A discovery of the treasons practised and attempted against the Queen's Majesty and the Realm, by Francis Throckmorton, who was for the same arraigned and condemned in guilded Hall, in the City of London, the one and twenty day of May last past.  
1584.   

To the Reader.  
THere is in this short discourse delivered unto thee (gentle reader) a true report of the treasons and practices of Francis Throckmorton, & his complices against the Queen's Majesty and the Realm: which coming to my hands by chance from a gentleman, to whom it was sent into the Country, I have presumed to commit the same to the print, to the end that such as in opinion and conceit are not satisfied, touching the matters proved against him, and the course of proceeding held with him, might by the sight thereof (if truth and reason may persuade them) be resolved of all such doubts and scruple as have risen by the variable reports made of the quality of his offences, and the manner of dealing used towards him: for the better knowledge whereof, I refer thee to the declaration following, and so commit thee to God.   

A letter sent from a gentleman of Lion's Inn to his friend, concerning Francis Throckmorton, who was arraigned and condemned of high Treason.  
Sir, with my last letters of the first of june, I sent unto you in writing the arraignment of Francis Throckmorton penned by a gentleman of good skill and credit, being present at the same and because it hath seemed unto me that there is some scruple in your conceit touching the sufficiency of the evidece produced against him, I have for your better satisfaction endeavoured to attain to more particular knowledge thereof, and by the means of a secret friend, there is come unto my hands, a verse perfect declaration, of the whole proceed held by such as were in commission for the examining of him before his trial coutalning the material points of the treasons by him confessed, where unto there is annexed a submission written by Francis Throckmorton to the Queen's Majesty, the fourth of june, whereby he acknowledgeth that he hath untruly and undutifully denied his former confessions, & under his hand writing hath eftsoons repeated and confessed the same confessions to be true (some few things only detracted, but of no moment:) which may in mine opinion remove all matter of doubt or scruple conceived by you or by any other of his just condemnation. You know how well I have always loved the man, and delighted to converse with him in respect of the good parts wherewith he was endued, and of the pleasant humour that for the most part did possess him when he came in company of friends, yielding at no time (to my seeing) any show or suspicion, to have been a dealer in matters of that qualitte: & therefore I cannot but pity his misfortune the more, wishing all men to make profit of his fall, and to note, that misery and calamity of this kind, doth for the most part follow such as forget God, to whose protection I commit you. From lions Inn, the 15 of june. 1584.  
Your assured friend. Q.Z.   

A true and perfect declaration of the Treasons practised and attempted by Francis Throckemorton, late of London, against the Queen's Majesty and the Reaime.  
WHereas there have been very lewd and slanderous bruits and reports given out, of the due and orderly proceed held with Francis Throckmorton lately anaigned and condemned of high treason at the Guildhall in London the xxi. day of May last, whereby such as are evil affected toward her Malestie, and the present government, have endeavoured falsely and injuriously to charge her Majesty and her faithful ministers with cruelty and injustice used against the said Throckemerton by extorting from him by torture, such confessions as he hathmade against himself, and by insorcing the same to make them lawful evidence to conflict him of the treasons therein specified. Albeit her majesties subieuts in general walling to mind the mild and temperace course she hath held all the time of her most happy Reign, might rather impute her clemency and lenity used to wards all forts of offenders to a kind of fault, then tax her in the contrary: yet such as allow of practice and treasons against her Majesty, de aways interpaexe both of the one and of the other, according to the partiovias affections that do copossesse them, that is, to the worst. And forasmuch as the case of Throckemorton at this time hath been subject to their sinister constructions, and considering that lies and false bruits cast abroad are most commonly beleeuch until they be ontrossed by the truth: it hath been thought expedient in this short discourse to deliver unto your view and consideration, a true and perfect declaration of the treasons practised and attempted by the said Throckemorton against her Majesty & the Realm, by him confessed before his arraignment, whereby her Majesty was justly and in reason persuaded to put him to his trial. You shall likewise perceive what course hath been held with him by her Commissioners to bring him to confess the truth: with what impudency and how falsely he hath denied his sayings and confessions: And lastly, how by a new submission and confession of his said treasons sithence his condemnation, he endeavoureth to satisfy her Majesty, and to show the reasons thea moved him to deny the first, which he affirmeth and confirmeth by the last: which may in reason satisfy, though not all, yet such as are not forestalled, or rather forepoysoned and infected with the lies and untruths already spread and delivered, in favour of the traitor and his treasons. You shall therefore understand, that the cause of his apprehension grew first upon secret intelligence given to the Queen's Majesty, that he was a privy conveiour and receiver of letters to and from the Scottish Queen, upon which information nevertheless divers months were suffered to pass on, before he was called to answer the matter, to the end there might some proof more apparent be had to charge him there with directly: which shortly after fell out, and thereupon there weresent unto his houses in London, and at Leusham in Kent to search and apprehoud him, certain gentlemen of no me anc credice and reputation of whom, two were sent to his house by Paul's wharf, where he was apprehended, and so by one of them conveyed presemly away, the other remaining in the chamber to make search for papers, writings, etc. which might give proof of his fuspected practices.  
In that search, there were found the two papers contarning the names of certain Catholic Noblemen and gentlemen, expressing the Havens for landing of foreign forces, with other particularities in the said papers mentioned, the one written in the Secretary hand, (which he at the Bar confessed to be his own hand writing) and the other in the Roman hand, which he denied to be his, and would not show how the same came unto his hands: howbeit in his examinations he hath confessed them both to be his own hand writing, and so they are in truth. There were also found among other of his papers, twelve pedigrees of the descent of the Crown of England, printed and published by the Blshop of Rosse, in the defence of the pretended title of the Scottish Queen his Mistress, with certain infamous libels against her Majesty printed & published beyond the seas: which being found in the hands of a man so evil affected, comparing the same with his doings and practices against her Majesty, you will judge the purpose wherefore he kept them.  
Shortly after his apprehension, he was examined by some of her majesties privy counsel, how he came by the said two papers of the Havens, and he most impudently denied with many protestations that he never saw them, affirming they were none of his, but were foisted in (as he termed it) among his papers by the gentlemen that searched his house: Notwithstanding being more earnestly pressed to confess the truth, he said they had been left (he knew not how) in his chamber by a man of his, who not long before was departed out of the Realm, named Edward Rogers, alias Nuttebie, by whom they were written. And to make this device to carry some colour of truth, after his committing to the Tower, he found the means to get three Cards, on the backside of which Cards he wrote to his brother George Throckmerton to this effect: I have been examined by whom the two papers, containing the names of certain Noblemen and gentlemen, and of Havens etc. were written: and I have alleged them to have been written by Edward Nutteby my man, of whose hand writing you know them to be: Meaning by this device to have had his brother confirm his falsehood. These Cards were intercepted, and thereby the suspicion before conceived of his practices increased, whereupon, as upon other just cause and matter against him, having been sundry tunes brought before some of the principal personages of her majesties most honourable privy counsel, and by them with all industry examined, and persuaded in very mild and charitable manner, to confess the truth, promising to procure pardon for him, in case he would bewray the depth of his practices: but no persuasion prevailing, her Majesty thought it agreeable with good policy, and the safety of her Royal person and state, to commit him over to the hands of some of her learned counsel and others her faithful servants and ministers, with commission to them, to assay by torture to draw from him the truth of the matters appearing so weighty as to concern the invading of the Realm, etc. These men by virtue of that commission, proceeded with him, first as the counsel had formerly done by way of persuasion, to induce him to confess: but finding that course not to prevail, they were constrained to commit him to such as are usually appointed in the Tower to handle the Rack, by whom he was laid upon the same, and somewhat pinched, although not much: for at the end of three days following, he had recovered himself, and was in as good plight as before the time of his racking, which if it had then or any other time been ministered unto him with that violence that he and his favourers have endeavoured slanderously to give out, the signs thereof would have appeared upon his limbs for many years. At this first time of torture, he would confess nothing, but continued in his former obstinacy and denial of the truth. The second time that be was put to the Rack, before he was strained up to any purpose, he yielded to confess any thing he knew, in the matters objected against him: whereupon he was loosed, and then the Commissioners proceeded with him according to such Interrogatories as had been delivered unto them, which for the more brevity shall here be omitted, the intent of this declaration, tending only to discover unto you the treasons and treacherous dealings of the said Francis Throckamorton aswell before as sithence his imprisonment, for your better knowledge of the man, and manifestation of the due and just proceed held with him by her majesties Commissioners appointed to that service. And here you are to note, that when he was first pressed to discover by whom the plots of the Havens were set down, and to what purpose, he began (without any further interrogation ministered) by way of an historical narration, to declare that at his being at Spa in the Country of Liege certain years past, he entered into conference with one jenney a notorious known Traitor, touching the altering of the state of the Realm here, & how the same might be attempted by foreign invasion, and to the like effect bade sundry conferences with Sir Francis Englefield in the low Countries, who daily solicited the Spanish king in Spain, & his Governors in the said Countries, to attempt the invading of the Realm, continued a course of practising against her Majesty and the state, by letters between Sir Francis Englefielde and himself, until within these two years last passed, and that he did from time to time acquaint Sir john Throckemorton his late father with his traitorous practices, who (as he said) seeing no probability of sucoesse in them, dissuaded himfrom any further meddling with those practices.  
He hath further confessed, the he used his Father's advise & opinion in setting down the names of the Catholic Noblemen and Gentlemen, and did acquaint him with the description of the havens for the landing of forces, which he conceived and put in writing only by view of the Map, and not by particular sight or survey of the said Havens.  
Item, he hath also confessed, that upon the intermission of writing of letters, and the accustomed intelligences passed between Sir Francis Englefield and him, he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throckemorton, by letters & conference, and by Thomas Morgan by letters (two of the principal confederates and workers of these treasons reslding in France) with a resolute determination agreed on by the Scottish Queen and her confederates in France and in other foreign parts, and also in England, for the invading of the Realm.  
That the Duke of guise should be the principal leader and executer of that invasion.  
That the pretension (which should be publicly notified) should be to deliver the Scottish Queen to liberty, and to procure even by force from the Queen's Majesty, a tolerance in religion for the pretended Catholics: But the intention, (the bottom whereof should not at the first be made known to all men) should be upon the Queen's majesties resistance, to remove her Majesty from her Crown and state.  
That the Duke of guise had prepared the forces, but there wanted two things, money, and the assistance of a convenient party in England, to join with the foreign forces, and a third thing, how to set the Scottish Queen at liberty without peril of her person.  
For, the first thing wanting, viz. money, messengers were sent from foreign parts both to Rome & Spain, & their return daily expected to their liking: And the Spanish Ambassador to encourage the English to join both in purse and person, did give out, that the King his Master would not only make some notable attempt against England, but also would bear half the charge of the enterprise. For the second thing, viz. the preparing of a sufficient party in England, to receive and to join with the foreign forces, one especial messenger was sent over into England in August last, under a countersaite name from the confederates in France, to signify the plat and preparation there, and to solicit the same here.  
That Thomas Throckemerton his brother made him privy to his negotiation at his last being here in England, and that thereupon Francis Throckmerton took upon him to be a follower and mean for the effectuating thereof among the confederates in England with the holp of the Spanish Ambassador, whom he instructed how and with whom to deal for the preparing of a convenient party here within the Realm, for that himself would not be seen to be a sounder of men, lest he might be discovered, and so endanger himself & the enterprise, knowing that the Ambassador being a public person, might safely deal therein without peril.  
That the Duke of guise and other heads of the enterprise had refused some landing places, and made special choice of Sussex, and about Arundel in Sussex, both for the near cut from the parts of France, where the Duke did or best could assemble his force, and for the opportunity of assured persons to give assistance, etc.  
That he, taking upon him the pursuit of this course, showed the whole plot and devise of the havens for landing to the Spanish Ambassador, who did encourage him therein, he promising, that if he might have respite until the next spring, the same should be done more exactly.  
That at the time of Thomas Throckemertons being here, lest the negotiation of the enterprise, by some casualty might fail in the only hand of one man Thomas Throck, morton, there was also from the confederates sent over into Sussex, Charles Paget, under the name of Mope, alias Spring, and thereof an advertisement covettly sent to Thomas Throckmorten, both that Thomas might understand it, and not be offended that another was joined with him in his labour.  
That the Spanish Ambassador by advertisements from the confederates, was made privy to this coming of Charles Paget under the name of Mope, and yet known to him to be Charles Paget.  
That the said Ambassador did according to his said advertisements, know and affirm that Charles Paget was come over to view the havens and Country for landing of such foreign forces about Arundel, and specially to sound and confer with certain prineipall persons for assistance.  
The same Ambassador also knew and affirmed, that Charles Paget had accordingly done his message, and had spoken with some principal persons here, according to his commission, and was returned.  
He moreover confessed that there was a device between the Spanish Ambassador and him, how such principal Recusants here within the Realm as were in the Commislion of the peace in sundry Counties, might upon the first bruit of the landing of forrame forces, under colour and pre●rt of their authority and the defence of her Majesty, 〈◊〉 men, whom they might after join to the foreign forces, and convert them against her Majesty.  
In these few articles is briefly comprised the whole effect of his confessio made at large without any Entertainment ogatonie particularly ministered, other than upon that ●opapers before mentioned, containing the names of men o● havens. And here you are to note that at the time of his apprehension, there was no knowledge or doubt had of these treasons, or of his priurtie unto the in, but only an information and so pition delivered & conceived of some practese between him and the Scottily Queen as to before mentioned. For the discovering whereof, after he had been sundry times upon his allegiance commended to declare his doings in conveying and receiving of letters to and from her, he did voluntarily confess that he had written divers letters unto her, and had conveyed many to and fro, between her & Thomas Morgan in France, by whose means he was first made known unto her, & that he had received as many letters from her. He also declared the effect of his letters to her, & of hers to him: which letters between them were always written in Cipher, and the Cipher with the Nullities and marks for names of Princes and Counsellors, he sent unto the Queen's Majesty written with his own hand, He also delivered the names of some, by whom he conveyed his letters to the Scottish Queen, as by one Godfrey Fulgeam, who fled the Realm immediately upon throckemorton's apprehension, and one other person, whom he described by his stature, shape, and apparel, and the man sithence apprehended and examined, hath confessed the same: the man's name is William Ardington.  
The sum and effect of the most part of these confessions, although they were at the time of his arraignment opened and dilated by her majesties Sergeant, Attorney, and Solicitor general at the bar, and therefore seem not needful to be repeated here, yet because the purpose of this discourse is to show sufficient proof, that the matters contained in his said confessions, are neither false nor feigned (as Francis Throckmorton most impudently affirmed at his trial, alleging that they were mere inventions of himself by policy to avoid the torture) they have been here inserted, to the end you may the better judge of the proofs, presumptions, and circumstances following, by comparing the matters with their accidents, and consequently see the falsehood of the Traitor, the just and honourable proceed of her Majesty, and the honest and loyal endcuours of her Ministers employed in the discoucring of the treasons.  
First, it is true and not denied by himself, that he was at spa about the time by him mentioned, and had conference with jenney in that place, and with Sir Francis Englefield in Flaunders, and that he hath written letters to. Sir Francis, and received letters from him: for if he should deny the same, he were to be convinced by good proof: for it hath been noted in him by many of his country men English subjects, that both in those parts and in France, he did continually associate himself with English Rebels and Fugitives, If then you consider with whom he hath conversed beyond the seas, and compare his religion with theirs, you will judge of his conversation accordingly: and it is to be supposed, that those men, known to be continual practisers against: the Queen's Majesty and this Realm, from whence for their Treasons and unnatural demeanours they are worthily banished, will not in their conventicles and meetings forget to bethink them of their banishment, and how they might be restored to their country, whereunto no desert in her majesties life time (which God long continue) can well (without her majesties great mercy) restore them. Then I pray you what conferences might M. Throckemorton have with Sir Francis Englefield, with jenney, with Liggons, with Owen, and with such like, who were his daily companions in France and in the jowe, countries? He hath written letters to Sir Francis Englefield: to what purposes? he haunted continually two Ambassadors in London, by whose means he sent and received letters to and from beyond the seas daily. To whom, and from whom? even to and from Thomas Morgan, and Thomas Throckemorton at Paris, men known to her Majesty and her Counsel, to be notorious practisers, very inward with the Duke of guise, and contrivers of the Treasons and devices for the invasion intended: and for very certain knowledge thereof, we need not be beholding to Francis Throckemorton only, (although he hath said much of them) but to others of better credit than himself.  
That the Duke of guise did undertake the enterprise to invade the Realm with a foreign power, to be defrayed by the Pope and King of Spain (a part of M. throckemorton's confession) and he in truth the first discoverer thereof to her Majesty: if he will say that it was but invention, it will approve false. For sithence he discovered the same, there have been divers aducrtisements thereof sent to her Majesty from foreign Princes her highness loving neighbours and Allies, as also by other good means and intelligences from her Ambassadors and servants residing in other Countries.  
If he deny (as he hath done) that he never had knowledge of any such matter when he confessed the same, it hath no likelihood of truth for Throckmorton was never known to be a Prophet to foretell things de futuro.  
He resorted often to the Spanish Ambassador, at the least twice in a week when he was in London: this often repair could not be to confer with the Ambassador for the exchange of money for his brother, as he pretended at his arraignment: there was some other cause. When he was apprehended, he had a Casket covered with green velvet, very cunningly conveyed out of his chamber by a maid servant of the house, taken up under a bed's side in his chamber (one of the gentlemen who were sent to apprehend him then being in the chamber and unknowing thereof) which Casket not long after his apprehension, was by one john Meredith a follower of Francis Throckemorton, conveyed to the hands of the Spanish Ambassador: and why to him? If the matters therein might well have abidden the light, why should not the Casket have been kept still at home? and if not there, why not sent to some other place of safety, as well as to the Spanish Ambassador? It is to be conceived, that this Casket was not conveyed thither without the direction of Francis Throckmorton, though carried by Meredith, who did well know of what moment the matters were that were within the Casket, and of what danger to Throckemorton if they had been disclosed, and therefore meant to bestow them in a safe place where they could not readily be had (as he thought) and with a person not unacquainted with the quality of them. After the delivery of the Casket, Meredith fled: for in truth he was privy to the sreasons, and a fellow practiser in them: to whom Francis Throckemorton; being taken short at the time of his apprehension, and forced to run up a stair to deface a letter which he was then in writing to the Scottish Queen in Cipher (as he hath confessed) being suddenly apprehended, and so forced to departed away presently out of his house, delivered privily into the hands of Meredith, either the Cipher by the which he was writing his letter to the Scottish Queen, or a letter in Cipher by him written unto her: therefore he trusted Meredith as a than privy to his doings. You are also to understand, that Throckemorton was in very great fear of the discovering of this Casket after his apprehension: for remaining two or three days prisoner in the house of one of the gentlemen that were sent to apprehend him, before he was committed to the Tower, he was permitted to talk with a Solicitor of his Law cause, who brought him certain books drawn, or other like papers written, which he made show to peruse, but that was not the matter why he sent for his Solicitor: for in perusing the books, he conveyed into them a little piece of paper, upon the which he had written wta coal, I would feign know whither my Casket be safe, or to the like effect. The Solicitor departing from him, and resorting to throckemorton's house not far distant from the place where he remained prisoner, opening his papers, did shake out this piece of paper, which he took up and delivered to one of Francis throckemorton's men, but the Casket was already conveyed to the Spanish Ambassador: whereby you will perceive what care he had of the Casket, and how much it might import him to have the writings or matters within the same coucealed. He being examined touching the Casket, and what was in the same, he denied at the first, that ever he had any such Casket, but finding afterwards that the Casket was discovered, he confessed the Casket, and said there were certain letters therein that came to his hands for the Scottish Queen from Thomas Morgan at Paris, and other letters and Papers, but conselled not all, as it is supposed.  
That Charles Page● came over into the Realm to evil purposea, as Throckemorton doth declare in his confession, could not be invented: for even at the same time that he mentioneth. Paget came over, in secret and suspicious manner stayed not above xv days, endeavoured in a sort to find the disposition of William Shallen Esquire, how he might stand, affected to give assistance to the treasons, although Paget discovered not directly his traitorous intets to Shelley: therefore all throckemorton's confessions were not forged or invented.  
But because the two papers produced at his arraignment, containing the description of the havens for the commodious landing of forces, do most apparently condemue him, & are a manifest argument of his privity to the whole treason, you may not forget the he acknowledged one of the papers written in the Secretary hand, to have been of his own doing, but denied the other written in the Roman hand: In the which under the title of Cheshire etc. is said, Upon the landing of foreign Supplies, Chester shall be taken: but what in your opinions might be understood by that sentence, Chester shallbe taken, when you shall compare the paper in Secretary hand with the other written in the Romanc hand, entitled, The Names of Noblemen and gentlemen in every County fit to be dealt withal in this matter. (which in truth were both one, although the Roman were somewhat more enlarged.) The question is to be asked, What matter? The answer followeth necessatilie, To assist the foreign forces that shall come to invade the Realm: for that there is an other title in that paper over the names of the havens, etc. havens in every coast fit for the sanding of forces. Now judge you, to what end these names of men and descriptions of Havens, their entries, Capacities, what winds bring unto them from Spain, France and Flanders, were written and set down by Throckemorton, the papers are both of his own hand writing, and the Secretary but a project or copy of the Roman.  
Is it not likely think you, that he would acquaint the Spanith Ambassador with these papers (as he hath confessed) when he made him partaker of the rest of his traitorous practices & deui●es is you have heard, & thought his Casket of treasons to be most safely committed to his hands. It may be thought that there is no man of so simple understanding, that will judge to the contrary, unless he be partially affected to excuse the treasons.  
And now to show unto you what mind this man hath carried towards her Majesty, you are to be informed that Francis Throckemorton, after he had discovered to her Majesty his course of practising, repenting himself of his plain dealing in the bewraying thereof, said to some of the Commissioners upon occasion of speech, I would I had been hanged when I first opened my month to declare any of the matters by me confessed. And being at other times sent unto by her Majesty with offer of pardon, if he would disclose the whole pack and complices of the treasons, he used this argument to persuade her Majesty that he had confessed all, saying that sithence he had already brought himself by his confessions within the danger of the laws, to the utter ruin of his house and family, he wondered why there should be any conceit in her Majesty, that he had not declared all. But to persuade such as were sent unto him for these purposes, the rather to believe that he could discover no more, at one time he vied these speeches following with great vehemency: Now I have disclosed the secrets of her who was the decrest thing unto me in the world (meaning the Scottish Queen) and whom I thought no torment should have drawn me so much to have prejudiced as I have done by my confessions, I see no cause why, I should spare any one, if I could say aught against him & sub. I have failed of my faith towards her, I care not if I were hanged. And when he began first to confess his treasons, which he did most unwillingly, after he was entered into the declaration of them, before all the Commissioners upon advisement, he desired he might deliver his knowledge but to one of them only, whereunto they yielded, and thereupon removing asule from the place where he sat by the Rack he used this proverb in Italian, Chia person la feed a person l'honore, that is. He that hath falsed his faith, hath lost his reputation: Meaning thereby (as it may be conceived) that he had given his faith to be a Traitor, and not to reveal the treasons, and then began to confess as you have heard.  
By this discourse, containing the principal heads of his treasons, and the proofs & circumstances of the same, you that are not transported with undutiful minds & affections, will clearly perceive bow impudently and untruly he denied at his arraignment the truth of his confessions, charging her Majesty with cruelty, & her ministers with untruths in their proceeding against him.  
But the cause that moved him thereunto, was a vain conceito he had taken, that his case was cleerein law by the intermission of the time between his confession made & his arraignment, grounding himself upon a Statute of the 13, year of her majesties Reign, in the which there are certain treasons specified & made of that nature, that no person shallbe arraigned for any of those offences committed within any of the Queeves majesties dominious, unless the offendor be thereof indicted within six months next after the same offence committed, & shall not be arraigned for the same, unless the offence be proved by the testimony and oath of two sufficient witnesses, or his voluntary confession without violence: wherein he was greatly deceived: For it was made manifest unto him by the L. chief justice & other of the judges in Commission at his trial, that his treasons were punishable by a Statute of xxv. Edw. 3. which admitted no such limitation of time or proof.  
Herein his skin failed him, and forgot the advice given unto him by some of the Commissioners, who (pitying his misfortune for sundry good gifts of the mind appearing in him) assured him that there was no way so ready for him to redeem his life, as by submission and acknowledging of his offence, which for a time after he had confessed his treasons, he was contented to follow, and now eftsoons after his condemnation by a new submission to the Queen's Majesty the fourth of fune hath resumed, that course. The submission verbatim written with his own hand, followeth.  
To her most excellent Majesty, even to her own Royal hands.  
MOst excellent Prince, and my most gracious Sovereign, sith to me the most miserable of all your majesties poor distressed subjects, being justly condemned by the ordinary and orderly course of your majesties Laws, there resteth no further mean of defence but submission: vonchsafe, most excellent Prince, graciously to accept the same, which prostrate in all hunmilitie, I here present unto the hands of your most excellent Majesty, beseeching the same, that as justice bathe been derived from your highness, as from the fountain, to the trial of mine actions: so I may receive from the same 〈◊〉 some drop of grace and mercy for the great & grievous offence where of I rest by your majesties Laws justly condemned: some part, I say, of that your accustomed gracious clemency, whereof most your distressed subjects have tasted, & few been deprived. And albeit the inconsiderate rashness of unbridled youth hath withdrawn me from that loyal respect, which nature and duty bound me to owe unto your Majesty, as to my lawful and natural dread sovereign, and that the natural care in me of the defence of my life moved me lately to the untrue and undutiful gainsaying of some such points as had been before by me in most humble sort confessed: nevertheless, I most humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty, that in imitation of God, whose image (both in respect of the happy place you hold, as also in regard of your singular wisdom and other the rare and singular virtues & perfections wherewith God and nature hath plentifully endued you) you represent unto us here in earth, it may please your Majesty to commiserate the lamentable estate of me now the most miserable of all your majesties subjects, and gratiousty to grant unto me remission and forgiveness, that not only do most humbly confess myself worthy of death, but also in show of my repentance and sorrowful afflicted mind, do not crave at your majesties hands the prolonging of my life, if the same shall not stand with your gracious good pleasure, but rather desire the trebling of the torment justly by your majesties laws imposed upon me, of the same may be any satisfaction to your Majesty for the heinous crime whereof I remain by your majesties laws justly condemned, or any mitigation of your majesties indignation worthily conceived against me, that desire not to live without your favour, and dying will wish from my heart, that my end may be the beginning of your majesties security, and my death the preservation of your life, and the increase both to your Majesty, and to this your most flourishing common wealth, of all the most happy blessings of almighty God.  
Your majesties most woeful subject in that he hath offended you. Francis Throckemorton.  
HE sent unto her Majesty together with the said submission, a declaration written likewise with his own hand, containing the effects of the most principal points of his treasons formerly confessed: retracting only the accusation of his father, and some other particularities of no moment to clear him of his treasons, the effect whereof followeth in his own words, as he set them down. 
The declaration.   
THe only cause why I coined the practice first by me confessed, & unjustly touched my father, was, for that partly I conceived that the paper written so long sithence, could not now by law have touched me: but principally, for that I was willing thereby to colour the setting down of those names and havens in Roman hand, which were written long after the time by me confessed upon occasion of conference between the Spanish Ambassador and me of this later practice.  
Mine intelligence with the Scortish Queen began a little before Christmas was two years: the Cipher I had from Thomas Morgan in France: the first letter I received by Godfray Fulgeam, by whom also came all such others as I after received for the most part, unless it were such as came to me by F. A. his hands, who as he told me, 
William Ardington.  received them of the fellow by me spoken of in my former confessions, whose name, I protest before God, I know not, nor whence he is. And for such letters as came unto me in the absence of Fulgeam, they were enclosed under a coverture from Fulgeam, & were delivered me by the hands of Robert Tunstead his brother in Law, to whom I delivered such as I had for the Scottish Queen, covered with a direction to Fulgeam, and once I remember or twice I sent by one of my men called Butler, letters for the Scottish Queen to the house of the said Tunstead, near Buckstones, covered with a direction to Tunstead, and under a letter to Fulgeam. In such letters as came to me from the Scottish Q. were enclosed letters to F. A. many times, & most times some for Thomas Morgan. Her letters to me contained, etc. But before I returned mine answer to her, I understood of the death of the Duke of Lenox, and withal heard from Morgan, with whom all mine intelligence was (for with my brother I never had any, other than that the matters by me written to Morgan, were by him imparted to my brother most times) that by the persuasion of the Pope and the King of Spain, the Duke of guise had yielded to perform the journey in person: and that it was thought that the next way to attain liberty for the Scottish Queen, and to reform scotland, was to begin here in England; and therefore he desired to know from me, whether in mine opinior. Catholics would not back any such force as should be sent, considering a demand of tolerance in religion for them, should ensue the well performing of the said enterprise, and what I thought the force would amount unto, both of horse and footmen, and where I thought to be the fittest landing. Mine answer was, that as then, I saw no great probability of the good success of such an enterprise, for that the Catholics were timorous, dispersed, the matter perilous to be communicated to many, without which I saw not how any estimate could be made of the forces: beside, that it was an eminent danger to the Scottish Queen, whereof I saw no remedy.  
I took notice of this matter in my next letters to the Scottish Queen, whose answer was, that she lately heard of that determination, etc.  
Upon my former answer to Morgan, he desired me, the I would confer with the Spanish Ambassador, to whom I should be recommended from thence: hereupon the said Ambassador sent for me, and broke with me in this matter, assuring me the in his opinion he found it very easy to make great alteration here with very little force, considering the disuse in men to war, and troubles would so amaze them (as he thought) that they would be assoon overthrown as assailed, and he could not think but in such a case Catholics would show themselves, sith the purpose tended to the obtaining for them liberty of conscience: and therefore he desired me to acquaint him, what I thought men would do in such a case, and where I thought the fittest landing, and what holds in these parts were easiest to be surprised.  
I answered him, that as it seemed, the enterprise stood upon great incertainties, if it depended of the knowledge of a certain force to be found here, which no man could assure him of, unless he had sounded all the Catholics, which was not possible without manifest hazard of the discovery of the purpose: for as for any great parsonage, I know no one to be drawn into this action, that could carry any more than his ordinary retinue: the only way in such a case was (I told him) for such as would be drawn into this matter, and were of credit in their countries, to levy forces under colour of the Prince's authority.  
But for that these things depended upon uncertain grounds, which was not fit to be used in so great an action, I said it was to be resolved, that the force to be sent should be of that number, that what backing soever they should find here, they might be able of themselves to encounter with any force that might be provided to be sent against them, and therefore they could not be less than 15000. men. For the place of their landing, I said it depended much upon the force that should be sent: for if that were in great number, it mattered not where they landed: if in a small company, than was it requisite that it should be in the countries best affected, and furthest from her majesties principal forces, which I said to be in the Northern parts on either side.  
To the danger of the Scottish Queen by me objected, he said he knew no remedy, unless she might be taken away by some 200. horse, which I told him I saw not to be possible, for that I knew not any gentleman in those parts (which were men, if any, to perform it) that I durst wish to be made acquainted with the matter before hand.  
Finally, our conclusion was, that I should inform him of the Havens as particularly as I could: and within few days after, finding by him that the force intended hither, was far inferior to that I spoke of, and that there was some different between the Pope and the king of Spain for the charge, I told him that the surest course and of least danger were, to send a supply into Scotland, where a small force would breed a great alteration, and things being there established by the good liking of the king, I thought it was in him by a continual war, and by incursions so to annoy this state, as her Majesty here should be forced to yield the liberty of the Scottish Queen, and what should thereupon have been reasonably demanded for the benefit of Catholics here. And herein I said it would be a great furtherance, if at the same time some few were landed in Ireland, where, although they abid the same hazard that the former forces sustained, yet would the charge be so great to her Majesty, and so great an occasion of dispersing of her forces, as a much less company than was spoken of first by me, would (being landed here in a convenient place) shake the minds of men generally, and be of force (if any thing) to draw them to show themselves, in the furtherance of the purpose.  
He utterly rejected the purpose for Ireland, and disliked not the purpose for scotland: but still he was in mind to have forces landed here, and therefore desired me very earnestly to inquire particularly of the havens on the side of Cumberland and Lancashire, and what men were dwelling there that were well affected in religion, and what places easy to be taken, and what apt for fortification.  
The next time that I went to the Spanish Ambassador, he found himself a grieved that he understood matters were determined in France without his privity: and told me that Parsons the jesuite was gone to Rome, sent as he thought, to understand the Pope's mind.  
Soon after came over my brother Thomas, to make an end of our account, and to persuade me to come over, assuring me that for aught he could see in likelihood, the enterprise was never like to take effect. In the time of his being here; and while I entertained intelligence with the Scottish Queen concerning her liberty, the Spanish Ambassador sent for me, and told me of the coming over of Mope to view Sussex and the Havens, and as he thought, to taste the best of account there: whereat he seemed to be aggrieved, for that such matters had not been left to him, being one that they in France made believe that they relied upon principally in this enterprise. Afterwards, the Ambassador told me, that it was Charles Paget, and that he was returned, but where he had been he knew not, and at the same time I received a letter from Morgan, that it was Paget: but assuring me, and so willed me to assure the Ambassador, that his coming was not to move any man, but only to view the country, for that the moving of any man was referred to him. I did so: and he entreated me to remember him for those foresaid names and Havens, saying that so it were done exactly by the Spring, it would suffice: for that sooner he saw no likeliehoode of the execution of the enterprise.  
My brother having made an end of his account with me, returned with this resolution between us, (I protest before God,) the if the enterprise succeeded not between this and the next Spring now past, that I would fettle my things here and go over. And for this cause, he being gone, I went down into the country, both to fell and take order for my land in those parts, as also to fetch the draft of Gentlemen & Havens for the most part of England, which had been set down by me above two years since, and left behind me at Feckenham in my Study.  
Not finding the draft at Feckenham, I returned to London, where I found the note of names in Secretary hand, which I carried to the Spanish Ambassador, and there drew that other in Roman hand in his Study, putting down Chester to be taken, in respect of the eafinesse as I thought, & the rather to give him encouragement in the matter. I left it with him, promising him that by the next spring I would perfect it, if I tarried so long, making known unto him, that I was had in suspicion, & my determination to be gone: but he pressed the contrary of me, assuring me, that if the enterprise proceeded not, he would then also departed.  
Whether Sir Francis Englefielde were a dealer in this practice or no, I know not: but sure I am (for so the Spanish Ambassador told me) that Sir Francis had intelligence with the said Ambassador all the time of his being here.  
The Spanish Ambassador told me that he heard the people of North-wales were generally well affected, and therefore he desired to have the havens of that country: I told him that hereafter I would help him thereunto, although no good might be expected there, for the reasons by me set down in my first confession; and hereupon the day before mine apprehension, the Ambassador sent me back the said paper in Roman hand, desiring me to set down the same at my leisure more exactly, which was the cause that it was not in my green velvet Casket. The writings in my Casket were sireh as were by me confessed, and came unto my hands as I have confessed.  
I Most humbly beseech her most excellent Majesty, that the extremity which I have already sustained, and the causes by me discovered, to the safety of her Majesty and the state, not made known (as hath appeared) by any other mean then by myself, may crave at her hands, the extending of her gracious commiseration towards the relieving of the lamentable estate of me, her majesties poor distressed subject, & mine, if God for mine offences forbidden not the same.  
Now judge all ye, that be not perversely affected, whether Throckemorton be justly condemned, and whether his confessions (though as he pretended, extorted from him by violence) be of force in Law against him: he hath conspired to overthrow the state: to bring in strangers to invade the Realm: to remove her Majesty from her lawful and natural right and inheritance to the Crown of England, and to place a stranger in her seat: but this last point, for placing of a stranger, will (perchance) be denied: then note, that in the whole course of the practice, the greatest bar to the prosecution of the enterprise, was, they found no way how to put the Scottish Queen in safety. Then, if these dangerous treasons be discovered by torture, (the only means left unto Princes to discover treasons and attempts against their States and Persons, where they find apparent matter to induce suspicion, as in the case of Throckemorton, upon sight of the plots of havens &c.) may the Law touch the traitor or not? If any man hold this question negatively, hold him for a friend to traitors and treasons, and an enemy to the Queen's Majesty, whom God long preserve, and confound her enemies.  
FINIS.