful possessions.  
¶ Not long after this died Godfrey, and left the earldom of Puglia to his son Bagelardo. 
Bagelardo.  Wherewith Roberte (surnamed Guiscardo) brother unto Godfrey, was so much offended, that by force he chased his nephew out of the estate, and than occupied both the countries of Puglia and Calabria, adjoining also unto it, the city of Troia, which unto that day pertained to the Romans.  

Robert Guiscardo  ¶ This Robert was a man strong, hardy, and wise, who perceiving the great contention between the Romans and Nicolas the second their bishop (the better to establish his dominion) he sent his ambassadors to the bishop, who in company of those ambassadors came to the city Aquila, and there met with Robert: and had such communication to gathers, that Robert was contented to restore to the bishop, the cities of Benevento and Troia, with those other lands, that he before had taken from the church, 
Roberte created Duke.  for the which the bishop created him lawful Duke of Puglia and Calabria, and invested him in the same duchy, with gift of the standard of the church, so that Robert became liege man and vassal of the Roman see, and by the bishop's commandment brought his army to Rome, where he so chastised the Romans, that they gladly obeyed their holy Roman father.  
¶ Not long after, leaving his brother Guglielmo in Puglia, he passed into Calabria, and fortified the town of S. Mark, and departing thence encamped besides the river Moccato, near to the baynes, and shortly after got Cosenza and Martirano. Than went he to Squillaci and so a long the sea costs to Reggio: which he besieged, and finally did so much, that he got whole Puglia and Calabria, the land of Brutij, and the rest of the whole realm of Naples, giving unto certain of his brethren such part as pleased him. By reason whereof the same brethren (who a little before had been his contraries) consented wholly to call him from thenceforth Duke of Calabria and Puglia.  
¶ And though I covet to be brief, yet I woull not pass over one thing that happened in the time of this Roberte.  
¶ There was found in Puglia a certain image of marble, with a circle of brass in manner of a garland about his head, in which were written these words Kalendis Maijs Oriente Sole aureum caput habebo, the exposition or meaning of this sentence was diligently sought for by Robert, but none could declare it, till at last a Sarasine, learned in artemagike came forth, and (being prisoner) required his liberty for the intrepreting of it, which being granted, incontinently he said: The first day of the kalends of May, at the rising of the son, mark where the end of the shadow of this head shallbe, and digging there, you shall know the meaning of these words, which time was observed, and ere they had digged deep, they found a wonderful treasure▪ 
Treasure found under ground.  that afterward did no small service unto Roberte in his wars.  
¶ Than was the realm of Sicily under the Moors, whose prince Bestavetto, made one Bettimino his admiral or chief captain over the same. This Bettimino came secretly into Puglia to Roger, Duke Robertes brother, and showed him, how Sicily was in point to rebel, so that for a reward and other agreements between them, he finally opened to Roger the means, how he might get it. Which Roger by the help of his brother Robert, immediately enterprised, and passing with a power into Sicily, the first town he took was Messina, and at length chased away all the Sarasines, 
〈◊〉 conquered by the Normains  the whole island became subject unto him and his brother, so that for a token of this victory, Roger sent unto Alexandre the second: than bishop of Rome four camels laden with part of the pray of the saracenes, for a present. And wonder it was to see the speed of these victories, for Robert Guiscardo and his brethren, had brought all these dominions before rehearsed under them within the space of xviii years.  
¶ Not long after, Gregory the vii bishop of Rome, first fell out with Robert, but afterward being sore persecuted by Henry the iii emperor of Almain, he agreed with Roberte, and receiving of him only the mark of Ancona, he confirmed to him all that Nicolas the ii had before granted with rather more. For the which, when the same Gregory was after besieged in the castle. S. Angelo at Rome, by the forenamed emperor, 
Bishop of Rome besieged.  Robert Guiscardo came thither with an army, and raised the siege, leading the bishop (who was much hated of the Romans) with him to Salerno for his more surety, where he shortly after died.  
¶ Thus Robert, after many worthy feats done in Italy and Sicily, by occasion at last minded to drive Alessio, emperor of Constantinople out of his estate, and to be emperor himself, so that he passed the sea with an huge army, conquered Durazo, Valona, and diverse other cities in Dalmatia, Albania and Gretia: fought by sea with the greekish and Venetian armies both, and overcame them: and was like to have prevailed in his enterprise, had not death prevented him.  
¶ Finally as he was going into Greece at Cassiopoli, in the isle of Corfu, he sickened and died, 
108●.  leading a glorious and victorious life .60. years.  
¶ Than succeeded him in the duchy of Calabria and puglia Roger his younger son, 
Roger.  who in the counsel holden at Melfi, was confirmed by Urbane the second bishop of Rome. But Boemonde the elder brother (who ever had followed the father, and at that time remained captain over the army in Grece) hearing that no part of the dominion in Italy was reserved for him, waxed so wroth withal, that (habandoning all his father's enterprise) passed the sea with his army, to drive his brother out of the estate: and did so much, that after much fighting, by agreement part of Puglia was assigned unto him, though he enjoyed it not long. For immediately after followed the great voyage into the holy land upon the conclusion of the counsel made in Chiaramon●e d' aluerina in France. 
1094.  In which voyage amongst the other princes, Boemonde himself would needs go, and so worthily behaved him, that by assent of all men he was made prince of Antioch, and so continued honourably till his last day. By reason whereof his brother Roger remained quietly Duke of Puglia and Calabria, from the beginning of his reign about xxv. years.  
¶ Next him succeeded his son Guglielmo, 
Guglielmo .2.  that thinking to marry one of the daughters of Alessio emperor of Constantinople, ●oke shipping to go thither: and commended his estate to the protection of Calixt the second than bishop of Rome. But while Guglielmo was absent, Roger than Earl of Sicil●, son unto Roger brother of Robert Guiscardo, without any regard of the bishop, assaulted Calabria, and got the better part ere ever Calixt could secure it. And albeit the bishop raised such an army as the hasty time would serve, and came forth as far as Benevento, sending a Cardinal before with exhortations and excommunications, yet would Roger nothing decline from his purpose: but was rather more hot in his enterprise, and fortune so much favoured him, that after a numbered of the bishops army were fallen sick, and many of his dear friendis dead, the bishop himself sickened so sore that he was carried in a horselitter back to Rome, and all his people desperpled. By reason whereof Roger in manner without resistance, in short time got all Puglia and Calabria into his own possession, and so kept it, that when Guglielmo returned, deceived of his pretended marriage (finding himself also spoiled of his dominion) he was fain to repaired to his cousin the prince of Saern, where not long after he died, leaving none issue.  

Roger .2.  ¶ So Roger remaigning successor by inheritance, would no more be called Duke, but entitled himself king of Italy, which Calixt and Honorius (next bishop after him) dissembled, because they could not chose: but Innocence the second, their next successor would not abide that name, and therefore moved of disdain without measuring his force, sodenlely assembled such people as he could make, and went against Roger with so great a fury, that ere ever Roger could make any preparation, he drove him from. S. Germans, and out of all the abbey laudes (where Roger thought to have defended himself) and finally constrained him to flee into the castle Galuzzo, and there besieged him, till William Duke of Calabria, son of Roger, coming with an army to secure his father, discomfited the bishop's power, & finally took the bishop himself, withal his Cardinal's prisoners: whom Roger the father entreated very courteously, and at last licensed them to departed at their pleasure. In consideration whereof the bishop granted Roger all his own requests, the title of king only excepted: 
The citi● of Naples gotten by the Normains.  and amongst other things the city of Naples, which till that time had always been the emperors. For joy whereof Roger at his entry made an hundredth and fifty knights. But Innocence returning to Rome, found a new bishop made in his absence, one Peter, son of Pierleone, and was called Anacletus. Wherefore Innocence fled with certain ships of Pisa, into France. 
Roger entitled king of Sicily.  The mean while Roger visiting this other bishop Anaclete, obtained of him the title of king of both the Siciles, on this side and beyond the Faro. But within three years after, Innocence by help of the Pisani returned, and brought with him Lothayre Duke of Saxony, whom he crowned emperor. After which Coronation they both with a puissant army went against Roger, and took from him all that he had gotten in Italy, as far as the Faro di Messina, but within few years, when Innocent was dead, Roger recovered again all that they took from him, and did afterward many notable feats against Emanuel emperor of Constantinople, whose islands and towns he took by force, as Corfu, Corinthe, Tebes, and Negroponte, and burned the suburbs of Constantinople, assaulted the emperors palace, and for a memory of his being there, gathered apples in his Orchard.  
¶ He also fought with the Sarasines and rescued Lewis the vii French king out of their hands, taken by them by the way, 
11●9.  going into the holy land. And so reigning .24. years lord of Sicily, he died in the city of Palermo.  

Guglielmo iii.  ¶ Than succeeded his son William before named, who immediately overran the church lands, and was therefore excommunicated, insomuch that many of his own barons conspired with Adrian bishop of Rome against him. But finally after much a do he humbled himself to the bishop, of whom he was assoiled, and invested king of ●ewe in the dominion of both the Siciles. And after that made an army into Barbary, where by force he took and sacked the city of Tunyse: In his return from thence he vanquished the Greekish army by sea, though they were many more in numbered than he. But because he waxed afterwardis somewhat covetous, and burdeined the people with taxes and subsidies, his barons rebelled, took him in his palace at Palermo, and put him in prison. Than took they his eldest son Roger, and made him ride through the streets. After whom the people went crying: 
William deposed.  Life to king Roger, and death to the tyrant king William.  
¶ But the inconstant people repenting them of their error, or fearing lest Roger would revenge the injury done to his father, returned to the palace with a new rumour, and finding it closed, began to assault it, so that Roger thinking to appease them, came to a window, and as he would have spoken, was shot in to the head with an arrow, whereof he died.  
¶ Than was William taken out of prison and restored to his kingdom, 
William restored.  wherein after he had reigned in all .21. years. he died, ●euyng his son also named William in the estate.  
¶ This William for his good and peaceable governance was surnamed, The good king William. 
Guglielmo iiii.  For in 26. years reign, he never had war with any christian prince, except that little, that (moved only of a noble courage) he made against Andronico, who being left tutor to Emanuel the second, a child, usurped his empire of Constantinople. But the Constantinopolitans theim selfes arose against him, and hewed him to pieces, creating Isaac emperor in his place.  
¶ Many worthy feats did this William with his galleys against the infidels: 
1191.  specially in the usage that the two kings Philip of France, and Richard of England made into the holy land. During whose being at the siege of Acres, the good king William died in Palermo, without issue of his body.  
¶ Than the barons fearing the bishop of Rome should subdue them (whose subjects they would in no wise be) incontinently elected Tancredi (bastard son of the last Roger before named) to be their king. 
Tancred●.  But shortly Celestine the iii bishop of Rome, found mean to trouble him on this wise.  
¶ He crowned Henry the vi emperor on condition, that he at his own charges should conquer the realm of both Siciles, to hold it in fee of the church, restoring certain cities, and paying a certain tribute. And to make his matter the better, he secretly took out of the monastery of Palermo Constance a nun, daughter of the forenamed Roger, and (dispensing withal) gave her in marriage to this emperor Henry, crowning them both with the title of the foresaid realm. And so following that title the emperor besieged Naples, 
1191.  but by reason of a great plague in his army, he was feign to leave his siege and return into Almain. Before whose return (which was four years after) Tancredi died, not reigning fully ix years.  
¶ Immediately after, his wife Sibile caused William their son to be crowned. 
Guglielmo .5.  But the forenamed emperor (pretending title in the right of his wife) with a puissant army entered the realm, 
1195.  and in manner without resistance obtained the whole, driving the Queen and her son William from place to place so long, that at length he besieged them in a strong hold, where falling to composition, it was agreed, that William should enjoy the principate of Taranto, with the earldom of Leccio, yielding therefore due obedience to the emperor, who was sworn to observe this covenant. But contrary to his promise the emperor assoon as he had the mother and son in his hands, sent them both into Almain, and made William to be gelded, to the intent there should follow no more issue of that blood. And so ended that noble house of the normans miserably, 
End of the house of Normains  that about the space of .200. years had prospered, and at length reigned in Italy & Sicily, as you have heard.  

Henrico .6 Imperato●e.  ¶ After Henry the vi emperor of Almain (borne of the house of Suevia) had thus extinguished the dominion and power of the Normaine blood in Italy, he obtained the realm of Naples and Sicily, and reigned over them well near four years, and died. 
119●  Leaving the realm by testament unto his son Federike, whom his wife Constance bare after she was .50. years old: which being but a baabe, he committed to the protection of his mother Constance, of Innocent the iii than bishop of Rome, and of his brother Philip Duke of Suevia.  
¶ So Federike not fully iii years old was crowned king in Palermo: 
Federike.  shortly after whose Coronation his mother Constance died, commending the tuition of the estate wholly to the bishop of Rome, that accordingly mainteigned the same to his power: notwithstanding that during the no●eage of Federike, divers businesses happened in the realm. first by Marquarde an Almain, made Marquis of Ancona: by Henry the vi after by Gualtiero di Brenna a Frencheman, who in the right of his wife, one of the sisters of the last king William the Normain, pretended title to the realm. Finally by Ottho Duke of Saxony, which after he had obtained the imperial crown at Rome, disposed himself wholly to conquer Naples and Sicily: till the forenamed Innocent by way of excommunication had made so many of his nobles and prelate's to forsake him, that he was feign to leave his enterprise. At last Federike being grewen sufficiently in years, was called into Almain, and there elected emperor after the death of Ottho, so that returning to Rome, he was triumphantly crowned by Honorius the iii than bishop: 
122●.  in recompense whereof he gave the earldom of Fondi, with certain other lands to the church: but shortly after Honorius excommunicated Federike, the cause why I find not: so that Federike to annoy the lands of the church, gathered together a number of disperpled Sarasines, placing them in Luceria: and did so much hurt, that neither Honorius, nor yet Gregory the ix that was bishop after him xiiii years, had in manner any good days rest. Some hold opinion, that Gregory died only for sorrow. Nevertheless this Federike was a worthy man. He had iii wives, the first named Constance, sister to the king of Castille, by whom he had a son named Henry, that afterwards for rebelling against his father died in prison: the second was jolante, daughter of john di Brenna, 
the kings of Naples entitled kings of jerusalem  king of jerusalem, with whose marriage the title of the realm of jerusalem was given him, which title all the Napolitane kings have kept ever since, as the emperor doth at this day: the third was Isabella, daughter to the king of England. This Federike went into the holy land with a puissant army, and there behaved himself so valiantly, that the Soldan sued to him for truce, and upon agreement delivered to him the city of jerusalem, with the whole realm thereunto belonging (a few small fortresses only excepted) insomuch, that in the midst of Lent, 
1229.  he was in jerusalem crowned, and before his return re-edified the city of joppa, now called Zaffo. And after a notable victory had against the Milanese, with other their confederates of Lombardy, he entered into Cremona in manner of a triumph, leading after him a numbered of prisoners with their Carroccio, on the which Piero Tiepolo Potestate of Milan was hanged by one of the arms with an halter about his neck. 
Carroccio.  This Carroccio was a cart drawn by certain oxen, trimmed about with greeces or steps in manner of a kingly seat, and decked with ornaments of tapestry and silks of the best sort, with the standards and banners of all the confederate cities and nobles. Unto which as to the principal place of judgement or of audience all men used to resort. And when so ever the Carroccio, in any battle was lost, than was the field won, for about it was always the strength of the battle.  
¶ Of this battle and triumph one wrote these words, Hae occisis non sufficiunt sepulturae, nec Cremonae palatia multitudinem non capiunt captivorum, which is as much to say, To them that are slain sepultures suffice not, nor the palaces of Cremona are not able to receive the multitude of prisoners.  
¶ Than Gregory let cry the Croisie against him, and so much provoked him, that all the priests he took, he caused their shaven crowns to be cut a cross, with a number of other despites. And being at siege before the city of Faenza (which he took at last by composition) wanting money to pay his soldiers, 
●eather ●oygned for money.  he coygned leather, and valued it, which for the time served as well as silver or gold. Afterwards being returned into the realm, he received the leather and gave the value in gold for it again.  
¶ Entio king of Sardegna, and son of this emperor Federike, by his father's commandment, fought with the Genoese by sea, and overcame .40. sail of them, in which iii of the bishop of Rome's legates, with a numbered of other prelate's (going to the counsel at Rome made against Federike) were taken prisoners. And Entio writing to his father, to know what he should do with them, was answered thus in two verses. 
Omnes praelati pap●mandante vocati,  
Et tres legati Veniant huc usque ligati.  Which is as much to say, 
Send me those prelate's called by the pope,  
With their iii legates bound in a rope.   
¶ Finally Gregory the ix (as I said before) seeing he could by no mean prevail against Federike, sickened for sorrow and died.  
¶ Than succeeded Innocent the four who before being a Cardinal, was fast friend to the emperor. But assoon as he was bishop he became his mortal enemy: as Federike himself said, when the news of his election was brought him: now of a good friend shall I have an enemy. For in deed Innocent all his days ceased not to work against Federike all the mischief he could imagine. He fled into France: and called a general counsel in Lions, where Federike was double accursed: but he esteemed it not, answering always, that as long as the bishop went about temporal persecution, he would defend himself temporally.  
¶ Finally after many notable battles and victories, he finished his life in Fiorentino, 
1250.  a little town of Puglia, leaving general heir of the realm of Naples, his son Conrado, borne of his second wife jolante, who by election of the princes of Germany, succeeded his father in the empire. One other lawful child he had named Henry borne of Isabella his iii wife, to whom he assigned the island of Sicily from the Faro di Messina forwards. Than of bastards he had Entio beforenamed, king of Sardegna, Manfredo prince of Taranto, and Federike Prince of Antioch, with divers others not so notable.  
¶ As soon as Conrade being in Almain, 
Conrade.  heard of his father's death, he came with a great army, first into Lombardy, where he recovered many cities that newly had rebelled: and after passed into the realm, reducing also unto his obedience those towns that before his coming were in a rumour, of which some he destroyed and put to sack, as Capua and Aquino, and so finally besieged Naples, which at length he took by famine: overthrowing the walls and principal houses thereof, with banisshement of divers of the nobles. Thus when he had got Naples, the whole realm was clearly his own: so after he gave himself altogether to hunting and ha●kyng with other like pastimes. And being so in peace, his mother Isabella sent his brother Henry, than tender of years, to do reverence unto him, whom Conrade caused secretly to be murdered by the way. A child in wit and beauty very toward. 
Crueltee.  But the cruelty was not long unpunished. For Conrade himself, by procurement of his bastard brother Manfredo (as it was said) was poisoned within .v. months after.  
¶ Now it is to be understanded, that Henry the eldest son of th'emperor Federike, 
Corradino neri heir unto Conrade.  who (as I said before) died in prison, had a lawful son named Corradino, to whom after the death of Conrade all the dominion of Federike descended. But Innocent the four yet living, and considering Corradino being but a child in Almain, made an army, and withal speed went to Naples, where he was received, and (as it was thought) had in short space obtained the realm, 
1254.  had he not died immediately.  

Manfredo  ¶ By reason of whose death, Manfredo by title of tutor of the young Corradino (yet still in Germany) suddenly assaulted and discomfited the bishop's army, and within very short space brought the whole realm to obedience, ere the right tutors of Corradino in Almain, knew of this victory.  
¶ Than craftily he hired certain Almains to feign, that they came straight out of their countrei with news of Corradines' death: wherefore Manfredo with all his, clothed in black seemed greatly to lament the thing, insomuch that he caused the funerals honourably to be executed.  
¶ Not long after appeared himself in kyngelie habit, and was saluted and called king. Wherewith Alexander the four than bishop of Rome was sore offended, excommunicated Manfredo, and sent an army against him, which was discomfited. For Manfredo gathering into his hands the treasures of his predecessors, waged so many saracens, and banished men of the Florentines and Lombard's, that he was always to strong for the bishop.  
¶ After Alexander succeeded Urbane the four who to overcome Manfredo let cry a Croysie, under colour to expulse the saracenes out of Italy and Sicily. But the army of that Croysie was not sufficient to furnish the enterprise. So that Urbane of new began to devise a better way, calling Charles Duke of Angio and earl of Provence, brother unto Lewis the ten French king unto Rome, where first he made him Senator, and after crowned him king of Sicily and of jerusalem, upon condition, that he should pay yearly to the church .48000. ducats. Pursuing the title, Charles with his french army invaded the realm, and at last in plain battle fought with Manfredo besides Beneuent●, where Manfredo was slain, 
1265.  and his power discomfited, so that Charles finding after in manner no resistance, got the dominion over the whole realm, 
End of the house of Suevia in the dominion of Naples. Carlo Duca d' Angio.  and at length took the wife and son of Manfredo prisoners, which son bade his eyes put out, and after died miserably in prison in the castle De Lovo.  
¶ Than went Charles royally to Naples, where he found an infinite treasure that Manfredo had gathered, the third part whereof he distributed amongst his soldiers: and waxed so great, that Clement the four who succeeded Urbane, made him vicar of the empire in Italy: so that at his pleasure he road about to Utterbo and into Tuscan until the coming of Corradino beforenamed, right heir by title of the house of Suevia unto the crown of Naples, who having certain intelligence in Italy, came with a mighty power out of Almain to recover his inheritance. But Charles overcame him more by policy than strength in the plain of Palenta. 
1268.   
¶ And albeit Corradino and his cousin the Duke of ostrich very young men, 
Corradino beheaded.  fled in the discomfiture of the battle, and did disguise themselves in vile apparail, trusting to escape: yet their ill fortune at last discovered them, so that they were taken, brought to Naples, and there after a years imprisonment (against all law of arms or reason) openly beheaded: some say, through counsel of the bishop of Rome. For when Charles had asked counsel of the bishop, what he should do with Corradino, he answered these words, Vita Corradini mors Caroli, mors Corradini ui●a Caroli.  
¶ But surely Peter, than king of Aragone, justly reproved this cruelty in a letter written to Charles with these words, 
Crueltee.  Tu Nerone Neronior, et Sarracenis crudelior, that is to say, thou art more Nero than Nero himself, and more cruel than the saracenes. For in deed Charles went into the holy land with his brother Lewis the French king, and there being taken prisoners of the saracenes, were courteisly entreated and set to their ransom. Which thing gentleness and reason would he should have used towards Corradino.  
¶ But see what followed. The french officers and soldiers in Sicily, behaved themself to proudly with a certain kind of tyranny, as well against women as men, that the Sicilians conspired against them, through the instigation of one john di Procida, sometime physician to the king Manfredo, who after he had obtained promise of maintenance by king Peter of Aragone, wrought this conspiracy the space of xviii months (a wonder it could so long be kept secret) and so well it came to pass, that at the day appointed, with the first ringing of a bell to evensong, the Sicilians being armed, slew all the frenchmen, where so ever they found them, 
Rebellion in Sicily. Slaughter of Frenchmen.  they left not in all Sicily one frencheman on live, nor one woman that was known to be with child of a frencheman. Whereof yet unto this day, the Sicilians evensong, is used as a proverb in Italy.  
¶ And than by accord came the king of Aragone and received Sicily unto his dominion, 
Peter king of Aragone.  the rather because he had a certain title thereunto, as in the right of his wife Constance, daughter to the late king Manfredo. Unto whom also the bishop of Rome granted his consent, and in deed invested him king thereof by his ecclesiastical power.  
¶ Many things happened between king Charles and king Peter, & amongst other a defiance to fight hand to hand with the place appointed at Bordeaux, before our prince Edward, than ruler of Gascoigne: where both kings kept their day: but neither met, nor fought. And ere ever king Charles returned, Roger di Loria, admiral to king Peter, had fought by sea with Charles prince of Sal●rn, only son of king Charles, before Naples, and taken him prisoner, 
Charles son take prisoner.  with a numbered of the Neapolitan barons and gentlemen, that were all sent (except Charles with ix of the chiefest) into Sicily, 
Crueltee.  and there for a revengement of Corradinos death .200. of those nobles and gentlemen were beheaded on a day.  
¶ Finally king Charles upon his reiourne, made exceeding great preparation to invade Sicily, but ere he could bring it to pass, he died for anger and melancholy, 
1274.  after he had reigned xix years.  
¶ And for as much as some hold opinion, that this Charles was the first Neapolitan king, 
Title of the kingdom of jerusalem 1276.  that obtained the title of king of jerusalem, it is necessary to declare, by what mean.  
¶ The lady Marie, daughter of the prince of Antioch, resigned into the hands of this king Charles all her title to the realm of jerusalem, whereupon be caused himself to be crowned king of jerusalem, and with help of the venetians, sent Roger Di San Severino to be governor, to receive feaultee and homage of the christian barons there. Thus and not by the interest of Federike, the kings of Naples used the title of jerusalem: though I find not who was Mary's father, by name, nor yet by what reason that realm should appertain to her.  
¶ When king Charles was dead, his only son and heir, 
Carlo 2.  Charles prince of Salerne remained prisoner in Sicily, under the keeping of queen Constance, wife to king Peter of Aragone: and was by consent of the barons condemned to die, as it were for a full revengement of Corradinos death: but the noble heart of Constance, would not suffer it: Excusing the matter, that before she knew her husband's mind, she would not attempt so great a thing. Wherefore she sent him into Aragone, 
Prince Edward of England.  where he continued prisoner till king Peter died: and than by procurement of prince Edward, lord of Gascoigne, he was delivered and restored to his realm of Naples. Who was ransomed at .30000. marks: and for performance of covenants iii of his sons, and .100. gentlemen lay in hostage.  
¶ Here is to be noted, that within the space of one year died iii kings and a bishop of Rome, that is to we●e, Philip king of France, Charles king of Naples, Peter king of Arragon, and Martin the .4. bishop of Rome.  
¶ After Peter succeeded in the realm of Arragon his eldest son Aufus, in Sicily his son james, that held in prison the forenamed Charles the second.  
¶ Finally Aufus the elder brother being dead, james, to have the kingdom of Arragon in peace (sore vexed at that time by the French king) fell at composition with Charles, to renounce Sicily unto him, and so did. But Federike younger brother to james, 
Federike king of Sicily.  assoon as he heard thereof, got a certain power, went into Sicily, and got it to himself: by reason whereof between Charles and Federike was continual war many years, till at last Charles to have Calabria in peace (the most part whereof Federike had gotten by force) consented, that Federike during his life, should quetlie enjoy Sicily.  
¶ So Charles bringing all his things to a quiet, 
1309.  reigned .24. years, and died, leaving issue by his wife (Marry daughter of king Stephen of Hungary) ix. sons and v. daughters. The eldest named Charles martel, afterwards king of Hungary by the mother's title, Lewis the second son bishop of Tolouse in Spain, Robert the third son king of Naples. As for the rest, though they were princes, Queens and princesses, yet I pass them over, and will only speak of Lewis Duke of Durazzo, because Charles Da Durazzo (who was next king after the first queen johan) descended of him.  
¶ At the death of Charles, 
Robert.  Robert his iii son being in avignon, was called from thence to the dominion of Naples, and confirmed king by Clement the .v. than bishop of Rome, howbeit not long after Caronumberto king of Hungary, and son of his elder brother Charles, pretended title thereunto: but after long debating thereof, the lawyers finally determined, that Robert should continue, and Caronumberto should content him with the realm of Hungary. And though Robert was much troubled by the coming of the emperor Henry the vii into Italy, yet (after the emperor was poisoned by a black friar, in ministering him the sacrament of communion at Bonconuento besides Sienna, by order (as they say) of the Romish legate, king Robert prospered so well in Italy (by reason he was taken as head of the Guelfi) that he subdued Genoa: and the Florentines with their whole estate submitted themselves unto him, and accepted his son Carlo senza terra to be their lord. Which Charles not long after his establishment in that dominion, returned to Naples and died.  
¶ Finally Robert himself sickened and died, without heirs males. 
1342.  And so the inheritance remained in the three daughters of his forenamed son Charles. Unto the eldest named johan, he by his testament left the realm, upon condition, that she should marry with his nephew Andrew, younger son of the abovenamed Caronumberto. In whose time lived Petrarcha and Bocchacio, 
Petrarcha Bocchacius  the one for verse, and the other for prose, famous in their Italian tongue: and for their virtues much cherished of this king Robert.  
¶ According to the testament of king Robert, his nephiew Andrew came out of Hungary, 
Giovanna prima. Queen johans. Husband strangled.  and married Queen johan, with whom he reigned scarcely iii years: but that she caused him to be hanged out at her chamber window, because (as the same went) he was not cockie enough to satisfy her appetite.  
¶ Than married she Lewis prince of Taranto, an excellent beautiful man. But Lewis king of Hungary, elder brother to Andrew, to revenge his brother's death, came with a puissant army into the realm, insomuch that the Queen and her husband both fled to avignon in Provence, leaving Charles da Durazzo, son of Lewis da Durazzo beforenamed, their lieutenant to defend: but the Hungarien so much prospered, that in short space he got the whole realm, and took this Charles da Durazzo, with his son Charles prisoners. The father was beheaded, as guilty of the death of Andrew, being of secret faction in arms with the Queen: the son was led prisoner into Hungary. Finally king Lewis, after he had been iii months in the realm, leaving a strong garrison of Hungariens at Naples, returned into his country.  
¶ Than Clement the .v. bishop of Rome entreated a peace between king Lewis and the Queen, in such wise, that johan returned into her state, with covenant, that her husband should in no wise bear the title of king. But what availed that: for she was no sooner in possession of the realm again, but she by favour of Clement, caused her husband to be crowned king in Naples, and by Clementꝭ procurement, 
135●.  got the consent of the king of Hungary thereunto. For the which she gave to the bishop the city of avignon, that the church ever since hath kept. But Lewis coveting to satisfy her fleshly appetite, fell in a consumption, and died, within iii years after.  
¶ Than she mari●d james of Ta●racone, a young gentleman borne in Maiorica, than reputed the goodliest fellow in the world: But to him she granted not the title of king. Within few years he died: some say by natural infyrmitee: other say, she caused his head to be stricken of, for companying with an other woman.  
¶ After she married Ottho, Duke of Brainswich in Saxony▪ who then at that time served in the wars of Italy, reteigned with the bishop of Rome.  
¶ Finally, Queen johan, who favoured not Urbane the vi elected bishop, immediately procured certain Cardinals to elect one of the French faction: so they elected Clement the vii by reason whereof grew a great schism in the church. For Italy, Hungary and Almain favoured Urbane: France & Spain favoured Clem●nie. And Urbane to be revenged on the queen, made an army, and did so much, that he constrained both Clement and the queen, to flee from Naples to Avignon: where the queen considering she had no child, adopted Lewis Luke of Angio second son to king john of France to be her heir of the realms of Naples and Sicily, 
●itle of the second line of the house of Angio.  and thereof made sufficient writing: whereupon the second line of the house of Angio have ever since mainteigned their title that they have to the realm.  
¶ Shortly after the queen returned to Naples. But Urbane this mean while, had invested Charles da Durazzo (who as you have heard before, was led prisoner into Hungary) king of Naples, and wrought so well, that Charles by help of the king of Hungary (that than favoured him much) brought a great army with him, and inconclusion took Naples and the queen with her husband prisoners. 
1●●1.   
¶ The husband Ottho was set at liberty upon condition he should depart out of the realm. But the queen by sentence of the king of Hungary, 
Queen johan hanged.  was hanged at the same window, where she caused her first husband to be hanged. Her sister Marie (of her counsel in that matter) was beheaded.  
¶ This Marie was she, 
Marie.  of whom Boccace was enamoured, and for whose sake he wrote the two books, F●amme●●a and Filocolo. And amongst other verses written of this queen johan, I find ii very notable. 
Regna regunt vuluae, gens tota clamat simul, oh, veh,  
Interitus regni est à muliere regi,  Which in english are of this effect, 
Helas' crien the people all,  
A woman's shape weareth the crown,  
Woman's ruling the wealth turn shall,  
Of realms, quite upside down.   
¶ Queen johan being thus dispatched, 
Carlo .3.  Charles remeigned peasablie in possession of the realm, till Lewis Duke of Angio beforenamed (heir adopted) came with a gre●t army out of France to recover the realm as his inheritance: and by the help of certain princes of Italy, passed through Lombary, La Romagna, and La Marca, and so entered into Puglia, where many towns yielded unto him: continuing so a year and more, and to strength his army, Mounser de Couci was sent after him with .12000. horsemen from the French king. But he not following the Duke, passed through Tuscan, and besiegeing the Castle of Arezzo tarried so long, that ere ●u●r he could come to the succours, the Co●●e Alberico, gen●rall of the kings army, had discomfited the french army, and slain the Duke in the field. For whose death Charles withal his court, mourned in black a month, Mounser de Couci hearing of the Duke's death, sold the town of Arezzo to the Florentines for .40000. ducats, and immediately returned into France: so Charles had the realm in peace, till Urbane the bishop, who called him unto the realm, fell out with him, because Charles would not consent to make Butillo the bishop's nephew, borne of a vile stock, prince of Capua. Upon which breach Urbane cursed him: and because he had not power to revenge him upon Charles, he turned his wrath upon vii Cardinals that he suspected. Of whom he put .v. into sacks, and threw them into the sea, and the other two he put to death at Genoa, and dried their bodies in a furneise, carrying them afterwards on moils before him for an example to the rest.  
¶ Finally king Lewis of Hungary deceasing without heir male, the barons of the realm called king Charles to the dominion thereof, who at last went thither, and was crowned in Alba, but afterwards going to Buda, he was friendly called to a supper by the old queen and her daughter, 
Murder. 13●6.  and there traitelously slain at the table.  
¶ This Charles had given to him to wife by Lewis king of Hungary, Margarete youngest sister of queen johan before mentioned, on whom ●e begat two children, Ladislaus and johan. But assoon as the Napolitanes heard of Charles death, they took their own liberty upon them, so that queen Margarete, with her children, was feign to flee to Gae●ta, where she remained in much care and trouble four years, why lest the whole realm was turned and tossed: first by Ottho late husband to queen johan, who got a great part thereof, and died at Foggia, than by Lewis the second Duke of Angio, who following his father's title, sent certain galleys to Naples to maintain those Napolines that took his part.  
¶ Finally Boniface the ix than bishop of Rome, admitted the excommunication made against Charles: 
Ladislaus▪ 1370.  and caused Ladislaus to be crowned king at Gaetta. And albeit the forenamed Lewis of Angio, came to Naples with an army by sea, and was there received: yet Ladislaus by little and little so alured the barons to him, that he not only constrained Lewis to withdraw him into Provence, but also brougte Naples and the rest of the realm obedient to him. Thries he attemted the getting of Rome, which the fourth time he obtained, 
Rome gotten .1408.  insomuch that entering triumphantly, the Roman nobility did him homage. But what followed? Alexander the .v. being made bishop of Rome in the counsel at Pisa, received the forenamed Lewis of Angio that than was newly comen thither to do him honour. For the which he obtained of Alexander the investiture of the realm of Naples, and provision was made for recovery of Rome and tother lands of the church, which within short time was brought to pass.  
¶ Finally Lewis conducted an army out of France, and augmenting it with the Florentine and bishop of Rome's powers, entered the realm: where in plain battle he so discomfited Ladislaus, that if Lewis had known how to use his victory, he might have had Ladislaus in his hands, and also the whole realm: as Ladislaus, talking of this battle was wont to say, the first day (said Ladislaus) if they had followed it, they might have been lords both of my realm and person, the second day of the realm, but not of my person, and the third day neither of my realm nor person. For the leisure that Ladislaus had after this discomfiture, served him so to fortify the passages, that Lewis notwithstanding his victory, was feign to retire to Rome, and so back into France. By reason whereof, Ladislaus remaining quiet in his estate, 
Rome the second time gotten by Ladislaus.  disposed himself of new, to recover Rome, and partly by intelligence, partly by force did so: putting to sack only the Florentines goods, that he found there. And at last sickened in Perugia, some say of a fever, some say of poison: so that he died, 
1414.  when he had reigned .29. years. And le●uyng none issue of his own body, the realm descended to his sister johan Da Durazzo.  

Giovanna ●.  ¶ Thue johan, late Duchess of Sterlich, attained the realm, without impediment, by reason of xvi thousand horsemen that served her brother at his death, with good captains, as Sforza da Corigniola, gli A●●endoli, lacopuccio, and divers others. But because she was somewhat noted for keeping company with a goodly young man named Pandolfello, whom she made her chamberlain, her barons persuaded her to marry: so that she took to husband james of Nerbona in Pro●ance, than earl de La Marca in Italy, upon condition, that he should in no wise take on him the title of king. But he was not long married till by comfort of the barons: he took the kingly name upon him, and caused Pandolfello to lose his head: using Sforza v●raie hardly, and all thorough the instigation of julio Caesar da Capua● who therefore by the queens policy lost his head.  
¶ And though the Earl james (suspecting his wife's courage) would not suffer her to go out of the Castle where they lay: yet at last with lowly behaviour, growing out of suspicion with her husband, she had liberty to go so often abroad into the town of Naples, that finally she made a conspiracy against him, and got him into prison: reigning afterwards herself alone. Than took the john Caracciolo to be her high steward, whom she loved more than enough: so that by him all things were governed. And upon contention between him and Sforza (who was in manner as a general amongst the men of war) the Queen defied Sforza. Much a do there was, but at length Sforza was reconciled, and the steward banished. And partly through the bishop of Rome's intercession, the Earl james was delivered out of prison, & restored to the queens favour. But for all that, not long after the Earl james began to work against Sforza, who (perceiving it) found the mean to bring the steward home again, and thereby not only purchased the queens favour, but also brought the matter so to pass, that the Earl james fled into France, 
141●.  became an eremite and there died. After whose departure, by commission of the bishop of Rome, Queen johan was crowned in Naples: but ere the year was ended, the Queen lost the bishop's favour and banished Sforza: who by the bishop's procurement, became captain under Lewis, the iii Duke of Angio, than newly entitled king of Naples) and raising an army, camped before Naples, abiding the coming of Duke Lewis: who with an other army arrived there.  
¶ This mean while, Queen johan (seeing the power of her enemy Duke Lewis, 
Alfonse adopted heir to Queen johan.  to be to strong for her alone) practised with king Alfonse of Aragone, to accept him as her son, to inherit the realm after her: and thereof made sufficient writing, with deliverey of two strong Castles in Naples, castle novo, and Castle di Lovo, that in king Alfonse name were received as a pledge of possession. Whereupon king Alfonse in person, with a great army by sea came to Naples, and th●re fought with the Duke Lewis and his captain Sforza. And though fortune for a time was favourable to Duke Lewis, yet at length through practice and lack of money, Sforza became the Queen's man: so that Lewis was fain to leave the enterprise, and draw to Rome: by reason whereof the Queen with Alfonse remained in peace: 
Discord  till discord fell between them. The first occasion was because the proclamations were made in the queens name, without any mention of Alfonse: which moved the barons of Aragone to conceive a great dishonour, that a king of such reputation, should lie there in that estate. So much grew this matter, that at last king Alfonse took the queens best beloved steward prisoner, and besieged the Queen. How be it, Sforza having received her letters, came straight to Naples, fought with Alfonse power, had the better hand, entered into Naples, and conveyed the Queen away with him: Wherefore king Alfonse augmented his power, and after hard fight with Sforza, recovered Naples, streigning the realm so much, that by counsel of Sforza, the Queen finally agreed with Duke Lewis, and adopted him for her son and heir: by whose means Naples was recovered again to the Queen's use. And so ten years after, 
1424.  the Queen and Duke Lewis reigned in peace, and than died both. 
1434.  The queen by her testament, 
End of the house of Durazzo. Alfonse.  left the realm to Raynolde Duke of Lorraine, brother to the foresaid Lewis. Thus ended the succession of Charles of Angio first king of that house.  
¶ Whether the Queens testament were feigned or true, it was uncertain: For incontinently upon her death, the city of Naples, ordained among them a common wealth, and made no mention of any testament, until they saw plainly, that the bishop of Rome went about to bring them under him. Than they not only published raynold to be their king, but also sent for him, to come and receive the possession of the realm.  
¶ This mean while in the wars between England and France, raynold happened to be taken prisoner: so that he could not come to Naples. Than king Alfonse came into the realm through intelligence that he had with many of the nobles, and besiegeing the town of Ga●erra (than defended by certain Genoese, sent thither by Duke Filippo Maria of Milan) at last fought with the Genoese army by sea, 
King Alphonse taken prisoner.  in which conflict were slain of the kings part, about .5000. and the king himself, with his ii brethren, the master of saint james in Galice, divers of the greatest princes and barons of Spain, and of knights to the numbered of .200. taken prisoners: and all brought to the forenamed Duke Philip to Milan: who after very gentle entertainment, delivered them without ransom. So Alfonse being restored to liberty, & wa●yng strong through the amity of the Duke of Milan, disposed himself to recover the realm, and came thither immediately with his power, obtained Gaietta, and went to Capua, which had been always kept for him: how be it, during the time of his imprisonment, the Neapolitans seeing they could not have raynold, fet his wife Isabella Duchess of Angio unto Naples, and did their best by way of assault to win Capua. But now that king Alfonse was reiourned, the part of Angio so much declined, that Isabella was feign to resort for help to Eugenio than bishop of Rome, who sent the Patriarch Vitellesco to Naples.  
¶ This Patriarch was a stout man, metre for the field than for the church. 
Patriarch Uitelesco.  For first he discomfited the army of the prince of Taranto, and took the prince himself prisoner, and long time valiauntely bore himself in the wars against Alphonse, one while with force, an other while with policy, so that being fallen with his army in the danger of the king (through besetting of the streictes and lack of victual) he handled himself so humbly, that the king (embracing his fair offers) granted him truce, and under colour of the same truce, he (being armed, and the king unarmed) came to Villa Giuliana, and so narrowly beset it, that with much ado the king escaped his hands. Leaving all his baggage and carriage for a pray to the Patriarch. Finally raynold beforenamed, being put to his ransom, 
Rainoldes coming to Naples.  came with xii genoway galleys to Naples, where with kingly honours he was tryumphantlye received: and so much increased his power, that it was doubted, whether of the two parts were the better. raynold defied Alfonse body to body, which Alfonse refused not. Howbeit at the day and place of battle appointed, raynold appeared not. And albeit that raynold for a time prospered and got into his hands the castle novo, and castle Diego Lo●o, that king Alfonse had always kept since he received them at queen johans' hands, till that time, yet at last (after the death of jacomo Caldora, one of the principallest of the Angjoine part) Alfonses pour so much increased, what by battle, and change of divers of the barons affections (who leaving the Angjoine part became Aragonese) that he recovered Naples and all the whole realm: entering into the city in manner of triumph: where for a perpetual memory of his victory, the Napolitanes before the castle gate, erected a notable fair arch of marble.  
¶ Thus Alfonse, obteigning the quiet possession of the realm▪ used new means of amity with Eugenio than bishop of Rome: and did so much, that Eugenio confirmed him in the estate, and invested his bastard son Ferdinando successor to the crown. For which investiture, king Alfonse upon covenant invaded the country De La Marca, and taking it by force from Francisco Sforza (afterwards Duke of milan) restored it to the church. And than in recompense of the great courtesy received of Philip Duke of Milan, he made war in his favour against the Florentines, and achieved many worthy enterprises, being in manner the only stay of Duke Philip in his later days: so that the Duke by his testament made him his heir of the estate of Milan, but he enjoyed it not, as in the history of Milan appeareth.  
¶ Finally, after a general league made in Naples between all the astates of Italy, except the Genoese, Alfonse made an army, and besieged Genoa for breach of certain articles concluded long before at the making of a peace between them: which the Genoese were bound to give to the king yearly in manner of a tribute a basin of gold, and the cause of their withholding, was for that the king would never receive it otherwise than sitting in his majesty, as though he triumphed over them.  
¶ The provision made for the continuance of that siege was so great, that by common opinion the city must needs have been his, 
145●.  had he not died, the .66. year of his age, and the .22. year of his reign in Naples. Leaving for successors in the realm of Aragone and Sicily his brother john, and in the realm of Naples his son the forenamed Fernando.  
¶ Of this king Alfonse a●e written many great praises, for his valiantness his temperance his learning, his liberality and other like virtues.  
¶ Ferdinando, bastard son to king Alphonse, succeeded his father, 
Ferdinando.  in the beginning of whose reign Calisto, than bishop of Rome, pretending the title of the realm to be fallen to the church for lack of lawful heirs, excommunicated Fernando: and made great preparation to invade: but death prevented him. So that Fernando (warned thereby) used such means of friendship with Pio his next successor, that he was not only confirmed in the estate, but also crowned by certain Cardinals sent to Naples for the purpose.  
¶ New assoon as the news of Alphonse death was known, Duke john, son of the forenamed raynold (in hope of mutation in the realm) made an army by sea, with help of the Genoese, and landing within the territory of the Duke of Sessa, overran divers provinces, and got daily towns and friends, so that Fernando was like to be put to the worse, had not the bishop of Rome and the Duke of Milan taken his part: by whose help Duke john at length was by force constrained to leave his enterprise, and most part of those barons that took his part came and submitted theim selfes unto Ferdinando, who graciously pardoned them, and restored them to their astates.  
¶ Than died Pio, and Paul the second succeeded, who oftentimes troubled the realm.  
¶ After the death of king john of Cyprus, Ferdinando coveiting to conquer that realm, was resisted by the venetians: between whom happened cruel war, so that the venetians took truce with the Turk, 
The Turk in Italy.  and (as the fame went) were occasion that he assaulted and took Otronto in Puglia by force: which should have caused greater mischief in Italy, had not the Turk (than Mahomet the ii) died.  
¶ Immediately upon whose death king Ferdinando sent his eldest son Alfonse Duke of Calabria, to conquer Otronto, which after long siege and sore fight, was (for lack of succours) recovered.  
¶ Next Paul the second, succeeded sixth the four bishop of Rome, and after him Innocence the four who both wonderful inconstantly one while were friends, and an other while foes to the king.  
¶ Finally this Ferdinando was noted to be very covetous. 
Covetousness .1489.  For, calling a counsel of his barons in the city of Chieti, he would have increased his subsidies and taxes. And because divers of his nobles dissuaded him from it, he put some of them to death, & some he imprisoned: from some he took their goods, and some willingly rebelled against him: in which travail and tyranny he continued till he died, 
1494.  leaving issue males ii sons, Alphons and Federike.  

Alfonse .2.  ¶ After the death of Ferdinando, his son Alphonse, than Duke of Calabria, with consent of all the barons and nobles, was admitted king, and sending to Rome to Alexander than bishop, for his confirmation, the Cardinal Borgia, with a numbered of prelate's was sent to Naples, where by authority of the Romish bulls, he invested and crowned the king.  
¶ Than the king fell at variance with Lodovico Sforza, Duke of Milan, because he usurped the estate that of right appertained to his nephiewe Giangaleazzo, son in law to king Alfonse, so that Lodovico (mistrusting the kings power, that in deed was bend against him) found the mean to bring Charles the viii. French king, into Italy, who pretending to go against the Turkis, found no resistance: by reason whereof he not only ouerronne Tuscan and took thestate of Rome from the bishop, but also conquered the whole realm of Naples: although he enjoyed it not long: For all the princes of Italy immediately so colleged theim selfes against him: that he was feign to retire with speed, and was nevertheless overtaken and fought with besides Parma, where he lost the greatest part of his cottages, and divers of his nobility were taken prisoners.  
¶ Now assoon as king Alfonse heard, that the french king was arrived in Lombary, considering himself to be hated of his barons, and his son Ferrandino contrariwise well-beloved, incontinently renounced the estate unto his son, took his treasure with him, and sailed into Sicily, where for the time of his short life (that dured scarce one year) he disposed himself to study, solitariness, and religion.  
¶ Than Ferrandino was embraced of all men, 
Ferrandino.  in such wise that he was thought able to resist the French king. Yet notwithstanding that the streictes and passages were kept, and the Neapolitans army great in the field, the french men prevailed not only in the conquest of the realm, 
Morb●● Gallicus.  but also in the getting of that disease, that for ever shall be a memory unto their name.  
¶ In effect king Ferrandino, seeing his own debilitee in respect of Charles force, determined with patience to overcome his adverse fortune: and so with vii galleys departed out of the realm, and went into the isle of Procida, where he remained till he heard of the French kings departure, and than being revoked by the Neapolitans, not only Naples, but also divers other cities thereabouts expulsed the frenchmen, 
1496.  and raised their own kings standards.  
¶ Upon this, Ferrandino sent for succours to the Venetians, offering them Brundusio, and iii other haven towns in Puglia, to help him to expel the frenchmen out of the realm. Which offer was accepted, and Frauncesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, with an army sent thither: who together with the Neapolitan power, within the space of one year, drove the frenchmen clean away. Not long after recovery of his whole estate, Ferrandino (without issue) died of the flux: Leaving his uncle Federike inheritor to the realm.  
¶ Note here, that within the space of xvi months were iiii▪ severalle kings of Naples, that is to weet, Ferdinando, Alphonso, Ferrandino, and Charles.  

Federike.  ¶ Finally Federike, brother to the last Alfonse, succeeded to the crown, but ere he had fully reigned four years, hearing of the French kings coming Lewis the xii and considering himself destitute of money, friendship, and abilitee to resist, he sold his armours and munition for .30000. ducats to the Duke Valentino Borgia, son to the bishop of Rome: and with the rest of his treasure and implements, went into France, and there yielded both himself and his realm into the French kings hands: who received him, and appointing him an honourable provision, 
End of the house of Aragone in Naples. Lewis the .12. of France.  kept him in France till he died. And thus ended the reign of the house of Aragone in the realm of Naples.  
¶ And though upon the surrendre of this Federike (whom many charge with cowardice for the vile submitting of himself, without any proof of force) the french king obtained the whole realm: 
1501.  yet he died, not long enjoying it, either by reason of the intolerable proud behaviour of the French governors, or else through the inconstant nature of the Neapolitans, Ferdinando king of Spain (commonly called Il Re Catholico) coumforted thereunto unto by many of the barons, and specially by the citizens of Naples, sent a puissant army into the realm against the frenchmen: Who within less than two years, partly by force and partly by treaty, were clean expulsed: so that in fine, the realm rested wholly in peaceable possession of the Spanish king.  
¶ Ferdinando the .v. of that name, king of Spain, 
King Ferdinando of Spaigne.  chasing away the frenchmen, enjoyed quietly the realm of Naples unto his death: and easily recovered of the venetians the four ports in Puglia, that Ferrandino had given them. By reason that when all the Christian princes were entered into a league at Cambray against the venetians, they at that time made none offer of resistance: but rather consented unto the rendering of them: like as in hope of peace they granted unto all the other princes what they would axe, Venice only excepted.  
¶ Finally Ferdinando deceasing, 
Charles the .v. Emperor 1515.  Charles the .v. now emperor of Almain (son and heir of Philip Duke of Burgoyne, and of johan his wife, eldest daughter and heir of the forenamed king Ferdinando) succeeded in the realm of Naples, as he did in all the other realms and dominions that Ferdinando had: and hitherto enjoyeth the same.  
¶ It is true, 
1528.  that the French king sent Mounser de Lautrech his general, with a puissant army to conquer the realm. Where between the parties French and Spanish were done many worthy deeds of arms, Naples itself was besieged by sea and land, until Andrea Doria, general of the french kings army by sea, revolted from the French king to the service of the emperor. From which time the hope of the French armies prosperity began to abate: and fortune so much to go against them, that what through extreme plague, and through the hardiness of the imperials, that began to take courage, the frenchmen were constrained to raise their assiege, Mounser de Lautrech, with many other of the best French captains being dead, some of the plague, and some of the sword: so that of .60000. which under the French standard came thither to the siege, escaped not fully .2000. on live. From which time hitherwardes the emperor hath had no notable trouble there, 
1547.  saving that now of late is begun a little strife between the Vicere Don Diego di Toledo, and the barons of the realm, for making of certain laws, and some bicketing and slaughter hath happened between the Spaniards and them, and many gentlemen are fled to Rome and other places for fear of punishment. But because the thing is not of such importance as should seem to move war, I shall not need to make further rehearsal.   

The description of Florence.  
Florence, an excellent fair city, standeth at the foot of the Apennine hills, in a little valley named Arno of the river Arno, that runneth through it. Coming to it (excepted by the river side) the descending is such, that a man may easily behold every part of the city: without the which, down along both sides of the valley are so many fair palaces and sumptuous houses, that for the space of viii or ten miles it seemeth in manner but one town.  
¶ The city itself is esteemed to be vii miles in compass, 
The circuit of the city.  walled with square stone in manner as hard as flynte, and of a great height, with a numbered of goodly towers after the ancient building, strong enough to defend, but nothing apt for artillery to offend after the manner of these days: For they were builded before the invention of guns.  
¶ Over the river within the city are four very fair bridges of square stone, on the furthest down the river, 
Bridges,  hath been a little marble image of Mars, which was set there by an astronomer about the first building of the city, in such a conjunction of the celestial bodies, that it promised prosperity to the city aslonge as that image should stand: threatening the decay of the same, assoon as it were gone. And as I have been credibly informed, within less than these .20. years, it fell, and is gone no man can tell how. shortly whereupon the empeperours' army besieged the Florentines, and took their liberty from them.  

Arno.  ¶ The river Arno is not lightly big, but ones a year, when the son hath power to dissolve the snow on the mountains, it swelleth so, that it may in manner be compared to Thames at London, saving it serveth not for vessel to come from the sea: by reason of the swift stream. Wherefore the Florentines are feign for the most part to fetch their merchandise that come by sea, from Pisa .40. miles of by land.  

Edifices.  ¶ Within the city are many goodly temples and other edefices, amongst the which the cathedral church is an excellent fair building. For the walls without are all covered with fine white and black marble, wonderfully well wrought, and over the queer is an whole vault called Cupola, fashioned like the half of an egg, rising between iii isles and the body of the church: so artificially made, that almost it seemeth a miracle. For it is so high, that the pommel on the top being able to contain vii persons, seemeth a very small thing to them that stand by low. And the compass of it by the base, is about .160. paces. Besides that the floor under this vault round about the choir is laid with fine marble of divers colours so fair, that it yieldeth a delight to them that walk upon it.  
¶ The steeple standing besides the church, is likewise of fine marble a very fair and square tower, equal in height to the circute of the base, with divers stories and things graven in it, so artificial and costly, that it deserveth singular praise.  
¶ The temple of. S. john, called Il Battesimo, is likewise of fine marble both within and without, having a numbered of goodly pillars and iii brazen gates very sumpivouse and fair. Many other goodly churches there be, which should be to long here to rehearse.  
¶ The Duke's palace, with the place before it, representeth a very stately and ancient majesty. 
Wild beasts,  On the backside thereof, is the house, wherein the wild beasts are kept, as lions, tigers, bears, wolves, apes, eagles, gripes, and such other, whereof there be not a few.  
¶ The ii principal houses of Strozzi and Medici seem rather the buildings of princes than of private men. And generally the citizens houses for their beauty are worthy of much praise. Howbeit, they may make them good cheap, because they have marble and stone plenty in the mountains there by, insomuch that all their streets: which are very fair, large and straight, are paue● with flat stone. But amongst all other they have divers goodly hospitallles, 
Hospitals.  for relieve of the sick and poor, and one very fair, so well ordered, that it receiveth a great number of men and women, but into several houses: where they are applied with good physic, and their beds, their sheets, and every other thing so clean, that many times right honest men and women be not ashamed to seek their health there. For that hospital alone may dispend yearly above .20000. crowns: by reason whereof they have excellent physicians, good pothecaries, diligent ministers, and every other thing necessary.  
¶ Finally there is a very fair and strong cas●●ll, called Ci●tadella, more than a mile and half in compass, builded by the last Duke Alexander, for a bridle to the Florentines, because he had than newly taken their liberties from them: they being for the most part so variable and inconstant, that the other Italians have used to call than Bizzari, which signifieth wild headed.  
¶ Three miles without the city, the Duke hath made a garden at a little house that was his fathers. Wherein is a labyrinth or maze of box full of Cypre trees, having in the midst one the fairest conduit of white marble, that ever I saw: besides that it hath divers other conduits, and such conveyances, that in manner every flower is served with renning water: and all the channels are of white marble so fair, that it is in my judgement at this present, one of the excellentest things in all Europe.  

¶ The Florentines customs.  
THe common opinion is, that the Florentines are commonly great talkers, covetous, and spare of living: but they be fine and cleanly.  
¶ In deed he that buyeth at the shambles more meat than their manner there alloweth, is incontinently noted and spoken of. But for all the lack that is laid to them as a reproach, yet did I never see it so scarce, that a reasonable man ought to find fault withal. And if men generally in other places could follow it, the rich should live more healthfully: and the poor find more plenty.  
¶ I continued there a certain space at mine own charges, and lay a good while with Master Bartholomew Panciatico, one of the notablest citizens: where I never saw the fare so slander, but any honest gentleman would have been right well contented withal. And yet I dare avow, he ex●eded not the ordinary. Besides that the fine service, the sweetness of the houses, the good order of all things, and the familiar conversation of those men, were enough to feed a man: if without meat men might be fed. I woull not deny, but many of them use much talk, which I think proceedeth of the desire they have to seem eloquent. For he is not reputed a man among them, that can not play the Orator in his tale, as well in gesture as in word. 
The Academy.  And therefore I suppose their Academy was first ordained: which is one of the goodliest orders that I have s●ene.  
¶ A certain numbered of the chief of them, being well learned, are drawn into a company, whereof the Duke himself is one. These every holiday at iii of the clock at after noon, assemble in an hall appointed, where one of them mounteth into a place called the Harange, a little higher than the rest, and in his own mother tongue maketh an Oration of an hour long, of what matter so ever he thinketh best himself. This Orator hath warning so to do by an officer a great space before his day. For they chose every half year a Consul, who appointeth a sundry man to the Harange for every holiday. And when the hour of assembly approacheth, the most part of the company repair to the Consul, and so bring him honourably to the place: where he sitteth highest, though the Duke himself be present. And for my part I never heard reder in school, nor preacher in pulpit handle them selves better, than I have heard some of these in the Harange.  

Women.  ¶ The Florentines wife's are nothing so gay as the venetians. For they love a modesty in their women's apparel: and specially if she pass the age of xl lightly she weareth but plain black cloth. And they keep their maidens so streict, that in manner no stranger may see them.  
¶ The common people are very religious, and for the most part full of superstition: but they that are reckoned wisest, believe much with Pliny. And where they have been much burdeined with Sodomy in time past. I can not perceive there is any such thing now.   

¶ Of the Duke's dominion and revenue.  
Besides Florence, the Duke hath under his dominion vi cities, Pisa, Volterra, Pistoia, Arezzo, Cortona, and Borgo, with divers other good towns, and the greatest part of Tuscan, and may dispend better than .500000. crowns of yearly revenue: the greatest part whereof riseth upon the ten that is paid him of all the lands within his dominion.    

Of the edification and success of the city of Florence.  
Conferring the discourse of divers authors togethers, toucheing the Florentine histories, and finding the effects of them all gathered in one by Nicolas Macchiavegli, a notable learned man, and secretary of late days to the common wealth there: I determined to take him for mine only author in that behalf.  
¶ It is manifest, that from the ancient city of Fiesole (the old rewines whereof are yet to be seen, on the top of an hill two miles from Florence) the city of Florence had her beginning principally. For by reason Fiesole slode high, and was painful for merchantmen to bring their carriage unto, the citesins kept their market on the side of the river Arno in the plain, where Florence now standeth: and building there shops for their wares, from shops they grew to houses, and from a few to many, so that at length it became a town, which increased much through certain Colonies of the Romans sent thither first by Sylla, and after by those three Romans, which after the death of Caesar divided the empire between them.  
¶ And albeit, that some have contended upon the name, affirming, that it was first called Fluentia, and after corrupted Florentia: yet mine opinion agreeing with Macchiavegli, is, that from the beginning it was called Florentia. Under the Roman empire, and about the beginning of themperors, it seemeth to take first name and reputation. For when the empire began to be afflicted of barbarous nations (as the Italians call them) than was Florence also destroyed by Totila king of the east Goats .250. years after it was re-edified by Charlemagne, 
Florence destroyed and re-edified.  and so continued as one of the principal cities of Italy, unto the year of our lord .1215. always as subjects, first to the succession of Charlemagne, after to Berengarii, & lastly to themperors of Almain, by which time the Florentines could do nothing worthy of memory, for the power of them whose subjects they were: Nevertheless in the year .1010. they took Fiesole and destroyed it utterly, either by the emperors consent, or else between the death of the one emperor and the election of the other.  
¶ But when the bishops of Rome began to grow great, and the emperor little, most part of the cities of Italy gan to govern theim selfes with small regard towards their prince: 
1080.  so that in the time of the emperor Henry the iii all Italy was divided between him and the church. notwithstanding the Florentines in all those troubles kept themselves united togethers, and obeyed the strongest. Until the year .1215. But like as after long health sickness is more perilous, so the longer Florence forbore to follow the sects of Italy, the more affliction they suffered, when they fell to division among theim selfes. The first occasion whereof was.  
¶ amongs their noble families were two principal, Bondelmonti, and Uberti, next them were Amidei and Donati. In the family of Donati was a rich widow, that had a wonderful fair daughter: which she purposed to bestow on a young knight, chief of the family of Bondelmonti. But he, not knowing either the fair daughter or the widows purpose, was betrothed to a maid of the house of Amidei. Wherewith the widow was wonderfully offended. And thinking with the beauty of her daughter to break that marriage, on a day as the gentleman passed alone by her door, she called him, and having her daughter with her, said: I rejoice at your good marige, notwithstanding I have a great while kept my daughter here for you. At whose beauty the gentleman being astonished, and considering her dower should be greater than the others, without respect to his trought given, or to the inconveniences that might follow for the breach thereof, forthwith answered, that sins she had kept her for him he should be much unkind to refure her, and so incontinently married her. Which injury the family of Amidei, with help of the Uberti, determined to revenge. So waiting their time on Easter day in the morning at the foot of the bridge Ponte Vecchio, as master Bondelmonti was riding to church, they slew him. 
Division.  Whereupon the whole city was divided in two parts, the one with Bondelmonti, and the other with Uberti. And because these two famimilies had many strong houses and towers, specially in the countrei, they warred togethers many years with divers fortunes. And although they never concluded a full peace, yet many times they took truce: In which estate Florence continued until the time of the emperor Federike the ii who being king of Naples, and at variance with the church of Rome, to make him self the stronger in Tuscan, took part with the Uberti: by reason whereof the Ubertine part prevailed, and chased clean out of the city the Bondelmonti.  

Guelfi and Ghibellines faction  ¶ Here is to be noted, that in the contention between the emperor and the bishop of Rome, the whole Italian nation was so divided in two parts, that in many houses you should have the father against the son, brother against brother, and commonly one neighbour and one house against an other. And to increase the mischief, two. brethren Dowchemen dwelling in Pistoia (20. miles from Florence) fell out for this matter, and oftentimes openly fought in maintenance of their division. Whereupon it followed, that all the imperial named theim selfes Ghibellini, after the name of Ghibell, one of those brethren, and the church part Guelfi, after the name of Guelfe the other brother. So that the part of Bondelmonti were Guelfi part: and they that were with Uberti were Ghibellines. Between whom not only the nobility of Florence, but also the most part of the commons were divided. Thus by the emperors favour the Guelphs were chased out of Florence, and lived in their fortresses and castles in the vale of Arno, defending themselves as well as they could against their enemies, until Federike died: and than by mean of certain of the city that were neuters, both parties were reconciled, and the Ghibellines brought home to Florence. Where (laying all suspicion apart) they framed theim selfes to procure a liberty unto their city, ere the new emperor should have power to oppress them. 
Florentines common wealth constituted  And so divided the city into vi parts, appointing xii citesins (two. unto every part) to govern the same, naming them Antiani: changeable every year. And to eschew occasion of variance, that might happen between the parties for judgement giving, they chose two strange judges, one named captain of the people, and the other named Potestate, to judge all mattiers both civil and criminal. And because there is no certain order, where no defender is, they ordained .20. standards or bands in the city: and .76. in the county, wherein were written all the youth and able men to be ready in his appointed kind of armure when so ever they should be called, either of the captain, or of the Antiani. And the better to establish the thing, they devised a cart drawn of two oxen. to carry their banners and ensigns, covered with white: unto which, as to the majesty of their common wealth, or as it were to the general of their army, the men of war should always resort. For when so ever they set forth any army into the field, than was this cart or chariot drawn forth into the street called Mercato novo, and there by the people committed to the charge of the chief governors of the army. Besides that they had a bell called Lafoy Martinella, which before the setting forth of any army should ring a month, to the intent their enemies might prepare to defend theim selfes. This bell did they also carry into the field with them, to set their watch, and to call the soldiers together.  
¶ Their proceedings herein were so commendable and so well handled, that in short space they grew to a wonderful authority, so that Florence became the head of all Tuscan: and had (no doubt of it) attained such reputation, that it might have been well compared to the notable cities of the world, if the new and often divisions within theim selfes had not hindered their prosperity.  
¶ After this manner they endured ten years, in which time they enforced the citizens of Pistoria, Arezzo and Sienna to enter in league with them: and in the return of their camp from before Sienna, they took Volterra, and destroyed certain other Castles, the inhabitants whereof they carried with them to Florence. All this was done through counsel of the Guelphs, which were of greater power in Florence than the Ghibellines, as well because the Ghibellines through their proud and ill governance had provoked the hate of the people, when they ruled in time of the emperor Federike: as also because the commons favoured more the church part than the imperial, trusting with the help thereof to have their liberty maintained, which at the emperors hands they feared to lose.  
¶ Wherefore the Ghibellines, seeing their reputation decayed, disposed themselves to recover it, thinking their occasion to be good: when Manfredi son of Federike: had taken the realm of Naples upon him, and had sore troubled the church's power. Than practised they secretly with him, to recover their liberty. But their practices were discovered to the Antiani, who incontinently sent for the Uberti to appear before them: and they not only disobeyed, but also fortified theim selfes in their houses, and so provoked the fury of the people, that at last the commons arose, and with help of the Guelphs chased the Ghibellines out of Florence, and constrained them to withdraw to Sienna. From whence they sent to king Manfredi for succours, and through the diligence of Master Farinara delli Uberti obtained such aid, that the Guelphs shortly after were discomfited upon the river of Albia: with so great a loss, that they which escaped, fled not to Florence (thinking it to be lost) but unto Lucca. The general of the kings men in this journey was one Conte jordano, a man in arms much renowned, who following his victory wen●e straight to Florence, and reduced it to the obedience of the king Manfredi, adnulling all magistrates and laws, with every other thing that seemed to serve the cities liberty: the injury whereof bred double malice against the Ghibellines in the hearts of the commons, and was occasion of their undoing, as after shall appear.  
¶ The Conte jordano settling Florence after his own fashion, was revoked by the king to the service of the realm: and therefore appointed as lieutenant general there, the Conte Guido Novello, lord of Casentino, who immediately called a counsel of Ghibellines at Empoli, and there concluded, that (to maintain their part in Tuscan) it was necessary to destroy Florence: but Master Farinata Delli Vberti principal of the Ghibellines, only amongst all the rest withstood this opinion, allegeing the perils that he had suffered were in hope to enjoy his country, and thinking himself no less able to defend it than to get it, as he had done, he professed openly to become no less enemy to them that should take the contrary, than he was already to the Guelphs: and so with his only reason and authority dissuaded the rest from their purpose.  
¶ This mean while the Guelphs, which were fled to Lucca, were commanded thence by the citesins, who feared sore the threatenings of the Conte: and so went to Bolognia, and from thence unto Parma to help the Guelphs of Lombardy against the Ghibellines there. Where after divers victories, they grew to so much wealth and reputation, that the bishop of Rome took them as his, and gave them the ensign of the church, which they use in Florence to this day.  
¶ Than went the Guelphs with Charles of Angio against Manfredi, and were partakers of the victory, which so much increased their reputation that the Conte, with the rest of the Ghibellines, that than ruled Florence, devised how to gratify the commons, to get their favour (which before they had utterly lost) and therefore divided the city into arts, appointing officers of the commons unto every art, so that in all there were .36. citizens called to rule again, and to make new laws as before. And where the Conte with the Ghibellines thought by these means to draw the people's favour towards them, the contrary immediately followed. For when the Conte Guido had set a tax upon the people, for payment of his soldiers, they not only refused the payment, but also withstood his force and the Ghibellines both, in such wise, that with loss of divers men slain in the bickering, the Conte with the Ghibellines (through cowardice of the Conte) forsook the city, and went to Prato: and willing to return, was more easily kept forth, than he could have been expelled, in case he had fortified him self while he was within. Thus the people recovered liberty unto their city, and (in hope to make all things well) revoked aswell the Ghibellines again as the Guelphs. But all in vain, for the Ghibellines rested still in the ancient mortal hate of the Guelphs, for divers injuries, and the people loved them not, as oft as they remembered their passed tyranny: besides that the Ghibellines, when they heard of the puissant coming of Corradino out of Almaigne, to win the realm of Naples, began to devise how to recover their estate again. Wherefore the Guelphs sent to the forenamed Charlis than king of Naples for help to defend themselves, whilst Corradino should pass. And upon the coming of aid from the king, the Ghibellines ii days before fled. And so had the Guelphs liberty to make new laws and new magistratꝭ, which they did immediately. first dividing the Ghibellines goods in iii parts, one to the common wealth, an other to the chief magistrates, and the iii to theim selfes, in recompense of their own hurts. And the bishop of Rome the better to maintain Tuscan Guelfe, made king Charles imperial vicar of Tuscan.  
¶ After this Gregory the ten passing through Florence towards France, devised with the Guelphs for reconciliation of the Ghibellines, and did so much, that certain men for the Ghibelline part came into the city, and after long communication agreed thereupon. But because the thing took no effect, therefore Gregory excommunicated the city. Which Innocent the .v. his next successor assoiled again.  
¶ Thus the Guelphs forgetting theim selfes in their prosperity, became so proud, that they regarded neither magistrate nor people, but for every light occasion would fight, and many times kill without abiding any justice: which moved the people to mumur, and gave occasion to the bishop of Rome's legate to practise the revocation of the Ghibellines under pretence of unity, and brought it to pass in deed: and than was there new orders of magistrates appointed, and the citizens so united, that for very weariness of long strife both abroad and at home, the names of division began to decay, so that Ghibellines and Guelphs were almost forgotten, when there began a new division, between the nobility and the commons, in such wise that they armed themselves, and had tried the matter with the sword, if certain religious and other indifferent men had not taken up the matter.  
¶ In effect the pride of the nobility was abated, and part of the commons will bridled, so that they agreed again, and were quiet a while.  
¶ There were two notable families in Florence Cerchi and Donati, between whom had been an old grudge, but no fighting of a long time. In Pistoia also two young gentlemen Lore and Geri at play fell out and fought: so that Lore hurt Geri. The father of Lore being offended therewith, and thinking to pacify the matter gently, sent his son to the father of Geri, to submit himself and ask forgiveness: But the father of Geri took him and cut of his hand, saying, that woundis were healed with iron, and not with words. This matter so grew, that the whole city of Pistoia was divided in two parts, the one calling them selves Bianchi, that is to say, the white, and the other Neri, that is to say the black. After long strife within themselves being wearied, the black band went to Florence, and fell in favour with the Donati: the like whereof did the white band with the Cerchi: so that the ancient grudge between those two families increased, and at last upon a light occasion fell out and fought in Florence. By reason whereof the whole city aswell nobles as commons were divided, and oftentimes armed, so that the rulers (as neuters) were feign to streigne their power, and partly by force, partly by authority, causing the parties to unarm theim selfes, they banished certain of the chief, specially of the Neri: which being exiled, resorted to the bishop of Rome: and obtained of him that Charles of Ualois, brother to the French king (than being in Rome for certain practices of the realm of Naples) should be sent to Florence: by whose mean the Neri recovered the city, and by force expulsed the Bianchi. And like as the Neri were first by the bishops means restored, so also the Bianchi at the bishop's intercession were received home, but not to rule: which grieved them so much, that upon new contention (their intent being discovered) they were utterly expulsed.  
¶ Thus Charles of Ualois (atcheiving his purpose in Florence) departed thence, leaving the Neri in quiet possession. But it endured not long: for Corso Dona●i, chief of that part (thinking his estate very small to remeigne as a private man, of the common wealth) moved business in the city, in hope to have all the rule himself. Wherein he prevailed not, for the commons sent for the Lucchese to secure them, and by their help did so overmatche Corso and his partakers, that they remaigned still in their liberty: and procured a legate from Rome, to stablish an order amongst them. Who in stead of order (thinking to bring certain purposes to pass) set them further out than ever they were, and departing in great anger excommunicated the city.  
¶ Thus as the Florentines were daily at strife and war within themselves, there chanced so great a fire, that it burned .1300. of their houses: so that what through the wonderful blouddeshed, and great loss of the fire, for very weariness they laid down their weapons, and though the legate had craftily gotten xii of the chief citizens to Rome, in whose absence he so comforted the Ghibellines and Bianchi (that than were in exile) that following his advise, they sodeinelie entered the city. Yet the commons so resisted them, that they were repulsed. Not long after perceiving the purpose of Corso prepensed against their liberty assaults his house, put him to flight: and in fleeing took and slew him. 
1308.   
¶ After that the Florentines lived in quiet till the coming of Henry the emperor, who coming from Rome (where he was crowned) besieged Florence on the one side, and at length departed without doing much hurt, the rather because the Florentines had received succours from Robert king of Naples, to whom they had submitted their city for .v. years.  
¶ Not long after Vguicione della Faggiola, with help of the Ghibellines, became lord of Pisa and of Lucca, so that the Florentines for dread of him, required king Robert of Naples to send his brother Peter to secure them. Between whom and Vguicione was a battle stricken in Vale di Nievole, where the Florentines were discomfited, lost .2000. men, and the kings brother slain in the field.  
¶ And though the king did his best to secure them, yet of their natural inconstancy, they began a new division among theim selfes, part with and part against the king. And for lack of other the kings adversaries got one Lando d' Agobio to be their captain, who with the multitude following him, would kill and murder as he went by the streets such as the people appointed: so that the city was no less afflicted with bloodshed within, than scourched without by Vguicione, that even than overran all the country about.  
¶ Net long after Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, got the dominion of Lucca and of Pisa, and became so great, that he was made chief captain of all the Ghibellines in Tuscan, so that following his good fortune, he attempted to get Prato, which the Florentines prepared theim selfes to defend, so making out an army, and promising reconsilement to their banished men, Castruccio retired to Lucca: whereof followed two inconveniences: one, the commons and rulers were divided▪ for the people would have pursued the enemy, but the rulers would not: the other, by reason their enterprise took small effect, they refused their promise concerning their banished men, who therefore divers times attempted by force, to have their promise kept.  
¶ Finally making out a new army against Castruccio under the leading of Raimondo da Cardona, the Florentines a little besides Alto Pastio were discomfited, and Raimondo slain: in such wise that the Florentines were no more able to hold up their heads, but suffered Castruccio to overrun all their country, spoiling and burning what he would. Wherefore the Florentines were feign to sue to king Robert of Naples for help: who enforced them to take his son Charles, Duke of Calabria, to be their lord, and consequently sent the Duke of Athens, as his lieutenant to govern the city, 
●326.  until the coming of Charles.  
¶ And like as the coming of Charles was a stay against Castruccio: even so it was in manner as painful to the citizens. For within less than a year, he levied of the city .400000. Florines, notwithstanding he had covenanted before, not to take of them above .200000. besides that, after they had gotten Pistoia, Castruccio laid siege thereunto, so long, that at last he got it from the Florentines: how be it, he immediately thereupon died. and about the same time, the forenamed Charles, lord of Florence died also. So that the city was at ones delivered both of the tyrant (as they call him) and of the enemy: and thereupon recovering their liberty, they returned to a new order of their common wealth.  
¶ Not long after th'emperor returning from Rome, and passing towards Lombardy .800. horsemen of his retinue tarried behind him, and suddenly took Lucca, which they offered to sell to the Florentines for .20000. Florines, and being refused, sold it to a genoway for ●0000. pound, wherewith the Florentines were so offended, that they made open war to get it, but all in vain, though they spent yet a great quantity of money more than the sum that quietly they might have had it for.  
¶ As for civil contention within the city happened none from the death of Castruccio, 
1328.  until the year .1340.  
¶ Certain of the chief of the city, the better to maintain their own authority, called strangers to govern some offices, which appertained to the election of the commons. Amongst all other one jacomo Gabriel● da Gobbi was made captain of a ward, and did divers injuries, namely to some of the nobility, as to Pietro Bardi, and Bardo Frescobaldi. So that they (not well supporting the wrong, specially at a strangers hand) conspired with divers other against the rulers: minding not only to be revenged, but also to reform the estate of the whole city. And as it happeneth most commonly, the deferring of the matter was occasion, that some fearful conspirator disclosed it: so that the alarm bell being rung, and the people armed assembling in the market place, the houses of Bardi and Frescobaldi were assaulted in such wise, that they (with the most part of their friends) forsook the city, and were banished: some that remained were taken and beheaded.  
¶ Not long after the Florentines and Pisani practised with Mastino della Scala for the purchase of Lucca, that than was in his possession: so that the Pisani (seeing their bargain overdeere through the offers of the Florentines) disposed theim selfes, with help of Visconti than lord of Milan, to get it by force, and so laid siege to it. That notwithstanding the Florentines went forth with their bargain, and bought it during the siege. Wherein the Pisani persevered with such force, that in despite of all the Florentines succours, at last they got it: so that the Florentines not only lost their money, but also purchased theim selfes' dishonour.  
¶ This mean while the Florentines, seeing their own debilitee and ill fortune, procured succours of the king of Naples, who sent the Duke of Athenes to be their captain. But he in steed of a captain that should defend and preserve their common wealth, contrariwise to get into favour with the commons, and by displeasing and persecuting of the nobility, took upon himself the absolute power, and used the whole as his own. He prohibited the rulers any more to assemble in the palace, took the ensigns from the Gonfaloners, broke the orders of justice, delivered all prisoners, reconciled them that were exiled, ordained new taxes, and waged strangers, so that the city was full of frenchmen, who forbore not to violate all sorts of women.  
¶ Thus he continued ten months, increasing daily in tyranny, to the high offence of the chief, and great hate of the people (who before favoured him) that at last the whole city in iii divers parts, nobles, people, and artificers conspired against him, and in conclusion assaulted and discomfited his men, and besieged him in the palace. Out of the which they enforced him to send Guglielmo da Scesi and his son. Whom they hewed and gnawed to pe●ces in the market place.  
¶ Finally the Duke fell to accord, and renouncing his estate and title to the dominion, departed with bag and baggage. Whereupon not only Florence but also Arezzo, Volterra, Pistoia, and other cities thereabouts took on them their liberties: though they within short space after, yielded to Florence their wont obedience. Than the citizens devised a new order in their common wealth, wherein the nobles had so great authority, that they used their liberty in all things over the people: but that endured not long: for the people rebelled, and by force deprived them, erecting magistrates of theim selfes. And though the nobles openly practised with their friends abroad for succours, and fortified their houses withinfoorth, in such wise, that Florence was full of arms: whereupon they attempted to recover their estate. Yet at length after many skirmishes, much bloudsheed, and fire, the people prevailed, and brought the nobility so low, 
nobility suppressed.  that they never durst arm theim selfes more, but became in manner vile and abject: so that from that time forth Florence decayed both in courtesy and chivalry.  
¶ Thus they rested in quiet, till the year .1353. In which time happened that notable plague, that john Boccaccio so pitifully mentioneth in the beginning of his Decamerone, thorough which died in Florence 96000. persons. And though the nobility was than oppressed, yet fortune wanted not mean to raise new dissension amongst them again.  
¶ Two families in Florence, Albizi and Ricci, fell at variance, between whom the whole city was no less divided, than it was first between Bondelmonti and Uberti: or between Donati and Cerchi. And where as long before this time the names of Guelfe and Ghibelline was in manner extincted and forgotten, Vguicione de Ricci (thinking to abate the reputation of the Albizi) renewed the old law, 
1357.  that no Ghibelline should enjoy magistrate within the city. But the purpose of Ricci was clean disapoincted. For where he thought to prove the Albizi to be Ghibellines, they contrary wise not only proved themselves Guelfes, but chief of the Guelphs: and became so great in the city, that at length they determined to usurp the dominion, which being discovered to the people, was occasion, that their houses were sacked, and some burned, and they for the most part fled: and those laws, that the Guelphs had made before in prejudice of the other citizens, were revoked. So that those which were noted for Ghibellines, finding themselves recovered in credit, not contented to be partakers, but rather desiring to rule their whole common wealth, practised a new mean, how by force they might achieve their enterprise: and persuading the multitude to rebel against the lords, they did so much, that (notwithstanding the conspiracy was discovered before) yet the people so assembled out of all order, running up and down here and there, spoiling and burning, where as liked them best, that the power of the rulers could not reform the matter, and at length it grew to so great inconvenience, that the lord were constrained not only to abandon the palace, but also the whole dominion unto the peoplꝭ fury, so that Michael di Lando a carder of woull, bare legged and all to torn, mounted up in to the hall of the palace, with the standard in his hand, and finding no man there, turned him towards the people, saying: Now you see this palace, with the whole city at your commandment, what woull you due? whereunto the multitude answered, they would have him their Gonfalonere and lord: which incontinently he took upon him: and disposing himself to quiet the rumour, to find the people occupied, he sent them straight to seek one Nuto, that had been minister of justice before: whom he caused to be hanged by the leg in the market place, and there torn to pieces: and consequently proceeded to other reformations and laws, as it seemed best to him. But because the commons perceived, that he preferred the chief men to dignities and offices, and did not so much regard the commons as they looked for, they rebelled again against him, and drew them together to the church of Santa Maria di Novella, where they began to erect new officers, and to make new laws after their own manner. The mean while Michael making himself strong, departed out of the palace to meet them: but missing one an other by a wrong way, Michael at his return found them in the high street: assaulting of the palace. Where he set on them, and so discomfited them, that part he constrained to flee out of the city, and part to cast away their weapons. And (notwithstanding his vile birth) he was a man himself of a right good nature, wise, and able to govern, yet could not his authority so much bridle the communaltee, but that they divided theim selfes in parts, the one of men of estimation, which called theim selfes the people, and the other of the mean crafts, which called theim selfes the commons.  
¶ Thus as they lived fighting and brawling togethers, news came to the counsel, that Giannozo da Salerno (a captain of Charles of Duras, than bent to conquer Naples) lying at Boulogne, determined, with help of the banished men, to assault the city being promised by them of the city to have a gate delivered unto them. Whereupon divers were accused, amongst whom Piero, the chief of the Albizi was taken and put to execution, and Charles Strozi fled.  
¶ The Florentines the better to maintain theim selfes, reteigned john Sharp (surnamed Acuto by them) an english captain, 
john Sharp.  than abiding in Italy with a great retinue, whose reputation was such, that well was that prince in Italy, that might have his service in time of need. For his power was so great, that when he was out of wages, he would take one city or an other, and use it as his own for the time, till occasion of service happened again, and than would he sell it to that prince or common wealth, that would give most for it.  
¶ About this time two the chiefest citizens in Florence, George Scali and Thomas Strozzi, with their authority and credit amongst the people, did what they would right or wrong, so that when the captain of justice would have put to execution a certain offender their friend, they by force assaulted and sacked the captain's palace, and delivered the guilty: which act offended not the captain alonelie, but also the magistrates, so that George Scali was therefore taken, and against the common opinion (notwithstanding the great ●auour of the people, 
Common people.  which evermore proveth inconstant) was beheaded: and divers of his dearest friends with him. Upon occasion of whose death most part of the city was armed to strength the justice. But when he was dead, they were not so soon unarmed again. For the parties between the people of reputation and the commons did so kindle, that for the space of a whole year, there was daily fighting between them: in such wise that at length by agreement of both parts, the Guelphs were reconciled and restored to their wont honour and rule over the city, 
138●.  and the other magistrates and rulers were deposed, amongst whom Michael Lando before named, was one, whose virtues and merits (being so notable as they were) could not yet save him from the people's fury.  
¶ Thus the Guelphs being in authority, and fearing no man but Benedetto d' Alberti (a good man, rich, and of great authority) because he was not of their sect, they found the mean to banish him, and divers others that they thought contrary to them: and so settled the common wealth after their manner, and kept it in quiet till the year .1387. At which time Giangalcazo Visconti, Duke of Milan took his uncle Bernabo prisoner, and made sharp wars to the Florentines, 
1390.  so that (notwithstanding their valiant resistance) getting all the countries about, as Bolognia, Pisa, Perugia, and Sienna, he was in so great towardness to win Florence, that he caused a crown of gold to be made, to the intent to crown himself king of Italy, and had done it in deed, if death had not prevented him.  
¶ Not long after the commons upon light occasion, rebelled of new, and in great numbered ran to the house of Veri di Medici, offering him the rule of the estate: but he leading them with him to the high street, and leaving them there, ascended into the palace amongst the lords, excusing himself, that the people made him to come by force, and so with thanks of them returned to the people, and persuaded them, that they should have their wills, so that they would lay down their weapons. Which at his request they did. Immediately whereupon the rulers secretly armed their power, and establisshing the order of the city, put divers of those commons to death, that had been causers of this disorder.  
¶ Not long after certain of them that were banished, being at Bolognia, determined upon hope of the people's inconstancy, to attempt the recovery of their country, and to alter the estate of their city: and so thorough comfort of one Piggiello, and of Barroccio Cauicci●li, than dwelling in Florence, secretly they entered the town, and slew one or two: to the rumour whereof the people being assembled, they declared, how their coming was to deliver their country from the tyranny of them that ruled. etc. But for all that, there was none that would assist them. Wherefore they withdrew into a church, and there some in the taking were slain, and the rest taken, examined and put to execution.  
¶ Besides this the Duke of Milan, whilst he warred with the city, practised secretly by mean of the banished men, to win it, but the thing being discovered, was occasion of the banishment of a numbered of citizens, 
1400.  and than within two years died Giangaleazzo, after he had warred with the Florentines xii years. So that the Florentines being peaced outwardly, and indifferent quiet within theim selfes, made out their power against Pisa, and valiantly got it. 
1409.   
¶ Than had they war with Ladislaus king of Naples about the city of Cortona, which the Florentines had before purchased. And that war was so perilous, that (as most writers affirm) they procured a physician of the kings to poison him. By reason of whose death, they recovered her●, 
1414.  being before in manner desperate of the estate of their common wealth: because the king having already taken Rome, Sienna, La Marca, and Romagna, wanted no more but Florence only to make his full way into Lombardy. Where he determined with his power to prove his fortune. So that the death of these two princes, the Duke of Milan and the king of Naples, was more available to the Florentines, than their own force. But they (whose nature could not well bear any rest) lived not fully viii years in peace, but that not only the parties within themselves renewed their wont contention again, but also the city attempted war against Philip, than Duke of Milan: in which war their army at Zagonara was discomfited, and consequently all their holds in Romagna lost, Castracaro and Modigliana excepted. Whereupon they made suit to the venetians, and obtained them in league against the Duke. By whose mean at length they recovered their towns in Romagna: notwithstanding the charges of that war had been so great (amounting to the sum of three millions and .500000. ducats) and that the Florentines fell out amongst theim selfes about the payment thereof, which they called Catasto: and the city of Uolterra rebelled against them, though they were soon brought to obedience again. 
1428.   
¶ After this began the Florentines to make war against the town of Lucca, which endured iii years with wonderful damage on both sides: specially on the Florentines, whose army was discomfited by Nicolo Piccinino, sent by the Duke of Milan to secure the Lucchese.  
¶ Than began contention within the city between Cosmo de Medici and Rinaldo degli Albizi. Not that Cosmo (who was a just and a virtuous man) gave any occasion thereof. But upon a conceit that Rinaldo suspected: seeing that Cosmo with his liberality and virtue had gotten the love of the people, he imagined straight way, that he went about to be lord of al. Wherefore he so conspired, and wrought against him, that Cosmo was taken, laid in prison, and in danger of death. But finally he was confined unto Padua: where he remaigned the space of a xii month, till by mean of his friends he was reconciled home, and his enemies some put to death, and the rest banished, and finally the whole estate of the common wealth reformed after his own manner. During whose time the Florentines endeavoured theim selfes much to conquer the city of Lucca, to the enterprise whereof they entertained Francisco Sforza (that afterwards was Duke of Milan) to be their general. But because he than practised marriage with the daughter of Milan (whose father Duke Philip was enemy to the Florentine estate) he so coldly proceeded, that when it came to pass, that he might have streigned Lucca, he nevertheless was occasion of peace between the Florentines and the Lucchese, 
1432.  in such wise that Lucca still remained in their liberty.  
¶ Not long after followed the counsel of Florence: at which the emperor of Greece, with the chief of the greekish church assembled, and agreed with the Roman church, though they stood not by it long.  
¶ Than arose Nicolo Piccinino, and without any just ground moved war to the Florentines, wherein he did them no small displeasures. But finally he was discomfited at Anghiari: and immediately after the Conte di Poppi (who before had assisted Piccinino) was besieged in his own town: and his whole estate, with the town of Poppi taken from him by the Florentines.  
¶ And though the war, which Piccinino made, was as well against the church as the Florentines, so that the bishop of Rome, of the victory of Anghiari, enjoyed as well his part as the Florentines: yet the charge before, and the cost that the bishop was at in pursuing the victory, was such, that for very need of money: he sold Borgo san Sepolchro, unto the Florentines for 25000. ducats. All this while were the Florentines in league with the venetians against the Duke of Milan, in such wise that the better to disburdeine his own charge, the Duke steered king Alfonse of Naples against the Florentines, who entered upon Tuscan and did them much hurt, though at last laying siege to the town of Piombino (through sickness that fell in his army) he was constrained to remove his siege, and utterly to abandon his enterprise. But after Duke Philip of Milan was dead, and Francisco Sforza in possession of the estate, the Florentines (by mean of Cosmo di Medici) did enter in amity with him: for which occasion, when the venetians were out with Francisco, they procured king Alfonse to war of new on the Florentines, which war was not so sharp, but that the Florentines at length did pass it over with out any great loss.  
¶ Than died Cosmo di Medici, when he had governed the city about .31. years. 
1464. Cosmo di Medici.  He in his time was one of the notablest men of the world, the richest private man that hath been heard of many years, and so liberal withal, that he relieved a number of his citizens, not only with lo●e, but also with the gift of large sums of money: and many times he would himself consider who had need, and help them undesired. His wisdom was such (and was unlearned) that he ruled the unruliest city of the world in peace without civil sedition, which before his time was never in quiet. And though he might have taken on himself the absolute power without difficulty, being in such authority, yet led he still a private life: nor for all his great richesses, never sought other marriage for his daughters, than amongst his own citizens. He builded .v. princely houses, one within the cite, and four without, besides iiii. monasteries ii churches, and divers chapels: so that he that well considereth his doings, shall judge them rather mighty kings than citizens.  
¶ Finally his factions were such in Venice, in Naples, in Rome, and in other chief cities of traffic, that when he was so disposed, he would make them all bare of money: so that with his only reputation many times he wrought such quietness and commodity to his city, that all the Florentine power was not able to do.  
¶ The rule that he bore was not grounded on force or tyranny, but upon such a love to the people, that when he died, the commons bewailed him as a father of the country. The proof whereof was well seen, what time through the ill procurement of Diotisalui (one that he held as his dear and secret friend) a conspiracy was made against his son Peter.  
¶ When the old Duke Francisco Sforza was dead, and his son Galeazo established in the estate, the ambassadors of Milan came to the Florentines for confirmation of their former amity, which Peter the son of Cosmo, persuaded, was necessary to be mainteigned. In debating of which matter Peter began to perceive the intent of his adversaries, and at length fully ascertained thereof, he wrought so, that all the city armed theim selfes in his favour, in such wise that being very weak of body, and sick on his bed, the chief magistrates of the city were feign to resort to him, and to offer theim selfes at his pleasure. Whereupon it followed, that the principal of his enemies were some banished and some slain, and his reputation such, that (though he ruled not in office himself) yet might be at all times command and do what he would, and following always the steps of his father in the same reputation died.  
¶ After whose death Italy happened to be divided, between the king of Naples and the bishop of Rome on the one part, the venetians, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines on the other part: and amongst all the rest the bishop of Rome hated the Florentines, specially the house of Medici, whereof two virtuous young men, julian and Laurence, sons of the forenamed Peter, were than rulers, and in manner (though they lived privately) princes of Florence, and this hate was not secret, for the bishop openly in Rome favoured the Pazi, and hindered the Medici, so that after the death of Philip D' i Medici, archbishop of Pisa, the bishop of Rome placed in his steed Francisco Salviati, a mortal enemy to the house of Medici, who notwithstanding the Romish election, could not be received of the Florentines. 
Practise of a prelate.  Wherefore with the holy father's consent this new archbishop began a practice, to alter the estate of Florence, and consulting on the matter with divers of his friends, specially of the families of Salviati and Pazi, concluded, that without the death of julian and Laurence D' i Medici, it was impossible to bring the matter to pass. Wherefore they procured the Cardinal of saint George (nephew unto the bishop of Rome) to come to Florence, to the intent that in visiting of him, they might have both the brethren togethers, and so slay them. Of this their purposed intent twice they miss. The third time they devised a solemn mass to be song before the Cardinal, unto the which both the brethren came, and at the elevation time julian was slain, and Laurence hurt, but he escaped.  
¶ This mean while the archbishop crately got into the palace with certain men with him, privily armed, in hope that when the rumour should rise he might have not only the palace but also all the chief rulers of the city in his hands: but his purpose being espied ere he could achieve it, he with certain of his complices were immediately hanged and thrown out at the windows of the palace. This foul end had their cursed conspiracy: for when julian was slain, and Laurence returned to his house, it was a wonder to se● how soon the people were armed, running up and down the streets, and crying, Medici Medici, killing and drawing as many as they could know of the contrary part. And almost there was no citizen of any reputation, that came not unto the house of Laurence, to offer himself and his goods to secure him, in case he needed.  
¶ Finally the tumult being quieted, as many as could be found of the Salviati and Pazi, and of the other conspirators, were put to execution: and the rest that fled, were banished.  
¶ But for all this their trouble ceased not. For when the bishop of Rome saw that this privy treason took not effect in alteration of the estate, he attempted openly the destruction of the city, not under pretence of hate to the Florentines, but to the house of Medici only. first he excommunicated the city, and after sent an army of his own against them, and procured the king of Naples to invade them with an other army: protesting always, that he desired no more, but to have Laurence D' i Medici in his hands; which done, he offered to be at peace. Wherefore Laurence, to be the better assured of his citizens, called .300. of the best of them togethers, and reasoning the matter with them, found them wholly bend to his defence, and thereupon made provision of resistance, doing all Italy to understand, that the bishop of a shepherd, became a wolf, and not only practised this secret treason, but also openly maynteigned it.  
¶ These wars continued so long, that the Florentines being destitute of all succour, and weary of their great charge and loss of men, determined to fall into the arms of the tone of their enemies, and esteeming the kings amity more available and more durable of the both, Laurence Di Medici went himself to Naples, and so behaved him towards the king, that where most men suspected, he should never return, he not only returned, but also brought a perfit conclusion of peace with him. Whereat the bishop of Rome was out measure wroth, but at last the Florentines sent their ambassadors to him. Who being brought to audience in Pontificalibus, at length obtained his absolution. The rather because even than newly the Turk had assaulted and taken Otronto in Puglia, and minded to conquer Italy: which occasion caused all the princes of Italy to unite theim selfes together, more for fear than love, as afterwards did well appear. For the Turk was no sooner dead, and the fear of his invasion paste, but they fell out again as far as ever they were. For between the bishop and the king grew hot wars, and the Florentines in help of the king assaulted the bishop on the other side, and besides that the camie of the league was like to have taken from the venetians all their dominion in Lombardy: so that Italy was full of war, 
1486.  until by procurement of the king of Spain's ambassadors, a general peace through all the astates of Italy was concluded (the Genoese excepted). By mean whereof the Florentines with their more ease warred upon the Genoese, and got Pietra Santa, with other towns from them, and gave them a notable discoumfiture besides Serezana.  
¶ Finally the most renowned private man of his time Laurence D' i Medici died, 
Laurence d' i Medici.  leaving one of his sons a Cardinal (who was called thereunto being not fully 13. years old) and his eldest son Peter in great reputation, and his daughters also very well married.  
¶ He favoured cunning men, specially them that were learned: he was eloquent in reasoning, quick of invention, wise in determining, and hardy in doing. Besides the conspiracy wrought against him, when his brother was slain, he was twice in peril of death by treason, and yet prevented them both to the confusion of the conspirators. All the princes of Italy honoured him, the king Matthew of Hungary showed him great signs of love, the Sultan of Egypt sent him presents and ambassadors, the Turk delivered Bernardo Bandini, that slew his brother julian, into his hands: and his own citizens so much loved him, that I think of his time died no man happier than he. Contrary wise his son Peter di Medici, who notwithstanding his gentle enterteigment of all men at the beginning (which made the world to hope well of him) did at length prove so ambitious, so wilful and so undiscrete in his proceedings, that neither the magistrattes, the citizens, nor yet the people could well bear him, to the increase whereof, 
1495.  when Charles the viii French king, passed by Florence towards Naples, Peter met him on the way, and said to him, that his father commanded him iii things, the first to honour God, the second to worship the french king, and the third to defend his country. So that Charles seeing him thus well disposed, entreated him so fair, that he delivered into his hands Serezana, Pietra Santa, and finally set Pisa at liberty, which was so great a hindrance to the Florentine estate, that the magistrates and commons, moved of just disdain, drove him out of the city, took his goods and patrimony as forfaicte, and condemned him to perpetual exile, with a number of his friends and partakers: and the fury of the people was such, that they broke and defaced all the arms that could be found of the Medicies' in Florence.  
¶ And albeit that he attempted many ways to recover his country, yet was his fortune so ill, that the more he stirred, the more was he hated, which at length was the undoing both of himself, and of a great many mo● as well of his adherentes, as of his adversaries.  
¶ Thus the family of Medici lost reputation and credit for the time: so that the estate of Florence returned unto the common rule of the magistrates and citizens, 
1495.  that endured till the time that Leo the ten of the family of Medici was made bishop of Rome, who though he restored not his house unto the full rule they had before in the city, did nevertheless so much, partly with authority, and partly by friendship, that divers of that name were received and made partakers of the common wealth: which by little and little so increased again, that in the time of bishop Clement the vii who also was of the Medici, when the Duke of Bourbon passed by Florence to Romewardes, the commons of the city made a commotion against Hippolito di Medici, than governor of the same: he than being departed out of the city in company of the Cardinal of Cortona, to go visit the Duke of Urbine. But assoon as he returned, he did so much, that they yielded theim selfes again unto him, upon covenant he should hurt no man for that matter.  
¶ Than bishop Clement made this Hippolito a Cardinal, whereupon he left the administration of the common wealth, and so was the city at liberty again. But Clement being determined to make it perpetual subject to his own famili●, handled himself so well towards the emperor at his coronation at Boulogne, that he obtained the imperial power to the oppression of his own natural countrei, and brought to pass, that the prince of Orange, 
1530.  with the emperors army besieged Florence.  
¶ This siege, endured a whole year, which for the many enterprises and battles fought on both parts, may be compared to the best Trojan, Greekish or Roman wars, namely because the common wealth alone, with out help of any other prince or state, susteigned the violence of two so mighty powers as the emperors and the bishops of Rome, until famine and not force overcame them.  
¶ Finally the prince of Orange, and divers other notable captains being slain in the often battles and skirmishes, at last the Florentines for lack of vittailles, were feign to fall to composition, and yielded upon these conditions, that the city should continue in her liberty, referring the reformation of thestate to the emperor, who within the term of four months should thereupon declare his pleasure. That all banished men should be reconciled without remembrance of any injury before passed. That the Medici should be restored to their goods taken from them by violence of the magistrates. That the city should pay .80000▪ crowns to the dispatch of the army, with other covenants of less moment. Upon which accord Bartholomew Valori, commissary for the bishop of Rome, entered with divers of the imperial captains, and there behaved theim selfes so stoutly, that (notwithstanding the covenants of peace) they found the mean within less than a month to behead vi of the chiefest citizens, and to confine .150. besides a numbered of others that abandoned and fled the city of themselves: so that their promised liberty was turned into a most cruel servitude.  
¶ Shortly after came Alexander Di Medici, nephew to bishop Clement, sent by the emperor out of Flaunders, who at his first coming made a show of sobrietee, in going privately unto his house, and receiving the citizens amiably: but yet at length by little and little he usurped the offices and magistrates, and finally disposed them all at his pleasure, 
1532.  causing himself openly to be called Duke.  

1534.  ¶ Than died Clement the Bishop, whereupon the cardinals Devil Medici and Salviati, with the principal of the other banished Florentines (coveting the recovery of their cities liberty) sent ambassadors to the emperor, beseeching him to consider the tyranny of Duke Alexandre (who than newly had builded the Cittadella) and to regard the conditions of peace. Which ambassadors arrived at Barcelona even as the emperor was taking ship towards the enterprise of Tunise: so that being returned to Rome, the Cardinal Hippolito di Medici disposed himself to go unto Tunise therefore. And taking his journey towards Naples died at Itri by the way: poisoned (as the voice went) by procurement of Duke Alexander.  
¶ This Duke Alexander was yet but young, who by bishop Clementes procurement had married the emperors bastard daughter, he was so stout, that without any respect he would have his will in all things, and namely in feats of love and change of women was his special delight. And amongst all other he delighted more in the company of Laurence di Medici (that should succeed him in the estate) than of any other man. But Laurence in steed of that love hated the Duke, and had long time determined to slay him, when he might find occasion, whether he did it in hope the rather to attain to the dominion himself, or to restore to the city her ancient liberty, be divers opinions.  
¶ In effect without making any man privy to his intent, other than a servant of his own, the Duke being on a night all alone in Laurences house, and sleeping on a bed, Laurence and his man slew him: and thereupon counselling with certain of his friends, and seeing no man disposed to stand with him in pursuing of his purpose, the self same night he fled, and went strait to Venice, where in company of the S●●ozzi he lived, till of la●e certain persons, in hope of the Taglia (a rewards proclaimed for the killing of notable offenders) he was also slain  
¶ Immediately upon knowledge of the death of Duke Alexander, the three Florentine Cardinals, that were than in Rome, departed thence, and making all the men they could by the way, come with an army toward Florence. Wherefore the Medici, with their friends in Florence (to make their party good, that the banished men should not prevail to their destruction) elected Cosmo di Medici to be their Duke, a young man of .20. years of age, whose father john Diego Medici had been a man right valiant in arms. And thereupon sen●e to the Cardinals, praying them to state their army by the way, and to come themselves privately to Florence, where they should find so much reason offered them, that they should need to use no force. So they stayed their power besides Cortona, and being come to Florence were entreated with so fair promises, that they licensed their men to departed. By reason whereof the Duke that n●we is, with his friends had time to make theim selfes strong, and than would consent to nothing that the Cardinals looked for: so that with a plain mock they departed, lamenting their folly: that they had changed the surety of their force, for the unsuretee of fair words.  
¶ This change in Florence, and the mock that the Cardinals received, 
 so much increased their malice, that they with the help of Philip Strozzi and Bartholomew Valori, assembled and waged the number of 4000 men: which by Peter Strozzi (that yet liveth and serveth the French king) should have be conducted to Monte Murlo, and from thence to Florence, had not Philip and Bartholomew (who with a small company came before to Monte Murlo) been set upon by Alexander Vitelli, taken and led away prisoner's to Florence, where the whole conspiracy of those confederates, that were in the town was discovered, and divers taken and put to execution: and so the whole enterprise broken and destroyed. Amongst the rest only Philip Strozzi was preserved from death: notwithstanding he was kept in prison in the Cittadella, and there died. Some say he killed himself rather than he wo●●e undo his children by paying the ransom that was required of him, being in deed one of the richest private men that was in his time, as it doth well appear by the wealth of his son Peter, and of his other children, which being banished men, and having nothing in their own country, do nevertheless live abroad in so much reaputation, that few brethren of christendom under the degree of princes do the like.  
¶ I have spoken before of Cittadella builded by Duke Alexander for the more surety of his dominion, 
Cittadella.  which at his death remaigned in the keeping of one of the Duke's captains. But assoon as Alexander Vitelli (one that had served well the emperor in his wars) heard of the Duke's death, he came to Florence, and entered into the castle to speak with the captain, where he handled the matt●er so well, that he excluded the captain and kept it himself. And though he made many fair promises to Duke Cosmo, yet at length he delivered it to the emperor: who therefore rewarded him with fair possessions in the realm of Naples.  
¶ This Duke Cosmo sued first to marry with the wife of Duke Alexander the emperors daughter, but the bishop of Rome that now is, purchased her (to his no small cost) for his sons son, Duke Octavio. For the which there hath been mortal hate between Duke Cosmo and the bishop. And being thus prevented, the Duke to obtain the more stay towards the emperor, married the daughter of Don Diego di Toledo, Vice Re of Naples, by whose mean he hath redeemed the Cittadella of the emperor for the sum of .400000. ducats, and is now absolute lord and king within himself.  
¶ He hath divers fair children by his wife, and loveth her so well, that in manner he never goeth abroad (unless it be to church) without her, and is reputed to be a very chaste man. 
Duke Cosmo.  He is learned and wise, he useth few words, and is nevertheless in his own tongue eloquent. In the administration of justice he is so sincere, that sins the time of his reign, which is now above ten years, I have not heard, that he hath pardoned any person condemned to die. He hath restrained the Vice of Sodomy (which heretofore reigned more in Florence than elsewhere in Italy) with pain of death: and hath brought his estate to such quietness, as it hath not been this .300. years past: so that Florence may well say, that in him she hath found her long desired liberty. For though he absolutely hath the whole revenues to his own use, yet the surety that the florentines have in their own things (which heretofore they never had) is much more worth to them, than the common revenue was beneficial to the city.  
¶ Finally the virtue of this Duke Cosmo, besides the worthiness of his dominion, hath brought him in such reputation, that he is now numbered as one of the rarest princes of our time, and feared also, as one in whom there be hid things of greater moment than the rule of that only estate.   

¶ The state of Genoa.  
GEnoa standeth in manner between the Alps and Apennine hills, and hath his prospect toward the south. For it hangeth so on the descent of the hill, that being in the sea underneath, a man may almost discern every part of the city. It hath no plain country near it, but on the one side hills and mountains, and the sea Mediterraneum on the other. And yet those hills that run along the sea costs, bring forth many kinds of pleasant fruit, with much wine and oil, for the most part not thorough fertilitee of the ground, but thorough the inhabitants painful diligence.  
¶ The circuit of Genoa is little less than .v. miles, the walls about are very new, fair and strong: specially the ii gates Diego San Thomaso and Del L'arco are so large, that they seem almost ii fortresses.  
¶ The haven that cometh into it, is exceeding fair and big enough to receive any navy, being forced somewhat narrow at the mouth, with a wonderful costly pie●e of stone made out into the sea: at the end whereof is a strong tour, called Il Mole: Whereby the haven is defended from all winds, the southweast excepted.  
¶ Within this haven they have an Arsenal, able to receive xviii or twenty galleys.  
¶ Their churches are very fair and sumptuous, specially the Cathedral church of. S. Laurence, whose front of white and black marble seemeth a very rare piece of work.  
¶ Their houses are exceeding fair, the frontes two stories high, for the most part of fine marble curiously wrought: For their law alloweth none to deck his house any higher with that kind of work, (unless it be in respect of some notable service) because it would require an infinite charge to garnish them of that sort to the top, their houses being for the most part. vi.vii. and some viii stores high. And yet are they so fair, that I wot not unto what city I may compare their buildings. And not only within the city, but all along the sea costs, called La Riviera, every village is so furnished with gallant and sumptuous houses, that it is a world to behold.  
¶ Amongst all other the palace of Andrea Doria, with out the gate of. S. Thomas, is a notable thing, very fair, sumptuous and large: And above his house (a thing wonderful) he hath made his slaves to hue out of the hard rocky mountain, as much space, as hath made vi gardens one above an other: and hath caused so much earth to be carried up, as sufficeth for the growth of all manner fruits and herbs, very pleasant to behold.  
¶ Likewise within the town, Andrea Doria hath the goodliest house that any private man hath builded in our days.  
¶ But the streets of the city for the most part are so narrow, that it is a great defacing to the rest. Which I think the stipe descent of the hill causeth, that they have not room enough to make their streets large.  
¶ Half a mile without the town Weastwardes, they have a very fair watch tour, called Torre della Luminaria, wherein nightly burneth a great light: for a mark to them that be on the sea, because it may be discerned very far of.  
¶ Finally they have a very fair conduit of water conveyed on arches, much after the ancient Roman fashion, for the space of .v. miles or more, out of the valley of Bisagnio: notwithstanding that they have divers fair springs, and one specially that can not be drawn dry.  

¶ Of their dominion and governance.  
Their dominion is not very great, is passeth not the bounds of Lyguria, which is scarcely .80. miles in length, and nothing so much in breadth. And may dispend in public revenue not fully .400000. crowns by the year: as I have been informed. In deed in time past they had much greater dominion: So that the common rent hath been very great: but the Turks prosperity hath much abated that: Nevertheless it is thought, the private citizens were never more wealthy than they be at this present.   

Of their trade and customs.  
ALl the Genoese in manner are merchant men, and very great travailers of strange countries. For I have been reasonably persuaded, that there be .5. or .6. thousand of them continually abroad, either merchants or factors: so that they leave few places of the world unsought: where any gain is to be had. For the merchandise that they bring home hath speedy dispatch, by reason their city is as a key unto all the trade of Lombardy, and to a great part of Italy. They at home make such a numbered of silks and velvets, as are able to serve many countries: which is the chief merchandise that they send forth. In deed they are commonly noted to be great usurers.  
¶ One thing I am sure of, that if ovid were now alive, there be in Genoa, that could teach him a dozen points De Are Amandi. For if Semiramis were ever celebrated amongst the Assyrians, Venus amongst the Greeks, Circe's among the Italians, sure there be dames in Genoa that deserve to be celebrated and chronicled for their excellent practice in love. And truly the Genoese theim selfes deserve that their wife's should be praised, because I saw in no place where women have so much libertee. For it is lawful there openly to talk of love, with what wife so ever she be. insomuch that I have seen young men of reputation standing in the street talk of love with young mistresses being in their windows above: and openly rehearse verses that they had made one to the other. And in the churches, specially at evensong, they make none other prayers. So that he that is not a lover there, is meet for none honest company. Many men esteem this as a reproach to the Genoese, but they use it as a policy: thinking that their wives through this liberty of open speech, are rid of the rage that maketh other women to travail so much in secret.  
¶ In deed the women there are exceeding fair and best appareled to my fantasy of all other. For though their uppermost garment be but plain cloth, by reason of a law, yet underneath they wear the finest silks that may be had, and are so finely hosed and shoed, as I never saw the like, open faced, and for the most part bore headed, with the hear so finely trussed and curled, that it passeth rehearsal. So that in mine opinion the supreme court of love is no where to be sought, out of Genoa.  
¶ But like as the women are excellent in this, even so do the men exceed all other in superstition. For there be within the city .20. schools or companies of disciplinauntes otherwise called Battuti, whose manner is when they are called to devotion, as every good friday, or in the midst of a plague, of famine, of war, or of other like occasion, that requireth or rogations such processions, they assemble and cloth themselves in sack, linen or buckeramme: with their backs naked, and their faces covered, saving little holes to look out at. And having certain scourges or whips (some of wire) in their hands, they go about the town whipping theim selfes, that the blood shall run from the back down to the heels, so painfully, that it moveth the poor people to compassion. For when this is done, they think God must needs fulfil their prayer. The like whereof is used in all other places of Italy, but because I think no two cities are able to match Genoa in the number of these Battuti, I thought good to make mention of them here.  
¶ Finally, the estate is holden by a Duke, changeable every ii year: who with viii governors and viii proctors assigned unto him, ruleth the whole for the time. Nevertheless Andrea Doria the emperors admiral for the middle seas, useth all at his will in mattiers of peace or war, and almost in every other thing.   

The building of Genoa.  
OF the edification of Genoa be divers opinions● but because no certainty is written thereof, I will omit their sayings that ascribe it to janus, or to Genuus the son of Saturn: and agreeing with the opinion of the bishop of Nebio (that particularly wrote the Chronicle thereof) I think it to be of such antiquity, that neither the time of foundation, nor yet the author thereof can well be known. As for the name, it is not unlike, but that (because it is the very entry from the seas unto Lombardy) it was first called janua (a gate or d●ore) and afterwards corruptely Genoa. But how or when it was builded, or for what cause it was so named, this is clear, that in the Romans time, almost .300. years before the coming of Christ, this city ruled the country about it, as appeareth both by a table of brass lately found in the vale of Pocevera, and also by the mention that Livy maketh of the destruction of it by Mago Hannibal's brother, and of the repairing of it again by the Roman Consul Lucretius Spurius.  
¶ From which time to the coming of Charlemagne into Italy, I find nothing notable of Genoa, save that it was one of the first cities, that openly professed the Christian faith. But after Charlemagne was crowned emperor, and his son Pepine made king of Italy, Ademaro, a baron of France, was sent thither so be captain: who by commandment of king Pepine, fought by sea with the saracenes: and though he was taken prisoner in the battle, yet the Genoese overcame their enemies, took xiii Sarasine ships, and the isle of Corsica, which in manner ever since hath remained under the Genoese dominion: and so continued Genoa obedient to the emperors captains the space of .100. years.  
¶ In the year .936. there happened in a little street than called Fontanella, and now Bordigoto, near to the pier of the haven, a little spring in stead of water cast forth blood, and ran so a whole day, to the great wonder of the people: 
Wonder.  whereupon followed, that the Sarasines' army came suddenly upon the town, and taking it by force, sacked and rifled it, set it on fire, and carried away the people, men women and children, in such wise, that they left the town as a plain wilderness. But the Genoese army, which was than abroad, met with these saracenes on the sea about Sardegnia, where they fought with them, cut them in pieces, and recovered their prisoners with double pray, and so restored their city. 
●58.   
¶ After this the emperor Berengario granted them certain privileges, with full dominion over the towns that they than possessed. By reason whereof they shortly increased, not only in wealth but also in such power, that in the voyage made into the holy land by Godfrey of Boulogne and other princes, 
19●9.  the Genoese army was one of the notablest of that company, first at the winning of Antioch, and after at the getting of jerusalem, in coming to which secounde enterprise the Genoese were feign to drown their own ships in the haven of jaffo: because they were not able to resist the Soldans army, that came upon them: 
Policy.  thought better to drown them, than to increase the enemy's power with their loss and shame both: how be it they first discharged all things that might be had out of them, which they carried with them unto the siege of jerusalem, and there behaved themselves so worthily, that almost none other company of the christian army was comparable to them. 
1100.   
¶ After this they armed .27. galleys and vi ships, and sent them into Soria in aid of Boemonde than king of jerusalem, where they got the city of Caesarea in Palestina, and leaving it in possession of the christians, returned home with great triumph and pray.  
¶ Finally within the space of .13. years the Genoese sent vii several armies into Soria, by whose means the principal towns from the golf of Laiacia southewardes, to the golf of Rissa, that is to weet Malinistra, Solino, Antioch, Laodicia, Tortosa, Tripoli, Baruti, Accon, sometime called Ptholemaida, Acres, Ghibelle●to, Caesaria, Assur, jaffo, Acaron, and Ascalon, were gotten out of the Turks hands▪ For which great service Bauldewyn than king of jerusalem next after Boemonde, gave to the Genoese divers notable privileges through all his dominion, which they enjoyed long time.  
¶ After these many victories returning to Genoa, the war that ceased so far of, sprang up nearer home. For the Pisani contended with the Genoese for consecration of the bishop of Corsica, and for the isle of Sardegnia. Whereupon followed sharp wars between them, for the most part to the disadvantage of the Pisani: so that at last being plainly overcomen, the Genoese entered into Pisa by force, 
1127.  and razed all the houses thereof down to the first floor.  

1146.  ¶ Thus finishing those wars, and wanting occasion where to be occupied, they made out an army against the saracenes, and first overran the isle of Minorica, and after assaulted the cities of Almeria and Tortosa, in the confines of Granata, which they took by force, with the slaughter of an infinite number of Moors, besides 10000 slaves that they carried with them to Genoa, and such a quantity of treasure and booties, as few like had been seen in those days: dividing the dominion that was gotten into three parts, the Earl of Barcelona (chief of this enterprise) had two to himself, and the Genoese the third.  
¶ The glory and wealth of which victories were such to the Genoese, that for many years after they enterprised no great matter far from home, but such sedition fell among themselves, that their own braulingꝭ many times gave courage to foreign princes to work against them. For the emperor Federike the first (after he had conquered Lombardy) thought also to subdue them: and made open preparation for it. Which was cause of their union again. For when they perceived an outward enemy, than were they inwardly soon agreed: and assoon as they were sure of peace abroad, incontinently they warred again within themselves. Nevertheless they used the emperor so well with gifts and fair words, that he not only suffered them to continue in their liberty, but also increased their common wealth with a numbered of privileges: and was occasion, that after long contention with them of Pisa, the Genoese at length enjoyed quietly the one half of Sardegnia, which before the Pisani had wholly to theim selfes.  
¶ About this time the soldan of Egypt got jerusalem, 
1190.  and divers other cities in Soria out of the Christians hands. 
Richard king of England.  Wherefore king Richard of England, and king Philip of France made their voyage into those parties, and king Richard arrived at Genoa with xu galleys, where he tarried but one day. After whom the Genoese sent .80. sail, with men and munition to the assiege of Acon or Ptholemaida. To the succours of which city the soldan sent a ship charged with vittaillꝭ and armure, and amongst other a cage full of fleeing serpents, purposely sent to be se● forth in the Christian army, that with their venom they might plague it. But it was met by the english navy and taken. And the emperor Federike coming towards the same enterprise, being already entered into Soria, by mishap was drowned in a river.  
¶ After whose death his son Henry next emperor came to Genoa in his own person, 
1194.  requiring their help to the conquest of Sicilia, promising them the profit, so that he might have the honour. Which so much enflambed the hearts of the people, that they made out a great number of galleys and other vessels, and did so much service, that the emperor (in manner by their power) got the whole isle of Sicilia: which he unthankfully considered. For when they had done their best for him, he rewarded them with all the spite he could, threatening to oppress their liberty, and to make them his subjects: insomuch that the Pisani, through comfort thereof, molested the Genoese of new, and fortifying Poggio di Bonifacio, fell to spoiling and ri●lyng of the Genoese goods by sea. But at length the loss turned to theim selfes. For the Genoese armed them, and taking Bonifacio by force, not only sacked and munited it for theim selfes, but also took a number of Pisane ships, as they could find them. Whereupon it followed, that the Pisani made out their power: and so fought divers times with the Genoese with divers fortune.  

1201.  ¶ The inhabitants of Vintimiglia breaking the articles of accord between the Genoese and them, were feign to come barefoot with crosses in their hands to Genoa and ask pardon, for fear of the preparation that the city made against them. And the year following, the Genoese purchased the dominion of Gavi, of the inheritors thereof: and the inhabitants of the vale of Arocia submitted their country to the Genoese dominion.  

1204.  ¶ And because the Pisani prepared to assail certain genoway ships, coming out of Soria, jaded with rich merchandise, the city armed certain galleys and ships to conduct them safely: which meeting togethers in the mouth of the Adriatic sea, determined to attempt to win the city of Saragosa in Sicily lately gotten by the Pisani. In the enterprise whereof they take certain Pisane ships: and without great fight won the city, leaving it fortified and governed for the common wealth of Genoa. Than the Pisani made out a new army and besieged it, and of likelihood should have put it to great afterdele, if Henry earl of Malea in Greece, with certain galleys of his own, and other ships of the Genoese, that came from be east, had not comen to the succours: who fought with the Pisane army, and with help of them that were within the town, obtained the victory, to the great slaughter and loss of them of Pisa.  
¶ And because the earl Henry of Malea had done the Genoese great service divers ways, 
120●.  therefore they aided him to their great charge, with galleys, ships, men, and horses to defend Candia, which he had usurped upon the venetians: so that the venetians being therewith aggrieved, immediately published the Genoese to be their enemies, whereupon followed sharp wars between them many years after.  
¶ Here is to be understand, 
1216.  that from the year .1080. unto the year .1190. the city was governed freely by the citizens under the name of consuls without intermeddling of strange rulers, and so in manner to this time, though for the space of .26. years some strangers had been now and than brought in as Potestates (the consuls nevertheless remaining after the old manner) but from this time forward the consuls ceased, and strange Potestates bore the rule a great time after.  
¶ The general army of the Christians lying at the 
122●.  siege of Damiata in Egypt was relieved with .10. galleys sent by the Genoese: through whose help the city was gotten, with wonderful richesses and an infinite number of slaves, besides the multitude of infidels that were slain: howbeit the christians kept not the city long, for the year following the saracenes recovered it again.  

1222.  ¶ They of Vintimiglia re●elled against the Genoese, so that after many light bickeringꝭ, at last an army was sent out against them, which lay long at siege before the town, and could not prevail: so that the Potestate to be assured of that enterprise, edified an other town between them and the sea, and with a garrison held them so straight, that at last they yielded: whereupon the town being recovered, the Genoese builded there two fortresses for the more surety of the same.  

1227.  ¶ In like manner they of Savona and of Albenga rebelled, and were to their despite reduced to their former obedience. But the war that happened between Alexandria in Lombary, and Genoa, for the dominion of Capriata and other towns in the confines between them, was not so soon appeased: though in effect the Genoese at length prevailed.  
¶ Gregory the ix bishop of Rome traveling to send an army into the holy land, 
1238.  agreed the venetians and Genoese togethers for ix years, and bound them to keep peace on pain of cursing. But like as his enterprise came to naught: so his curse could not keep those two astates from renewing of their malice, as by their oft fighting with variable fortune appeared after. And being than in contention with the emperor Federike, and calling a counsel in Rome against th'emperor, he sent to the Genoese, praying them to convey in saufetee the legates and prelate's that came out of the west parts towards that counsel. Wherefore they armed .27. galleys, and receiving two Cardinals, and other prelate's to the numbered of .40. at Niza in Provence, brought them solemnly to Genoa, and going from thence with them towards Rome, met with Ansaldo admiral of the emperors navy: who fought with them, and took .22. of those galleys, withal those goodly prelate's, and divers of the chief of the Genoese: and after vexed the common wealth sore in divers parts of their dominion. And because the emperor had intelligence with divers of the citesyns, who withstood the maintenance of bishop Gregory: therefore were they for the most part banished, and many of their houses razed to the earth: and as banished men procured many displeasures to their country divers ways. And though the most part of the imperials were thus banished, yet divers of that affection remained in the city closely: insomuch that the commons divided them openly by name, calling the imperials Mastarati, and the Papists Rampini: which names continued till the coming up of Guelfi and Ghibellini, that divided the whole Italian nation, as is mentioned in the Florentine history.  
¶ Than died the bishop Gregory, 
1243.  and Celestine his successor lived but .18. days, after whom succeeded Innocence the four a genoway borne. He following the trade of his predecessors contending with the emperor, and being in his danger at Sutri in the realm of Naples, wrought so with the Genoese, that they privily made out certain galleys, which came to Civita Vecchia besides Rome, to receive the bishop, who as secretly as he could came thither, and took shipping to Genoa, where he was received with Gloria in exce●sis, as reason would: not a little to the emperors displeasure, that before accounted himself in manner sure of him. And Innocence resting himself a certain space in Genoa, he departed towards Lions in France, and there held a general counsel against the emperor Federike, during whose life he durst not return into Italy: but immediately after the emperors death he came back again by Genoa, and was there no less triumphantly received, than he was the first time.  

1251.  ¶ Upon the death of this emperor the Genoese also recovered Saona and divers other towns, that by the emperors time rebelled against them, and had done them notable displeasures, as well by sea as by land. And bishop Innocence being departed from Genoa to Milan wrought so, that the banished Mastarati were restored to their country again: and .10000. pounds paid them of the comminaltee in recompense of their goods taken away before.  

1●57.  ¶ And not long after the people made a commotion against the office of the Potestate, so that the rumour ceasing, they elected Guglielmo Bocanigra, a citizen, to be their captain and superior unto the Potestate, and all other magistrates, who being placed in that office for ten years, by little and little usurped the dominion over the whole, and so provoked the chief citizens to conspire against him. And though he being advertised of the first conspiracy prevented his fall, by banishing of divers of the conspirators, and by reconciling of the rest: Yet his tyranny so much increased: that at length, not the chief citizens alone, but also the commons openly rebelled, and deposed him: reducing the city to the former order of thyr strange Potestate.  
¶ In his time the city happened to have great wars specially with the venetians, 
1258.  who having like privileges in the city of Acon, and in other parts of Soria, as the Genoese had, upon a light occasion broke the peace, that bishop Gregory before had made between them: so that both the venetians and the Genoese made out notable armies into Soria, either of them to maintain his party there, and after divers skirmishes and light bickering, at last the armies met & fought before Acon, where the Genoese were discomfited, & xxv. of their galleys taken. So that those Genoese, that than were in Acon, were constrained to flee: And thereupon the venetians took, sacked and razed their houses to the earth: and for a more despite, rooted up a very fair tour of the Genoese, and made a pond of that place, and setting boats thereupon, would say in scorn: See where the Genoese tour swimmeth.  
¶ This overthrow caused the Genoese to enter in league with Michael Paleologo emperor of Constantinople, than enemy to the venetians: 
1261.  who gave to the Genoese the city of Lesmirre, and the isle of Sio, as some affirm.  
¶ Either of those common wealths yearly made out a numbered of galleys, which most commonly met togethers and fought: but the notablest conflict of all was before Sicilia, 
1266.  between Trapani and Mazara, where the venetians took xxvii genoway galleys, withal the booty and prisoners that were in them.  
¶ And though the Genoese many times got from the venetians divers of their armed galleys, and many of their merchant ships richly laden: yet all things reckoned, the venetians had the better, whether I should ascribe it to fortune or force, I can not well judge.  

1●70.  ¶ Lewis the French king waged a certain number of galleys and ships, with .10000. men of the Genoese, which served him in his enterprise made to Tunise in Africa, where the king himself, one of his sons, and divers other princes and a numbered of soldiers died of the plague: so that Charles king of Naples, than left chief of the army, fell to composition with the king of Tunise, and upon the receit of certain money, with promise of other things, dissolved the army, and returned homewards without any notable act: in which return he met with Edward our prince, that with a goodly company was departed out of Gascoigne towards the aid of that enterprise, and offered him part of the money gotten towards his charges: but the prince refused it. Wherefore the rest of the army, (that were sore tormented with a great tempest, in which a numbered of ships and men were lost) seeing the english army clear, and safe without loss: affirmed, that it was only because they would take no part of the money received of the infidels.  
¶ And though the Genoese both for ships and numbered of men deserved most in this voyage: yet had king Charles so little respect to them, that those that remained, returned to Genoa not only without gain or reward, but glad with their great loss to be at home again.  
¶ About this time, by reason of the Guelfe and Ghibelline parties, that corrupted all Italy (as in the Florentine history appeareth, divers of the chief houses of Genoa likewise divided theim selfes into those sects: insomuch that they of the houses of Doria and Spinoli, with help of their partakers, by force expulsed the Flischi and Grimaldi out of the city, and banished those two families, with a numbered of others, which banished men, with help of a Cardinal of the Flischi, provoked Charles than king of Naples, to make war against the Genoese, which endured not long. For Oberto Spinola, and Oberto Doria, that took upon them the absolute power, and ruled the city certain years, keeping their adversaries out, were by fair means so entreated of Innocence the .v. than bishop of Rome, 
1376.  that the banished men were quietly reconciled and called home: the governance of the city nevertheless remaining in the hands of the Oberti as it did before.  
¶ And than the common wealth bought of Nicolas De Flischo certain towns and territories to the value of 25000. pound, which they well and truly paid him. But the Flischi and Grimaldi continued scarcely xii months at home, but they were accused of conspiracy against the estate, and so banished of new.  
¶ And though king Philip of France had before this time made peace for a season between the venetians and Genoese, in hope of an enterprise that he intended towardis the holy land: yet the ancient hate was such between them, that the one could scarce meet with the other on the sea, but that they would fight togethers, and take that advantage that they would do in war.  

1282. Giudice.  ¶ Than began Giudice di Ginercha in Corsica to trouble the genoway vessels, and at length to declare himself open enemy to them. Wherefore they made out a power against him, and expulsed him out of his estate. But by them of Pisa he was by force restored again: for the which the war renewed between the Genoese and the Pisani, one of the blouddiest warris and greatest by sea that hath lightly been heard of between two common wealths. For within the space of three years their armies fought four battles, and their diligence was such, that when the one army was discomfited (which for the most part hapi to the Pisani) they would within a month or vi weeks repair their number of galleys as strong as at the first, not of old galleys, but of new timber. And it would seem incredible to him that knoweth those two cities, that they should be able (having so little dominion) to make such powers one against an other, as by their chronicles appeareth they did.  

1284.  ¶ For the Genoese upon a sudden tidings of the Pisanes landing in Porto Venere, armed .70. galleys in less than iii days, and set them forth to the sea, and in the same year was .58. galleys, and viii Pamphili (which be boars of .140. or .160. oars) made ready in Genoa in a day: which with the rest of the army, to the number of .88. galleys, besides other vessels, sailed forth before the haven of Pisa, where after a cruel and bloody battle the Genoese had the victory, took .28. Pisane galleys, boulged seven, put the rest to flight, and led with them .9272. prisoners, whose ransom yielded unto the Genoese no small sums of money: and though this overthrow should seem almost sufficient to be the destruction of a great prince, yet did that one city of Pisa so bear it, that after a little dissembled peace they declared and continued enemies a long while after against the Genoese, and fought many battles by sea with divers fortune.  
¶ The nobility of Genoa conspired against the governors and people, to take from them the rule, 
1289.  because the city was governed more after the commons will, than the gentlemen's. And this conspiracy was so close kept (notwithstanding that in manner all the chief families, as Grimaldi, Flischi, Negri, Malloni, Sal●atici, Embriaci, & others were confederates in it) that it was never known, till they were in the streets armed on horseback and on foot, and had taken the church of saint Laurence: But following to the Abbots house (for so was the chief ruler called) the people assembled and resisted the conspirators in such wise, that the nobility was feign to lay down their weapons, upon promise to be pardoned of life and goods. By reason whereof the commotion ceased, and certain of the principal causes were banished for a time.  
¶ Upon examination, 
1290.  what power the Genowais were able to make by sea in time of need, it was found they had .120. galleys, furnished with their own chosen men. Whereof .40. were immediately sent forth against Pisa. which entered the haven, destroyed the great tour that the Pisanes had made there for their defence, took the town of Ligorno, and razed it to the earth: and finally broke the great chain that crossed the water, a great part whereof they brought with them to Genoa, and there openly hanged it up for a perpetual memory of their victories.  
¶ Where as the commons the year before had defended their rulers from the conspiracy of the nobility, now they themselves began to move and to make rumours against them: so that the captains of their own accord gave up their offices to the people, whereupon a new order was taken, that they should have a stranger to be their captain, and the rest of all the officers, as the counsellors, the Antiani, and such other, should be made half of the gentlemen, and half of the people.  

12●●.  ¶ Not long after upon a light occasion, the truce was broken between the Genoese and the venetians, and either of them armed a certain number of galleys to the sea, and in the Levaunte seas before the haven of Giacia meite and fought, where the less number, 〈◊〉 Genoese overcame the greater number, and take .25. of their galleys. 
1294.   
¶ Here it is to be noted, that within the space of vii years, from the beginning of the last wars against Pisa, it appeareth, that the Genoese at sundry times had armed .627. sail, besides the merchant ships and galeis, that yearly amounted to .70. or more. And the custom of comers and goers, with the tax of salt, yielded yearly unto the comminaltee above an .140000. pounds (every pound of theirs being two of ours, or thereabouts) which seemeth a thing incredible.  
¶ Than were the Mascharati and Rampini of the city (which were also as Guelfi and Ghibellini) made at one, 
1295.  after they had contended as enemies more than 50. years. Whereupon (hearing of a great preparation that the venetians made to revenge their loss the year before) the Genoese armed .165. galleys whereof 105. were new, in the which they had .45000. fighting men, all of their own subjects, under the leading of Oberto d' Oria, admiral for that viage: who went into Sicily, thinking there to meet the venetians, but they met not, so that the army returned without doing any fear: and their wealth was such, that .8000. men of that army were clothed in cloth of gold and silks.  
¶ The old envy between the Guelfi and Ghibellini renewed, so that the city was divided, that is to weet, 
1296.  the families of Spinola, and Doria, with their followers on the one part, and Flischi and Grimaldi, with their sect on the other part: so that they fought from the later end of December, unto the vii of February day by day, and burned divers goodly houses: but at last Spinola and Doria prevailed, and the other were driven out of the town and banished. By reason whereof ii captains of those ii houses were elected to the rule of the city after the old manner, and the strange captain, with the Potestate discharged.  
¶ Lamba d' Oria, 
12●●.  being one of the captains of the town, and admiral of the army by sea, entered the Venetian golf, fought with the Venetian army, burned 77. galleys, and brought .18. with .7400 prisoners to Genoa, and nevertheless shortly after made peace with the venetians, and granted truce to them of Pisa for 27. years. For the which the Pisani, yielded to the Genoese the isle of Corsica, and the city of Saffari in Sardegnia, with .135000. pounds in money.  

1304.  ¶ The emperor Adronico Paleologo of Constantinople, for the great amity between him and the Genoese, gave them the ground, whereon Pera standeth, a mile distant from Constantinople, where all the Christians now dwell, first builded by the Genoese.  

1306.  ¶ Within two years after began the discord, that caused so much mischief between the houses of Spinela and Doria, (which before time had been steadfast friends together) and endured the space of xu years with much bloodshedding, till the coming of the emperor Henry the vi to Genoa, who agreed both parties, and so behaved him, that the citizens bound them selves by feaultee unto his obedience for term of twenty years: 
1●12.  which was the first time that the city submitted herself to the dominion of any stranger. notwithstanding when the emperor was departed, those two parties Spinola and Doria fought openly in the city, so that at length the Spinoli (being the weaker) were driven out with well near all their partakers, 
1315.  and yet the war continued between them the space of .24. years, aswell within as without the city, to the great damage, and almost destruction of the common wealth. For many times the banished men by mean of friends were reconciled again: and when they were once returned, than did they worse than ever they did before.  
¶ This descension was not only between those two families of Spinola and Doria, but also between the sects of Guelfes and Ghibellines: into which parties the whole city was likewise divided: 
1318.  so that the Ghibellines, which than were banished by help of the Visconti of Milan, and of other Ghibellines, made a great army: and under the leading of Mark, son to Mathewe Visconti, came before Genoa, took the suburbs, and streigned the city so sore, that if it had not been succoured by king Robert of Naples (who in his own person, with .25. galleys entered the haven) the Ghibellines had been like to have taken it. Wherefore they of the city, to make theim selfes strong, yielded the dominion into the hands of the bishop of Rome, and of the foresaid king of Naples, for the space of ten years: in which time were so many civil battles stricken, so much bloodshed, so many towns and houses destroyed and burned, so many galleys and ships broken drowned and lost, and so great sums of money spent, that it seemeth a wonder how so little a country should bring forth so great furniture, and all to mischief.  
¶ Finally king Robert (to whom the rule of the city was prolonged for vi years) called the ambassadors, 
133●.  aswell of the Ghibellines as of the Guelphs, to Naples: and there made them to conclude a peace, so that the Ghibellines were reconciled home, where they lived not long in quiet, as hereafter shall appear.  
¶ In the time of this war one notable policy was used by sea. The year before conclusion of this peace, 
Policy.  Federike Marabotto, captain of ix galleys of the Guelphs (whereof ii were drowned in Sardegnia) was chased by Aitono Doria, captain of xiiii of the Ghibelline galleys, and came so near with the night, that they were within a flight shot together: so that Federike could by no mean escape: Wherefore in the dark of the night, he set forth a little empty vessel, with a burning lantern in it, and caused all the lights of his galleys to be put out. This done he let the little vessel lose: which the waves of the sea by little and little drove towards the land: so that Aitono thinking it to be the galleys that he had in chase, followed, and by that mean was so far from Federike ere it was day, that Federike easily escaped the danger.  

1332.  ¶ Than began the Catalaines to make war to the Genoese upon a very light occasion, which continued a great while, with many notable battles by sea, more to the loss of the Catalaines than of the Genoese: though the better of both had no cause to triumph. 
1335.  But those foreign wars were nothing so hurtful to the city, as their own civil sedition, which shortly after renewed between the Guelphs and Ghibellines: so that within the city they fought a certain space with variable fortune, till at length the Ghibellines prevailed, and chased away the Guelphs: and so an other while took the rule upon them. Wherefore the Guelphs fortified theim selfes at Monaco, and made out divers armies by sea: which were divers times met withal, by the contrary part, though in effect there happened no notable battle between them.  

1338.  ¶ Not long after the French king warring with England, hired .40. galleys of the Genoese: whereof twenty were of the Ghibellines in Genoa, and twenty of the Guelphs in Monaco: which when they had served him a year, returned not well contented with their payment, so that the mariners and other mean soldiers took the rule of the galleys from their captains: and were grown to such a courage, 
1339.  that when they landed, they moved the commons to rebel against the rule of the common wealth, and subverting the city of Savona, with most part of the country thereabouts, the commons of Genoa took courage thereupon to arm themselves, and to run to the palace crying, that they would have an abbot made of the people, and would no more be ruled by the captains. Wherefore the nobles (seeing their power inferior to the people's fury) assembled together, and fell to counsel for choosing of this new abbot, in which counsel they tarried so long within, that the people without were weary, and up start a poor wyredrawer or a goldsmith (to give him the better name) and asked the people, whether they would be ruled by him? Whereunto many answered: yea, well (quoth he) and than shall Simonine Bocanegra be our lord and ruler. Be it (quoth one) and be it quoth an other: so that the people with an whole voice cried, abbot Bocanegra. But he (who was a good man) did what he could to refuse it: and they seeing that, amended the matter with crying not Abbotte but Duke: so that in conclusion, whether he would or no, the absolute power was put in his hand, and he called Duke: being the first that ever had that title in Genoa. Than was a law made, that none should be called to any rule or office of the common wealth, unless he were a Ghibelline.  

1340.  ¶ The Turk at this time waxed great, and had certain galleys going upon the sea called Mare Maggiore (otherwise Pontus Euxinus) which had rob certain merchant ships of the Genoese, wherefore they armed theim selfes in Caffa, and meeting, fought with the Turkis army, and recovered not only their own goods, but also took ten Turkish galleys and a ship with great booty.  

1344.  ¶ Likewise the emperor of the Tartars made war on the Genoese, and besieged them in Caffa (a town situate in the confines of Tartary) out of the which the Genoese issuing by night, burned the Tartars engines, and slew .5000. men: so that their emperor sent to Genoa for peace, and under colour thereof (obteigning it) did them much more hurt by treason than he had done in open war. For he spoiled them at one time of .200000. pounds.  
¶ The nobility of Genoa (that than were banished) seeing the estate ruled all by the people, assembled their powers, and came before the city, so that Bocanegra (seeing also the nobility and people within the city in manner at an open contention for the same) deposed himself of his dignity, and departed out of the city: In whose place john di Morta was by the people elected, 
1345.  and the nobility kept out, till by the award of Lucchino Visconti, lord of Milan (to whose judgement the matter was committed) they were restored to the city, and to part of their goods, the rule remaigning nevertheless at the people's will.  

1346.  ¶ All this while, they of Monacho mainteigned war against Genoa, and had newly armed .34. galleys wherefore they of Genoa armed also .29. so that because they would not meet togethers, they of Monaco went to serve Philip the French king against our king Edward the iii in which wars they had so good success, that one galley of them never returned home again: but the other army of Genoa, under the leading of Simonde Vignioso prospered very much. For after divers enterprises achieved in the realm of Naples, he entered into the Archipelago (otherwise called Mare Egeum) and there got the isle of Sio, which in process of time hath been occasion of wonderful gain and wealth to the Genoese: and besides that at the same time he got the two cities called Foglie Vecchie.  
¶ Than renewed the war between the venetians and the Genoese, wherein were divers battles stricken, 
1350.  one before Constantinople, where the venetians were discomfited, with the loss of .30. galleys: an other in Sardegnia, where the Genoese were discomfited, with the loss of .41. galleys, and an other at the isle of Sapientia, where the venetians lost .40. sail, besides divers others of less importance.  
¶ And though it seem, 
135●.  that the Genoese got most in these last wars with the venetians: yet their gain was so bloody & costly, that in manner of necessity they submitted theim selfes to john than archbishop and lord of Milan. 
1356.  Under whom it continued scarcely iii years, but that the people (being offended with the taxes that ●he bishop required of them) restored Simonde Bocanegra to the estate of Duke: whereof he had deposed himself before: and he in recompense thereof, deposed all the nobility, and gave the offices amongst the people. For which were divers conspiracies wrought against him: and (as some hold opinion) at length he was poisoned at a bankette made to the king of Cyprus, as he passed that way into France.  

1363.  ¶ Gabriel Adorno was made Duke next after him, who continued the space of .v. years, till the people misliked his rule, and by force deposing him, created Domenyke Di Campo Fregoso in his room. In whose time happened the business in Cyprus between the venetians and Genoese for going on the upper hand, 
1370.1372.  which afterwards was occasion of cruel wars.  
¶ It happened upon the death of king Peter of Cyprus (who in the night was slain by his brethren) that as his son Peter should go to the ceremony of his coronation, the venetians and Genoese than present, contended very earnestly for the upper hand, which at length by order of the kings counsel was given to the venetians, so that the Genoese, preparing theim selfes to be revenged, were discovered, taken, and slain, that of as many as were in Cyprus, there escaped but one to bring home news of this matter: which at length caused the destruction of that land.  
¶ For the Genoese made out an army, and the same day xii months, 
1373.  that they were beaten, they entered by force into Famagosta (the chief city of Cyprus) and took all the nobility of the realm iii of the chief they put to death, because they had been their enemies, and having all the realm at their disposition, they restored it to the young king Peter, reserving Famagosta to theim selfes, with a tribute of .40000. Florines: which they enjoyed unto the year of our lord .1464. and besides that they brought divers noble men and gentlemen of the Cipriottes prisoners unto Genoa, amongst whom was the kings uncle james Lusigniano, who being kept in the tower Capo di Faro, begat a son called jano, and was afterwards king himself.  
¶ And albeit that Domenyke di Campo Fregoso (who for the space of viii years had been Duke) ruled the estate so well, that no man could justly reprove him, 
1378.  yet the inconstant multitude, with a little stering of some that were great, made a commotion against him, and not only deposed him, and put him and his brother Peter (general of the enterprise of Cyprus) in prison, but also banished all them of the house of Fregoso: who for a great space had been notable ministers of the common wealth.  
¶ But this ingratitude of the people can be no wonder to them that have red histories. 
Ingratitude of people.  For it is almost ordinary with the people to render ill for good.  
¶ Than was Nicolas di Guarco elected Duke: By whose time happened that notable war between the Genoese and venetians, wherein after divers fortunes and victories on both parts, the venetians looked to be beaten out of their houses. For the Genoese with help of their colleges so sore oppressed their power by sea, that they were driven into their own haven, and Peter Doria came with the army before the two castles at Lio, within two mile of Venice, so that if the Site of the place made not the city imprenable: of likelihood the venetians had been subdued. For they sent their ambassadors to Peter Doria to require peace with large conditions, who (not being contented to have the honour with a reasonable advantage) would needs they should yield theim selfes and their city to be at his discreation. The extremity of which answer made the venetians so desperate, that straining their uttermost powers togethers, at length they discoumfited the Genoese army, slew Peter Doria, took xix galleys, and more than .4000. prisoners: and so recovered Chiozza, withal their other places about their marshes, that were before taken from them. And than increased their courage so much, that Carlo Zeno, with certain Venetian galleys, entered the river of Genoa, and held the Genoese short, till by mean of the Duke of Savoie the peace was made between them. 
1381.   

1383.  ¶ Than died king Peter of Cyprus, whom to succeed the barons elected his uncle james, than prisoner in Genoa: who upon advertisement thereof was not only put at liberty, but also (after great feasts and honour) sent home with ten galleys of the common wealths: first binding himself to certain articles aswell for the payment of a yearly tribute, as also for the city of Famagosta, which remained in the Genoese possession.  
¶ About this time were so many commotions in the city, for choosing of their Dukes, that I think there was never so much alteration of rulers in one common wealth for the time. And because the rehearsal thereof would occupy a greater room than my purpose doth here allow: it shall suffice to say, that as long as the rule of the common wealth consisted in the will of the multitude, never was so inconstant an estate as that of Genoa: For amongst other in the change between Domenyke di Campo Fregoso and Nicolas Guarco were iii Dukes in a day: Fregoso deposed in the morning, and Adorno incontinently made, and at after noon Adorno deposed, and Guarco made. Wherefore as superfluous to treat of all the Duke's elections, I woulle hensfoorth speak no more of their changes, without great cause.  
¶ The Moors of Barbary in this time scoured all the middle seas, 
1389.  robbing and spoiling all that ever they could take. Wherefore the Genoese with divers others made suit unto the French king for an enterprise to be made against the king of Tunise. Which the French king granted, and sent the Duke of Bourbon● as general, not only with a great power of France, but also with aid that was sent him out of England, in whose company the Genoese sent .40. galleys, and twenty ships of theirs, under the leading of john Centurion. And their Chronicle maketh mention, how our English archers behaved themselves at their landing in Barbary so well, that the Moors gave them pla●e: whereas without them the army should have had much ado to land. The end of which journey was, that the king of Tunise released all Christian slaves, whereof there were a numbered in his realm, and paid the Christians .10000. ducats, with promise to trouble the seas no more.  
¶ From the year .1390. till .1396. was so much ado for making and deposing of Dukes, 
1396.  that Antoniotto Adorno had been four times Duke, besides viii or ix. others, that had been put in and out the mean time, with so much bloodshed, burning, and spoiling, that at length for very desperation the city sent ambassadors to Charles the vi French king, beseeching him to take the dominion thereof into his hands. Who at their request sent the Count of saint Paul, and the bishop of Meaux to be rulers there, and to receive the fortresses into his possession: 
1397.  which immediately were delivered to them, & fealty sworn by all the subjects.  
¶ The French Governor had not been there fully a year, but the sects of Guelfes and Ghibellines renewed so sore, 
1398.  that after much burning, spoiling and killing in the country thereabouts, the Ghibellines entered into the city, and from the xvi of julie, to the .v. of September fought day by day with the Guelphs, and fortifying the one half of the city, against the other, they never ceased, till both parties were tired with the fury of their own blood and flame. For amongst their fighting it was a common matter to set one an others house on fire: so that the loss that the common wealth susteigned in this rage, was esteemed much more than a myllion of gold.  
¶ The bishop of Meaulx, than governor of the city, for fear of his own life, fled in the midst of this fury. 
1399.  So that when it was past, the French king sent thither in his steed one Collarde, a counsellor of his, who by the Genoese was honourably received. He governed not much more than a year, but by mean of a new sect, called La Scorzola, he was feign to abandon the city, 
1400.  leaving them together by the ears after their old manner, fighting and burning amongst theim selfes' day by day: 
1401.  which ceased not, till the coming of Bouciquart marshal of France, who being the kings lieutenant, entered into Genoa with a thousand soldiers, and incontinently proceeded against the steerrers of the common wealth, causing two of the chief of the city Battista Boccanegra, and Battista de Frauchi, to be taken & brought to the palace, and beheaded Boccanegra: upon whose death the people began such a cry, that they which had the other in keeping: let him go: so that when the rumour was past, Bouciquart in a great rage, caused the chief officer of the wards head to be stricken of, because through his men's negligence, happened the escape.  
¶ Than did Bouciquart also fortify the little castle, 
1402.  now called Castelletto, and put a garrison into it: and when he had taken aswell from the men of the countrei as of the town, all kind of armure (their sword excepted) than spared he none of them: But for every occasion of any importance, would behead the offender without any respect to his quality or kin: And his proceedings were such, that the French king confirmed him in that office for term of life: to the great contentation of the citizens, who in his rigorous justice found greater ease, than in the soft proceedings of the other governors: whose gentleness gave liberty to the presumptuous multitude to do what they would, which was their own destruction.  
¶ Than jano king of Cyprus (who had been borne, bred up, 
1403.  & well entreated in Genoa) laid siege to the city of Famagosta, intending to get it from the Genoese: but an army of .18. sa●●e was incontinently made thither, under the leading of Bouciquart, who not only raised the siege, but also constrained the king to pay their charges, and achieved divers other enterprises on the costs of Soria: nevertheless in his return the venetians met with him, and putting him to flight, took iii of his galeis: and yet was the matter so handled, that the war between the venetians and Genoese ceased for this time. In deed Bouciquart in his own quarrel defied the Duke of Venice, and Carlo Zeno, captain of the Venetian galleys, to fight either hand to hand, or number for number: but he was not answered.  

Bouciquart.  ¶ This Bouciquart, for the space of viii years ruled the common wealth of Genoa: by which time the city of Serezana, with the county about came to the obedience of the Genoese. Because they were of themselves no more able to resist the Florentines: and Bouciquart sold to the common wealth, the port of Ligorno besides Pisa for .26000. ducats.  
¶ By his time also Benedict the xii Schismatic bishop of Rome, came to Genoa, and was there triumphantly received. And the office of. S. George was than devised, which endureth to this day.  
¶ The Siotes also rebelled, in so much that Bouciquart, with vi galleys went thither, and reduced them to their former obedience.  
¶ Finally coveting to have the rule of the estate of Milan, he made an army of .6000. footmen, and .5000. horsemen, and (not mistrusting any alteration in Genoa) passed the ●●reicte into Lombardy. 
1409.  But the mean while the people murmored against him, and at last rebelled and slew all the frenchmen they could find within the dominion, and thau received the Marquis of Monferrato, with a certain power of men into the city, who was made captain and precedent there, with a stipend of .15000. pound by the year. So that when Bouciquart would return, it was to late. For than the Genoese would be no longer subjects to the French king.  
¶ The Marquis continued not fully four years, 
1413.  but they rebelled, and expulsed him out of their dominion, partly by force and partly by agreement. For they gave him .24500. ducats for the restitution of those towns and fortresses that he had of theirs in his hands. And than fell they to a new order with the election of a Duke much after their old manner: so that George Adorno was made Duke for that time.  
¶ And albeit there could no fault be found in him, for he was a good justicer, and a man endued with much humanity, yet was he scarcely ii years in that office, but Battista Montaldo conspired against him. 
1415.  Whereof followed so much civil war between parties in the city, that there were above .100. men slain, and that many of the best sort, and .146. houses burned, spoiled and destroyed: and so much hurt done besides, that it were to lamentable to tell.  
¶ Finally both parties wearied, they fell to agreement: so that George Adorno willingly renounced the estate of Duke: and Barnabas di Goano was elected in his steed. Who within the space of a year was also deposed, and Thomas Diego Campo Fregoso made Duke in his place.  
¶ This man immediately after his election, 
1416.  to get the love of the people, disbursed .60000. ducats of his own, to the relief of the common wealth: which at that time was far in debt. And yet for all that the common wealth was brought to such poverty, by their own civil sedition, and resisting Duke Philip of Milan, who than made sharp war upon them, that for very necessity they sold the port of Ligorno to the Florentines for .120000. ducats.  
¶ And to increase their calamity king Alfonse of Aragone (going out of Spain to ge●te the realm of Naples) landed in Corsica upon the Genoese dominion, and there besiegeing Bonifacio put them to no small charge in the rescue thereof: wherein surely the Genoese bare theim selfes wonderful valiauntely, notwithstanding that by their continual wars specially against the Duke of Milan, they were brought to such poverty, that they were fain at last to submit themselves to the Duke of Milan, 
1421.  and in recompense of the deposing of their own Duke, gave him .30000. Florines, with the lordship of Serezana. Than was captain Carmigniola made ruler of the city for the Duke, 
1422.  in whose time an army was made out into the realm of Naples against king Alfonse, under the leading of Guido Torello, who by composition took the cities of Gaetta and Naples, and did so much, that the Spaniards forsook the realm, and so had the Duke of Milan his purpose there, though he used it but easily: for by fair entreaty he restored to Queen johan, all that the Genoese had gotten from her. Besides that the Duke suffered the common wealth to decay, by reason that divers (partly by his appointment, and partly by his consent) occupied certain towns and possessions to their own uses, which before belonged to the comminaltee. Wherewith the Genoese were much offended, though for that time they du●s●e not s●urre.  
¶ And Albeit that the Genoese served him notably in his wars against the venetians, 
1437.  specially in the conflict between them on the river of Pò, near to Cremona, where the venetians received a great discomfiture: yet when the venetians made war again upon the Genoese, only to be revenged of their loss on the Pò, Duke Philip nothing aided the Genoese: so that the venetians discomfited their army before the church of saint Fruttuoso: where the venetians took viii. galleys: and pursuing their victory, seeing the Genoese scarce able to arm them, and the isle of Sio undefended, made thither: and gave divers assaults to the city, thinking to get it. But the S●otes, with help of a few Genoese that they had there, defended theim selfes so valiantly, that the venetians were feign to retire with great loss of their men.  
¶ Than returned king Alfonse of Aragone into the realm of Naples, and besieged Gaetta, 
1434.  to the rescue whereof Blasio d' Asseretto was sent, with xu sail, and not fully .3000. men: who met and fought with the king, the sorest battle that happened in those days, for so small a number. For the king set on the Genoese army with double the number of men, and with great advantage of ships and galleys: yet did the Genoese so obstinately fight it out, that of the kings part they slew above .5000. and took the king with his ii brethren, a numbered of Dukes and Earls, and above .200. knights prisoners: with so much spoil of gold, silver, jewels, and other treasure, that the like booty hath not lightly been heard of: All which they brought in saufetee to Genoa: saving the kings person, which by the Duke of Myllaines' commandment was had to Savona, and from thence to Milan: where he was not entreated as a prisoner, but at length not only without ransom, but also with great presents set at liberty, and that without the Genoese consent: which with divers other unkyndnesses and injuries done to them by the Duke, caused the Genoese to return to their own wont wills: so that through procurement of Frances Spinola, the whole city was in arms: 
1436.  and expulsing and slaying all the Duke's ministers, took on them their old liberty, and made Thomas Di Campo Fregoso Duke again: who continued in the same about vi years. In which time raynold Duke of Angio (that claimed the realm of Naples) came to Genoa, and was not only well received there, but also aided with certain armed galleys towards his enterprise, and Nicolas Fregoso sent for captain with him: by whose help he got the Castle novo in Naples, and so much prospered otherways, that it was a great while doubted, who should enjoy the realm, either raynold, or king Alfonse. But at last raynold for lack of men and money was feign to leave the enterprise, so that the Genoese returned without any recompense of their great chargis susteigned in that quarrel. 
1442.  And than was king Alfonse in their tail by sea: so that they were no sooner unarmed, but that he overran all the genoway costs. The like whereof did the Duke of Milan by land: and so was the common wealth in manner besieged on both sides.  
¶ In the midst whereof began a conspiracy against the Duke, 
1443, 1444.  who was deposed and Rafaell Adorno settled in his place. Than peace was obtained of king Alfonse upon certain conditions, as the necessity of the time would allow: amongst which one was, that the Genoese should yearly send him a basin of gold as a present, or rather as a tribute, as he took it.  
¶ Rafaell Adorno being persuaded, 
1447.  that the common wealth should amend, if he renounced the Duchy, left it willingly. Whereupon Barnabas Adorno took upon him: but janus Diego Campo Fregoso entered by night into the city, and deposing Barnabas by force: took the estate upon him, and died within two years.  
¶ After whom succeeded Lewis Fregoso, and after him Peter Fregoso. In whose time the dominion of Corsica, with the profits coming out of Caffa, and out of the other places, subject to the Genoese in the east, were all converted to the magistrate of saint George: and the city of Pera against Constantinople (which appertained before to the Genoese) was yielded to the Turk, when Constantinople was gotten. 
1454.   
¶ john Duke of Angio, 
1458.  son to the forenamed raynold, came this year unto Genoa, where by accord of the citizens, he received the city into the dominion of the French king, and thereupon took their feaultee. But than came king Alfonse before the haven with a notable army, and so sore streigned the city by siege, that if death had not taken him the rather out of the way, he must needs have gotten it. Whereas his death unlooked for, caused the whole army to scatter here and there: by reason whereof the Genoese were delivered, even when they despaired of all mercy, knowing how much the king was bend to their destruction.  
¶ Than incontinently they made out an army in favour of Duke Iohn towards the recovery of the realm of Naples, which did him notable service, though in effect his purpose proved not.  

1459.  ¶ This mean while Peter Fregoso, that had been Duke, seeing the power of the city well abated by sending out of this army, made a power, and imagining how he might recover his estate, entered the city by night. But this Duke john with the citizens resisted, fought with him all night and a part of the day, and at last repulsing his men, by chance locked him with a few more within the gates: where at last he was slain: and some of his allies and confederates taken and beheaded.  

1490.  ¶ But Duke Iohn after this victory rested not long, till the commons began to contend for payment of taxes, and finding fault with the burden that was laid upon them, took their weapons in hand, and constrained the Duke with all his frenchmen to flee into the Castle. Where they besieged him: and than made Prospero Adorno their Duke: so that raynold, father unto the besieged Duke (with help of the french king) made a great army by sea and land, and came to Genoa, where he was well fought withal, discomfited, and lost .2500. men: so that the Genoese remained in their liberty: and yet were the enemies no sooner retired, but civil sedition sprang up amongst them within the city. For the Duke Adorno could not be contented to suffer the Fregosis to tarry within the city, whereupon either of them made what power they could: And the Fregosi having the better hand, expulsed Adorno, & made one of their own name Duke.  
¶ This overthrow was so displeasant to the French king, 
1462.  that keeping Savona a certain space in his hands, and seeing the maintenance thereof overchargeable for him, gave it unto Frances Sforza than Duke of Milan, withal his right unto the estate of Genoa. Whereupon Sforza sent an army thither under the leading of Gasparo di Vicomercato, 
1464.  and easily obtained the dominion of the city, by reason that Paul Fregoso, than both Duke and archbishop of Genoa, fled without making any resistance, knowing that the people hated him for his great tyranny.  
¶ Thus Gasparo being in the Duke's name placed in the rule of the city, the Genoese sent xxiiii of their chiefest citizens in ambassade to Milan, to gratify the Duke: that amiably received them. And glad were the Genoese, that they had gotten him to be their lord because the good governance of his own subjects made them to hope for like wealth and rest: as it proved in deed. But he lived not fully ii years after. 
1466.   
¶ Than succeeded his son Galeazzo: In whose time the Turk got the city of Caffa, with divers other towns in the east parties, 
1475.  appertaining to the Genoese: Which was not only a great hindrance to their wealth, but also to their reputation.  
¶ And because this Galeazzo showed himself some what unthankful to the Genoese (being in deed a wilful young man) therefore the people murmoured against him, and ones rebelled by procurement of Jerome Gentile: 
1476.  which nevertheless without much a do was pacified: so that Galeazzo continued lord thereof till he was slain in Milan through a conspiracy made against him. As in the Milanese history appeareth.  

1477.  ¶ But incontinently upon his death the commons arose again, and expulsing the governor there for the Duke, took a new order for the rule of their common wealth. Wherefore incontinently a great army was sent from Milan, which by the help of the Adorni, with their parttakers discomfited Obietto di Flisco, with the comminaltee, and so being entered into the city, Prospero Adorno was established, as the Duke of Milans lieutenant there. But he continued scarcely one year, till by mean of new practices, that he held with Ferdinando king of Naples, 
1478.  he was had in suspicion to the Milanese: who willing to depose him, raised a new commotion of the people: so that where he was before the Duke's lieutenant, now he was made governor absolutely of the common wealth. Whereupon a new army was sent from Milan to Genoa, and there fought withal, and so discomfited, that of .15000. men, which departed from Milan, returned not fully 3000. the rest, some were slain, but the most part taken. This battle being thus achieved, the Genoese had no rather recovered their liberty, but that their old civil sedition renewed. For the Fregosi could not suffer the Adorni to rule, wherefore within the city they fell together by the ears. And albeit that for a season the Adorni prevailed, yet at length they were oppressed and constrained to flee, and Battista Fregoso made Duke after their old manner: who the four year after his election was deposed by the procurement of Cardinal Fregoso, and the Cardinal made Duke in his steed: 
14●●.  by whose time the Florentines made war against the Genoese, and got from them the towns of Serezana and Pietra Santa, which with the countries about them, were of notable importance to the common wealth. But it is no marvel, though the Florentines prevailed: 
1487.  For the Genoese were at that time abandoned of all the astates about them. Whereas the Florentines were in league with the bishop of Rome, with the venetians, and divers others.  
¶ Than were the commons so weary of the cardinals rule, that Obietto Flisco, upon compforte thereof, entered by night into the city, and after much fight and long contention, made the Cardinal to renounce: 
1488.  so that the citesins (remembering how they were best in quiet, when they were subjects to the Duke of Milan) returned of new to be under the Milanese dominion: and than was Antony Adorno made governor of the city for the Duke. By whose time truce was taken with the Florentines, to the Genoese disadvantage: and Charles the viii French king was aided by the Genoese towards the winning of the realm of Naples: 
149●.  but in his return thence, they not only discomfited a good part of his army by land, but also took ten galleys, and a great gallion, that were returning into France from the kings said enterprise of Naples. Whereupon divers towns that before rebelled against the common wealth, returned than unto them, as Vintimiglia with others. 
149●.  And Serezana was bought of the Castellane there for .25000. ducats.  
¶ The emperor Maximilian came also to Genoa and was there honourably received.  

149●.  ¶ This time was Lewis, surnamed Moro, Duke of Milan, and sins the last submission of the estate of Genoa unto the Duke, the house of Adorni had borne all the rule. And because they had persuaded the common wealth to aid the Duke against the french king with 1000 men paid for iii months, therefore when the French king had chased the Duke from Milan, the citesins took occasion to expulse the Adorni, and sent ambassadors to king Lewis the xi then being at Milan to offer themselves to him: who amiably received them: and made his cousin Philip of Cleves their governor: who with xviii sail French and Genoese together, 
1501.  took his voyage towards the enterprise of Meteline, to the which the venetians also sent .34. galleys, But they returned all without achieving their purpose.  

1502.  ¶ Than came king Lewis to sport him at Genoa, and making great preparation to receive him, the nobles contended with the ancients of the commons, who should go before, which for that time was judged by Rocabertino, 
1506.  lieutenant for the governor, that they should go by age, and neither by blood nor dignity.  
¶ And albeit that this contention was appeased for that time, yet for this and other light causes there grew such hate between the nobility and commons, that at length the multitude arose, and constreigning the gentlemen to flee out of the city, spoiled and rob divers of their houses.  
¶ Upon knowledge of which rumour, the French king sent the governor thither. Who with .150. horse and 750. footmen entered the city, thinking with his presence and power to oppress the people's fury.  
¶ Than Aloise di Flisco, with most part of the nobilite●, had assembled a power, and were come to Quarto, in hope by the governors means to be reconciled. But than began the Artisanes, with the rascal of the city (which for their povertee were called Capette) to assemble together in companies, some of our lady, and some of saint john Baptist, with other like, and so to ●enne about doing infinite harms: that the governor durst no more offer to bear any authority. For they made them viii rulers by the name of tribunes: against whom no man might speak: so that the governor, seeing his authority clean taken from him, departed.  
¶ A little before whose departure king Ferdinando of Spain, with ten galleys and vii foists entered the haven, and tarrying there a day, departed on his way to Naples.  
¶ Than did they of the city send four ambassadors to the French king, who scarcely would look upon them: being determined by force to chastise them, and therefore sent commission to the Castellane that kept the Castelletto, to damage the city all that he could: who thereupon secretly made an issue (when he knew he should find the chiefest in the church of. S. Frances) and took a number, and led them prisoners in to the castle, where for their ransoms the captain got above .10000. ducats. But that letted him not from the execution of his masters commandment: for he never ceased, but shot of all manner of artillery into the city and into the haven, to the great terror and annoyance of the people.  
¶ Yet for all that these rascal Capette were so obstinate in their rebellion, that with help of their new tribunes they made them a Duke, one Paul Da Nove a dier of silk.  
¶ And though that the Cardinal Finaro, with divers of the best citizens, 
1507.  did what they could by counsel to cause the people to submit theim selfes to the french king (who than newly was entered with an army into Lombardy) yet would they never stoop, till the french king with his own army, and with such power as the nobility of Genoa could make, came before the city: where the commons made a little resistance, but at length he entered in arms, made his army to pass thorough the city, put divers of the principal offenders to death, received homage of the citesins sitting in his magistee, placed the nobility in their accustomed dignities, burned the books of covenants, in steed whereof he granted them some privileges, made them pay .200000. crowns for his costs, and .40000. to the building of a fortress at Capo di Faro, increased the garrison with .200. soldiers, and finally bound them to keep iii galleys continually armed at their cost and charge. And thus (to his seeming) establisshing all things, returned towards France. And at Savona was overtaken by the king of Spain, who in his return from Naples landed there to visit and salute the french king: that likewise received him with solemn cheer.  

15●●.  ¶ After this the Genoese rested scarcely ii years in quiet under the French kings dominion (Radolfo de La Noi being governor) but there sprung up a company in the city called the fellowship of the tounne: which betokened, that as the barrel staves of the toūn● were perfectly joined, so were they knit togethers in one will. And these waxed so stout, that they sent ambassadors to the French king, requiring (amongst other things) a change of their governor, whom they reputed to be an extortioner and a tyrant. But they sped not of their purpose.  
¶ The mean while the bishop of Rome tempted and alteration of the estate, 
1512.  in so much that the bishop of Vintimiglia came to the city, to the intent to slay the governor, and to make a commotion. And though he mist of his purpose, yet did the great bishops purpose prove at length. For jano Fregoso, with a certain number of men sent from the bishops camp, entered the city, without any resistance thorough the governors cowardly flight. And being made Duke, forced the castle so sore, that the Castellaine for .12000. ducats yielded it. Nevertheless the Castle of the Lantern held still french, and was besieged of the Fregosi. But the Adorni rescued it: and by comfort of the french kings army by sea, entered the city: 
1513.  Whereupon the Fregosis fled, so that the estate returned French, and Antoniotto Adorno, by the kings special commission was made governor.  
¶ In which office he continued but .22. days. For assoon as the French navy was departed (which by reason of the great discoumfiture that the french king had at Novara, could tarry no longer) the Fregosis, with aid of the king of Spain, came so strongly to Genoa, that the Adorni with their partners were feign to give place: and than was Octavian Fregoso made Duke: so that within the space of one year, the estate of Genoa altered four times.  

1514.  ¶ This new Duke paid the Spaniards, that had aided him .80000. crowns out of the common treasure: and made Andrea Doria captain of four galleys: and than besieged the Castle of the Lantern, which for the quantity was excellent fair and strong. Nevertheless assoon as he had gotten it (by composition paying 22000. ducats to the captain) incontinently he razed it to the earth.  

1515.  ¶ The Adorni, with the Flischi than conspired against the Duke, and with a certain number of men suddenly entered into the city: Where they were not only fought with, and their men repulsed, but also they theim selfes taken prisoners. Whereupon the Duke, seeing the instabilitee of his estate, to eschew further inconvenience, sent ambassadors to the french king, and yielded the city to him: and sent him .2000. footmen, which did him no small service in the battle besides Marigniano.  
¶ After the notable victory whereof, this Octavian (being from Duke changed to governor) with viii other of the chiefest citizens, went to visit the french king at Milan, and there lent him .80000. crowns towards his charges.  

1516.  ¶ About this time Cortogoli a Turk, scoured the seas, and did much hurt to the Christians, wherefore an army was made out against him, under the leading of the archbishop Fregoso, with Andrea Doria, and others: who sailed into the costis of Barbary, and found xv. foists, and certain galleys of Cortogolies unarmed before Biserti, which they might have burned or brought away, if they had not tended to much to the spoil. For that by reason of a sudden tempest they were driven to forsake the costs, and return home with out aught doing.  
¶ The Cardinal Sauli (a genoway borne) was upon suspicion imprisoned by Leo than bishop of Rome, 
1517.  and by his parents ransomed at .25000. ducats: and yet for all that (it was thought) that determinate poison was given him in prison. 
Poison that worketh not till a time.  For within a certain space after his deliverance he sickened, and in less than a year died.  
¶ The Moors of new troubled the seas. 
1519.  Against whom Andrea Doria went out with vi galleys, gave the onset on ix sail of theirs, which he discoumfited with sore fight, and took vi of them.  
¶ All this while the faction of Fregosi ruled the city under the french king. 
1521.  Wherefore the Adorni (who were than as banished men) armed ix galleys, thinking secretly to enter the city, and to subvert the estate. But they miss of their purpose. Nevertheless they ceased not to provoke the emperor against Genoa, promising him large succours of their part: So that through their procurement, immediately after the battle of Bicocke (where the french camp was discomfited) the Duke of Milan, the Marquis of Pescara, 
1522.  the signor Prospero Colonna, and the other imperial captains, with .20000. men came before Genoa, and by force wan and sacked it, and taking the governor Octavian, with divers others (whom they kept as prisoners) after the departure of the army, Antoniotto Adorno was made Duke. And so the city remained imperial. Adrian the vi elected bishop passed that way towards Rome: 
1524.  and the Duke of Burbone with his band came through to Genoa as he went to rescue Milan than besieged of the french men.  
¶ But the French king shortly after passed the mountains in his own person: and not only recovered all that he had lost in Lombary, Pavia excepted, but also got Savona and Varagine in the river of Genoa. Wherefore Don Hugo Da Moncada (afterwardis Vice Re of Naples) issued out of Genoa with xu sail, 
1525.  and set .4000. men of the Genoese on land, thinking to get Varagine, where he was met with by jocante Corso captain of the frenchmen, and the Genoese being discomfited, himself the Vice Re was taken prisoner. Shortly whereupon followed the taking of the French king at the battle of Pavia, who in May after his taking was brought to Genoa, and from thence conveyed into Spain.  

1526.  ¶ Than the bishop of Rome with the venetians entered in league with the French king against the emperor. And because the city rested imperial, therefore was an army of .37. galleys made, that besieged Genoa by sea, to the rescue whereof the emperor sent the Vice Re of Naples out of Spain with xxii sail: who encountered with vi galleys of Andrea Doria (that than served the league against the emperor) and fought together, in which fight Andrew and his men behaved themselves so valiantly, that they sparpled the imperial army abroad, and took ii of their ships. For which valiant act the emperor made him admiral of his army, and knight of his order: and shortly after in Porto fino he took vii galleys four of the city, and iii of Spain, so that the siege continuing still, 
1527.  the city suffered extreme famine. Wherefore partly by force Caesar Fregoso, with a band of French men by land was received into the town, and the city delivered unto him in the kings name, without blood or spoil (the Duke Antoniotto Adorno being fled into the castle) and than was Theodore Triulci Milanese made governor thereof. 
1528.  By whose time the Union began amongst the citesins, for there had been division of parties, first the Guelphs and Ghibellines, than the nobles and commons, and the commons divided in two, merchants and artificers, and last of all were the factions Adorni and Fregosi. So that as long as these parties reigned, it was impossible the city should prosper, seeing them daily fall together by the ears as they did.  
¶ Finally they all agreed to extynguish these divisions, and elected .28. families to be all nobles, amongst whom the offices should run in common and change without naming and party, and so were they brought to accord, that so many years before had continually contended.  
¶ Than the French king sent a notable army under the leading of Mounser Lautrech, to the siege of Naples, and because it should be besieged by sea and land: therefore Andrea Doria armed vii galleys, whereof he made his cousin Philippino Doria captain, and sent him to Naples, where the Vice Re, with vi galleys issued out and fought with him, but Doria prevailed, and the Vice Re was slain, and the Marquis of Vasco, with divers others taken prisoners.  
¶ Whereupon it seemed that the French king waxed unkind as well to the common wealth as unto Andrea Doria. For first he suffered the city of Savona to be exempt from the subjection of Genoa, and furthermore to have all manner of privileges that Genoa had with the custom of ●alte and other things, which at length would be the destruction of Genoa.  
¶ And though the Genoese made divers complaints hereupon, yet (as though they were not regarded) no reformation was had.  
¶ Than the French king had taken from Andrea Doria divers of his prisoners, and amongst all others the prince of Orange, and besides that had paid him his wages but very homely: so that when Andrew began to mumur against this, the king wrought means to have had him slain: which coming to his knowledge, caused him to dispose himself otherways: so that when the time of his wages was expired, he bore a white banner, declaring that he was at liberty to serve whom he would: and than after certain practices with his prisoners, the Marquis of Vasco and Ascanio Colonna, he became the emperors man, and was made prince of Melfi, by reason whereof the city began also to be moved against the king, remembering his ingratitude. So that finally by means of Andrea Doria the French kings officers were licensed, his galleys by sea put to flight, and some taken, and the city restored to her ancient liberty. notwithstanding that many thought Andrea Doria would have taken the rule of it unto himself.  
¶ Hereupon a counsel was called, a new reformation established, a Duke viii governors and viii proctors chosen according to the order that yet remaineth: and the city ever since continued in peace, with increase of so much wealth and quietness, that at this hour she may be reckoned one of the happiest and richest cities of Europe.  
¶ And albeit that some sterrynges have been since that time for alteration of the estate, as the assault that the Conte Guido Rangone made with .10000. men of the French kings brought out of Lombary, 
1536.  and the conspiracy that the Conte Di Flischo made now of late (in the which he himself was drowned, 
1546,  and jannetine Doria slain) yet hath the city persevered now these .20. years in one estate, much through the great wisdom of Andrea Doria, who (refusing the dominion of it, 
Andrea Doria.  when he might without difficulty have taken it upon him) hath not only restored it to the perfect liberty of a common wealth, but also with his notable service in th'emperors affairs (as in his viages to Tunise and Algiers, in the rescue of Coron besieged of the Turks, in defence of Barbarossa his armies the years .37. and .38. and in oppressing of the great Corsales or pirates by sea) hath so mainteigned the imperial favour towards the Genoese, that no man is able to hurt them at this day. For though in deed they be not the emperors subjects: yet when any estate should happen to move war against them, it should well appear, that he tendereth them no less than as the dearest subjects he hath. For the which they likewise at all times have and yet do serve him for his money to the uttermost of their powers.    

The description of Milan.  
Amongst other particular astates of Italy, the Duchy of Milan hath been one the most notable.  
¶ For while the house of Visconti reigned, the same valiantly maintained wars of great importance against most puissant princes and powers. And for the interest thereof, the notablest warris of our days have happened between the emperor and the French king: insomuch that France's the first of that name, fighting before Pavia against the imperial army (led by the Marquis of Pescara, and the Duke of Bourbone) was taken prisoner, and conveyed into Spain: where for his ransom, after a years imprisonment, he was feign to pledge his two sons, and consequently to marry the emperors sister, with other covenants to long to rehearse.  
¶ And no marvel, though these two most mighty princes of Christendom so much contented for his only estate. For though in name (being but a Duchy) it should not seem great: yet in very deed both for the wealth of the country, and for the quantity, the thing hath been of as great reputation as some realms of Europe. Out of doubt there have been some Dukes of Milan much greater in territory, wealthier in revenues and treasure, more puissant in wars, and finally more honourable in peace, than divers of them that had kingly titles.  
¶ As for the richesses and beauty of the country, I am afeard to speak of, least to him that never saw it, I should seem overlarge in the due praising of it: and lest unto him again that hath practised there, I should seem unwise to treat of that, that my knowledge is not able worthily to set forth, Nevertheless between fear and shame this much woull I say, that such an other piece of ground for beautiful cities and towns, for goodly rivers, fields and pastures, and for plenty of flesh, foul, freshewaterfishe, grain, wine and fruits, is not to be found again in all our familiar regions.  
¶ I think the emperor, that now is lord thereof, woull confess, that he draweth more money yearly to his purse ●ut of that only estate, than out of some of his realms. And yet his milanese dominion is not half so much at this present, as that that divers Dukis of Mylaine have had. For whereas the emperor, besides the city of Milan hath now vii or viii cities, as Pavia, Lodi, Cremona, Alexandria, Vercelli, Novara, and Como: Dukes of Milan have had, some twenty and some xxx cities, and upwards. Yea and some so great, that they have aspired to the dominion over all Italy: as in the brief history following more plainly appeareth. Nevertheless he that now shall happen to see the company of noble men and gentlemen, that are in manner continually attendant on th'emperors lieutenant or deputy in Milan, shall say, that the same representeth rather the court of some puissant king, than the train of a deputy.  
¶ And I think verily, that Don Ferrando Gonzaga, now lieutenant there, rideth many times more honourably accompanied, and with a greater presence of magistee, than the emperor himself doth in Germany.  

Wives of Milan.  ¶ The like whereof with rather the more is to be said of the milanese gentlewomen, who in sumptuous apparel may compare with the best: specially in the ornaments of their chariots, with coverings of cloth of gold, of velvets, of silks, and a thousand sorts of embroideries. There is almost no craftesmans' wife in Milan, that hath not her gown of silk, and her chain of gold. A thing that should seem rather marvelous than credible. But the craftsmen there are so excellent in their doings, and the women so expert in silk works, that it is no wonder though their gain grow to the buying of gay gear.  
¶ Finally the city of Milan standing in the heart of the pleasantest and fairest plain of all Christendom, 
Milan S●●●ate.  is served of all delectable and necessary things that are to be desired for man's sustentation. Honourable for the court, gallant for gentlemen, herborough for soldiers, delicate for dames, rich for merchants, and wealthy for artificers. But for notable or sumptuous buildings, it may not be compared with Venice, Rome, or Florence. For all be it, the houses be great and fair within, yet outwardly it is nothing of that beauty and pomp, that those other cities be: by reason that for the most part the milanese building is all of brick, because hard stone and marble is not to be had by a great way of.  
¶ Nevertheless the Domo of Milan (being their Cathedral church) is one of the rarest works of our time: built all of fine marble, so well graven and cut, that the workmanship is a wonder. But it is of so unmeasurable greatness, that most men doubt, whether ever it woull be finished or not: though it have many thousand ducats of yearly revenue in good land towards the continuance, and a numbered of workmen daily labouring thereon.  
¶ But what speak I of the church, 
Castle of Milan.  the castle of Mylaine being so near? which in mine opinion is the worthiest and strongest of all Europe. For it hath ward within ward: fortress divided from fortress, that one may hold against an other, walls of endless strength and large dyches well watered, as fair built over all as needeth to be, and so well fortified, that without famine it is impregnable. And this concerning the country, city and people of Milan in general, shall suffice.  

¶ The beginning and success of the State of Milan.  
AS Livy and divers other authors write, the year before the coming of Christ .259. from the edification of Rome .460. and from the beginning of the world .4860. in the time of Assue●e, otherwise called Cirus and Longimanus, son of Xerses, and nephew to Dario kings of Persie: The city of Mylaine was rather augmented than newly built by certain frenchmen called Senoni or jusubrij, people of low Britain, now called Semans, where likewise is a town called Milan. These were the frenchmen that first passed the mountains, and settled themselves in Lombardy, and that afterwards went under the leading of Brenne to Rome, burned the city, and besieged the Campidoglio, though at last they were discomfited.  
¶ Finally in process of time being becomen Mylanese, and made subjects to the Romans, Amilcare the African at his coming into Italy, persuaded them to rebel: wherefore they were fought with and twice overthrown: first by Furio the Praetor, and after by Claudio Marcello, who in the later conflict slew Mago brother of Hannibal, with .37000. africans and Mylanese together: and therefore at his return unto Rome was received with triumph.  

Milan's ●ame.  ¶ Now wherefore it was called Milan be two opinions, the one is, that it took that name of the other Milan in Britain: the other, by reason the form of a farowing sow half covered with woulle (signifying fattenesse) was found at the digging of the foundation, they called it Milana, as who should say half woulle. But how so ever the occasion thereof proceeded, I find that it had divers names, as Subria, Mesopia, Paucentia, Alba, and Ercolea of Ercole, Massimino, that furnished it with houses, and closed it with walls: and also builded a temple in it to the honour of Hercules, which is now converted to be the church of. S. Laurence.  
¶ Thus after the triumph of Claudio Marcello, Milan increased more and more, and rested in peace about 500 years, being in manner the chief market of all Italy. insomuch that many Romans came thither to dwell, and many times the self emperors came thither to solace. But at length, in the time of saint Ambrose bishop there, when the sect of Arrians began, it was somewhat troubled: and shortly after destroyed by king Attila, called of the Italians Flagellum Dei. 
Attila.   
¶ And albeit that it was after re-edified, yet by Totila and the emperor justinian's captains, it was for the more part again and again destroyed. And by the Lombard's also it was many times sore vexed. But last of all Galuano, 
1161.  (who being taken prisoner by the emperor Barbarossa, by escape was returned) seeing afterwards the same Federico occupied with the French wars, re-edified it of new, and dying without issue, left it to his citizens: who (with favour of their neighbours) governed the same as a common wealth, the space of .52. years, till Giovanni Torrigiani, 
Giovanni Torrigiani.  a principal citizen usurped the dominion by force.  
¶ This Torrigiani (as he that was cruel and desirous to make his estate durable) feigned daily new crimes and offences against his citizens, 
Tyranny.  and specially against the Visconti, to rid them out of the way. And though he cloaked his cruelty with the best colour of justice that he could imagine outwardesly, so that no man for fear durst withstand him: yet God taking vengeance suffered him to be discomfited, and slain before Parma, where he had been two years general of the emperors army against the bishop of Rome.  
¶ Now upon the death of Torrigiani, the M●lanese began to contend amongst theim selfes, so long, that at last Martino Turrigiani took the dominion upon him, 
Martino Torrigiani.  and kept it two years, in which time being advertised, that Ezelino, lord of Uerona, with many banished Mylanese ca●e in arms against him, he issued out into the field with his power, fought with Ezelino, hurt, and took him prisoner, and so being victorious, and of the age of .80. years, died at Souzino.  

Philippo Torrig.  ¶ After him succeeded his son Philippo, who being but weak hearted and gross witted, made nevertheless war against the Cremonese, sacked Como, took Bergamo and Novara, and finally expulsed the family of Tornielli. After which enterprises he died, leaving the estate to his son Napoleone, 
Napoleone.  that after happened to be slain. Unto whom succeeded his son named Philippo, that by mean of the archbishop Ottone Visconti was afterwards expulsed.  

Uisconti.  ¶ It is to be understand, that before the time of Giovanni Torrigiani, the house of Visconti was equal with the best of Milan: being descended of the Earls of Angiera, that before time had been lords of Milan: for the name of Visconti, was taken of Ottone son of Elipandro, who by reason he was lord both of Angiera and of Milan called himself Bisconte, as who should say, twice Earl.  

Ottone.  ¶ This Ottone being gone in a croisy with other princis to conquer the holy land, fought there with a Sarasine hand to hand, and overcame him: and because the Sarasine for his ensign carried on his crest an adder, with a little child in his mouth, Ottone as a perpetual memory of his victory, used the same ever after in his arms.  
¶ But now to come to the purpose, about the year of grace .1262. there remained four brethren of the house of visconti on live, that is to weet, Ottone before named, Vberto, jacopo, and Gasparo, sons of Vberto de Visconti.  

Ottone Uisconti.  ¶ This Ottone (the archbishop being than a banished man) through help of his kinsman Gregory bishop of Rome, by force expulsed out of Milan the foresaid Philippo Torrigiani, son of Napoleone, and finally became lord thereof: being afterwards confirmed in the same as vicar of the empire.  
¶ Within two years after Ramondo Torrigiani bishop of Como, and Patriarch of Aquileia, returned with a great army to drive Ottone out, and did much hurt in the Milanese territory. But at last he received a sore discomfiture by Ottone, through help of the families of Duarosi and Palavisini, which houses, together with those of Lampugnani (descended of the Goti) and those of Pietrasanta (comen out of Tuscan) those of Porri, of Caimi, of Bossi, of Marliani, and of Triulsi, were all at that time most noble and puissant in Milan.  
¶ After the death of Ottone, 
Matteo Magno.  his brother jacopo having a son named Tibaldo, and Tibaldo, a son named Matteo (who for his lusty courage and deeds was surnamed Magno) the reputation and state of the Visconti began to grow more and more. For this Matteo got Alexandria, Pavia, Tortona, and many other towns.  
¶ Finally this Matteo putting Pietro Visconti in prison (whom after he delivered) being advertised, how the same Pietro conspired with the chief of the Torrigiani, to drive him out of his estate, and mistrusting his own power to defend the same, committed the whole to Alberto Scoto, lord of Piacenza: and fled himself into the marshes of the lake of Garda, where he lived long time of his only labour of fishing. He had four sons by his wife Bona Cosa, the first named Galeazo (so called because in the night of his birth the cocks crowed more than they were wont) the second Giovanni, the iii Stefano, and the four Lucchino.  

Galeazo.  ¶ This Galeazo succeeded his father, and going afterwards with Henry the emperor to Rome, was there made captain of the light horsemen: and about that time begat two sons, the one called Azone, and the other Marco. His courage was so great, that when the emperor Lodovico di Baviera required a certain sum of money of the milanese, Galeazo withstood it. Upon displeasure whereof Lodovico took him prisoner, and banished his sons Azone and Marco. But at length, at the instance of Castruccio Lucchese, Galeazo was delivered. And finally being in company of the same Castruccio at the siege of Pistoia, sickened and died in the town of Pestia.  

●●ene.  ¶ After whose death Azone and Marco (for a certain sum of money paid before hand) obtained of the emperor Lodovico the restitution of the state of Milan. And so Azone as elder brother having the dominion, Marco in his name got the city of Lucca, and his uncle Lucchino the cities of Bergamo, Bressa, and Pavia: whereby Azone became great, and so high of stomach, that remembering the injuries done to him by the emperor Lodovico: when he would have passed through Milan (as lord of all Italy) he closed the gates against him: refusing to accept him for his better. Therefore not without good cause was he both feared and esteemed, specially for his approved valiautnesse: for being sent of his father to help Castruccio, he fought with the Florentines near to Fucecchio, discomfited, and pursued them even to the gates of Florence: and laying siege to the city, remaigned there idle certain days, for no man durst issue out to meddle with him. Which was the first enterprise of the Visconti against the Florentines.  
¶ After which Azone, through help of Castruccio, became lord of the Alco Pascio, and of Bologna: and as some say, being in camp on a day, after he had broken his fast: putting his sallette on his head (which before had lain on the earth) there issued out an adder, that glided down alongst his face, without doing him any hurt: whereof it followed, that the Visconti used the adder in their arms: And though it so may well be true, yet this second opinion of the adder doth not so much satisfy me as the first.  
¶ Finally Azone dying without issue, 
Lucchino.  his uncles Lucchino and Giovanni rested in his place, and were confirmed in the estate by Benedetto the xi bishop of Rome, as vicars of the church: with condition, that after the death of the emperor Lodovico di Baviera, the state of Milan should be holden of the dominion of the church.  
¶ Lucchino as elder brother, took upon him to govern, and proved a very righteous and merciful man. He granted reconcilement unto many of the citizens before time confined by Azone: and builded many devout places in Milan. He got many towns part by force and part with love: and in manner renewed the walls of Bergamo at his own cost. He reform many things in Bressa, and so finally died.  
¶ After him his brother Giovanni succeeded, 
Giovanni.  who incontinently called home Matteo, Bernabo, and Galeazo, sons of his brother Stefano, before time banished by Lucchino.  
¶ And all be it, that this Giovanni was an archbishop: yet being more given to arms than to the church, through the valiantness of Galeazo he got Parma, Lodi, Cremona, Bergamo, Genova, Savona, and many other towns: and finally died, leaving his estate divided between Bernabo and Galeazo.  

Bernabo.  ¶ This Bernabo held war long time with the bishop of Rome for the city of Bologna, that together with Genova had rebelled against him: and finally took for Bologna a great sum of money, and forbore Genoa, because it had been before redeemed at his hands for the sum of .600000. ducats. But some say, he was enforced to let it alone, by reason that in one self time he was troubled of the Romish legate, of Philippino di Gonzaga, and of Cane della Scala for the things of Bressa, where he had been once discomfited.  
¶ He had to wife one of the daughters of Mastino della Scala, a woman that for her unreasonable pride was surnamed, La Reina, the Queen, And had by her .14. children, whereof four were sons. To Lodovico the eldest he gave the city of Cremona: To Carlo, Parma: To Ridolfo, Bergamo, and to Mastino, Lodi.  
¶ The rest being daughters he married on this wise.  
Lafoy Verde, unto Le●poldo Duke of Austria, grandfather to the emperor Federico the third.  
La Taddea, to the Duke of Baviera.  
La Valentina, to Peter king of Cyprus.  
La Catherina, to Giangaleazo Visconti his nephew.  
L' Antonia, to Federico king of Sicilia.  
La Maddalena, to the Duke of Baviera again.  
L' Agnesa, to Francisco Gonzaga.  
La Lisabetta, to Ernesco Duke of Monaco in Baviera.  
L' Angiolella, to Federico the younger: And La Lucia to Lodovico Duke of Angiers, eldest son to the French king, And after to Baldasar Marquis of Misna, and finally to Edmonde, Earl of Kent, son to the king of England. And with the marriage of every of these daughters he paid all .100000. duckatꝭ.  
¶ Besides these he had four bastard daughters, Bernarda, Ricciarda, Lisaberta, and Margherita. And five bastard sons, Ambrosio, Nestore, Lancilotto, Galeotto, and Sagramoro.  
¶ On the other side Galeazo begat on his wife Bianca, daughter of Amone Duke of Savoie, 
Galeazo.  a son named Giangaleazo, and a daughter named La Violante, which afterwards was married to Lionel Duke of Clarence, and son to the king of England. At the sumptuous feast of whose marriage Petrarcha happened to be present. How be it, some have written, that she was married to the French kings son, with the dower of an .100000. crowns. But how so ever it were, her husband lived not passing five months after the marriage: and shortly thereupon the father Galeazo also died.  
¶ After whose death his son Giangaleazo grown to 
Giangaleazo.  sufficient years divided the state with his uncle Bernabo on this manner. He kept to himself Pavia, Tortona, Alexandria, Novara, and the other towns near unto the Alps, with the one half of Milan: and gave unto Bernabo Parma, P●accuza, Cremona, Lodi, Crema, Bergam●, Como, and the other half of Milan, with this advantage: that for as much as Bernabo was the more ancient, he should dwell in Milan, and Giangaleazo in Pavia. Thus being agreed after a certain time Giangaleazo was advertised by his wife, how Bernabo her father and his uncle, had divers times sought his death, to rid him out of the state: so that Giangaleazo incontinently determined to prevent him: and going unto Milan under pretence of pastime or of some other business, Bernabo (to honour him the more) issued out against him: and so was taken, died in prison, and part of his sons slain, part banished. Which act only excepted (though it was not yet all against reason) this Giangaleazo in all his doings was accounted so worthy, noble, and valiant a prince, that of the people he was called TWO Conte di Virtu, that is to say, The E●le of virtue. For he was not only beautiful of parsonage, but also learned, eloquent, wise, hardy, and liberal. And was the first that ever was invested Duke of Milan, paying therefore to the emperor Vinceslao an .10000. ducats. After the obtaining of this honour he increased his estate by the getting of Verona, Vicenza, Padua, and Bologna.  
¶ He discomfited the armies of the league made between the Florentines and Bologniese with other their confederates at Casalecchio, and brought the Florentines at length to that taking, that had he not died the rather, they must needs have yielded to been his subjects.  
¶ He overcame Antonio della Scala, and builded the fair palace in Pavia, with that goodly library, that yet is seen there, walled the park about, being of a great circuit, and edified the Charterhouse, that to this hour amongst the beautiful buildings of the world, may be reckoned one of the rarest.  
¶ He brought Italy into such fear, that the Pisani, the Senesi, the Perugini, the Ascesiani, and the Lucchesi willingly became his men: so that he found himself lord over .29. cities, and thought to have been king of Italy, if death had not so soon taken him.  
¶ He had two wives, the one called Lisabetta, daughter to the king of Boeme, by whom he had a daughter named La Valentina, married afterwards to the Duke of orleans, with the dower of the earldom of Aste, that hath been cause of no small trouble in Italy: and the other wife named Caterina de Visconti, by whom he had two sons Giovanni, and Philippo Maria.  
¶ He had one bastard called Gabriello, who afterwards sold Pisa to the Florentines.  
¶ Finally this notable prince at Marignano died: 
1402.  and according to his own order was from thence carried to the said Charterhouse besides Pavia, and there buried.  
¶ Than succeeded in the estate Gia●ma●●a the eldest son, 
Giouann● Maria.  whose dealings were so grievous to the Milanese, without any their deserving, that hearing mass on a day in the church, through the fury of the people and of his own men together he was slain: first causing his mother to die in prison, for oft warning him of that that happened in deed.  
¶ He was wont to say many times (in excusing of his errors) that in a great house it was necessary there should grow men of divers sorts, and that he therefore used the contrary of his father's doings, so that through his cruelty and his death together, many cities rebelled, in such wi●e that the Milanese were constrained to call the sons of Bernabo to the Douchy, who enjoyed the same until that Philippo maria recovered the dominion, 
1433.  and driving them out met with one of them called Nestore in a skirmish, and slew him.  

Philippo Maria.  ¶ This Philippo was first lord of Pavia, and had married Beatrice the daughter, or (as other say) sometime wife of Fazino Cane della Scala: for none intent but because she was inheritor of many fair lordships beyond the Pò, and had also very much money. By mean whereof slaying Crabrino lord of Verona he got that city to himself.  
¶ He was constrained to yield Bologna, Furli, and Imola to the bishop of Rome. Nevertheless he got Genoa, though afterwards he lost it again.  
¶ He likewise took Bressa, which being recovered against him by the venetians, caused between them very long and cruel war. Wherein on the Venetian side were captains Francisco Carmignuola, Giovanni Malavolta, Gianfrancesco Gonzaga, and Nanni Strozzi, a Florentine knight. And on the side of Philippo against the venetians were Francisco Sforza, Agnola da Pergoletto, the one and other Nicolo Guerriero and Piccinino, and one Fieravante da Perugia: with the help also of Alfonso king of Naples, who being before time brought prisoner to Philippo by the Genoese, and by him restored to liberty: like a faithful friend (for a great while after) succoured him in all his business.  
¶ Thus when Philippo had finished the enterprise against the venetians, and by mean of those his captains gotten Piacenza, Como and Lodi, he made the Marquis of Monferrato so afeard of him, that willingly he yielded unto Philippo's handis Vercelli, Alexandria, and Aste. And Nicolo da Este of Ferrara, came to visit him, rendering Parma, that before had been taken from Ottone, and knowlageing himself to hold the city of Reggio in fee of Philippo.  
¶ The citeee of Florence fearing the power of this man, entered in league with the venetians, whose two armies united togethers were fought withal by certain of Philippo's captains, in the County of Faenza, and there overcomen.  
¶ Notwithstanding that the same victory was of much less importance, than that which the noble Florentine Cosmo di Medici obtained in the plain of Anghiari against the army of Philippo, led by Nicolo Piccinino, towards the Florentine damage: for the which victory Cosmo at his return to Florence was called father of his country.  
¶ But for all that those wars had never end as long as Philippo lived: who finally fell out with the forenamed Alfonse king of Naples, and by force restored the Queen Giovanna to her possession.  
¶ He received into Milan Martin the .v. bishop of Rome, as he returned from the counsel of Constance: and married his daughter Bianca unto Francisco Sforza.  
¶ Finally finding himself fallen in great adversity, what thorough blindness that took him in his age, what through the loss of Genoa, and what through the discoumfiture of his army at Casale Maggiore: In following the victory whereof the venetians had already passed the river of Adda, and scoured the country even to the gates of Milan: he at last a little before his death, bequeathed his estate by testament unto the king Alfonso, as to one the dearest friend he had.  

Philippo Maria descrived.  ¶ This Philippo had been a prince of a subtle nature, witty, a lover of travail, covetous to learn and to have, and yet liberal in giving, easy of pardoning, but suspicious out of measure, and so light of credence, that many times he wrongfully rid out of the way the dearest friends he had. Whereof it followed, that in his most business he found himself utterly abandoned: leaving the state of Milan in manner naked. For the Duke of orleans in the right of his wife Valentina, daughter of Giangaleazo, enforced himself to attain the possession, which the emperor Federico for his part in title of the empire denied. But Francisco Sforza, as son in law of the dead Philippo, withstood them both: insomuch that through this rumour the milanese rend the testament in pieces, 
Testament ●●oken.  and took on them their liberty, electing xii men to devise order for the governance of their cities: whereunto they had the help of Carlo Gonzaga, who being lately departed from the camp of Sforza, was present in Mylaine the same time. And so the new officers being ordained, there were many of those nobles slain, that were known favourable to the part of Francisco, whose power & courage the milanese feared much more than the puissance of France, or of th'emperor.  
¶ The father of this Francisco, named Mutio, 
Francisco Sforza. Mutio father to Frances Sforza.  was borne besides the castle of Cotignuola: and following the wars first served the soldiers with carrying of wood and water. Than getting a little with sacking here and there, became so strong and hardy, that many times he would by force take the booty from his own companions, and therefore was called Sforza.  
¶ From which base condition he began to wax an adventurer, and to fight on horseback, so that finally he became a captain: and in short space was judged equal unto Braccio Montone, the valiantest and honourablest general of those days.  
¶ But at last (after he had long time served the Queen Giovanna against king Alfonse in the realm of Naples, and in other places done many notable enterprises) coveting to save a lakey in the river of Pescara, he was drowned himself, and could never after be found nor heard of.  
¶ Than was this Francisco his son first waged of the forenamed Queen, and after of the venetians, than of Philippo, and after Philippo of the milanese against the venetians, and lastly of the venetians against the milanese. In all which doings as well in the realm, as in Lombardy, he evermore showed great proofs of his worthiness: and at last with help of the venetians came against Milan and besieged it. insomuch that after long resistance, constrained with hunger, and deceived of their promised help from the venetians, the milanese (first slaying the Venetian ambassador) accepted Francisco for their prince. Who not long after (stablishing the things of Mylaine at his pleasure) made war to king Alfonso, and to the venetians both: in which wars he was served of these valiant captains, Tiberio Brandolino, Nicolo Guerriero, Dolce dell' Anguillara, Carlo di Campo Basso, and jacopo Piccinino: which jacopo was promised to have to wife his daughter Drusiana, before time married unto jano Fregoso Duke of Genoa. How be it, the Duke Francisco afterwards for suspicion caused this jacopo to be slain.  
¶ Abouts the same time, whilst Eugenio bishop of Rome was occupied at the counsel of Basile, Francisco (as his enemy) attempted to take the state of Marca from him. And there kept war long time with king Alfonso, whom the said bishop had sent thither against him: where they say Francisco was defied by Nicolo Piccinino, and being challenged to fight hand to hand, would in no wise accept it. That notwithstanding he was undoubtedly a worthy man of arms, the most happy and valiant of all other in his time. For in those xvi years, that he reigned Duke, he in manner extinguished the sedition of the parties of Guel●i and Ghibellini: insomuch that the Genoese fallen in discord amongst theim selfes, seeing the good governance of this Duke Francisco, with the loving entertainment of his subjects, willingly embraced him for their lord. He loved much Cosmo di Medici of Florence, by whose help and counsel it is thought he prospered not a little in the beginning of his estate: seeing that Cosmo (assoon as he was made Duke) sent ambassadors unto him, rejoicing at his prosperity. For the friendship whereof Francisco afterwards succoured Piero di Medici in the conjuration made against him by Luca Pitti, whom Borso Duke of Ferrara favoured.  
¶ This Duke Francisco re-edified the little Fort in the Castle of Milan, called Giove, and builded many devout places. Nevertheless in his age he was somewhat blamed for his disordinate love to women, more than his estate, his age, and his passed virtues did allow.  
¶ Finally finisshing the course of this life, he left (by his wife Bianca) .v. sons Galeazo, Lodovico, surnamed Moro, Ascanio, Philippo, O●tauiano, and a daughter named Hippolita Maria that afterwards, was married to Alfonso Duke of Calabria.  
¶ When Galeazo being in the wars in France with king Lewis, heard of his father's death, 
Galeazo.  he returned to Milan: where he was received as Duke. And all be it, he was expert in arms, yet did he never show any honourable proof thereof: as he that entered into an estate overmuch wealthy and quiet. And because he had so much felicity, that he thought it impossible ever to decay, he set so little by men and by virtue, that many of his own citizens and servants hated him. And they whom he favoured most conspired his death and slew him. The principal whereof was o●e Gianandrea Lampugnano, that with his own hands first struck him, in the church of saint Stephen, when Galeazo had his guard of Halberdiers round about him. Which Halberdiers incontinently slew the same Giavandrea (that fleeing through the women happened to be tangled by the spur) much after the manner as he was served, that slew Asdrubal in Spain.  
¶ And albeit that this Galeazo through his delicate or wanton life, became odious and unworthy to them that delighted in chievalry: and also hated of them that had the fairest wives and daughters, with whom he would be familiar (as the fame went) yet the commons lamented him a great deal more than many of his predecessors: because that during his life they remaigned in peace. For in peace when the soldier doth beg, the plough prospereth: and in war when the plough man is fled, the soldier playeth the swine.  
¶ These things being thus happened, Giovanni, the son of Galeazo, 
Giovanni.  than but a child, succeeded in the estate, under the governance of his mother Bona, and of one Cecco, that long time had been brought up in that house.  
¶ This Cecco was borne in Calabria of very low degree. But through his wisdom he became noble and of so good credit with Francisco Sforza, that he governed most things in Milan.  
¶ Finally, when Galeazo was dead, to the intent that Giovanni might the more quietly enjoy the dominion he sent away his other brethren into exile. But at length Lodovico Moro, uncle to Giovanni was revoked by the people: and ineontinently upon his return Cecco beheaded, and Bianca the mother exiled.  
¶ After which time Giovanni remained in the estate abouts xii years. But his proof was so simple, that in manner by force he committed the rule of all things to Lodovico. By whose means (as he that was not yet contented) some say Giovanni at length was poisoned, and died in Pavia, leaving issue, a son called Francisco Sforza begotten on his wife Isabel daughter of Alfonso king of Naples.  
¶ Now incontinently as Giovanni was dead, 
Lodovico Moro.  this Lodovico Moro both of the people, and also by consent of the emperor Maximilian was proclaimed Duke, and shortly after married his niece Bianca, daughter of his brother Galeazo unto the same Maximilian, taking also upon him the protection of his nephew the young Francisco Sforza, and of his mother Isabel.  
¶ Than married he Beatrice the daughter of Ercole Duke of Ferrara, and begat on her Francisco Sforza, with a second son, in whose birth the mother died.  
¶ This Moro was a witty man, of very gooo disposition, and one that delighted much in the administration of justice, in peinting, and in cunning men.  
¶ In the beginning of his estate he entered in amytee with the Florentines, the Senese, the Bologniese, with Ercole da Este, with the Marquis of Mantua, with Lewis king of France, and with Alfonso king of Naples. But like as he was easy to enter into friendship, so for a trifle would he suddenly break with the best of them.  
¶ He helped Charles Duke of Savoy against Lodovico Marquis of Saluzzo, and confined his brother the Cardinal Ascanio, because in Ferrara he had practised divers new things against him.  
¶ He took Boccalino by siege, that had rebelled against the Roman church, and thereby gratyfied the bishop of Rome.  
¶ With his great policy he recovered Genoa, that before had rebelled against him. He found the means to bring Charles the viii French king into Italy, to expulse king Alfonso out of Naples: because he had before taken him for his enemy, for seeking to maintain the estate of Giovanni the son of Galeazo, against him.  
¶ This coming of the French king not only annoyed Alfonso, but also troubled all Italy.  
¶ Finally he made war against the venetians, which dured till that after the death of king Charles, Lewis succeeded in the realm of France: who hated so much this Duke Moro, that being entered in league with the venetians: Moro was constrained to flee into Almain, where he remained whilst the frenchmen took Milan, and the venetians Cremona and Gieradadda. How be it not long after the frenchmen through their ill governance were driven from Milan, and Lodovico revoked home out of Douchelande, who after his arrival, taking Nevara, and travailing to chase the French men out of Italy, was betrayed of the Douchemen, and both he and Ascanio taken and led into France, where finally he died.  
¶ This Lodovico reigning in his dominion, used to answer them that counseled him to increase his treasure with taxes and tallages, that the office of a good shepherd was to shear his sheep, and not to flaie them.  
¶ Thus Lodovico Moro taken and dead, as is beforesaied, 
Francisco  his son Francisco shortly after the battle of Ravenna, being than but tender of years, was astablished Duke of Milan by the emperors means, and continued in the estate till the coming of France's the French king into Italy: who with the help of the venetians chased him away, and got the state of Milan by force: leaving Mounser de Lautrech governor of the same: so that Francisco Sforza withdrew him to Trent, and there remained till the French men through their tyranny and ill governance, became so hated of the Milanese, that at length they were chased away, and Francisco revoked home: though in effect he enjoyed it not long. For the French king shortly after with a great power came in his own person into Italy, and so chased Francisco again out of the state of Milan, and prospered much in his wars there, until the journey of Pavia, where he with many of his nobles were taken prisoners. After which discomfiture Francisco Sforza, by the emperors favour was once again restored to the Douchie of Milan, and continued in the same till through envy and malice of some pi●●ethankes, the emperor was unjustly persuaded, that the said Francisco was not so faithful towards his majesty, as his goodness had merited: so that the emperor conceiving an unkindness and a mistrust in him, constrained him by force not only to abandon Milan: but also for his safeguard to flee into the castle, which after a very long siege he yielded unto the imperials, to depart freely with bag and baggage.  
¶ And so (being letted of the imperials from going to Como, where he intended to sodgiourne, till he might clear his innocency towards the emperor) in mane● half desperate, he agreed with the French men: & drew to the camp of the league, that than was made against the emperor.  
¶ Finally he went unto Cremona, till after the taking of saint Polo, the Frenchemens doings in Italy went all to wrack. Wherefore seeing the emperor Charles the .v. that now is come to Bologna to be crowned, he went simply thither unto him: and there submitting himself with just excuses, recovered his magistees favour, with restitution of the estate of Milan, upon these conditions following: That the Duke should marry the emperors niece, daughter of the king of Denmark and of the emperors sister: that he should pay the emperor nine hundredth thousand ducats in ten years by equal portions: And finally, that dying without issue, he should leave his estate of inheritance to the emperor.  
¶ Incontinently upon which agreement Alexandro Bentivogli, as vice Duke, with divers other officers, were sent to Milan, to leavey the first payment of this money: which was easily gathered up. For the milanese coveting the return of their Duke (whom for his gentle and temperate governance in times past they hertilie loved) sticked not to streigne themselves for his relief, in such wise, that though their customs and taxes were doubled by reason of these paiementes: yet their hope of better life to come under their Duke, made them not to esteem their present charges.  
¶ Than came th'emperors niece, the daughter of Denmark, to Milan, and there was most solemnly received with infinite triumphs: and finally married to the Duke in presence of the Cardinal of Mantua, with such feasts and plays afterwards, as so great a marriage required.  
¶ But ere a year went about, the Duke (through great infyrmitee, blinded of one eye) died without issue: leaving the estate of Milan wholly to the emperor, who ever since hath governed the same by his lieutenants. The first whereof was named Antonio di Leua, so lame a man of his limbs, that he used to be carried on men's shoulders: but on the other side so prudent and aware a captain in his doings, as in his days was not lightly to be found again.  
¶ Next unto whom followed the Marquis of Vasco, a very honourable and courtly man, but not altogether man, but not altogether so happy in his procedings as such noble men covet to be.  
¶ Finally after his death the emperor hath placed there the famous Don Ferrando Gonzaga, uncle to the Duke of Mantua: whose prosperity hath not only been great in feats of war, but also wonderful in purchasing of fame, through the sincere and rare administration of justice, that he useth.  
¶ I call it not rare for other cause, than for the rare correction he hath used against the offenders: whereby he hath won the hearts of them that love justice.  
¶ As for the progress of the things happened in the state of Milan, since the death of Francisco Sforza (in whom it seemeth the house of Visconti to have taken his end) I shall not need here to make any rehearsal, because on the one side the doings of the same have not been very great: and on the other side they are present and fimiliare.    

¶ Of the estate of Mantua.  
THe city of itself is very fair and strong, and standeth richly, by reason the countries about are plain, and no less plentiful than the other parts of Lombardy be. It is strong, because the river of Meltio (or Mentio as some call it) falling out of the lake of Garda thorough the town of Peschiera, passeth to the Pò by Mantua, and maketh about it such a pool, that three partis of the city are defended with the breadth of a quarter of a mile of water every way: which in some places is deep, and in some shallow, that it can not be passed with boats. And than in the necessary places such bulwarks are made to defend, that it seemeth impossible to be won by assault on that side.  
¶ And for the four part, which is toward the west, it is very well fortified with strong wallis and bulwarks, and a large byche well watered: besides that the ground on that side is in manner all marisshe, or at the least so rank, that in the driest of the summer there can none artillery pass: so that the city is undoubtedly one of the strongest that I have seen.  
¶ The dominion that the Duke hath is not great, neither of circuit nor of revenue. For at the best (as I have been informed) the rents never passed an .100000. ducats a year, and many times it hath been much less, by reason it is not standing, but riseth of customs and casualtees.  
¶ It is true, that the state is much increased by reason of Monferrato, that the last Duke had by the marriage of his wife, so that now the Duke of Mantoa's rents by estimation are reckoned at .130000. ducats or thereabouts.  
¶ And as for notable buildings in Mantua, other than such as be universal in the goodly cities of Italy, I find none, saving certain proper lodgeynges that the Duke Federico deceased, hath made on the south part of his palace: which undoubtedly are galaunt and rich. Wherefore proceeding now to the original of the citizens and city, with the success thereof hitherwardꝭ.  

¶ The Original of Mantua.  
BY agreement of most authors I find, that the people of Mantua are descended of those ancient tuscans, that before the siege of Troy departed out of Lydia in Asia, and under the leading of their prince Tirreno, came and inhabited the region of Italy. Part of which tuscans, choosing afterwards the place of Mantua for their habitation, builded the city, before the coming of Aeneas into Italy, and before the edification of Rome, more than .300. years. The captain of which people at that time was named Ogno, a very expert man in Astronomy, or in the science of divination. For his virtue in which science, following the Greek word Mantia, he named the city Mantua. How be it, Dante (speaking thereof) referreth the beginning of Mantua to Manto, daughter of Tiresia, king of Thebes: whom the poets feign, lost his sight for judging between jupiter and juno, that the woman in the use of nature had more pleasure than the man: taken for judge in this matter, because (through the killing of certain serpents) he before time had been changed from a man to a woman, and had used in both kinds. So that jupiter in recompense of his sight (that juno had taken from him) gave him the science of divination, and he having a daughter afterwardis, according to that science named her Manto: who coming into Italy was author both of the beginning and also of the name of Mantua. But how so ever it were, I find, that once it was destroyed by Attila king of the Goti, and after by Agilulfo king of the Lombard's, thirdly by Cacciano king of Baviera, and lastly by the Hungariens. 
1063.  And than being re-edified Nicolas the second bishop of Rome held a general counsel there, in the which these holy pilate's (I would say Prelates) decreed, that from thence forth the bishops of Rome should be elected by the college of Cardinals, to the intent the emperors should have no more to do withal. At the time o● which counsel Matilda daughter of the Conte Bonifacio, was lady of Mantua.  
¶ This Conte Bonifacio was lord of the cities of Luca, Parma, Reggio, Mantua, and Ferrara: called altogethers at that time Il Patrimonio: and was so great a man, that he obtained unto wife Beatrice, sister of Henry the second emperor of Almain. Which Beatrice after her husbands death governed the whole dominion 15. years, and was finally buried in Pisa: leaving her daughter Matilda before named with an husband named Godfrey in the estate.  

Matilda.  ¶ Matilda after the death of her husband Godfrey married again, and at length found mean to be divorced: insomuch that dying without issue she left her whole estate unto the church of Rome, and was buried in the abbey of. S. Benette di Bondeno besides Mantua.  
¶ After whose death the city of Mantua was governed by Roman vicars and legates, until abouts the year of grace .1220. one Sordello found the means to be principal governor thereof: 
Sordello.  the mightiest man of body and strength that was in those days: insomuch that being provoked many times to feighte, he always remained vanquisher. Through the notable fame whereof the French king sent for him, and being arrived in his presence, merrily said unto him: he believed not that he should be Sordello: wherewith Sordello being offended, incontinently turned his back without speaking any word: and being called again, was demanded by the French king, what he meaned so suddenly to turn his back, he answered: I would have returned to Mantua to bring witness, that I am Sordello.  
¶ He married one of the daughters of Ezelino da Romano, who first being enamoured on him, used secretly to depart from her father's house, and go to Mantua unto him. Whereof Ezelino at length having knowledge, tempted by mean of his daughter, that Sordello should have betrayed the Mantuanes into his hands: but Sordello would never consent thereunto: insomuch that at last Ezelino came himself and besieged Mantua, hoping to get it by force. But all in vain, for after he had lain before it certain days, he finally was constrained to raise his siege, and not long after died. So that the Mantuanes provoked through that example, immediately endeavoured themselves to fortify their city with ditches and water, to the end that in time to come their victuals might not easily be cut from them. And in short space after fell in contention with the Cremonese for the possession of the river of Oglio. In which time the notablest families of Mantua were the Poledroni (that had chased away the Crabrosi) and next them were the Arlo●●i, the Caccialodi, the Grassolani, and the Agnelli, but at length the Buona Colsi became most puissant of all the rest: the head of which house was named Pinamonte, who being conspired against by all the other forenamed families, found the mean to overcome all their forces. And being elected with an other named Ottonello, unto the chiefest office of judgement upon life and death for term of vi months, he found the mean also to slay his colleague, and to usurp the dominion over the city by force.  

Pinamonte.  ¶ Nevertheless afterwards he behaved himself so well, that through his gentile and just dealings, he got the citesins favour, and continued in the estate .18. years. After whom succeeded Bardelaio, ill beloved of all men: and next him Botticello indifferently well beloved on the other side. But last of all Passerino enjoyed the dominion, 
Passerino.  whose son named Francisco, caused the destruction of his father, of himself, and of their other kin and friends by this mean.  
¶ Amongst his many friends Philippino, son of Luigi Gonzaga was one. Of whom this Francisco began to conceive a jealousy touching his wife: and so much increased this suspicion, that being on a day (as ●he manner is) greeted by Philippino, he churlishly answered, that he would be even with him, by forcing his wife again openly in the market place. The arrogancy of which answer so much enflambed the innocent heart of Philippino, that incontinently he began to imagine how to be avenged: not on Francisco alone, but also on the father Passerino considering that the one could not be well done without the other. And so, declaring the terrible words of Francisco, lamented the case unto his brother Guido Gonzaga, and to divers other of his friends and kin: who all togethers with the help of Cane lord of Scala, determined to dispatch Passerino. And at the day appointed assemdled in arms in the market place, and there slew Passerino, as he fled towards his own house to have saved himself. So that when Passerino was slain, the house of Gonzaga took on it the dominion, banished divers of the contrary part, beheaded Francisco, and therewith ceased from further cruelty against their enemies: by commandment of the forenamed Luigi Gonzaga, that first of that name was lord of Mantua.  
¶ This family of Gonzaga had his beginning of one Luigi Tedesco an Almain of royal blood, 
Gonzaga.  who (in the time that all Italy was in arms, and so many armies about Robicone) had taken place for him and all his family at Mantua. 
Luigi. Gonzaga.  Of whom afterwards descended this Luigi Gonzaga before named, that abouts the year of grace .1328. began his dominion over Mantua, and governed the same afterwards the space of 53. years. He had three wives, and by every wife three sons. By the first he had Guido, Philippino, and Feltrino. By the second Currado, Alberto, and Federico. And by the third, Azo, jacopo, and Giovanni. insomuch that there happened in Mantua three notable mariagis of that house in one time, Luigi himself to his last wife of the house of Malespini: Currado his son to the sister of Mastino della Scala, and Vgolino his son's son borne of Guido, unto a little girl of Becacci da Pavia. At which mariagis there assembled a wonderful numbered of people: insomuch that Luigi himself gave away amongst nobles & gentlemen .120. goodly horses.  
¶ After the success of these things whilst Philippino was following the wars, in service of the king of Hungary against the king of Naples, there happened a mischance unto the house of Gonzaga.  
¶ Isabella wife of Lucchino Visconti, lord of Milan, a very fair woman, feigned to her husband, that she had made a vow to go in pilgrimage unto Venice: and under that colour, obteigning licence, she took Mantua in her way, where she lodged in the house of Gonzaghi, ancient friends unto her husband. And after she had supped, secretly sent for Vgolino, unto whom she declared, that for the fervent love she bore to him, she had taken on her that journey: praying him therefore to keep her company unto Venice.  
¶ This thing came to the ears of Lucchino, who provoked thereby, laid siege to Mantua. Nevertheless finding the friends of Vgolino innocent of the fault, and that Guido the father did his best to correct him, Lucchino, through intercession leveied the siege: And shortly after Luigi Gonzaga, of the age of .93. died, having led an happy life, to see so many forward persons to the iii and fourth degree of his own generation.  
¶ After whom Guido his eldest son entered into the estate, and whilst the empire was vacant, 
Guido.  by the help of his brother Philippino, got Lamporeggio, and contended long time in arms with Obizone Marquis of Ferrara: who at length was overcomen by Philippino: and with great loss constrained to withdraw him home unto Ferrara.  
¶ This Guido had iii sons, Vgolino, Francisco, and Luigi. And because the two younger perceived, that the father fovoured more the eldest, they taking counsel together, determined to rid him out of the way: and so bidding him to supper on an evening, slew him.  
¶ This unnatural part of the sons was supported of the dolorous father as well as nature would suffer it. But because the correction thereof should have drawn more blood of his own, he therefore sought to abate his passion with the new marriage of his son Francisco unto the daughter of Guido Polenta, lord of Ravenna. Nevertheless Bernabo Visconti, uncle to the wife of Vgolino, to avenge Vgolino's death (after he had first fet away his niece) laid siege to Mantua: by reason whereof Guido was constrained to sue for help to the emperor Charles, that than warred in Italy: who before time going towards his coronation, and passing through Mantua, had been there most honourably received, by Luigi father of Guido: so that by the emperors means the matter was remedied: and within short space after died Guido and his son Francisco both.  
¶ And than came the estate clearly to Luigi, 
Luigi.  who builded the palace, wherein all his successors to this day have dwelled. He begat on his wife Alda, a son named Francisco, whom he married very young unto Agnesa, daughter of Bernabo Visconti, and at last being known openly to have committed adultery, the people arose and cruelly slew him.  
¶ After whose death the estate descended to his son Francisco, 
Francisco  than being of the age of xiiii years. But grown afterwards to more time, he so much loved peace, that he refused to enter in confederation with Giangaleazo Duke of Milan. And upon displeasure therefore following between them, Francisco caused the adder (that for the great amity and alliance between those two houses had in time passed been joined to the arms of Mantua) to be clean taken out thereof. For which despite Giangaleazo besieged Mantua, and lay before the same an whole year: in which mean time there perished many notable men on both sides: and specially of the house of Gonzaga .4. that is to weet, Guido, Torello, Bartolino, and Galeazo. Which Galeazo Gonzaga amongst all other was reputed the strongest and hardiest man of his days, having fought oftentimes body to body, and remained evermore vainquisher: namely against Buccialdo a notable strong man than governor for the French king in Genoa. These businesses at length being pacified, and Francisco somewhat awakened in arms, he enterprised war in the name of Giangaleazo against the Bologniese, and against Giovanni Bentivogli: in the thick whereof he took jacopo Carraro of Padua prisoner, and led him to Mantua, giving him such courtesy libertee there, that yielding unkindness for kindness jacopo escaped away: whereof followed much a do afterwards. For assoon as the Duke of Milan was dead, the venetians (considering the provoked displeasure before rehearsed) elected the said Francisco to be their general in th'enterprise against the Carrari, and were so well served of him, that after he had chased the Carrari out of Padua and Verona, he reduced both those cities to the Venetian obedience: And so after a glorious life died. 
1407.   
¶ Leaving after him his son Gianfrancesco in the dominion, of the age of .14. years, 
Gianfrancesco.  who by his wife Paola, daughter of Malatesta, lord of Rimini, had .4. sons, Luigi, Carlo, Lucido, and Alexandro. To the first whereof he obtained for wife Barbera daughter of the Marquis of Brandenburg, and kinswoman unto the emperor Edmonde, who at his coming into Italy, and passing through Mantua, was there honourably received by Gianfrancesco, insomuch that before his departure he made him Marquis, and gave him in his arms the ensign of the empire.  
¶ After the attaining of which honours he was three several times made general of the venetians, and in every enterprise got the upper hand. And at last forsaking them, he was waged against them by Philippo Duke of Milan: and in that service in company of Niccolo Piccinino was part of the occasion, that the venetians than lost the city of Verona: with many other towns of the Bressane and Uicentine: & so he died: 
144●.  leaving his dominion divided in four parts unto his four sons. To Luigi (as eldest) the city of Mantua, with those other towns that he had about Verona: to Carlo (who was an exceeding strong man) Luce●a, with the rest of those lands that he held on the Cremonese territory. To Lucido (ill shapen and weak of person) Capriana, La Volta, and Ciregiaia: and finally to Alexandro (who was crokebacked, and becomen religious) Canneto, with that land that he had on the Bressane.  

Luigi.  ¶ Thus Luigi the eldest took the estate upon him, and continued not long in the same unuexed of his brother Carlo, whose mightiness and force of body was coupled with such an haultenesse of mind, that for desire of atteigning his elder brother's estate, he could not be contented to live in peace.  
¶ And albeit that in the wars between Francisco Sforza, and the Milanese he fled from one part to an other and back again: yet by his brother's means he recovered the favour of Sforza, at whose hands he received divers benefits. But Luigi, seeing now the ill disposition of his unquiet mind, finally took from him all the lands that his father left him: so that Carlo fled to the venetians, and became their captain, so long till at length through their help he assembled a power of men, went against his brother, and fought with him to the jeopardy of the loss of the Mantuan estate. But in conclusion the right of Luigi prevailed against the force of Carlo, who being discomfited and fled, died afterwards very poorly in exile.  
¶ This enterprise being thus overcomen, and the things of the estate quieted, Luigi triumphantly received the emperor Federico the third, as he passed through Mantua to Rome, and being than a widower by the death of his first wife, married Margarite daughter of the Duke of Baviera, and cousin to the forenamed emperor.  
¶ He was so great of body that he was commonly called the Turk, so well exercised in arms, and so beloved specially of the Dukes of Milan, that Duke Philippo called him son, Francisco called him brother, and Galeazo called him father.  
¶ He was noble of courage, fine of wit, and somewhat learned, which things together with his liberal and courteise life, made him beloved of all men.  
¶ Finally through some disorder in living, as he that loved to live in pleasure, he died somewhat before the full course of his natural term. Leaving by his first wife Barbara .v. sons, Federico, Francisco made Cardinal, Luigi, Gianfrancesco, and Rodolfo, all notable and virtuous persons.  
¶ Federico as eldest, succeeded in the estate, 
Federico.  and was afterwards general to the Duke of Milan, and married La Margerita Tedesca, on whom he begat a son named Francisco: and in the Venetian wars against the Duke of Ferrara, having gotten Asola, which afterwards he was constrained by force to restore, sickened for sorrow and died.  
¶ By reason whereof his son Francisco, of the age of 18. years, entered into the estate, 
Francisco.  and at the age of .38. was made general of the venetians, in whose service he did wonders: specially against Charles the eight French king, near unto the river of Taro besides Parma, as the same king returning from the conquest of the realm of Naples, laden with great richesses, was going into France. In which enterprise Francisco so behaved himself, that he led many noble men prisoners with him at his return, insomuch that the French king made very great offers to have had his service, but all in vain. For continuing his enemy he afterwards fought with the French men in Puglia, and so discomfited them, that he restored the king Ferrandino unto his estate. And leaving three sons by his wife Beatrice, daughter of Ercole, Duke of Ferrara, that is to weet, Federico that next succeeded him, Ercole made Cardinal, and Don Ferrando that now is the emperors general at Milan, finally he died.  

Federico. ●520.  ¶ After whose death, Federico took the estate upon him, and was made general of the Roman church by bishop Lion the ten confirmed by Adrian the vi and continued also under Clement the vii And as the emperor (that now is) returned from his coronation at Bologna, passing through Mantua (where he was most honourably received) his majesty, for the virtue, worthiness, and nobility known in this Federico, called him from the degree of Marquis, and created him Duke.  
¶ He married Margerite daughter and heir of the lord Guglielmo Paleologo, Marquis of Monferrato, in whose right by favour of the emperors majesty, he obtained her father's estate, that is to say, the dominion of Monferrato. And so notably fortifying the city of Mantua, 
1539.  he died, leaving four sons, Francisco Guglielmo, Lodovico, and Federico.  

Francisco  ¶ Francisco after his father's death entered into the dominion, but because he was than of very tender years, and passeth not yet the age of .14. his father by testament committed the governance of him unto his wife, with the help and counsel of his brother Ercole the Cardinal, until the young Duke shall be grown to sufficient years: who by the parent's consent, and by the emperors procurement, hath been contracted unto one of king Ferdinando's daughters, and shall marry her very shortly, as the saying is.    

¶ Of the estate of Ferrara.  
FErrara is one of the notablest cities of Lombardy, aswell for the beauty and greatness, as also for the strong site & fortification.  
¶ first for beauty, if that part, that is called La terra nuova, had been thoroughly finished: as it was devised, it should have been worthy for fair streets, to have been preferred before any other city that I have seen. And now as it is, I think it no less worthy. For you shall find above a dozen streets so just and evenly set●e forth, that I warrant you there is not so much as the corner of a house to let a man of his full sight from the tone end to the t'other. Some of which streets lack little of a mile long, with the goodly houses and buildings on both sides so fair and uniform, that it seemeth all done at one time and by one agreement, as no doubt the most part hath been in deed. And than in the midst it hath a very fair green, appointed out for the market place. But the Duke that now is, hath had no mind to follow it, although his father Alfonso bestowed the most travail of all his days about it, to his wonderful charge: as he that shall see it may well consider. So that the most habitation of people resteth still in the old part of the city, which is also indifferent fair: but nothing comparable to the new. Than as touching the greatness, I think the circuit by the walls be little less than .v. miles. And finally for strength it hath the goodliest and strongest wall, and the largest ditch, well watered, that I have seen: specially for three parts to the land ward. And as for the fourth part, though the wall be not so strong, yet is it reputed of no less force on that side, than on the other: by reason that within .20. yards of the wall, the great river of Pò, hath his course down towards the sea: which runneth so swift, and is so broad and deep, that it is not to be passed of any enemy to give assault to the town.  
¶ The Duke hath under his dominion two other cities, that is to weet, Modona, and Reggio, with a good part of the low countries of Romagna, and may dispend yearly by estimation between .200. and .250000. ducats: and is esteemed very rich, because he hath had no war, nor other charge of importance, for the space of xiii years or more, that he hath governed the estate.  

The Original and success of the city.  
Like as of other places be divers opinions: even so is there of the beginning, and name of Ferrara. Some woull, that the name thereof hath grown of a certain quantity of iron, that the same city yielded for a tribute unto the lord of Ravenna: as Argenta, and Aureolo have also done of the payment of silver and gold. Some other woull, that it be so called of the mines of iron that have been found there: which opinion is most sensible, considering that Ferrara (after the use of the latin tongue) signifieth none other but the place where iron is digged forth, as Caesare in his commentaries, the viii book of the French wars, and as Livy in the fourth of the Macedonicall wars do affirm.  
¶ But to pass over these antiquities, and come nearer to our purpose, I find, 
700.  that the said city of Ferrara was first closed with walls by one Smeraldo, captain for the Greekish emperor in Ravenna: and long time after (being a certain space under the obedience of Henry the second emperor of Almain) it was recovered by the counteise Matilda, daughter of the Conte Bonefacio, 
1020.  as her right inheritance, through help of the venetians, and of the lords of Ravenna, out of the hands of Henry the third than emperor: which Countess at her death, with other her possessions, left it unto the use of the Roman church: insomuch that long time it was governed of vicars and of legates, until the house of Este got the rule thereof. Who first obtained is under condition, that they should for ever hold it in fee of the church of Rome.  
¶ And to recite the beginning of that house, some think the same is descended of those ancient Trojans, that came with Antenor into Italy: and some other woull, that their stock should be of a certain town called Este, now under the Venetian dominion, lying xu miles from Padua, on the southeside of the Padoan hills. From which town (they say) this family of Este came to dwell in Ferrara. But how so ever it be, the first notable man of that house, that ruled Ferrara, was named Azo, 
Azo 1. Aldobrandino.  who at his death left issue two sons, Aldobrandino, and Azo: the first entered in possession, and living but a short space, left the estate unto Azo the second his younger brother. 
Azo .2.   
¶ This Azo was driven out of it by Federike the emperor, and one Salinguerra put there in his place: insomuch that Azo for secure resorted unto a certain Ferrarese named Gregorio Montelungo, being at that time Romish legate in the city of Bologna: by whose means, with help of the venetians, of the Mantuanes, and of Ezelino, than lord of Verona, brother in law unto this Azo: Salinguerra was by force expulsed, and Azo restored unto his estate: upon condition that he should hold it for ever as vicar of the church, and none otherwise.  
¶ Now this Azo the second having by his first wife a son, named Fresco, married again the second daughter of the king of Naples, 
Crueltee.  named Beatrice: which marriage so much offended his son Fresco (as he that was desirous to reign) that prisoning his father put him unto death, and after with help of the venetians took on him the estate.  
¶ But his own citizens, abhorring so great a cruelty, 
Fresco.  procured so much the Romish legate Palagurra to the vengeance of Fresco, that both Fresco and the venetians were excommunicated, and war moved against them: the general whereof was named Diego Catelano a spaniard.  
¶ Now Fresco waxing more cruel through these businesses than before, 
Crueltee.  put to death all those of his subjects, that were contrary to him, and after burned the one half of the city, purposing to destroy the whole. But the fury of the people was so moved thereby, that taking weapon in hard, they sought him, and as he would have fled out at the Lion gate, slew him. And Rinaldo his brother (to whom of right the estate ought to have descended) was also dead in prison.  
¶ So than Obizone, son of Rinaldo, took on him the estate: 
Obizone.  and was the first that began to enlarge his dominion through the getting of Modena and Reggio.  
¶ And after Obizone succeeded Azo his son, 
Azo .3.  the iii of that name, who delighted much in arms: many times attempting to conquer Parma and Bologna: and at length 〈◊〉 without issue.  
¶ Leaving his estate unto his nephews Rinaldo and Niccolo, sons of his brother Aldobrandino. 
Rinaldo.   
¶ This Rinaldo desirous to increase his dominion, with the help of Passerino Buona Colsi, than lord of Mantua, obtained Argenta, & after joining his power with an army of the lords of Scala, laid siege to the town of San felice on the Modenese. Which town the king Manfredi, together with .30. other towns, had left in custody of Charles son to the king of Boeme: so that the same Charles, with Manfredi, and with Beltrame the bishop of Rome's general (uniting their camps together) assaulted Rinaldo, and discomfited him, taking part of his men, amongst whom Nicolo brother unto Rinaldo rested prisoner: insomuch that the Romish legate, waxing immoderately proud of this victory addressed his power towards Ferrara, and besieged it. But at last Rinaldo issued out and discomfited him, taking prisoners Galeotto da Rimini, Francisco de gl' Ordelaffi, Ricciardo Manfredi di Faenza, and Astagio da Polenta, whom he delivered in exchange for his brother Nicolo, and after let the rest go freely upon their oaths, that they should no more be against him.  
¶ Finally this Rinaldo was so much persuaded by his own citizens, that he restored Argenta to the bishop of Rome, whereby he recovered the bishops blessing, and so at length died without issue.  

Obizone .2  ¶ Leaving his estate unto his nephew Obizone the second of that name, son unto his brother Nicolo.  
¶ This Obizone (through favour of the legate) was the first that was made general of the church, and had therefore .10000. ducats of yearly provision assigned unto him. And shortly after was Parma also given into his hands by Azo da Correggio, not withstanding that it appertaigned unto Mastino della Scala, and that the same Azo also had before offered to sell it unto the Florentines for .50000. ducats.  
¶ Not long after there grew a controversy between Obizone and Philippino di Gonzaga for the city of Reggio: whereof there followed so sharp war between them, that Obizone, mistrusting his own power, yielded the city of Parma into the hands of Lucchino Visconti, and finally leaving issue two sons, Nicolo and Alberto, died.  
¶ After whom Nicolo the eldest succeeded, 
Nicolo.  being always fast friend to the Roman bishops, in whose favour many times he fought with Bernabo Visconti, and had the better, specially in that notable journey that happened between them on the Bressane territory near to the hill Morlano.  
¶ He purchased also of Giovanni Aguto, an English captain, the city of Faenza for .20000. ducats, and bought also the town of Baguacavallo, though he kept it not long: for Astorgio Manfredi got it from him by treason.  
¶ Finally he did much for his citizens, and greatly augmented Ferrara.  
¶ He was eloquent, merciful and learned, constant both of nature and of countenance, and so liberal, that he never repulsed person that sought benefit at his hands. At last dying without issue, he left his estate unto his brother Alberto, who also at his death, 
Alberto.  having no lawful child, left it unto Nicolo his bastard son, than being but a child.  
¶ Now was there one Azo of the house of Este, 
Nicolo.  that seeing Nicolo yet tender of years, under the govern of tutors, and unapt to rule, did as much as he could to prevail himself. But with the help of the venetians, of the Florentines, and of the Bologniese, Nicolo was not only maintained in the estate, but Azo for his presumption confined also into Candia. And afterwards being grown unto age, this Nicolo became so mortal enemy unto Ottone, lord of Parma, that feigning at length to meet with him for a treaty of peace, caused him secretly to beslayne by the way, by mean of Sforza Cotignola, and so recovered the cities of Reggio and Parma, that Ottone before had occupied.  
¶ After the which, being all given unto the commodity of Ferrara, he builded the great palace or castle in the heart of the city, wherein the Dukes ever since have dwelled: and besides that the palaces of Ficcarolo, and of Bellosguardo, and took unto wife the daughter of Francisco Vecchio da Carrara. By reason whereof he became enemy to the venetians, and provoked against himself a dangerous war.  
¶ But finally in feats of arms he became excellent, and in the governing of his estate very prudent, and of such reputation, that he caused the general counsel of that time to be kept in Ferrara. At the which the emperor of Grece happened to be present: and not long after he died, leaving two bastard sons, Lionello and Borso, and two lawful sons by his second wife, of the blood of the marquesses of Saluzo, named Ercole, and Gismondo.  

Lionello.  ¶ Of whom, Lionello being the eldest succeeded in the estate, by what reason I can not tell, but that the father would so.  
¶ This Lionello was a very wise man, and in his time made of new the wall of Ferrara on the side of the Pò, and amended the houses and streets on that part of the city. And because his son Nicolo, whom he had begotten gotten on the daughter of Gianfrancesco Gonzaga, was a very child at the time of his death, on his death ●edde he committed his estate to his brother Borso, beseeching him, that when his son Nicolo should be grown unto sufficient age, he would vouchsafe to restore it unto him.  
¶ Thus entered Borso into the dominion, and incontinently revoked his brethren Ercole & Gismondo, 
Borso.  whom Lionello had before confined into the realm of Naples, and to the intent there should grow none envy between them, he always nourished them together a like.  
¶ He fortified Ferrara with strong walls, and builded the Chatterhouse of the same: and was of so good a nature, that he would offer no man wrong, but rather forgetting those that were done unto him, he was wont to say: That sooner and with more ease should a man overcome his enemy by benefits and courtesy than by sword's or vengeance.  
¶ He delighted much in cunning men, and kept divers about him, as well of learned as of others. And finally was so worthy a man, that the emperor Federico passing through his dominion, of his own motion created him Duke.  
¶ After the death of Borso, Nicolo the son of Lionello, 
Nicolo.  according to the covenant made between Borso and his father, succeeded in the estate.  
¶ He ruled not long, but the right heir Ercole, 
Ercole.  before named, with help of the venetians, by force expulsed him, in suchewyse that for succour he fled to his uncle to Mantua, where after the term of three years, assembling about an .800. banished men, he attempted to recover Ferrara: and watching his time whilst Ercole was forth of the city, by night scaled the wallis▪ and came to the market place, crying Vela, Vela (which was his ensign) but there was none of his friends so hardy, as to arise to secure him: so that Gismondo, brother to Ercole (seeing the weakness of Niccolo's succours) gathered together such power as that hasty rumour allowed, and not only discomfited Niccolo's company: but also took him, with twenty of his men prisoners, and brought him unto Lionora the wife of Ercole daughter to Ferrando king of Naples: who sent for the Duke unto Bellosguardo. And so within iii days after (the Duke being returned unto Ferrara) Nicolo lost his head, and was nevertheless honourably buried amongst his ancestors.  
¶ Not long after the Florentines (at that time troubled by the bishop of Rome, and the king of Naples) elected this Duke Ercole for their general, who accordingly served them very honourably.  
¶ Finally falling out with the venetians for the breach of certain articles between them, what with war, and with hunger he was so oppressed, that had he not obtained the bishop of Rome's favour, he might easily have lost his estate. After which enterprises, being general of the venetians, and of the Mylanese both, and utterly suppressing his adversaries the Earls of saint Bonifacio, at last he disposed himself altogethers to religious works: and amongst all other with his own hands he daily distributed to .13. poor men for god's sake, two pounds of flesh, a measure of wine, three loves of bread, and a little piece of money, unto every one of them, and than died.  
¶ Leaving his estate unto his son Alfonso, 
Alfonso,  who proved so worthy a man, that notwithstanding he had married Lucretia, daughter of Alexandro bishop of Rome, yet when the same bishop by force offered to take from him the country of Romagna: he resisted so valiantly, that the bishop was feign to forego his enterprise.  
¶ The like whereof he did unto bishop Leon the ten that purposed to have taken Ferrara from him.  
¶ And thus having by Lucretia his first wife three sons, Ercole, Hippolito now Cardinal, and Don Francisco: and by Laura his second wife two sons, Alfonso and Alfonsino, he died.  
¶ After whose death Ercole as eldest son, 
Ercole.  entered into the estate, and at this day enjoyeth the same.  
¶ And albeit, that hitherto there hath happened no notable occasion to try his worthiness, yet can he not chose, but prove well. For he is a goodly man of parsonage, high of stature, strong and well proportionate in all his membres, bald on the crown of the head, and amiable enough of countenance. He hath a good wit, and is somewhat learned, and indifferent in the administration of justice. And one thing special I remember of him, worthy to be recited. Themperor at his being in Italy borrowed money of all hands. And demanding amongst the rest .100000. crowns in lo●e, of this Duke, he brought him a bag of .50000. crowns: excusing himself, that to lend .100000. crowns he was not able, but to give his majesty those .50000. he could be contended with all his heart: and by this shift kept the other .50000. crowns in his purse.  
¶ Finally of religion he is no more earnest than most princes are, and in his life he followeth the court of love, to lose no time of pleasure.  
¶ He is friendly to fair women, and cherisheth change. By his father's days he married madame Renea daughter unto Lewis the xii french king, a very gracious lady. By whom he hath two sons, Alfonso and Luigi. Hitherto he hath maintained his dominion in peace, and is therefore thought (as I have said) to be very rich, He is well furnished of artillery and munition: and of devotion is altogether French. So that if there should happen any business in Italy between the emperor and french king, his part is like to be therein.    

The estate of Placentia and Parma.  
¶ PLacentia and Parma are two notable cities of Lombardy, lying between the Appepine hills and the river of Pò: whose territory and pastures are so fat and sweet, that it is thought no place of all Europe able to compare with it for the excellent cheeses it maketh, which by the name of Parmesanes are right well known over all.  
¶ These two cities of late appertained unto the church of Rome. But Paul the third, now bishop of the same▪ a Roman of nation, of the house of Farnesis, to increase his own family, found the mean to separate these two cities with their territories from the church's dominion: and to give it unto his own son named Peter Aluigi, creating him Duke thereof. And in recompense annexed unto the church the Duchy of Camerino, that he before had taken by force from the Duke of Urbine.  
¶ This Pietro Aluigi, being the year of our lord 1546. entered into the estate, began to bear himself overstoutely against the nobility of the same, and specially towardis the Signior jeronimo Pallavicini di Corte Maggiore, who rather disdeigning then envying this man's dominion, was feign at last to flee, and to abandon wife and children, goods and lands. insomuch that this new Duke took all unto himself, and furnished the castle of Corte maggiore (being a very strong hold) with his own men, took all the rents (being .12000. ducats a year) to his own purse: except a small portion assigned to the lady wife of jeronimo, for her living: with condition nevertheless, that if she relieved her husband with any part thereof, she should lose the whole. Besides this, he oppressed his subjects, causing them to buy harness, and to furnish themselves for the war on their own cost. But most of all he occupied a great number of labourers in his works, beginning the foundation of a strong castle, in the place where the Abbey of S. Bennettes in Placentia stood. The monks whereof he appointed unto a spittle house, called saint Lazares in Champain. And these labourers were taken up by force from all parts of the Parmesane and Placentine: of which there perished at one time, with the fall of an hollow bank above 50. persons: so that what with one thing, and what with an other (being also a man known full of abomination in all kind of vices, and specially in the unnatural) in conclusion he became hated of all men: insomuch that the Conte Giovanni Aguzzolo, and the Conte Augustino di Pallavicini, with certain of their kin and friends, conspired against him, and at their time appointed, finding him with a small guard in his own house in Plancense, slew him, hanging afterwardis the dead body out at a window for a spectacle unto the people.  
¶ Finally these gentlemen (foreseeing the danger that for this doing might follow unto them, in case the state should continue of the church) practised before with Don Ferrando Gonzaga, to see whether he would back them, by receiving the strong city of Placense unto the emperors behoove: so that being at a point with him, the matter was so handled, that the next night after the Duke's death, there were secretly received into the town .800. of the emperors men, and so the city won without stroke striking.  
¶ All the money, plate, jewels and stuff that could be found of the Dukes, to the value of .30000. crowns and upwards, were divided amongst the confederates, and the Conte Giovanni Aguzzolo, who killed the Duke his own hands, allowed by the emperor .20. men for his guard.  
¶ Finally the bishop of Rome (being hereof advertised) incontinently caused Parma to be fortified, and furnished with men of war, and tempted by corruption of money to have had one of the gates of Placense delivered him by night: but his practice was discovered, and certain Spaniards therefore taken and hanged. And ever since for more than this half year, the emperors power upon the Placentine, and the bishops on the Parmesane have kept diligent watch and ward, looking every hour for open war. What it woull prove to, he best knoweth that governeth all.   

¶ Of the estate of Urbine.  
THe city of Urbine standeth almost on the top of the Appe●yne hills, in manner between the mark of Ancona & Tuscan, the people whereof (as Pliny writeth) have been surnamed Metaurensi, and it seemeth to have taken name of Vrbes Binae, two towns. For who that well considereth the proportion of it, shall judge by the mitre fashion thereof, that it hath been two towns joined together, and the middle, which is a hollow descent between two hillꝭ, is the sklenderest part of the city.  
¶ The Duke's palace is a very fair house, but not so excellent as the Conte Baldasar in his Courtisane doth commend it.  
¶ The Duke's dominion is two cities, Urbine and Pesaro: his revenue passeth not .60000. crowns by the year. But his ancestors for the most part served other astates, as the Duke that now is also doth: whereby they kept much greater ports than their own hability would bear.  
¶ Amongst other this Duke's father builded an house within a mile of Pesaro, called Imperiale, which in mine opinion is one of the best devised little things that may lightly be found. It standeth on the side of an hill, and hath prospect both to the city and to all the valley, it hath many fine little chambers, goodly open vaults, and excellent fair fountains. But that which most of all pleased mine eye, was that being of a great height, you may out of the highest garden ●yde about on the top of the house, which is very fair paved with brick, and railed on both sides with fine pillars and rails of white marble.  
¶ As for the edification of Urbine, or other notable memory before the year .1345, I find nothing meet to be written. At which time (by reason of the variance between bishop Clement of Rome, and the emperor Lewis of bavarie, who to make their parties strong, made divers new lords in Italy) Galasso di Montefeltro was made vicar for the emperor in the cities of Urbine and Eugenio, 
Galasso di Montefeltro .1345.  against the bishop of Rome and his adherentes: in which his succession continued inheritors unto the year .1444. that Federike, after made Duke, 
Conte Guido .1428.  obtained the estate. The occasion whereof was, that Guido Conte di Vrbino, having no heir male by his first wife, feigned, that he had gotten a Concubine with child, and so secretly took the son of his near kinsman Bernardino della Corda, which even than was newly borne, and naming it Federike, caused it to be nourished as his own.  
¶ Not long after his wife died, and marrying again, engendered a son named Oddo, 
Oddo .1440.  who in deed succeeded the father in his estate. But he was so vicious of living, and so busy with gentlemen's wives, that in a sudden rumour of the people, he was slain, and a Protonotary, called Carpesiano with him.  
¶ Whereupon this Federike the putative son, 
Federico▪ 1444.  by the whole voice of the people was elected their prince: who in his youth had been very well brought up, specially in feats of arms, in the exercise whereof he lost one of his eyes.  
¶ This Federike was not only valiant, but also very well learned, and so happy a man, that in his time he was general of viii several armies, and died captain of the venetians army in the field before Ferrara.  
¶ The bishop of Rome for his worthiness made him Duke, the king of England not only gave him money, but also made him of the Garter. For which courtesy all English men have a certain privilege of freedom in his dominion, and the French king made him also of his order. Besides that, there was none estate in Italy, but that at one time or other presented him with some worthy gift.  
¶ And above all the rest his fidelity seemeth to me most worthy of commendation. For when Francisco Sforza, was forsaken of all his other friends, and pursued with 20000. men, he only received him, and thereby put himself and his whole estate in jeopardy, which he determined rather to lose, than to seem an unfaithful friend, and in effect mainteigned Sforza till time served him to recover.  

Guido. Ubaldo. 14●2.  ¶ After the death of Federike, his son Guido Ubaldo, of the age of xii years succeeded, who reigned quietly about xxi years, till the coming of Valentino Borgia, son of Alexandre the vi bishop of Rome: that first by such craft got the estate into his handis, that Guido Ubaldo was feign to flee disguised in ploughman's clothing. Nevertheless through the good will of his subjects he recovered his estate in short time again. But Valentine's force was such, that at length this Duke took such treasure as he had, and fled to the Marquis of Mantua, whose sister he had married: & there dying without issue, ended the house of Montefeltro, that had reigned in Urbine the space of .157. years.  

Ualentino Borgia .1503.  ¶ Valentino Borgia held it but a very small space, for shortly after his father's death, julie the second bishop of Rome persecuted him, and brought the house of Borgia to noughts: and thereupon gave the estate of Urbine to his nephiew Francisco Maria Prefettino della Rovere: 
Francisco Maria .1504.  whom he created Duke there.  
¶ This Francisco Maria was a very wise and valiant prince, nothing inferior to Federike beforenamed: who reigned not fully ten years, but Leo the x. that succeeded julie the ii made a puissant army, and expulsed him out of his estate, 
1514.  and razed the walls of the city even to the earth. Whereupon he established his nephiew juliano di Medici Duke in his place, 
julianio di Medici Laurence di Medici.  and after his death (for he lived but a while) his brother Laurence di Medici: who continued in the same, till Adrian the vi that succeeded Leo, 
1522.  expulsed him, and restored the estate unto Francisco Maria, that enjoyed it till he died, the space of xvi years in so great reputation, that all princes and astates of Italy loved and honoured him: and the greatest of them were glad to entertain him for their general in the wars. Wherein he got infinite sums of money. But he was so great a builder and so liberal unto his soldiers, that when he died, he left no kind of money in his coffers.  
¶ By his life time he builded the palace besides Pesaro, called Imperiale, and fortified the city of Pesaro, and the castle there, with divers other goodly buildyngꝭ: and got Katherine daughter and heir to the Duke of Camerine to be married unto his son Guido Ubaldo, that now liveth. In whose right he enjoyed that estate during the father's life.  
¶ Assoon as Francisco Maria was dead, 
Guido Ubaldo .2. 1538.  Paul the three now bishop of Rome, seeing this Duke that now liveth a young man, without money or great friends, made so great a power against him, that for fear to lose the whole, he was content for a little money and some other small recompenses, to yield to the bishop the estate of Camerine: which the bishop hitherto enjoyeth. And yet for all this, the same bishop hath found the means to marry his niece to the same Duke: 
1547.  whereat many men marvel not a little.  
¶ Finally this Duke Guido Ubaldo is general over all the venetians lands, towns, and fortresses, and hath of them .10000. crowns annuitee. But hitherto he hath had none occasion of trial in the wars. He is mean of strature, hard of favour, and very grave in countenance. And though he be well learned, his wisdom hath had no great trial as yet, but men trust he will prove as virtuous as his predecessors.   

¶ The conclusion.  
¶ THere be divers other astates in Italy, specially the common wealths of Sienna and Lucca, the bishopric of Trent called Tridentum in latin, Piombino, Mirandula, castle Geffroie, and such like, but because they are not of such reputation either for dominion, power, or continuance of years, that they should be numbered amongst the principal, I have forborn to speak particularly of them: though some in deed deserve notable praise: beseeching all gentle readers to accept my travail and diligence, used in this behalf, as a thing done for their commodities. And though I want learning and eloquence to accomplish so high an enterprise, as to descrive pithily the astates of countries and commom wealths, yet since I spared no pain, nor labour to do profit, I would at the least wise for my reward crave good report.   

IMPRINTED AT LONDON IN FLEETSTREET IN THE HOUSE OF THOmas Berthelet. Cum privilegio as imprimendum solum. ANNO. M. D. XLIX.   

¶ The table of this present book by letter.  

AEbrigement of the estate of Italy, from the beginning until the Roman empire was utterly divided. 
fol●o. 8.  Abbrigement of the lives of the Roman bishop's 
fo. 41.  Abbrigement of the Uenecian histories from the edification of the city to this day. 
85.  Academy in Florence. 
139.  Adoaldus. 
18.  Adrianus. 
12.  Agilulphus. 
18.  Agostino Barbarico. 
110.  Agrippa. 
9  Alaricus king of Goths. 
15.  Alba Silvius. 
8.  Alboinus 
18.  Alberto. 
210.  Aldeprandus. 
20.  Aldobrandino. 
208.  Alfonse king of Naples. 
66.  Alfons adopted heir to queen johan. 
131.  Alfonse the second. 
134.  Alfonso. 
212.  Alexander Severus. 
12.  Amalasuntha. 
17.  Amulius. 
9  Ancus Martius. 
10.  Andrea Dandolo. 
102.  Andrea Contarini. 
104.  Andrea Uendramino. 
109.  Andrea ●ritti. 
111.  Andrea ●oria. 
185.186.187.  Angelo Particiaco. 
90.  Annates. 
63.  Antonio Ueniero. 
105.  Antonio Grimani. 
111.  Antonio di Leua. 
200.  Antonius Pius. 
12▪  Antonius Caracalla. 
12.  Antharis Flavius. 
18.  Arches of Triumph. 
29.  Archadius. 
14.  Arrigo Dandolo. 
96.  Arno the river. 
137.  Artificers of Italy. 
5.  Arioldus. 
18.  Aristolphus. 
20.  Arithpertus. 
19.20.  Ascanius. 
8.  Asprandus. 
20.  estate of Mantua. 
200.  estate of Ferrara. 
207.  estate of Placentia & Parma. 
212.  Athalphus. 
16.  Athis or Egyptus Silvius. 
9  Attila. 
10. and 190.  Aventinus. 
9  Augustus. 
50.  Auogadori. 
91.  Aurelianus. 
13.  Azone. 
191.  Azo the first and secounde. 
208.  Azo the iii 
209.    


B.  BAgelardo. 
117.  Bartholomeo Gradenico. 
101.  Beginning and success of the estate of Milan. 
189.  Bells. 
91.  Berengarius. 
48.  Bernabo. 
191.  bishops palace, with Beluedere. 
4●.  Bishop of Rome besieged. 
118.  Biorgus. 
16.  Boccatius. 
127.  Borso. 
211.  Bou●iquart. 
177.  Bridges in Rome. 
23.  Br●dges in Florence. 
137.  buildings in Rome. 
41.  buildings of Venice. 
74.  Building of Genoa. 
163.    


C.  Caesar. 
fol. 50.  cain's Caligula. 
11.  Caesar Fregoso. 
188.  Capi Siluins. 
9  Cardinal hats. 
56.  Cardinals sacked and baked. 
62.  Cardinal Sauli. 
185.  Carlo duca de Angio. 
125.  Carlo. two. 
126.  Carlo. iii. 
129.  Carpentus. 
9  Carus. 
13.  Castle Cant● Angelo. 
41.  castle ●ouo. 
113.  Caroccio. 
122.  Castle of Milan. 
189.  circles. 
31.  Charles martel. 
45.  Charles son taken prisoner 
126.  Charles the .v. emperor. 
136.  Chilperike deposed. 
45.  Christoforo Moro. 
108.  Circuit of Italy. 
1.  city of Florence. 
137.  city of Naples gotten by the normans. 
120.  city of Urbine. 
214.  Citta della. 
159.  Claudius. 
11.13.  Colossuses and images. 
34.  Comodus. 
12.  commodities of Italy. 
1.  Common provision and charitable deeds in Venice. 
82.  Common people. 
149.  Conrade. 
124.  Constantius. 
14.  Constantinus. 
eodem.  consuls. 
10.  Conduits of water in Rome 
27.  Counsel of Venice. 
78.  Corradino .124. beheaded. 
125  Cortogo●●. 
184.  Cosino di Medici. 
152.  Covetousness. 
134.  Crueltee. 
96. 98.124.125.12●.208.209.  Customs in their living in Venice. 
8●.  Cyprus won. 
109.    


D.  DApho. 
fol. 18.  Decius. 
13.  De●dato. 
89.  Description of Italy. 
1.  Description of Rome. 
22.  Description of Naples. 
11●.  Description of Florence. 
137  Description of Milan. 
187  Desyderius. 
18.20.  Didius julius. 
12.  dignities and offices in Venice. 
77.  Dioclesianus. 
11.  Dividing of the empire. 
15.  Division. 
141.  Discord. 
131.  Dominion of Venice 
7●.  Domenico ●●one. 
89.  Domenico Menicaccio. 
eo.  Domenico Orseolo. 
9●.  Domenico Flabenico. 
eodem.  Domenico Contarini. 
eod.  Domenico Silu●o. 
eod.  Domenico Michele. 
94.  Domenico Morosini. 
45.  Dominion and governance of Genoa. 
161.  Domitianus. 
11.  Don Ferrando Gonzaga. 
188.200.213.  Donation of Constantine. 
14.43.  Douchemens' haul in Venice 
111.  Drogone. 
116.  Duke of Florence dominion and revenue. 
139.  Duke Cosmo. 
159.    


E.  Edification of Rome. 
9  Edification and success of the city of Florence 
140.  Edifices in Florence. 
137.  Election of the emperor, when and by whom it was ordained. 
21.  electors of the empire. 
50.  Empire divided. 
15.46.  Empire changed. 
48.  End of the Roman kings 
10.  End of the Lombard's reign. 
20.  End of the house of Normans in Sicily. 
121.  End of the house of ●ue●ia in the dominion of Naples. 
125.  End of the house of Durazza 
132.  End of the house of Arragon in Naples. 
135.  Emanuel emperor. 
96.  Ea●as 
8.  Aeneas' Silvius. 
eod.  Ercole. 
211.212.  Ezelino di Romano. 
98.    


F.  fashion of Italy. 
fol. 1.  Faunus. 
8.  Federico. 
206.215.  Federike .122. king of Sicily. 
127.135.  Feeding in Italy. 
2.  Ferdinando. 
133.  Ferdinando king of Spain 
136.  Ferrandino. 
135.  Fertilitee of Naples. 
11●.  Fire breaking out of the earth 
113.  Florence destroyed and re-edified. 
140.  Florentines customs. 
1●8.  Florentines common wealth constituted. 
141.  Francisco Maria. 
215.  Francisco. 
204.206.  Francisco Donato. 
112.  Francis Petrarcha. 
60.127.  Francis Dandolo. 
101.  Francis Foscaro. 
106.  Francis Sforza. 
181.196.198.  Fresco. 
209.    

GAlba Sergius. 
11.  Galeasso di Montefeltro. 
214.  Galeazzo. 
181.191.193.197.  Galerius. 
14.  Galienus. 
13.  Garmaldus. 
19  Gasparo di Uicomercato. 
181.  Gates of Rome. 
24.  Gensericus. 
16.  Gensualdus. 
19  Gentlemen of Italy. 
3.  Gianfrancesco. 
205.  Giangaleazo. 
193.  Giovanni. 
89.91.  Giovanni Dandolo. 
99  Giovanna prima. 
127.  Giovanna. two. 
130.  Giovanni Torrigiani. 
90.  Giovanni. 
192.197.  Giovanni Maria. 
194.  Giustiniano's. 
90.  Giudice di Ginarcha. 
169.  Godfrey. 
117.  Gonzaga. 
203.  Gordianus. 
13.  Goths. 
15.  Graners and Arsenales. 
36.  Gratianus. 
14.  Grimoaldus. 
19  Guelfes and Ghibelines faction. 
141.  Guglielmo Ferrabach. 
116.  Guglielmo. 
119.120.121.123.  Guido. 
204.  Guido Conte di Urbino. 
214.  Guido Ubaldo. 
215.216.  Gundebalde. 
16.  Gundibertus. 
19    

HEad of Tiber. 
23.  Helius Pertinax. 
12.  Henrico imperatore. 
121.  Hills in Rome. 
25.  Hill Testacchio. 
35.  Hippodromus. 
36.  History of Naples. 
114.  Honorius. 
14.  Hospitals in Venice. 
82.  Hospitals in Florence. 
138.  Hot banns. 
113.  Hugo Conte d' Arli. 
48.  Hunes. 
fol. 15.  Hunfredo. 
117.  Husbandmen of Italy. 
fol. 5.    


I.  IAcopo Contarini. 
99  james Tiopolo. 
97.  jano's king of Cyprus 
177.  jano Fregoso. 
184.  janus. 
8.  Images put out of churches. 
44.46.  Ingratitude of people. 
175.  john Acton. 
62.  john Soranzo. 
100  john Gradenico. 
103.  john Delfino. 
eodem.  john Mocenigo. 
109.  john Sharp. 
149.210.  iovinianus. 
14.  Italian customs and nature 
folio. 3.  jubilee. 
58.60.  julius Cesar first emperor. 
10.  juliano di Medici. 
215.  julius philippus. 
13.  julianus Apostata. 
14.  junipertus. 
20.    


K.  kinds of marble. 
fo. 37  Kings of Naples entitled kings of jerusalem. 
122.  King Alfonse taken prisoner. 
132.    


L.  Laws of Venice. 
81.88.  Ladislaus. 
130.  Laurence di Medici. 
155 215.  Latinus. 
8.  Latinus Silvius. 
8.  Laimpertus. 
20.  Lewis the .12. king of France 
135.  Leather coined for money. 
110.  Leonardo Loredano. 
110.  Libertee of strangers in Venice. 
85.  liberality. 
107.  Lionello. 
210.  Lodovico Moro. 
198.  Lorenzo Tiepolo. 
99  Lorenzo Ce●so. 
103.  Lucchino. 
192.  Lucius Tarqvinius. 
10.  Luigi Gonzaga. 
103.  Luigi. 
204.205.  Luitprandus. 
20.  Lombard's. 
fol. 15.    


M.  MAnfredo. 
56.124▪  Macrinus. 
12▪  Marcello. 
88▪  Marino Morosini. 
97.  Marino Giorgio. 
100  Marino Falerio. 
102.  Marco Cornario. 
103.  Marco Barbarico. 
110.  Marie. 
129.  Marcus Aurelius Antonius. 
12.  Martino Torrigiani. 
190.  Matilda. 
52.201.  Mattea Magno. 
191.  Mauritio. 
89.  Maximus. 
12.  Maximianus. 
16.  Merchandise of Italy. 
fol. 2.  Merchants of Italy. 
4▪  Michele Morosini. 
105.  Michele Steno. 
106.  milan situate. 
188.  Millaynes' name. 
189.  Morea. 
108.  Morbus Gallicus. 
135.  Murder. 
129.  Mutio, father to Francis Sforza. 
196.    


N.  NApoleone. 
190.  Narses. 
17.  Naumachiae. 
fol. 29.  Nero. 
11.  Nerua. 
11.  Nicene counsel. 
43.  Nicolo Trono. 
108.  Nicolo Marcello. 
109.  Nicolo. 
210.211.  nobility suppressed. 
149.  Numitor. 
9  Numa Pompilius. 
10.    

OBeliskes. 
folio. 33.  Obelerio. 
90.  Obierto Flisco. 
182.  Obizone. 
209.  Octavianus Augustus. 
10.  Oddo. 
215.  Odoacrus. 
16.  Ordelaffo Falero. 
94.  Orso. 
88.91.  Orso Baduaro. 
92.  Orso Orseolo. 
93.  Orio Malipiero. 
96.  Original of Mantua. 
201.  Original and success of the city of Ferrara. 
208.  Otho the first. 
115.  Otho the ii 
eodem.  Otho Lucius. 
11.  Ottone Orseolo. 
93.  Ottone. 
190.  Ottone Uisconti. 
eodem.    


P.  PAolo Lucio. 
87.  Passerino. 
202.  Pasquale Malipiero. 
108.  Patriarch Uitellesco. 
132.  Partharus. 
20.  Peter king of Arragon. 
126.  Peter Fregoso. 
180.  Philippo Torrig. 
190.  Philippo Maria .194. descrived. 
195.  Pietro Gradenico. 
91.99.  Pietro Candiano. 
92.  Pietro Tribuno. 
eodem.  Pietro Baduaro. 
92.  Pietro Orseolo. 
eodem. 93.  Pietro Barbolano. 
93.  Pietro ●olano. 
95.  Pietro Ziani. 
97.  Pietro Mocenigo. 
109.  Pietro Lando. 
112.  Pietro Aluigi. 
213.  Picus. 
8.  Pinamonte. 
202.  Plague of pestilence. 
60.  Pleasures of Italy. 
folio. 2.  Pliny's death. 
113.  Policy. 
65.164.  Porches in Rome. 
31.  Poor people. 
82.  Poison that worketh not till a time. 
185.  Practise of a prelate. 
153.  Present estate of Rome. 
37.  priests marriage. 
52.  Prince Edward of England 
126.  Prisoners in Venice. 
83.  Probus. 
13.  Proca. 
9  Proctors and treasure of Venice. 
80.  pillars in Rome. 
32.  Pyramids. 
34.    


Q.  Queen johans' husband strangled. 
127.  Queen johan hanged. 
129.    


R.  RAchis or Lachis. 
20.  Rafael Adorno. 
180.  Raimpertus. 
20.  Rainoldes coming to Naples. 
132.  Ralph Duke of Burgoyne. 
48.  Rebellion in Sicily. 
125.  Realm of Naples. 
6.  Renulus. 
9  Resort of strangers into Italy. 
2.  Revenue of Venice. 
76.  Richard king of England. 
165.  Rinaldo. 
209.  Rineri Zeno. 
98.  River of Tiber. 
22.  Robert. 
127.  Roberto Guiscardo created Duke. 
117.  Rodoaldus. 
19  Roger .119. entitled king of Sicily. 
120.  Rome destroyed four times. 
17.  Rome gotten. 
130.  Romoaldus. 
19  Romulus. 
9  Romulus, first king of Romans. 
9  Rotharius. 
18.    


S.  Saint Peter's church. 
40.  saying of Fuluius. 
eod.  Sarasines' coming into Italy first. 
11●.  Saturnus. 
8.  Sebastian Ziani. 
95.  Sepulchrum Bac●hi. 
36.  Servius Tullius. 
10.  Severus. 
12.  Sicily conquered by the normans. 
118.  Silvius Posthumius. 
8.  Site of Italy. 
fol 1.  Site of Venice. 
73.  Sordello. 
2●2.  Sophia. 
17.  Supremitee of the church. 
44.  Shifting and poisoning of Roman bishops. 
50.  Slaughter of Frenchmen. 
125  States of Italy. 
6.  State of Genoa. 
160.    


T.  TAcitus. 
13.  Tancredi the Normain 
116.  Tancredi. 
123.  Tarquinus Priscus. 
10.  Teia. 
17.  Temperature of Italy. 
fol. 1.  Temperature of Naples. 
113.  Temple in Rome. 
31.  Testament broken. 
195.  Theatres. 
30.  Thermes in Rome. 
28.  Theodolinda. 
18.  Theodoricus. 
16.  Theodorius. 
14.16.  Thomas Beckette. 
55.  Thomas Mocenico. 
106.  Title of the kingdom of jerusalem. 
126.  Title of the second line of the house of Angio. 
128.  Titus. 
11.  Tullus ●ostelius. 
10.  Turk conquered in Italy. 
1●4.  Trade and customs of Genoa. 
161.  Tra●anus. 
11.  Treasure found under the ground. 
118.  Tribuno Memmo. 
9●.  Tyberinus. 
9  Tiberius. 
11.  Tyranny. 
190.    


U.  VIlla. 
43.  Ualentino Borgia. 
215  Ualentinianus. 
14.  Ualens. 
14.  Ualerianus. 
13.  Uandales. 
fol. 15.  Uarius Heliogabalus. 
12.  Venetian estate. 
73.  Uespasianus. 
11.  Uiage into the holy land. 
53.  Uitale Candiano. 
93.  Uitale Falero. 
94.  Uitale Michaele. 
eodem. 95.  Uirius Gallus. 
13.  Uisconti. 
190.  Uitellius. 
11.  Walls of Rome. 
23.  Wars of Venice. 
81.  Wild beasts in Florence. 
138  Wives of Florence. 
139.  Wives of Milan. 
188.  Women of Italy. 
fol. 6.  Wonder. 
163.    
¶ Thus endeth the table of this present book set out by letter.