ER  
¶ The history writtone by Thucydides the athenian of the war, which was between the Peloponesians and the athenians, translated out of French into the English language by Thomas nicols Citezeine and Goldesmyth of London.  
☞ Imprinted the xxv. day of july in the year of our Lord God a Thousand, five hundredde and fifty.   


Accept this History, so greatly magnefied  
Which above other is named to precelle:  
The fruit with the flower herein is comprised  
With eloquence, treating of war right cruel  
And of antiquity, is renowned so well  
that nothing seemeth to be more lamented  
Than knowledge hereof to have been absented   

So long from you of this famous Region.  
Which now our King, of his abundant grace,  
With his high Counsailles deliberation,  
frankly hath granted to be in every place  
Good study to prefer, all sloth to deface,  
That the goodness therein being virtuously used:  
The contraries also may prudently be eschewed.   

Happy, happy be we, to whom God sendithe  
A King so virtuous, benign and prudent  
That vices abhorring, good excercise extendeth  
Communycatinge this, so precious a talent,  
To all his subjects, being of good intent,  
Pray we therefore to God with heart and mind fixed  
For the long wealthy reign of king Edward the sixth.    

The tenor of the Kings Majesties most gracious privilege for Seven years.  
EDWARD THE sixth BY THE Grace of God, King of Ingland, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith and of the church of England and Ireland in earth Supreme head. To all justices, Maiours, Shirives, Baillives, Constables, Custumers, controllers, Sercheours, keepers of our poortes, creeks & passages, & to all other our officers, Ministers, & Subjects, these our Letters hearing or saying, & to every of them, greeting. WE late you wit, that judging it to be meet & righteous, that our Royal Majesty, (wherein through the providence, ordinance, and grace of the almighty & ever living God, we presently do Reign) not only should aid those, that for public & common utility do labour, specially in learning, but also graciously taking them into our protection, should not cease to any mate them in such their labours to be continued & augmented. Being credibly informed that our faithful & well-beloved subject Thomas nicols, Cytezene & Goldesmith of our City of London, hath not only translated the history, wryttone by Thucydides the athenian of the wars that were among the Greeks, chief between the Peloponesians & the athenians out of French into English, but also intendeth contynning in that his virtuous exercise, thereby to reduce & bring other profitable histories out of French & latenne into our said maternal language, to the general benefit, comodytie & profit of all our loving Subjects, that well shall digest the same: We, who from our tender youth, have loved & embraced Godly & virtuous learning, & the favourers thereof, minding to relieve & help our said subject in his labours & study, & being inclined to his reasonable & humble petitions & requests unto us in this behalf made: Of our especial grace, & by the advise and consent of our right deer, right trusty & right well-beloved privy Counsel, will & straightly command all and singular stationers, printers, bookesellers, & merchants, wheresoever, & of whatsoever estate, degree, or condition he or they be, and all other inhabiting, reseant, or having access in or to any our Royaulmes, territories, or dominions aswell in these parties, as beyond the sea, that they nor any of them during the space of Seven years next to come to be accounted from the first setting forth of the said history, shall not without express licence obteygned of the said Thomas nicols, impress or imprynt, nor cause to be impressed or imprinted in any character of letter, nor sell, give, alien, nor distribute to any parson or parsons, the said history of Thucydides, nor any part thereof, imprinted or to be imprinted in English by any other parson or parsons, than by our said subject or his assigneiss by him thereunto admitted, upon pain of confiscating & forfeiture not only of all such books, as against the true tenor & purport hereof shallbe by any mean impressed, imprinted, sold, put to sale, alienated, given or dystributed: but also upon penalty of Twenty pounds of Currante money of this our Royalme of England, so often to be paid by the transgressors, as any of them shallbe found & approved to do the contrary. Th● one half of the said forfeiture & penalty to be to our use & bihoulf, and the other half to the presenter approving the same. Anny act, statute, grant, licence, or other provision heretofore had & made, or hereafter to be had & made to the contrary hereof, in any wise withstandynge. Wherefore WE will & command you and every of you not only to permit and suffer our said well-beloved subject, peacesably to exercise, perceive, and enjoy the full benefit & effect of this our licence and grant, but also at all times during the same Seven years, when and as often as ye or any of you shall, by him or his assigneiss, be thereunto required, to be unto the same our Subject favouring, helping, aiding, furthering and supporting in and abouts execution of the premisses. So as no default shallbe found to be in you nor any of you. As for doing the contrary, ye and every of you will answer unto us at your extreme perils, For such is our pleasure, YOVON under our Signet at our palace of Westminster the xxiiii. of February, The fourth year of our Reign.  
God save the King and his majesties most honourable Counsel.   

To the right worshipful Master john Cheke one of the Gentlemen of the Kings Majesties most honnourable privy Chamber and Skoolemayster unto the same most Excellent Majesty, Thomas nicols Cytezen and Goldesmyth of London, wisheth parfayct health with prosperous increase in worship.  
CONSIDERING, right worshipful Sir, that divers of those, which heretofore to their posterity left old matters, and studied by writing, to renew the ancient memory of histories: have been by sundry learned parsonages noted and taxed for this: that whilst they desired and coveyted fame of learning, and went about to plant and establish their name to be continued from the injury of forgetting: they bestowed their labour, more in adourning, garnyshinge and filing of their words, then in searching and declaring of the troth, thinking that, if any thing of untruth were by them set fourth in causes, that were of long antiquity before their time, it could not be corrected, and yet nevertheless, that they should perceive exceeding fruit and benefit through that the delycatenes of their vain narratyons, labours and wits: knowing some other also to have been reprehended for this: that being moved and carried either by private ennemyties and hatred of rulers, or else being to much given to the praising of Princes. Cities, and of private parsons, have by their colourable writing and with immoderate flattery extolled histories very base & sklander of them ●elfe, far above the faith and effect of the troth of them, And chief, being hereunto animated by the praiseworthy zeal, & godly will, which you bear both to the increase in virtue, and also to the communicating of honest labour and exercise unto the benefit of the students and favourers thereof: I have travailed for to translate plainly & truly out of the French into the Inglyshe tongue, this history, written by Thucydides the athenian of the great wars that continued among●st the Greeks, chief between the Peloponesians and the athenians, during the space of twenty and seven years. requiring you of your accustomed benignity, not only with favour to accept this the first my fruit in translation, but also confering it with the Greek, so to amend and correct it, in those places and sentences, which your exact learning and knolaige shall judgemete to be altered and reformed, that thereby this said translation m●y triumphantly resist and withstand the malicious and deadly sting of the general and most enemies of all good exercise. I mean curious, fantastical parson's, pryvey dyffamours of diligent and virtuous laboure● who, though they themself to their reproach do idly or with silence pass their time, be yet grievously pinched with envy that other should travail to utter their talent to the commodity of many thereby to profit. For this history is not only among the greeks and latenistes (as ye well know) reputed to be much worthy of commendation: but also the Lord Claudius of Seyssel, some time Bishop of Marseille and afterwards archbishop of Turyn, who translated the same out of the Lattenne into the French tongue, judging that all other histories, which he had or should translate into the same his maternalle language should appear but gross in regard of this: did dedicate it unto the French King Joys, of that name the twelft, for the chief and best of all works by him translated. The praise whereof, I overpass and omit to rehearse for that, that aswell the said archbishop and one Master james Colyn, sometime ordinary Secretarye to the late French King, Frances, of that name the first, as also the right famous and well learned Clerk, Laurence Ua●le, translator of this same history out of Greek into Latin have by their sundry Prologues hereafter following, right amply and notably treated of the worthiness thereof, and therein have also declared such lessons and documents, as undoubtedly may bring excellent knowledge and great commodities to the readers, digesting the same, wherefore for to eschew prolixity and superfluous words, I cease further to enlarge. Most instantly praying almighty God so to assist, defend & support all your Godly affairs and Studies, that the same may take fortunate and happy success and effect.  Your Maystershyps' well willer Thomas Nycolls. 
Hereafter follow the before mentioned Prologues.   

To the right Illustryous and right high excellency of Princes, and to the right noble magnificence of Lords and nobility of France, james Colyn unworthy ordinary Secretary to the King our sovereign Lord, and of his chamber, Sendeth right humble greeting with increase in honour in perpetual felicity.  
HERODOTUS the father of hystoryans witnesseth, that there is a region, adjoining to the Thrace's, inhabited by certain people named Trauses: which in times past were accustomed, that when a child was borne amongst them, incontinently, as it was out of the mother's womb, the parents and neighbours did assemble together, and there received his fourth coming with cries, weepings, and lamentations, remembering how many miseries and calamities he should of necessity suffer in this world. And to the contrary, when a●ye of them departed from this life unto death: they accompanied him to his grave, in great feasting and rejoicing: in singing and joyfully rehearsing the multitude of evils and torments, from which he was exempted by death. which thing putting in consideration, the ancient Greeks usurped in such sort, that Ausonus the port made or devised a proverb, which said, that it were right good for a man not to be borne, or if he were borne, to die immediately: so narowely looked they unto the incommodities of man's life. And to say the truth, if that we would diligently regard it, we should find with Plyny: that nature hath dearly and at to high a price, sold unto us, the abundance of things, which she bringeth fourth to our use, and that we have no joy nor sweetness, that may not be, sadness and bitterness, which is indyvidently joined unto them. For beside the incomparable danger, that we must pass for to come into this light, albeit that we be borne to have lordship and commandment over the other beasts, yet none of them cometh unto the world so unprovided & ill appointed, as we do, nor so frail, weak and passable as we be. And as the same Author Plyny in the Prologue of the seventh book of his natural history more largely and subtly reciteth, Nature hath given to all beasts even from their birth, liberty, vesture, habitation and grateful nouriture. But man alone is he, that assoon as he is borne, falleth bare to the ground, beginneth his life by being bounden or swaddled, is constrained to borrow his garment of an other, to travail his membres and his spirit to build his lodging, to get his food by sweat of his body and continual labour of his hands: after the difficultes of his rising up, and the length of time, that he must have to learn to go and to speak. But yet this is worse, that where all other beasts, do give themselves by natural instinctyon, to that, which properly appertaineth to th'office of their nature, th'one to fly, tother to swim: It is man alonely that knoweth nothing without teaching, neither to go, nor speak, neither to eat, nor finally to do any thing, that is in the world, without teaching, except it be to weep. So that this pitiful ignorance hath given place and authority unto the Proverb Italian, which sayeth, that a man must be borne wise, or else to be borne two times. For if he be borne wise, he may escape infinite inconveniences, where as through fault of experience, he tumbleth daily during the course of this short life, into great prejudice of his wit. If he be borne two times, in the second life, he may aid himself with that, that he shall have learned in the first and shall not wander in the darkness of error, as he is constrained to do coming into this world without guide or light of knowledge. Then as it is more necessary for man to learn, then for any other beasts: and that the conceiving of knowledge, consisteth in the spirit: It seemeth very strange to think from whence it may proceed, that (saying that Nature hath formed us of membres and spyryt, and that the membres mortal and weak, make us like unto beasts, so much in this more auau●taged than we, that the more part of them be more strong and mighty, & less subjecteth to diseases: and that the spyryt durable and everlasting, by the which we are parttakers with Angels maketh us excellent & worthy above all other creatures) yet always we seek and take pain to please the body by all means possible (every man generally toward himself) and that there be not many that pass upon the spirit, or better to say: there be few found the once will regard it. There is no man of so low estate, that he careth not to coverre his parson with some sort of clothing. And the number of them is infinite, that for to give it more grace & decking, be not contended or take it to be sufficient to be wrap it in gold, pourple & delicate silks, except they travail strange countries of the world, for to get stones, most rare and precious, and employ them to the curiosity of their nice trimming, where may not a man see that the more part of men living, not only have not their thought upon true virtue and duty double rewarded, but also that they keep it not once under shadow or covering of the line or small thread of good conditions? Now what shall we say, that for to satisfy our corporal acts, of the earth, which within few years must return into dust (to the sustenance whereof the things present, and that nature doth offer us in ●uerye place, might suffice) There are no fields, no seas, nor forests, which be not by us with great diligence traversed and searched to th'intent, that we may have delicious meats and please our sensual appetites. That which more is, albeit, that for his commodity and ease, to defend the son, snow, rain and injury of the air, one lodging or Cabayne well closed might be enough, yet we love better to cause strange marbles to be brought from the furthest regions of the earth habitable, for to make, build & edify large and great palaces. Where as for the most part, we regard not wherewith the heavenly part, which is in us, is repasted and fed, nor if his lodging be conveniently prepared: and sooner we set afore it the leaves of vice, than the most savoury and sweet fruits of virtue, holding it more commonly recluded and locked in the obscure and base usage of sensuality, then in preferring it, to haunt the clear and high operations of honnestie. Furthermore if at any time we feel any part of our body dysordered by sy●knes, we seek by all means & ways possible, for to recover the health decayed: but we are little careful to provide recoverey, or to minister meet medecyns to our mind, being evil at ease. Should this come peradventure for this cause? that for so much as the body is seen more than the sprit, we think therefore that it hath more need of such provisions? this argument is not sufficient, for not only the body hath not more appearance, than the spirit, but also the body is by him greatly exalted in it, and that it be a true spirit, it hath as many faces, as it showeth operations: and the body never showeth himself, but one form, in the which in many years he is scarcely seen of many men, where the operations of the sprit, may be in short time known through all the world. And this self body continueth but very few days, where the sprit, which is everlasting, abideth everlastingly, and may retain by himself through many worlds, that, wherein we accustom ourself, during the time, that he is with the body. To the which things and other infynitt, which may be alleged for this purpose, if men would have such consideration, as they ought to have, it would cause better life and more increase at this time than it doth, and we having care sufficient for our body (but more garnyshing our thoughts and minds, and feeding them better, and giving them more honourable habitation) should be more worthy to have them, than we be, and should take more great care to conserve them in health. And if peradventure they chanced at any time to be diseased: we should enforce ourselves with most diligence, to remedy their diseases, more than we do. Which be: Arrogance, superfluite, ambition, covetise, immeasurable desire of living, and that which maketh us like unto beasts, IGNORANCE, so courageous, and pestilent in the mind of man, that it seemeth, that all other spiritual infirmities, which trouble him, do all proceed from this alone, for where she is, God is not duly honnored, vice is not eschewed, nor any public nor private action or office, is rightfully & in order administered. So that the sentence usurped by ancient men, saying: that every ignorant person is evil, hath been of good right received. And to this approveth that, which Terence had no doubt to cause to be spoken by an old man of experience, that the earth beareth nothing worse, than a ignorant man. For as he is in all things rude and untaught, so in this, he is intolerable: that he thinketh nothing well done, but that, which he doth himself. And truly ignorance is much unmeet and unfitting in all parsons. but in them of nobility much more reprovable and parnycyous. Who like as they surmount the other in dignity of blood, Riches, apparel and authority, so this is their great reproach, if they do not pass other in excellency of knowledge, that apperteygneth to their vocation, extending more to the charges and public administrations, than to a heap of unprofitable pastimes and exercises of recreation, wherein they lose a great part of their time, which might much better be employed to learn the roll of the parsonage, which should become them to play in the court of the common wealth when their turn or course should come. The cost shallbe to dear, if they be forced to become wise by their expenses, as to learn in making war. For war is a thing to be utterly eschewed, and wisdom is right miserable, that is gotten by use only. And it is certain, that they, which lack prudence and knowledge, can do no noble acts in time of war nor of peace. Which regarded by Solomon King of jewry, after that he, which can give all things: had given him chose to demand what he would: he required nothing, but wisdom. which chanceth aither by a sovereign privilege of nature, or else is obteygned by a great knowledge of learning, joined with a natural wit, which is the rudder of the ship. And of such virtue and efficacyte, that by means of it, as saith Cicero, there be found many great and virtuous personages without learning. And the natural man without learning is more able to receive prayseworthynes and virtue, than the learned without naturel wit. And at all times, for the good that may be, to trust in it, and to employ it, without experience, to take part upon the multitude of divers chances, which happenne hourly in this world, is as perilleur, as to say●e a voyage without any calamity. For although the ship be good and strong, and well garnished and tacled voyth sail and ballast, yet he, which is within, knoweth not at a chance what wind bloweth, nor the Reace, that he ought to keep, without the compass, by means whereof it hath always be said, that experience is masters of things, teaching us to rule and govern, in things present and to come, by judgement and remembrance of things passed. But when they, that understand matters, speak of Experience, they arrest not themselves upon that natural wit only. Whereupon is come the Proverb, which sayeth: In wasting one leeneth. Nother is it in the experience, which is gotten in the only life of one man. For that is to short, frail & sudden, for to make dew provision for all the proofs, that we have to do with, in this worldly pilgrimage. And without learning it is less sufficient for to give us good and clear kuowlaige of antiquity. The ignorance whereof, as writeth Paulus Emilleus, constraineth the self same men, which be become aged in study of other arts liberal, always to resemble children, ignorant of parseverance and common life, to live as strangers in their native country, and little worthy to be called to the governance of the common wealth, and to the company of counsels. But rather they will signify the preys, which in the French tongue is given to an excellent man, saying: He knoweth much, and hath seen much, thus speaking of that same experience, which is joinned with learning. For as Master Philip de commines saith wisely in his history, men do see more in one only book within three months, than twenty men, living in course one after an other, can see with the eye. With this, the Crule and warly learning, the constitutions of laws and Royalmes, the fashions, whereby they are acquired and maygteyned, the means whereby they fall into decay, and again whereby they be reestablyshed and restored: all these things be only conteygned in the description of good histories and none where else. The contempt whereof, togethers with lack of knowledge of them, hath been very often cause, of right great Ruins and total destructions of many estates, and yet shallbe so long, as audacity with the contempt of good learning, shall have more liberty, than the contemplation of antiquity, the very inventres of good things. Whereof, the right virtuous, right mighty and right Christian, Frances the furst of that name, by the grace of God the French King, my sovereign Lord and master, having clear understanding, and knowing the proffitt, that the knowledge of histories hath brought him, both in wars, & also in counsel, for to govern and conduct him in the diversities of his fortunes: hath willed not only to witness, but also to put in writing, and to communicate by act (formally contrary to an other act of Alexander the great) the fruit & delectation, that men ought to mark & perceive thereby. But after that we shall have recited them both, you shall judge which of them is more worthy of praise. Alexander then being passed into Asia, had news, how aristotel his master had published and made common the books of speculative sciences, for the which cause he wrote unto him letters of this tenure. It is not well done of thee, to publish the books of the science speculative: for in what thing, shall we from hencefourth be more excellent than other, if the doctrine which we have learned, begin to be common to every man. As for myself, I love better to be excellent in science, than in puissance & strength, farewell. The sciences, that he calleth speculative, be the metaphisicals, which, as ●lutarche witnesseth, be of no utility, neither to belearned, nor to be taught, & yet Alexander was angry, that they were made common. But King France's having, in his library, Thucydides the Athenian, translated into our language by so noble a parsonage, as was the Lord Claudius of Seissel (who solempnised it for his chief work) for that, that the said book was not elsewhere to be found, of his proper motion is content to communicate it to princes, lords & gentle men of his royalme, though that he were anhistografier, so highly esteemed among his country men, that they caused an image to be made like him, having a tongue of gold, for the elegancy and truth, which he used in his history, and that Demosthenes Prince of all orators, that ever were, took such delight therein, that he wrote it eight times with his own hand. And for troth none of them that ever meddled therewith, drew ever near unto him, to descrive the deliberations, counsels and exploits, keeping that, which belongeth to persons, places and times. In such sort, that for to be comprised & contaygned the examples of all men's offices and duties, aswell in this book, as in those of Diodorus the Sicilian, of the Captains and successors of Alexander, and of Appian of Alexandria, of wars, civil and foreign, all three of one self translation, all three reposying in the knigly librairy, all three, not elsewhere to be found among the vulgar people, the king perceiving, that the science of strange tongues was not yet spread abroad, generally among the nobleness of his Roi●ulme, hath willed this company to be set as upon a pyllerre, from whence they may be seen of all parts, to th'intent, that of that, which shallbe founden to be therein Imitable and good to follow, A man may take and use to the teachings to the profit of the common wealth and edification of himself. And that the same, whereof men may perceive the end and beginning to be contrary unto honesty, may be prudently considered, for to save himself from falling into the like. From hence is it (my right redoubted and right honourable Lords) that in steed of Tristrams, Girons and Lancelotes and other, which do fill books with dreams, and wherein many have evil bestowed their good hours, ye have, by the benefit of the King, no less fruitful than, pleasant pastime, for to know what people were Pericles, Nycias, Antigonus, Lysimachus, Eumenes, Hannibal, Scipion, and many other sage and valiant Captains. ●hose notable acts be described in the volumes above rehearsed, giving your occasion, to assay by your power to transform yourself into the virtues, that you shall perceive to reluce and shine in such excellent parsons. And to make your profit, by the faults, which you shall perceive to be therein noted, In taking finally for your defence and guide this doctrine, historical, which is (as Cicero truly saith) the witness of time, the light of troth, the life of memory, the Maistres of the life, and the messangier of antiquity in all & every the passages of the one and of tother fortune. Which shall give you the clear light of true experience, for to conduct you virtuously in prosperity, & honourably, to pass adversity to the right great compforte & quietness of your spirit. But now it is time that we hearken, what the translator shall say, and that making an end of our Prologue, we begin to read his, and afterwards, manfully to pursue and follow the principal work, in assurance to find there, Recompense of our pain.   

¶ Here followeth the Prologue or Proheme of the Lord Claudius of Seyssell, Bishop of Marseylles into the translation of the history of Thucydides of Athenes, of the war of the Athenians & Poloponesians, addressed unto the right Christian French King, Joys the twelft of that name.  
ALthough that all men's acts (right Christian and right victorious king) ought to refer themself unto the author of Nature, who is the last end, to the which, we ought to labour to come by the right way of virtues, & of true good works, in hope of the life, & felicity everlasting: & to eschew the path, digressing from the same, and leading to the left hand, to wit of vices and of sins, which should bring us to perpetual damnation: yet nevertheless our human works may have particular ends, not swerving from the last and principal. As in things worldly, he that maketh war, although he pretendeth by his first intent, to revenge the contumely done unto him, or to defend his own, or well to recover it, yet always the final intent (as concerning worldly things) is for to have afterwards peace and rest. or for to obtain glory and renome. But he, that thinketh on the frailty of terrestrial or earthly things, and of the immortality of the soul: & that with a true faith and godly purposes, he maketh war: to th'intent to defend and keep the order of charity, and for by this mean to merit everlasting rest, and glory immortal. And albeit, that it were more meritorious and convenient for our health, not to have in all operatyous, but one only end, which is the last and principal: yet for so much as that is very hard, & rather a thing Angelical, than human, for to withdraw all our senses of the soul, joined with them of the body (which be carnal) and to apply them to the same, which be separated from the body, and from earthly things, to wit, to the contemplatyon of things spiritual: It behoveth us nevertheless to dispose and determine by all means to pass quickly by these first and mean ends, which be worldly, in such sort, that men forget not the same, which ought to be the last & principal. As the good pylgrymme, though that he sojourneth in his vo●age for his necessity, or for his commodity, to the end to be more strong and more fresh to journey, yet he holdeth in his intent, the first conceiving of his will, to wit to perform his voyage. For if he utterly let or forgot it, he should never come to th'end of it. And though that some time he loseth his way, or that he falleth into a study in the way, ayther by curiosity or by other occasion impertinent, if that he afterwards come again to his furst purpose, he shall nevertheless come to th'end of his pilgrimage, though that it be not so soon, nor so easy. Also such let may during this, happen or come upon him, that he shall abide in his journey. Likewise is it, of our worldly life, the which is nothing but a pilgrimage in this world. For if we do so abuse ourselves in worldly things that we put & fully set our felicity in them: we forget the end of the life eternal, & the felicity of Paradis. But if that we do not persever therein, but as inpassing: & so far as necessity constraineth therein, or well use the things terrestrial, principally for to attain the things celestial, that doth not let us to obtain the end of our pilgrimage, but doth assist us thereunto. These ends than set in due course, & ordained to the last & principal, be & aught to be divers in men's operations according to the conditions of the personages, & the charge that they have. For th● princes and temporal Lords ought to do their endeavour and uttermost to conserve and keep their subjects by good justice and policy, in quietness & peace, and also by force, if any would do them wrong or else dymynyshe their lordship or lands, through ambition or covetousness. And likewise the great Prelates & other inferiors, aught to provide for the health of souls, which be committed unto them, through good examples & teachings, and successively, they that have charge of other, be they temporal or spiritual public or domestical, small or great aught to have this same regard, every one according to his said charge, And nevertheless in other things, not concerning their charges, to proceed in their particular works by the self way, to th'intent that in instructing other, they lose not themselves, as saint Paul saith, for in so much as no man living is excused for charge that he hath, but after the order of charity, he is bound furst and principally, to have regard to his particular health, rather than unto others. I rehearse all these things (right sovereign Lord) for so much as having of a long time known in you an ardent desire to understand & know all manner of histories, and chief treating of the life of great Princes passed, & also of common & politic governements of great cities & common weals, which have had domination & empire, as of Greeks and of Romans: I persuaded myself, that chief & immediately you do it, to th'intent to understand the better, how that you shall behave yourself, in ruling & governance of your Realm, & of other provinces, countries, lands, & lordships, that God hath committed unto your charge and governance, aswell in time of peace, as in time of war, and trusting for your end principal, in this doing according to your capacity and weakness (the help and grace of God assisting you) to merit the glory & felicity everlasting. For though that sometime I have perceived in you some pricque of man's glory, specially in your victories and prosperites (which have been such and so great, that scarcely it were possible for a human creature, how just and holy that he were, not to have at the furst moving, some spark of vain glory and delectation) yet always I have afterwards seen many acts and operations in you, which gave to understand, & have made me to believe, that coming again to the secret of your conscience, & bringing again the natural appetite to raysonne, you confessed all to come of God, and would not use your said victories after man's covetousness and desire, but according to reason, and so, as appeared that you might do without offending God or your neighbour. For if you had not had this consideration. It is clearly notorious, that you might right easily & at many times, pursuing your said victories, have be able to establish your estate & empire in such sort, that it had not been in the power of man to give you afterwards therein empeschement & disturbance: but if they had imagined any thing against you: it should have been to their great loss & dommaige without having power to hurt you. But you have better loved to conteigne & arrest the course of your said prosperites and victories by the hunger of reason, led & conduicted by the fear of God, for the danger of that, which might chance: then for to suffer the sensual appetite to run on the bridelle, overthrown by the left way and displea●ante to God, as I do take it. For this cause, and having good opinion of your Royal majesty, I have heretofore been parforced to cause to come to your knowledge many profane histories, which ye had not seen nor known before, for that they were not translated into the french tongue, for some of them were in Greek, as the same of zenophone of the voyage of Cyrus, and the same of Diodorus of the successors of Alexandre, the other had been furst writtone in Greek, and afterwards translated into Latin, as the same of Appyan of Alexandria. And tother written first in latin, but never were translated into French, as the same of justine. All the which, besides the pleasure that may be taken in reading of them, be full of teachings and documents, to him that will taste, digest and reduce them unto a moral sense. For there may be perceived many passages, which may greatly serve to the conduct of public affairs, aswell in the time of peace, as in the time of war, And yet nevertheless, considering my Ecclesiastical estate, and also the servitude that I bear towards you, which is such, that I hold and repute myself bounden to desire and procure your soul health, chief: and also the prosperity and felicity of your temporal estate, as much, as any subject or servant that you have, for many great goodness, which of your grace and mere motion, you have done unto me without any mine merits, in all points undeserved, and for the affection and confidence, which you have showed, and show to have in me, much more great, than my small services may have deserved, I thought it not convenable, that I had laboured so far in translating for you human histories, except that I employed my time and labour in some spiritual thing. And thereby was moved to translate the Ecclesiastical history of Ruffinus Acquilesian, which is all full of good doctrine, and of good examples, serving for our faith and for the edification of our consciences. And albeit that I addressed the said translation to the right happy remembered the late queen your wife, for the singularity & excellency of her virtues, and of her devotion, and towardness to things spiritual, whereby she hath left to them now living a memorial and renomee perpetual, and an example of goodness and virtue to all ladies and women of all estates: yet I well perceived, that such things were common between you two, as all other were. And that for pleasure, which you show of your grace to take in my translatyons, and also understanding the dignity and excellency of the matter, you would see, and cause it to be red, and therein would take asmuch or more delectation than at other. And notwithstanding afterwards having no other matter in hand, which seemed unto me worthy of translation for to present unto you, whereof you have not had knowledge, and that I have not found in your librairy in old books, which have benhertofore translated into French by many & divers excellent authors, I have finally chosen the hstory of Thucydides the athenian, which he hath written in viii books of the war of Peloponese and of the lacedemonians, which seemeth right singular unto me. not so much for the declaration of the history (although that it be very fair & rare enough to French men, which have not had many of the books of the histories of Greeks at large in their language) as for the profundytie and excellency of the orations and propositions (which be called concions) conteygned in the same. Which comprehend general teaching of all weighty things, and the hole art & efficacity of Eloquence, as all authors, aswell Greeks as Latyns do show us. specially Cicero, who is the Prince of Eloquence amongst the Latins. Thinking that I have done nothing by the translations aforesaid, if I had not translated this history, which so greatly is celebrated by all them, which have had knowledge of the said orations & contions. And yet for all that, after I had overrun the said history, I therein found so many difficulties, specially in the understanding of the said orations & contions (which have always seamed right hard to all them that have red them, albeit that they were excellent in learning, as Cicero himself acknowlaigeth) that I purposed to repent & to withdraw me from my enterprise, & so much the more that the translation, which was made out of Greek by Laurencius Ualle, seamed to me very obscure & hard, & truly so had I done, had not been M. john lascarf, Devising with whom of this matter, by means of communicatyon, which I had had with him in translation of the other Greek histories, purified or translated out of Greek into Latin, whereof I have made mention afore, & showing him the difficulty, that I found in the said matter, he gave me courage to intend unto it, magnifying greatly unto me the excellency of the said history, & further promising me that he would correct the latin translation of the same, in places & passages which he thought to have be altered or darkened. In such sort the with good diligence, I might take out the true sense. And so having accomplished the said translation, I might say, that I had done one principal work in the French tongue. Which promises & persuasions gave me such courage, joined the desire that I have to be able to present unto you one thing singulier in himself, & not known to French men: that I enterprised to parfaycteit, by help of the annotations and correction of the said Laskary. without which, for troth I could never have known, how to come unto the end, aswell for the dyfficultye of the matter, as for the imperfectyon of the Latin translation. in many circumstances. & specially in the most hard. Therefore I most humbly require you (my redoubted sowerayne Lord) that it may be your pleasure to take in good part this translation. and to accept it for the chief o● the works of my labourem this art of translation, specially for human histories: aswell for this that I cannot find other matter, which shall not appear gross, as concerning this, as also that my estate & my age, togethers with the business, in which you have given me charges in Ambassades, that you have committed unto me for your principal affairs, when they have been most troublesome: have taken fro me fantasy & faculty to attend or be vacant hereafter to such works, which apperteygne to young people, endued with good wit & syngulyer doctrine, that have no other business to withdraw their fantasies. Also sowerayne Lord, I hope that God of his goodness having regard to your intent, will change the will of Princes & people, which have these years passed, made & moved war against you through ambition & covetise, as I do conjecture, using great ingratituding against you, as it is well known, in such wise that knowing the great goodness and playsures that you have done to them, and the malice & deceit of them that have been promoters and occasion of the said war & discensions, together with the evils which have chanced & be to happen, if it endure, & also your puissance & army so strong, that sooner they may therein lose, than win, like as they have perceived these two years passed, shall cause them to require pair. Which God by his mean shall, easily do, having always been desired or purchased on your behalf, or else from them, that he shall know to be obstinate, shall take away their strength & means to execute it, by such remedies perpepuell or temporal, as his divine providence shall know to be most convenient for the universal wealth of Christendom, as he hath already done to some of them. In such sort, that you may use the remanante of your days in surety & rest, to the great rejoicing of your good & faithful subjects, to the prosperity & augmentation of your royalme, & to the perpetual glory of your Royal & victorious name in this world, and finally after all, to the eternal felicity of your soul. And I, who unto this my age, which draweth to oldness, have not hitherto discharged myself in any charge, that God hath given me, chief in the church, but have employed all my time in temporal and worldly negotiations & affairs, require him, that I may in this, that it shall please him to lend me life hereafter, supply after my frailty, to the faults paste in his service, without therefore to be withdrawn from yours, there, where it shall please you to employ me, & that I shall perceive that I may serve you & your Roy●ulme according to my estate and condition Whereunto I hold and repute my self bounden in conscience, and cannot foresake so to do without incurring the detestable sin of ingratitude. which above all other I have always abhorred, as the self thing, that I esteem to be most displeasant to God. To whom I pray right sowerayne Lord, that it may please him to order our operations and works in the way of his commandments.   


Here follow the chapters of the first book of Thucydides of the histories of Peloponese etc.  IN the first Chapter, the Author doth show that the war, whereof he will speak, hath been more great than any other, that the Greeks had ever had within their country or without, and reciteth the beginning and upcomming of the country of Grece, and of all the wars, that they had had afore this same. 
Cap. i.  The beginning of the growing of the war of Grece, which began between the corinthians and the Corciriens, and how the corinthians having been vainquished by sea, and preparing themselves to begin battle again, Ambassadors were sent by aither of both parts to the athenians, to get their favour or confederation. 
Capit. two.  The oration of the corcyrians before the counsel of Athenes. 
Capit. iii.  The answer of the Corinthians. 
Cap. iiii.  How the Athenians received the Corciriens into their alliance, and sent them succours, and how the corinthians and Corciriens had a battle by sea, in the which a●ther of them took it, that he had the victory. 
cap. v.  The other quarrels and occasions of war that happened between the Athenians and Corinthyans', by means whereof, all the Peloponesians were assembled at Lacedemonie, to conclude war against the said Athenians. 
cap. vi.  The declaration or proposition of the Corinthians to the counsel of Lacedemonye, against the Athenians. 
cap. seven.  The declaration of the athenians unto the Lacedæmonians. 
cap. viii.  The narration and proposition of Sthenelaydes, in following, whereof war was concluded against the athenians. 
cap. x.  How the athenians, after the war against the Medians, did build again their city, and the beginning of their Empire or governance in Grece. 
ca xi.  Of wars that the Carthagians had after the same of the Medyans, until this present war, aswell against strangers as against the Greeks, by means whereof they increased their Empire and authority. 
cap. xii.  The narratyon or proposition of the Corinthyans' to the counsel of Lacedæmonians before thassembly of all the confederates. 
Cap. xiii.  How the war being concluded against the Athenians by all the Peloponesians in the city of Sparte, the Lacedemonyans sent their Ambassadors towards the Athenians for to summon them of certain things. 
cap. xiiii  Here Thauthor showeth incidently the Trahisone, that Pausanias would have done against the Greeks, and how he was slain. 
cap. xv.  How Themistocles duke of the Athenyens being persecuted aswell by them, as also by the Lacedemonyans, went or fled to the King Artaxerses, & there ended his life. 
cap. xvi.  How after many goings and commynges, the Athenians took deliberation, whereout they ought rather to accept war or to obey to the Requests of the Lacedemonyans. 
Cap. xvii.  The speaking and the opinion of Pericles in the counsel of the Athenians, according whereunto, the answer was made unto the Lacedæmonians. 
ca xviii   

¶ The chapters of the second book of Thucydides.  How the Beotians before the war was begun, did privily take the city of Platea, which held with the athenians, and how they were driven from thence, and the more part of them that were entered with in, were slain. 
Cap. i.  The great preparation of war, which is made aswell on the behaulf of the athenians, as also of the same of Peloponesians, and the cities that took part, of th'one side and the other. 
Cap. two.  The narration of Archidamus King of Athenyens. 
Cap. iii.  How after the persuasions and exhortations of Pericles unto the wars, all the athenians that dwelled in the fields, withdrew themselves and their goods into the city, and disposed themselves to the affairs of war. 
Cap. iiii.  How the Peloponesians did first enter the land of Athenes, and the pillages that they there made, and how the athenians by the counsel of Pericles were letted to issue or go out, reserved the men on horseback, which were overcome. 
Cap. v.  Of many e●ployctes of war, that the Athenians did aswell by sea as by land, the summer that the war began, and the winter following, and also of some allyaunces and new amyties, that they made in Thracia and Macedonia, and finally of the Public burials or funerals that they celebrated at Athenes, for them that died or were slain in the same war. 
Cap. vi.  The funeral narration of Pericles. 
Cap. seven  Of the pestilence which was the summer following in the city and land of the athenians, and also of the feats of war, that were done of th'one side and of the other, and of the despair wherein the athenians were fallen. 
Ca viii.  The narration and preposition of Pericles to the people of Athenes for to appease them, to exhort them to follow the war, and to endure and suffer the present incommodities. 
Cap. ix.  Of the virtues and commendable conditions of Perycles. 
Cap. x.  Of some other exployctes of war which were done the self same summer, aswell of the one side as of the other, and how the city of Potydia did render itself by composition to Thathenyans. 
Cap. xi.  How the city of Platea was assieged by the Peloponesians, battered and assaulted, and by the Cytezins defended. 
Cap. xii.  How the Athenyens had an overthrow before the city of Spartolia in the country of Beotians, And the Peloponesians an other, before the city of Stracia in the country of Acarnania. 
Cap. xiii.  How the athenians had a victory by sea against the Peloponesians, and how the one and tother party did prepare themselves to fight at an other time by sea. 
Cap. xiiii.  The exhortation of the captains Lacedemonyens to their men of war. 
ca xv  The exhortation of Phormio to the soldiers Athenyens. 
Cap. xvi.  How in that same second battle on the sea, aither of the parties. reputed hi● self to have had the victory, 
Cap. xvi●.  How the Peloponesians failed to take the port of Pyrea privily. 
Cap. xviii.  How Sitalces King of Odrisians entered the country of Macedonia for to conquer it from the King Perdiccas, and how he returned. 
Cap. nineteen.  Of some feats of war that Phormio did in the land of Acarnan●●, and of the original or beginning of the said country. 
Cap. xx.   

¶ The chapters of the third book of Thucydides.  How the city of Mythilene willing to rebel against the Athenians, was by them assieged. And how they sent towards the Peloponesians to have succour, and of a discomfort that the athenians had in Noriqua. 
Cap. i.  The proposition and narration of the Mythilenians at the Assembly of the Allies and confederates of Grece. 
Cap. two.  Of some great preparations, and of some small feats, which were done that same ●eare of th'one side and of tother. 
Cap. iii.  How the Athenyas that were assieged in platea and one part of the citizens, did save themself by great force and labour, and passed through all the walls, dyches and forts of the Peloponesien●, which held them assieged. 
Ca iiii.  How the Mythyleniens for fault of being succoured in time by the Peloponesians, did render themselves to the will of the athenians, and it was determined by the athenians to slay them all, and also of some things that were in that same time done by the people of both parties. 
Cap. v,  The narration of Cleon in the counsel of Thatheniens. 
Capit. vi.  The opinion of Diotodus against that same of Cleon. 
Cap. seven.  How the city of Mythilene was in danger to be utterly destroyed, and the punishment that it received for rebellyone, and how the Plateans rendered themselves to the will of the Lacedæmonians, & also of some other feats of war, that was done the same year. 
Cap. viii.  The defence of the Plateans before the Lacedemonyans. 
Cap. ix.  The oration of the thebans against the Plateans, and how they were slain and discomforted. 
Cap. x.  How the Peloponesians had a victory by sea, against the athenians and the Corciriens, that took their part, by means of the division that was moved among the same Corciryens. 
Cap. xi.  The co●spiraties and partialities, which rose up, aswell in the city of Corciria, as in all the other cities of Grece: by means of the war that was between the Athenians and Peloponesians, and the cursed evils that thereby chanced. 
Capit. xii.  How the Athenians sent their Army into Sycill, and of that, which they did, and that, that chanced unto them, aswell in the end of the same summer, as during the winter and about the beginning of the summer then following, both in the said country of Sycill, and in Grece, and also in their own land, and how the Lacedemonyans did build the city of Araclea. 
Cap. xiii.  How Demosthenes capitain of the athenians being before Le●cade, departed to come to make war against the Etholyens, and how he was by them discomforted, and some things that were done by the Athenians in Sycille. 
Capit. xiiii.  How Eurylochus captain of the Peloponesiens', having failed to take the city of Naupacte, at the persuasyon of the Ambracyens, enterprised war against the Amphilochiens and the acarnanians, and how the athenians did purify & consecrate the Isle of Delos. 
Capit. xv  how Hurilochus and the Ambraciens were by Demosthenes, and the Acarnanians and Amphilochians discomfited two times in three days, & of the sluggishness that the said lacedemonians used towards the said Ambrociens. 
Capit. xvi.   

¶ The chapters of the fourth book of Thucydides.  OF some exploictes of war that were done between the athenians and Lacedæmonians, and chief how the place and Isle of Pylus, was assieged by the Peloponesians, and how the truce was made among them which were in the army. 
Capit. i.  The narration of the Lacedæmonians to the athenians, & the answer which they had, and how the truce being failed, they began to war again. 
Cap. two.  Of things that were done at this time in Sycille, aswell by the athenians & their allies, as by them of the contrary part. 
Cap. iii.  How the athenians had the victory at Pylus. 
Cap. iiii.  Of a victory that the Athenians had against the corinthians in their land. 
Capit. v.  How they that were driven from Corinthe were taken by them of the town by the help of the athenians, and afterwards cruelly slain. 
Cap. vi.  Of many victories and prosperytes which the athenians had in that same saysonne, against the Peloponesians, and specially in the Isle of Cithere and in Thrace and some other things. 
Cap. seven.  How the Secilians at the persuasion of Hermocrates, made peace among themselves, and returned or sent away the athenians, 
Cap. viii.  How the Athenians failed to take the ●ytye of Megare by the confederacy of some of the citizens, And how it was succoured by some of the Lacedæmonians. 
Cap. ix.  Of a loss of ships that the athenians had, & how Brasidas passed through the country of Thrace by the aid of Perdiccas King of Macedon, and of some his friends of the said country, for to come to aid the Chalcidiens. 
cap. x.  How the Acanthiens forsook the Athenians and did take part with the Peloponesians. 
Capit. xi.  The narration of Brasydas to the Acanthiens. 
Cap. xii.  How Hipocrates and Demosthenes dukes of the Athenians made an enterprise upon the land of Beotiens, in the which they always failed, to their great loss and disadvantage. 
Cap. xiii.  The narration of Pagondas to the men of war Beotiens. 
Cap. xiiii.  The exhortation of Hippocrates unto the soldiers at the joining of the battle. How Brasidas duke of the Lacedemonyens, took the city of Ampipholis secretly, and some other in the country of Thrace by treaty. 
Cap. xiii.  How Brasidas took the city of Torone by treaty and consederation, and that same of Lecythe by force. 
Cap. xiiii.  The demonstrations of Brasidas to the Toronians. How the athenians did make truce for one year with the lacedemonians. 
cap. xv.  How the truce between the Poloponesians and Lacedemonyans was broken, by means of the cities of Sciona & Menda, which Brasidas did take through rebellion of the citizens from the athenians. 
Cap. xvi.  How Brasidas and Perdiccas having taken some lands from Arribeus, understandying that the Ilyryans came to overrun them, departed asunder, & how Brasydas being for saken of the said Pardicas and of his bend, saved himself from the said Ilyryans, and how Brasydas and Perdiccas became enemies. 
Cap. xvii.  The exhortation of Brasydas to his men of war. How the city of Mende was taken by the athenians, and that of Scyone allieged, and some other things that chanced about the end of the year. 
Cap. xviii.   

The chapters of the fifth book of Thucydides.  How the athenians, by the conducting of Cleon, took the city of Torone from the Peloponesians. and of a voyage, the which Pheax the athenian made into Italy and Sycille. 
Cap. i.  How Brasidas had a victory against Cleon and the athenians, near unto Ampipholis, in the which both the chief Capyrans' were siayne. 
cap. two.  The exhortation of Brasidas unto his soldiers. How the Lacedemonyans made peace for them, and for their allies, and after how they made alliance between themselves without the other. 
cap. iii.  The form of the alliance. How the peace between the athenians and the Peloponesians was not observed, and how the Corinthians and some other cities of Peloponese made alliance with the Argyues against the Lacedemonyans. 
cap. iiii.  How the athenians and Lacedemonyans were conversant the same summer, living in doubt & dyssymulation, th'one with the other, and of some exploictes & treaties, which were made during the said summer on both sides. 
Cap. v.  How the Lacedemonyans having, against the form of the treaty agreed & made with the athenians, concluded alliance with the Boetiens without them, the said athenians did it likewise with the Argyues, the Mantynyens and the Eolyens. 
cap. vi.  The tenor of the alliance between the athenians and the Argives the Man tynyens and the Eolyens. How after many enterprises & exploictes of war, that were done between the allies of the Lacedemonyens of the one part, and the Athenians on the other, the said athenians at the request of the Argives declared the same Lacedæmonians to have done against the treatise of peace and of Thallyance, and to be perjured. How the Lacedemonyans with their allies, being ready to fight against the Argyues & their allies, before the city of Argos. A truce was concluded & taken A truce for four months by the captain without consent of the men of war, and how the said truce was broken on the behalf of the Argyues at request of the athenians, and the city of Orchomenia taken. 
Cap. seven.  How the Lacedæmonians and their Allies won a battle against the athenians, the Argives & their other Allies in the land of the Mantynyens. 
Ca ix  How peace was made between the Lacedemonyans and the Argives, and after that, the Alliance, and of some other things, that were done aswell on the behalf of the said Lacedemonyans, as of the same of the athenians without any declaration of war. 
cap. x.  The form of the peace between the Lacedemonyans and Thargyves. The form of the alliance between the Lacedemonyans and Thargives. How the city of Melea was assieged, and finally taken by the athenians, & some other things which were done the self same year. 
Cap. xi.  The conference and communyca●yon that was between the athenians and the officers of Melea for to treat appointment between them. 
Cap. xii.   

The chapters of the sixth book of Thucydides.  OF the Ill of Sicily, and by what people it was inhabited, and how the athenians enterprised to send thither their Army by sea for to conquer it. 
cap. i.  Of some small exploits of war, that were done the same winter in Grece, & how the athenians enterprised to go with their army into Sycyle to conquer it. 
cap. two.  The narration of Nycias before the people of Athenes for to dissuade and put of, the enterprise of Syryle. 
Cap. iii.  The narration of Alcibiades unto the Athenians for to persuade the enterprise of Sycile. 
cap iiii.  The narration of Nycias unto the athenians, intending yet again by an indirect form, to break of, the enterprise of Sycile. 
cap. v.  How the people of Athenes at the persuasion of Alcibiades, concluded the enterprinse of Sycile. And how the army after that it was raised, departed from the port of Pyreus. 
cap. vi.  Of divers opinions that were among the syracusans, of the army of the athenians, and the narrations, which Hermocrates and Athenagoras made unto the people of Sarragosse, and the conclusion that thereupon was taken. 
cap. seven.  The narration of Hermocrates. 
cap. viii.  The narration of Anaragoras to the syracusans. 
cap. viii.  The Conclusion of one of the officers of Sarragosse. How the army of the athenians departed from Corciria, and how it was evil received both in Italy and Sycille. 
cap. ix  how Alcibiades being adjourned to answer at Athenes for crimes laid unto him, went into Peloponese, and incidently how Hipparchus brother of Hyppyas some time King of Athens was slain. 
cap. x.  How after the departure of Alcibiades, the other two captains athenians, having done some small things in Sycyle, came to assiege the city of Sarragosse, and had a victory against the syracusans. 
Cap. xi.  The exhortation of Nycias unto the men of war. 
Cap. xii.  How the syracusans having chosen certain new capitains, and given order in their affairs, made an assault against them of Carana, and how the athenians failed to take the city of Mellana. 
Cap. xiii.  How the athenians and syracusans sent toward the Camerins, Ambassadors, ayther party, to bring them to their alliance, and the answer that they made unto them both. And also the preparatyons and practyves that the athenians made the said winter against the syracusans. 
Cap. xiiii.  The narration of Hermocrates unto the Camarins. The narration of Euphemus Athenyen to the Camarins. 
Cap. xv.  How the Lacedemonyens, at the persuasion of the corinthians and of Alcibiades, agreed to the syracusans to send them secure. 
Cap. xvi.  The narratyon of Alcibiades athenian to the Lacedemonyans. How the athenians after they had made certain preparatyons, came to assiege the city of Sarragosse, and of many victories that they had against the Syracusaynes in making and assaulting the rampires and fortyfycatyons on both sides. And how the succours of the Peloponesians came into Sycyle, and ofcertayne other things. 
Cap. xvii.   

The chapters of the seventh book of Thucydides.  How Gylyppus being entered into the city of Sarragosse with the succours of the other cities of Sycyle, that took his party, lost one battle, and did win another against the athenians, and how the Si●●acusayns and Corinthians sent Ambassadors to Lacedemonie, to have new succours, and likewise Nycias doth write unto the athenians ●or the self cause. 
Cap. i.  The overthwart narratyon of Gylyppus to his men of war. 
Cap. two.  The tenor of the letters of Nycyas to the athenians, and the provision, that they made upon the contenue of the same. 
Cap. two.  How the peloponesians did, as enemies, enter into the country of the athenians, and enclosed the town of Decelea with walls. And of the succours that were sent into Sycile, aswell on the behalf of the athenians, as of the Peloponesians. 
cap. iii.  How the syracusans and the athenians had a battle at the port of the city, aswell by sea, as by land, of the which both the one and the other party had the victories in divers respects. And of many other small fyghtynges & exploy●tes which were done in the same Siege. 
cap. iiii.  Of necessities, wherein the city of Athenes was, by means of the war, and how certain Thracyens which were come into their service, being sent back for lack of money, destroyed the city of Micalesus, and afterwards were almost all discomforted. 
cap. v.  Of that, that Demosthenes and Euremydone capitains of the athenians did in their journey, going to the succour of the camp, which was at Sarragosse, and also of a battle by sea, which the athenians had against the Peloponesians nigh to Naupactum. 
cap. vi.  How in the mean time that Demosthenes & Eurimedom were in their journey to come to secure the Camp of Thathenyans in Cycile, the Siracusyans had a victory by sea against the said Athenyens, who besieged them. 
Cap. seven.  How Demosthenes & Eurymedon being arrived at the camp before Sarragosse, and having in the night assailed the rampers of the Siracusians at Epipole, were overthrown and lost many of their people. 
Cap. viii.  How the athenians after many consultations being determined of their Siege, and to depart from it, did for a superstition abide still at it. 
Cap. ix.  How the Syracusians having an other victory by sea against the athenians, did their force to enclose them within the port, which they than did hold. 
Cap. x.  Of the cities and people that intermeddled in the war of Sycile, aswell on the one side, as on the other. 
Cap. xi,  How the athenians were vainquished again in a battle upon the Sea by the Syracusyans and their allies, in such sort that they could not save themselves by sea. 
Cap. xii.  The narratyon and encoraging of Nycias unto the soldiers. 
Cap. xiii.  The encouraging of the Syracusyans to their men of war. 
 How the athenians and their allies, after the dyscomforture, departed from their camp, to go by land into the lands and cities of Sycile, that took their part. 
Cap. xiii.  The declaration of Nycias made to the men of arms. 
 How the athenians, being with their friends, departed from their camp after the discomforture for to go from thence by land, were pursued by the Siracusians & their allies, and finally all discomforted. 
Cap. xiiii.   

¶ The Table of the chapters of the eight book of Thucydides.  Of the provision that the athenians (understanding the discomforture of their people in Sycile) made to susteygne war against the Peloponesians, and how the more part of Grece together with the king of Persey, did ally themselves together against the said athenians. 
Cap. i.  How the Lacedemonyans were required and entreated by them of Chio, & Lesbos and of Hellesponte to send them an army by seafor to resist the athenians, against whom, they were willing to rebel. And the order that thereupon was taken. 
Cap. two.  How certain ships of the Peloponesiens' were repoulled by the athenians in the port of Pyreus. And how the cities of Chio, of Erythrea, of Myletum & many other, yielded themselves to the pleasure of the Peloponesiens', and how the first alliance, was made between the king of Air and the Lacedemonyens. 
cap. iii.  The tenor of the alliance between the king of Air and the lacedemonians, How they of Chio after that they had turned against the athenians, caused Mylytenum & all the Isle of Lesbos to turn from them, and how afterwards the athenians recovered it, together with certain other cities that were rebelled against them And how having overcome them of Chio in three battles, they pillaged and wasted their land, and of certain other things. 
Cap, iiii.  How the athenians, having assieged the city of Myletum had a great battle against the Peloponesians, in the which ayther party in divers chances had the victory. And how the athenians understanding that succours came to the city, raised their Siege, and departed. And afterwards, how the Lacedemonyens and their allies took the city of Alas, and within the same Amorges, rebel to the king of Air, whom they rendered to his lieutenant. 
Cap. v.  How the city of Chio being assieged by the athenians, Astyochus chief of the army by sea for the Peloponesians, refused to give them secure. And how the second treaty of alliance was made with Tissaphernes, with certain other small exployctes, which were done on the one side and of the other. 
ca vi.  The second traictie of alliance between the Lacedemonyans and the King of Air. 
 How the Peloponesians had a victory against the athenians by sea, & how afterwards certain of their Capytains', ha●ynge had communication with Tissaphernes touching an article of their alliance, went unto the Rhodes, and caused it to return against the athenians. 
Cap. seven.  How Alcibiades, being come into the suspytyon of the Lacedemonyans, withdrew himself towards Tissaphernes, and persuaded him to forsake the party of the Peloponesians, and to ally himself with the athenians. And how Ambassadors were sent by the athenians towards Tissaphernes for to conclude it. 
Cap. viii.  How they of Chio, having b●ne overthrown at an assault, which they made upon the camp of the athenians with great loss of their people, were straightly assieged and brought into great necessity. And how the treaty that Alcibi●des took in hand to make the alliance between the athenians and Tissa●hernes was broken. And the alliance renewed between the said Tissaphernes and the Lacedemonyans. 
Cap. ix.  The third traictye of alliance between the Lacedemonyans and the King of Air. 
 How a great division happened among the athenians, aswell in the ●ytye as without, specially in the army, which was in Samya: by means of changing of the estate and government of the same, which did them great damage. 
Cap. x.  How the Peloponesians conceived great suspytyon against Tissaphernes, aswell for that he deceived them of succours which he had promised them, as also for that, that Alcibiades had been restored and called again by the athenians, which were in the army, and had all the authority with them, which he used to the wealth and profit of his party. 
Cap. xi.  How the athenians being come into great division and dissension by mean of the common estate which had been changed, assembled them selves to come to some accord and appointment. 
Cap. xii.  How the Peloponesians had a victory upon the sea against the Athenyan● nigh unto Erithrea, and afterward how the government of four hundred was abrogated, and the mutine by that mean appea●ed within the city. 
ca xiii.  How the Armies by sea aswell of the Atheny●ns, as of the Peloponesiens' went into Hellesponte, and there prepared themselves for to fight. 
Cap. xiiii.  How the athenians had a victory against the Peloponesians in the sea of Hellesponte. 
Cap. xv.   
☞ Here endeth the chapters of the eight books of Thucydides, of the war between the peloponesians and Athenyans●   

Hereafter followeth the Prologue or Proheme of Laurence Valla Translator of the said viii. books out of the Greek tongue into the Latin, addressed unto Nicholas of that name the fifth bishop of Rome.  
I May well say in this behaulf (right reverend father) thate which Ennius the Poet, rehearseth to have been said, by Aeneas. In this substance, it is great pleasure unto me to have escaped through so many cities of Grece, and to have passed through the mids of mine enemies. For so much, as having ended and acc●mplishedde the charge, that thou hast said on me, it seemeth well unto me to be escaped & come unto saluetie, through the mids of my enemies. For like as some of Themperours of Rome, as Augustus Antonius, and many other, rested themselves at Rome, to give order to the policy of the common wealth: and committed the feat of wars, moved a far of, to their Dukes and Lieutenants: right so thou, having and taking charge and care of holy things in the religion of Gods and man's laws, of peace, of health, and of the augmentation of the people Roman, hast committed unto me, and to many other (that have knowelaige of the Greek tongue and of the Latin) as to thine Dukes, tribunes and capitains, that we should submit holegrece to thee, and to thy obeissance, by divers meanes● every one according to his charge, the most that we might. That is to wit, that we should expound and translate for the into the latin tongue, all the books which we found composed or made in the Greek tongue. which is a thing honnorable, singular & greatly mere for a sage personage. For what thing may be more profitable, more plentiful and more commodious, than to translate bokes● Truly in my judgement it is a merchandise of right precious wares. And I do not compare it unto a small thing, when I compare it unto merchandise, for there is nothing among men more necessary than the same: which fournysheth men of that, that is convenient for their living and nurture, to their clothing and decking, to their delights and to all other things that be convenable for them. All the which things, merchandise bringeth from divers quarters. In so great abundance, that by mean there of nothing is lacking in any part, and that all things be every where common, in such sort, as in a manner, men were (as the saying is, in the goldenne world. Likewise doth the translation of books, which is so much more worthy than merchandise, as the goods of the soul be more worthy, than those of the body. For by things that this translation doth communicate unto us, the understandings and wits of men be nourished, clothed, repaired, adorned, and by a manner of speaking, made divine. Therefore there is nothing more delectable, more healthful, more to be desired, & to comprehend a● in one word, more profitable, then to see translated into our tongue all that, that is found in the Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee or Arabic tongue, be they treaties of histories, of orators● of philosophers, of poets, of physicians or of divines. And the may well and clearly perceive by this: that if the old testament had not been translated out of Hebrieu into latin, and the new out of Greek, we other latyn men should not have had any knowelayge of God, and to be short, if that I had will sufficiently to laud this art of translation, I must be more long & more prolix, than the time and purpose do require. But without speaking of other languages for to come again to the comparasone that I have made of the art mylitarye, and of the war in this translation: I repute it no less to be thy glory to have caused to be translated the books, which yet be found not translated out of Greek into latynne, than if thou hadst brought again into subjection of the Roman Empire, Asia, Macedonia and hole Grece. Howbeit in dystributing thy charges and commissions, thou hast given me one, beit by chance or of set purpose, so right hard: that scarce there is any that can be more● for thou haste committed to me to take and to expugn by force. viii. strong places, set in a mountaygne upon high rocks well nigh inexpugnable by artillery, nor by scaling, and scarcely to be battered by shot, and also it is very hard to make there any bastillyon nor mines withoutfourth. And yet I w●ll not that you impute this manner of speaking that I use, more to the weakness of mine understanding, than to the difficulty of the matter● for all they that have knowledge of the Grek●●he Authors confess by one common accord, that Thu●●dides is very hard and obscure, in his orations principally: wherewith the viii books of his history be stuffed, and that doth witness unto us Cicero, whom men called the Greek of his world, in his book of Oratory, saying in this wise. The same narrations or orations, have so many hid and obscure sentences, that scarce one may understand them. And if any man would say unto me, wherefore hast thou than taken this charge upon the● I answer him: that I have not taken it, but it hath been given me, or else I would not for any thing, have demanded it. And if I have accepted it, it hath been for this, that it seemed unto me a thing reprehensible and unexcusable to resist the commandment of my Emperor and master. whom I know to be so wise and so virtuous. And sithence that it hath pleased him to do me this honour (for so will I take it) to commit and give me to subdue an province, that never man enterprised to assail, I had rather die in the poursuyte, than to forsake it through faintness of heart or disobedience. Albeit that I have been deceived of a succour, to whom I ill trusted. to wit of the cardinal of Bizance, at whose persuasion as I believe, you have committed this charge unto me. Who is, to speak the truth, and without flattery, an excellent Greek among the Latyns and an excellent latenist among the Greeks. For that, that now at the hour, that I hoped that he should have helped me (as he had good knowledge, and would have done) he is gone for legate unto Bullonia, whereby I find me as despaired of mine enterprise. not saying a parsonage that would or might aid me. By occasion whereof thou mayest know (right reverend father) that I have been in such pain and travail, that if thou wouldst judge unto me the triumph for this here, as thou haste done to other in like case, I should not rejoice so much of the same, as of this, that I am come to th'end or overcomed my labours. for that, that I found me many times without aid and without compaygnie, in the estate wherein they be, which make mines in the earth to take a place, or for to find the mines or the veins of quarries, and when they have digged very deep, they see not low nor high, far nor near any thing that they searched. Wherefore if that by these mines I have taken the places, if I have found by digging, the vain of stones of pure marbill, and of fine gold (as I think I have done) it is not to marueylle, if I be right joyful to be at the end of my labours. For, for to speak of Thucydides, he is reputed amongst the Greeks, as the Porphir amongst the marbles, or as gold among metals, for that, that there is in his speaking, so much gravity, so much vehemency and so much truth, without glofing (which is the principal part in an hystorian) that they, which read it, think and believe that that he writeth, holy to be true, and that he himself that hath written the history, hath not only seen the things, whereof he speaketh, but also was therein president or chief. As he was for troth in many things, so as shall appear hereafter by the dyscours of the history, albeit that he was charged to have to slackly come to succour by sea, the city of Antypolys with the army by sea, whereof he had charge. By occasion whereof he was banished, although unrighteously. During which banishment, he composed this present history, and yet could not finish it as he had determined, bring prevented by death. And yet nevertheless this present author and Herodotus have the praise among the greekish hystoryans, all like as Saluste and Titus Lyvius among the latins. For the one of them, to wit Herodotus, goeth forward all plain and easy without any roughness, as a river, that runneth sweetly all hole together without any sourge and without waves. The other, to wit Thucydides, hath his course more impetuous and in speaking of things of war, seemeth that he is at the point of doing it, and that he giveth tokenne to fight. As Quyntilian the great Orator sayeth in this manner. Many have written histories very elegantly, but no man putteth me in doubt, that there a●ne not two, that greatly exceed the other. And albeit that their virtue and excellency be in divers qualities, yet the praise is equal, as much to the one, as to the other. To wit, Thucydides, which is brief and compendious without interruption, and Herodotus, who is eloquent and copious. The one is more vehement for to move men's hearts, the other more remies and gentle, th'one is more singular in his orations, and the other in his speaking. The one is more lively, and the other more playsante. if haste than (right reverend father) by the testimony of latins, what the history of Thucydides in Greek is. And if thou didst think, that it hath all the same majesty translated into Latynne, I would forget all the labour that I have taken to do it. But more I will not, but that thou despise not my labours, considering, that the good knight esteameth nothing so much, as to be holden and reputed by his head and Emperor, to be vaillyant and hardy. Thus do I require you (right reverend father) that you will acknowlaige this history of Thucydides to be thine and mine. For if thoue allowest it, and hast my work agreeable, I will repute it common unto us both.  
Here followeth the translation of the Lord Cla●dius of Seyssell of Thucydydes into the French tongue.   

The first book of Thucydides of Thistoryes of Peloponesia.  
☞ In this first Chapter the Author, for to show, that the war, whereof he will speak, hath been more great, than any of the other that the Greeks had ever had within their country or without: rehearseth the beginning and proceeding of the country of Grece and of all the lands, that they had had before this present war now moved.  

The first Chapter.  
THucidides athenian hath writ one the war, which the Peloponesians had with the athenians from beginning of the same unto the end. hoping that men shall find it right great and more worthy of memory, than all tother, that have been before. By means that both parties were than very puissant and plentiful of all things necessary to maigteyne it. And also for that, that all the residue of Grece did intermeddle on the one side and on the other. Some of them from the beginning and other after the consultation. and this motion of war was very great, not of Greeks only, but also of strangers, and by a manner to say, of many divers nations. And albeit that of other wars, which were before this, and chief of the more ancient, there is no great remembrance nor certainty: yet always I esteem by divers conjectures, that I have of many things which I have diligently inquired, that they were not very great. neither concerning feats of war, neither as touching other things. For that, that it is surely certain, that the country, that now is named Grece, was not in times passed so established & permanent as it nowiss. But the inhabitants thereof were oftentimes driven away by other more puissant, and went to dwell in other places. And by this mean, they had not among them any trade of merchandise, nor any entrecourse by sea nor by land, but all in fear. And for this cause they tilled not their lande● but only so much as was necessary for their living. Also they had not then great plenty of money, neither did they plant many trees in their land, for that they were not very certain to have power to enjoy them. And specially not having any towns closed with walls, they made no great matter to be driven from thence. thinking that they could live aswell in an other land, whereby it may be said, that they were not puissant nor having great towns nor apparel of war. So much were all the quarters of the same Region subjecteth to the alterations of people, specially the quarter which men now call Beoce, 
Beoce.  the same of Thessale 
Thessale.  and● many other that be in Peloponese. reserved the country of Archadye, which was always the most rich and most fartylle of all the other. And by means thereof, albeit that the in●abytantes there were a little more mighty, than the other: yet they oftentimes destroyed themselves, by questions & seditious that they had among themselves. & further they were greatly subject to robberies & ●illage of strangers. whereby I find that the country of the Athenians & the region Attic, hath been longer inhabited by one only nation of people, than any of the other, for that, that the land there was so barren, that the other had no care to come thither to win it. but always it hath been (as men may see and perceive) by means thereof more peopled and increased with new inhabitants, than any of the other, by that that they which were chosen out of other countries by war or for sedition, withdrew themselves thither, as into a place sure and stable. In such sort, that the city of Athenes, which is their principal town, and al● the country came to so great increase of people, that the land could not nourish them, but were constrained to send part into Ionum, and there to make Colonies, that is to say, towns peopled with their nation. There is also an other argument, which doth clearly to know, that this was not than any great thing of the said country of Grece. That is, that it is fully certain, that before the war of Troy, that same Grece, which also is called Heliade, did nothing by assembly. And also had not that same name universally, specially afore Hellenes son of Deucalion, 
Helenes Deucalio.  nor yet any time sithence, every country had his particular name. But after that the said Hellenes and his children had occupied lordship in Theotide, 
Phthiotia.  they began to lead out and to cause their people to go from the same country, through the other countries, and by that means did enterprise to enterm●dle, and use merchandise. and then men began to call them all, commonly Hellenes, that is to say, Greeks. And yet for all this, they could not so soon obtain the same denomination over all, by right long time after, as it appeareth by this, that Homer, who was long time after the said war of Troy, nameth them not all generally by that same name, but calleth only them so, which came from Theotide with Achilles, who were the first so called. But as touching the Danoes, the Argyues, and the A●heans he calleth them by their said particular names, and nameth them not therefore strangers, for that, as it seemeth to me, that this nomynation was not yet attributed to that hole nation and country, which we call Grece, nor dysseu●red from other. All the which (excepted the same) they name Barbarous or strange. And for conclusion all the same nation, which is now called Grece, had then particular names. And sithence by using of one only language, it hath been commonly called Greek, which before the said war of Troy, did never any thing by assembly, aswell by reason of their poverty, as also for that, that they had no conversation togidre. But to that enterprise of Troy, they went all, by means that they than had had conversation among themselves, and had frequented to eat together. For Minos, 
Minos.  who is most ancient of them of the said country, of whom we have hard spoken, assembled a great quantity of ships, wherewith he did hold and rule the greater part of the sea, which we call presently, the sea of Grece. And first occupied the Islands called Cyclades, which he peopled with his subjects, having driven from thence the Caryens. And after his death, he left them for inheritance unto his children. A●d yet nevertheless chased from the same quartier the robbers of the sea, as much as he might, as it is to be thought, to the intent to enjoy the better the revenues thereof. For that, that the Greeks and other nations which inhabited nigh unto the sea and to the Islands, after that they begun to use ships, and to sail, gave themselves to pillage and to rob upon the sea, having appointed for this purpose, the mightiest among them. And thus they did, aswell for their gaygne or lucre, as also to nourish the poor people, which dwelled on the land. In such sort, that they daily pillaged the towns that were openne, and not garnished with walls, and with the same pillage, they lyvedde the more part of them, without reputing the said manner of living to be shameful or a thing dishonest. But rather did take it for glory and honour, as men may see yet at this present day, of many, which exercise the said Pyratycall or thievish craft. And that doth also declare itself by this, that it is found wryttone in many poets, ●hat when the said people, which inhabited the sea at that time, dy● there encounter, they demanded th'one of the other, if they were not thieves. By which it is good to understand, that they, which made such demands, pretended that they did no vylleny to them, to whom they did it, nor took it for shame to confess it. And yet at this present day, in many quarters of Grece, they keep the self custom, to wit, among the Ozelians, 
Ozolee.  that be in the country of Locriens, 
Locri.  among the Etholiens, 
Aetoli.  and the acarnanians, 
Acarnane.  which be in firm land, by occasion whereof, they were accustomed to go armed. Which was tha● general in all Grece, for that, that they had no surety in their houses, nor yet in their journeys. Wherefore they were constrained for defence of their parsons, to go always armed, like as all strangers do. And in so much as men may yet now see that there arne many countries in Grece, which keep this manner of living: it is to be presumed, that it was anciently the custom general of all the Greeks. Among whom, the athenians were the first, that began to leave this custom, to go thus armed, and so forsaking that same manner of living: they gave themself to a civil and delicious life. And it is not long time passed, sense the ancient of the country, (truly they of most reputation) did were robes of linen cloth trifles and muskballes of gold and their hears turned and trimmed round by nethe. And the same custom and manner of living hath been used in Ionum by the accord, which they had with the athenians. But the old men sense that time there, have to this present, used a very small sort of habillementes. And the lacedemonians, which be most ryhe and most pompous, aswell in habillementes, as in other manner of living, go all appareled of one sort, the noble people, as the ●ōmone. And they were the first, that for to wrastelle, spoylled or turned themselves all bare & ointed themself with oil. where anciently they, which would do like excersises in Olympe had before them little clothes to cover their pryveties. and it is not lon●e time, that they left to were them, and the strangers do yet use them. specially the Aliatiques, when they make the prize for the wrastelers & fighters. For they received none, if they did not were breeches. And in many other things it may be showed, that the Greeks did in times past keep those manners, which the rude people now hold. And to come again to our purpose of the cities of Grece, those, which of most fresh memory were restoored and peopled, specially those, that were rich, and had great number of people haunting the sea, builded other cities upon the ports and havens of the sea. and that they might more surely use mar●haundyse, and also defend themselves from their ill neighbours: they kept the straits of the land, which were between two seas, that is called Isthmos, 
Isthmi.  but the ancient cities be very far from the sea, be they in Islands or in firm land. In the which, the furst founders were inhabited to be far from danger of pirates and robbers. for that, that they warred with the one and the other, aswell them, that dwelled in the low countries, as also those which inhabited an high in the firm land. 
Cares. Phenices.  And specially the Caryens and the Phenices (which inhabited in the Islands) used the self craft of Piracy, by means that they held many of the Islands. And that hath been found by experience in this war of the athenians, for in purging the Island of Delos and plucking down all the graves of them, that were there dead and buried, they knew that more than the half number were Caryens, aswell by fashion of their harnoys, with the which they were engraved, as also by manner of their burying, which was holy such, as now is used. After than, that the King Minos had obteygned the Empire of the sea in that quarter, he chased the pirates and thieves from all the Islands of the same sea, and in their stead did send other people his subjects into many of them, for to inhabit them. Who living in more surety, gave themself more to exercise merchandise. Whereby some of them became so rich, that they enclosed their towns with walls. And the other, which were most poor, and were not able to assure themselves with walls, did render themselves to be their subjects by their own will. to the intent, that they might gaygne and use merchandise under shadow of them, that were more mighty. Whereupon being so augmented and enriched as is before said, in certain time after, they assembled togethers to go to the siege of Troy. Among whom (in my judgement) Agamenon was most mighty. 
Agamennon.  and he assembled together not only the ships, that were necessary to carry them, which had been at the poursuyte of Helen for to have her to wife, which were bound by oath made between the hands of Tyndarus father of the said Helen to give aid for their power, 
Tindarus.  to him, that should have it against all them, that for her cause, would do any oultrage or wrong unto him, but also a great number of other ships. And they (that diligently have inquired of ancient feats of the Peloponesians) say, that the same region of Peloponese was so named of one called Pelops, 
Pelops.  who coming thither from the country of Asia with a great quantity of gold and silver, albeit that he was a stranger, yet by reason of his riches, he was by the people of the country that were poor, honoured. In ●uche sort, that they received him for their Lord. And after his name called the country, Peloponese. and sithence his death, his successors and descent did yet get more great lordship. For it happened that Euritheus, 
Euritheus.  willing to go to make war, against the Myceniens, left Atreus to govern his royalme of Peloponese, 
Atreus.  for that he was his uncle, brother of his mother, and also tha same Eurithens withdrew himself thither at that time, when his father persecuted him for the death of Chrisyppus, 
Chrysippus.  whom he slew. The same Eurytheus then being slain by the Heraclides in the country of Attic, the Mycenyens, that feared to fall into the hands of the said Heraclides, knowing moreover the said Atreus to be mighty, and a man that loved the people, they received him unto their lord. And by mean thereof, he was King and Lord of Micena with all the rest of the lands of his said nephieu Euritheus. By mean whereof, the Pelopides, to wit, the discente of Pelops were more mighty than the Persydes, to wit, the descent of Perseus. Who before had dominion of that country. Agamenon succeeding the same Euritheus, which also was a man mighty by sea, more than any other of the Greeks, assembled in the said countries which he held, this army, more by force, than by love, for it is very certain, that he came to the said siege of Troy with greater number of ships, than any of the other, and that he gave of the said ships, unto the Acardyans, like as Homerus reciteth, if we will take his testimony to be sufficient in this behaulf. For in speaking, as a man had given him the Royal sceptre, he saych that the same Agamenon, besides the countries that he held in firm land, had rule in many Islands. and that could no man do that dwelled in firm land (reserved the Islands next unto them, which were not many in number) if he had not been mighty by sea And as touching that host, that Euritheus brought to Mycena, we may well judge, that they might have been they, that were assembled before in the country of Grece. For Micena was a very little town, and though in that time it was taken to be great, yet now it would not so be taken, which is an argument evident enough to believe, that he had not there so great number of ships at the Siege of Troy, as poets have wryttonne, and as the renome hath ronned sithence. For if the city of Lacedemonians were not inhabited, and that there remained but the temples and comone buildings, I believe, that in succession of time, men would not believe at the sight, that it hath been so strong, and so puissant, as it now is. albeit that it holdeth two parts of the limits of all Peloponese for his territory, and ruleth all the remanant, and that it hath many other cities and lands out of the said Peloponese in his alliance. And nevertheless before the said city was well peopledde and builded with sumptuous temples and other edifyces (Than when the people were dispersed through the villages, like as all the other people of Grece were) It is clear and manifest that it seemed much less. The city of Athenes should be an other thing, if the like should chance, that it were habondoned, for men might imagine and judge in saying the greatness and situation of the same, that it had been double more mighty than it is. And thus I conclude that we ought not holy to believe that, which poets have wryttonne of the said army of Troy, nor to have more regard to the greatness of cities, then to their power. And that the same host was greater than any of them, which had been before, but much less than those, that men make at this present, we may well believe it by the Poesy of Homer. For although it be very likely, that he made the thing more great than it was after the style Poetical, for to give more great lustre or beauty unto his declaration: yet were not those same than, so great, as these in this present time. And that may appear by this, that of the twelve hundred ships, which he reconneth, he writeth that those of the Boeotians carried every one, a houndred and twenty men, and they of Philoctete syfty. willing to show by this, what the greatest and the lea●t ships might carry, seeing that he maketh no mention of the greatness of the other, nor of the number of the people that they carried. which is to declare, that the greatest carried but one hundred and twenty men, and the less thirty. And also it appeareth that all they, which were in the ships of Philoctete were both warriors and mariners, by that he saith that they were all men of war, aswell the mariners, as the other, as he saith. And also it is to believe, in so much that the Kings and Dukes of the country passed the sea with their puissance and apparel for the sea, that there tarried not many people in the country. And also they had not than shyypes covered and strong, as men have now a days. But they were only small slight ships meet for to rob upon the sea. And therefore (taking them for mean) between the greatest and least, he could not have so great number of people in them, that men might say, that they had been sent by the common assembly of all Grece. And that chanced more for fault of money, than for sault of people. For they might not carry but so many people, as they thought to be able to nourish, during the war. Now is it very certain, that after they were arrived, they were the stronger. For else they of Troy would not have permitted them to close their camp unto the walls. And also they aided not themselves during the siege with all the people, that they had brought out. But for fault of vyctuayles, they were constrained to send one part to labour the country of Cheronese, and one other part to rob and ●yllage by sea. So that being so dispersed, they susteygned war against the Trojans, the space of ten years, aswell in defending, as in assaylling, for that, that they were indifferent and equal in force, by means of the absence of the people, which the same Greeks had sent out to labour and for pillage, but if they had bad provision of victuals, so that without going to labour and pillage, they might have tarried altogithere, certainly, they might have taken the city and have destroyed it, as they did after, within much less time, but they had enough to do for a time, to defend themselves. So than it must conclude, that the wars and armies, which have be●ore this of Troy were very small for lack of money and that the self same, which is most celebrated and most renowned, was much less than poets have writtonne. And furthermore it is manifest that the Greeks after that war, were oft times chased from their country, and constrained to go to dwell in other countries, so that they had not so much rest, that they might multiply and increase. & that chanced, for that they had been so long at the siege of Troy, that at their return, they found many things changed. and many sedytions arose in the cities, so that some of them, that had destroyed the said city o● Troy, were constrained to build new cities, for they, whom we call now the Boeotians, 
Boetii●  being chased by the Thessaliens from the land, 
Thessal●  which they held about three skoore years, after the destruction of Troy: came to inhabit that country, which is called Beoce. and bifore was called Cadmee. which, 
Cadmea.  one part of them had holdenne in times passed, and specially than, when they departed to go unto Troy. And the dorians, 
doors.  about four skoore years after the said destruction of Troy, held Peloponese. And a long time after the country of Grece being with great defficultie peaceable, and the inhabitants assuredde, they began to send fourth their people for to inhabit other countries. Among the which, the Athenyens did people the country of Ionum. and some other Islands. And the Peloponesians and other people of the rest of Grece, did people italy and Sycilie. All which things were done, sithence the taking of Troy. The country of Grece, being than become so puissant and rich, there chanced every day new rulers in the cities by means of the revenue thereof, which was grea●ely augmented. For bifore the kings came by succession, & they had their puissance, ●ighte● & prehemynences limited. and also they studied most in navigation, by means that all Grece did than frequent most commonly the sea with small ships, not having yet the usaige of great. whereof the corinthians were the first Inventors, 
Corinthii.  a●d there were made the furst galleys, that ever had been seen in Grece. And sithence one Amynocles the Corynthyan shyppwryght, 
Amynocles.  made four for the Samyens, about three hundred years bifore the end of the war, whereof we write. And the most aweyenr war by Sea, whereof we have knowledge, was between the Corynthyens and the Corcyryens, 
Corcyrenses.  which was than there, about two hundred and three skoore years. And for that, that the city of corinth is the straight of the land between the two Seas, it was always the staple of the Greeks, when they used merchandise, yet more for land, than for Sea. By this mean (and that aswell they that inhabited within Peloponese as without came to merchandise within their land) they w●re more rich, than the other, like as the self poets do us to understand, which call corinth the rich city. And yet sithence that, all Grece did give themselves to navigation and merchandise by sea. After that the pirates and robbers were driven away, the said city became much more rich, because that they came from all coostes to land there. As touching the jonyens, they had a long time after, the usage of sailing in the time of the furst king of pierce Cyrus, and of his son Cambrises, so that they defended their Sea against the said Cyrus. And in the self same say son, Polycrates that obtained the rule in the city of Sam ye, after the time of Cambyses, 
Cambyses.  was so mighty by Sea, that he occupied many Islands. Among which was the same, that men call Rhema. 
Rhema.  the which he consecrated and gave unto the god Apollo, who was in the temple of Delos. After that, the Phocians, 
Phocen●●es.  to wit those, that founded the city of Massilia, 
Massilia  vanquished the Cartagyans by Sea. And the victories & battles by Sea, whereof we speak, were greatest and most renowned, whereof there is any memory. and yet nevertheless were long time, after the destruction of Troy. Moreover the athenians, the Egenytes and other, that men find by writing to have had than army by Sea: had very small number of ships: and also were very little. 
Aegineti  For the more part of them, carried not above fysty men, and that was very seldom. For the athenians, having war against the said Egenetes, and fearing their strength by Sea, Themistocles their Duke and captain persuaded them, 
Themistoc●es.  that they should make out strong ships for to beat them by Sea. which thing they did. & yet notwithstanding, all the same ships were not covered. Such was the estate & host of the Greeks by sea, aswell from the beginning and auncyentie, as also afterwards. whereby, albeit that it were not very great, yet nevertheless they that intermeddled, acquired and got great riches, great revenues and great lord ships, by means that in sailing, they subdued many Islands, chief those, that were in the barren country, and lacking many things necessary. Also they made not than any war by land, whereby might be got one any great puissance, for insomuch as the wars were between neighbour and neighbour, there was no great getting, until they began to go fourth by sea, & to conquer without their countries: for they could not agree togethers to obey unto the great and principal cities of the country. And when they were assembled to counsel upon war, they could not agree of the aid, that every country should make and contrybute, but, without common assembles, they warred the one neighbour against the other, so as occasions sarued them. until the war which in time past was between the Calcides & Eretriens, 
Chalcidenses. Eretici.  in the which, all Grece was divided & took part with the one & with the other. After that, many empeshementes happened unto every of the said people of Grece, which withholden them from increasing themselves. For as the Ionians began to augment themselves, Cyrus with the might of pierce came upon them, & after that the same Cyrus had vanquished Croesus, 
Croesus.  he took by force and subdued all the country, which is between the river of Halis, 
The river of Halis.  & the sea. As touching the other cities of Grece, the governors, that had domination over them, took no care, but only to keep their persons & their authority, & to enrich & enlarge their particular houses. And for that cause, went not much fourth of the said cities for to go to conquerre a far of. Also it is not found that they did any thing worthy of memory. but only a certain small war amongst them between neighbour & neighbour, reserved them that occupied Sycille, who, were most puissant. After the saison it chanced, that the rulers, aswell of Athenes, as of the other cities, were chased away by the Lacedæmonians, excepted them of Sycille. For the city of Lacedemonie, after that it was increased by the Doryens, who at this present doth inhabit there, albeit that very long time it was troubled by civil sedytions & dissensions (as we have understand) yet always living, both in the time, & also of auncyentie, in good manners & by good laws, it preserved itself fro tyranny, & maynteygned his liberty. For we find, that there were passed more than four houndred years, from the end of the war, whereof we speak, that the lacedemonians had had, the same form of living & o● governance of public wealth, as they presently now have, and also were so puissant by mean thereof, that they amended the governance of other cities. An one after the tyrants were driven out of Grece, the Medes warred against the athenians, and vanquished them at Marathonica, 
Martho  and ten years after, the king Xerxes came with an i●estymable puissance for to subdue hole Grece. 
Xerxes  For to resist whose puissance, by a common accord of all Grece, the Lacedemonyans, as most mighty, were made chief of the said war. And the athenians, perceiving the coming of the strangers determined to forsake their city, and to bestow themselves in their ships, which they had caused to be made and appareled for that purpose. and by this mean, they became people of the Sea. And certain time after that, that by one accord and by one common assemble, they had driven away the strangers: all the Greeks, that were rebelled from the obedience of the persians, and likewise they, that were united to resist them: divided themselves into two factions, the one under the Lacedæmonians and the other under the Athenyans● for that, that those two cities, were most myghthie of all the other, to wit, Lacedemonye by land, and Athens by Sea. and yet nevertheless they abodde by a certain small space of time, in good amity, making war and taking part together. But anonne after, war began between the same two cities and their allies. and there was no nation of Greeks in any part of the world that followed not the one part or other. In such sort, that from the wars of the Medes until this here, whereof we speak, they have been always in war or in respite of war, to wit, the said cities, the one against the other, or else against their subjects, that rebelled against them. By means whereof, they be by long experience greatly exercised in arms, and also be well provided of all things necessary for war. Now the said two cities had divers manner of living with their subjects and allies. For the Lacedemonyens made not theirs, trybutoires. but would alonely that they should govern themselves as they did, to wit, by a certain small number of the most honest people amongst them, for their profit and utility. But the Athenians by a little and a little got to them all the good ships that their allies had, except them of Chio and of Lesbos, 
Chio. Lesbos,  and after did lay upon them certain tribute. by mean whereof they made an army more great and more mighty on their side only, than all the country of Grece had ever made bifore, fro the time that they made war generally together. Such was the estate of Grece in ancient time, as far as I can find. albeit that it be right hard to believe, if a man would narrowly consider and debate all the tokens or signs. For so much as the people that hear speaking of things passed (though that it be of their countries and of their own ancestors) they suffer the bruit to spread abroad & run as one reporteth it unto them, without inquiring any further of the truth. For we see that the Athenyens believe and say commonly, that Hyparcus was slain by Armodyus and by Aristogitone, 
Hiparchus. Harmodius. Aristogiton.  for that he was a tyrant, and they do not consider that in the same saysone, that he was slain, Hippias which was elder brother of Phisistratus reigned in the city of Athens. of whom Hiparcus and Thessalus were brethren. and that one day Armodius and Aristogiton, 
Prisistratus. Thessalus.  who had interprysed to kill them all three, imagining that their purpose had been discovered, by some their accomplyces, unto the said Hippyas, durst not execute their enterprise against them, doubting that he had been advertised thereof, but yet nevertheless they determined to do some thing worthy of memory bifore they were taken, so they came to find Hyparcus, who was making sacrifice in the temple, that is called Leocorion, 
Leocorium.  and there they slew him. And in many other things, whereof men have yet memory, we find that the other Greeks have false opinion, and think them to be other, than they have been. As the lacedemonians, who believe that their rulers, when they put the balls in the boxes in the counsel to show their opinion, did put in every of them not one only, that is to say, that they had two voices. And that there had been a company of pirates in their country, which never was. So slouh●fulle and negligent many people be to search the truth of things. But who will consider the arguments, that I have brought in and approved by this, that I have above recited, shall not be deceived. Nor shall give full faith unto poets. Who make the matters more great, than they are, by fayn●nges● nor also unto historians, who mingle poesies through out their histories, and study more to speak playsante things, than veritable, like as Herodotus did. Where by it is chanced that a great part of that, that th●y said without v●ynge any arguments or tokens of truth, by succession of time, is holden and reputed for a fable. And yet is true. And although that men have always judged this war whereof we write, to have been v●ry great, and sithence that it hath been ended, have by works thereof, had in admiration the former and ancient: yet it shallbe showed evidently unto all them, that will diligently consider the one and the other, that this here, hath been moche greater than any of the other. And notwithstanding that it should be a very hard thing for me to show all the counsels, that have been holdenne, the deliberatyons, opinions and conclusyons and all the other purposes that were put fourth, aswell in general, as in particular, and aswell bifore the war began, as after, not only of that, which I have understanderstande by other, but also of that, that I have hard myself: yet that, which I have hard of credible persons that were present at the communy●ation, and that did speak things, consonant to the truth after the common opinion, I have put it together by writing. And as touching that, which hath been done during the war, I will not write that, that I have heard say of all people, though it seem unto me veritable. But only that, that I have seen and that I could understand to be certain by credeble parsons, that have had true k●owlayge. And also it hath not been without difficulty to know the truth, for those themselves, that had been present, did speak diversly after their particular affection, or after as they minded it. And for that, that we will not speak trifling things, it may be well, that our history shall not be so delectable to read and to hear. But they that will know the truth of things passed, and by the same consider and judge things that may chance hereafter, such or the like, shall find it profitable. For this is not our intent, for to make for this present time a tale playsante to hear for one time, but a history profitable to be know in forever. And to declare, how that this war hath b●ne greater, than that, which the Greeks had against the Medes: It is very well known, that the same was ended in two battles by sea, and so many by lande● there, where as this endured right long time. and also there happened many evils by mean there of in Grece. such, as no man did everse to hap in like time, though all those, that have been done in Grece, were ran or accounted, aswell by strangers, as amongst themselves, were it by towns destroyed and left desolate, or inhabited again by other people, the ancient being chased away by fortune of war: were it by citizens or people slain and banished by dyssentions and ●yuil sedytions. And yet by an other true tokenne it may be well judged greater. than the other ancient, whereof the renome hath remained: and that is by the signs & other mishaps, that hath been seen, aswell by great and exceeding Earthquakes, that chanced in many places of Grece, as also by the Eclipses and obsturations of the son, more oft, than had been ever seen, and also by great extreme heats, whereupon followed great famine, and after a vehement pestilence, which brought many people to death. All which things came with the war, whereof we speak. Of the which, the athenians and the peloponesians were authors, having broken the peace, that they had made for thirty years after the taking of Eubece. 
Eubea  And to the intent, that there be no occasion to inquire the causes, whereupon this so great a war began, I am willing to rehearse it here. And I agree or grant, that the most true and principle was after mine judgement, (whereof there is no speaking) the fear, which the Lacedemonyens had of the athenians, whom they saw in short time to be so mighty. notwithstanding, the reasons, that were alleged publicly and commonly on the one side and on the other, for the which the peace was broken between them, were such, as I shall declare.   

The beginning of the Arising of the war of Grece, which begun between the corinthians and the corcyrians. And how the corinthians having been vanquished by sea and preparing to begin battle again, Ambassadors were sent by aither of both parties towards the Athenyens to win or obtain their aid and favour. ☞ The ii Chapter.  
EPydanne is a city, 
Epidammus.  which lieth on the right hand, as men come from Grece into Ionum by sea. which bordreth unto the Taulanciens, 
Tablantii.  which be strangers of the country of Iliria. Into the same, in times past came to inhabit certain corcyrians, brought thither by Phalius the Corinthian. who was of the discente of Hercules, 
Phalius.  son of Erathoclides. 
Erahtoclida.  which Phalius was given them for chief or head by the Corinthiens, who were their superious & Metropolitains of the said Corcyriens. without whose licence, it was not lawful to the same corcyrians to go to buyld a new Colony or habitation in an other country after their laws. And with the said corcyrians, some of the self Corynthiens & a number of the Doryans went thither to inhabit. And so it happened, that within a small time the said Colony & town of Epydanne, became great & mighty, aswell in riches, as in people. But having been many divisions among them, some strangers, their neighbours, made afterwards war against them. By means of which war, their force and puissance was greatly dymynished, and finally by the last sedition and mutine, which they had bifore this war, whereof we treat, the commons did chase away the nobles and the principal governors of the city. who, withdrew themselves towards the strangers, th'air neighbour's, with whom they came oftentimes to overtunne and pillage the land of the said city, aswell by sea, as by land. which seeing, they that tarried within, sent their messengers towards the Corcyriens, as to their Metropolitains, praying them, that they would not suffer them so to be destroyed, but to se●de them some parson to make appoynctement with them, that were driven out, & to appaife the war of the strangers. which request the said messengers made in all humility to the Corcyriens, being assembled in the temple of juno. But they granted them no provision. whereupon the Epydannyans, seeing themself so forsaken and destituted, and not knowing, what way to take to be delivered fro the said war: sent other messengers to the temple of Delphos, to know of the god Apollo, (who gave there his answers) if it were expedient for them to give their city to the corinthians, which had from the beginning brought their ancestors into the same, to th'intent that they should come to secure them. The which god made them answer, that they should give themselves to the said corinthians, and take dukes and capitains of their people. which answer received, they sent their Ambassadors towards the said corinthians, to show them, how that they had been brought to the said place of Epidanne by one of their citizens, and also that they were admonished, by thanswer of god Apollo, to come to render themselves unto them. seeing which request, the Corinthyens deliberated to go to secure them, aswell for that, that they reputed them asmuch their burgeoses, as of the corcyrians, as also for the hatred that they had against the corcyrians. who, albeit that they had auncyently been their burgeoses, and that the city of Corcyre had been founded and peopled by the corinthians, yet they passed not upon them. and in their public feasts, did not them the hounours, which the burgeoses of a town were accustomed to do to their city Metropolytayne. And also in their sacrifices, they gave not to the citizens of corinth. any place more honnorable, than unto other. And the said corcyrians did this for that, that they were than, very rich and mighty by money and all apparaille for war, asmuch or more than any other city of Gr●ce. they were also fierce, for the puissance that they had had by sea, yet more great, than they at that time had. And for the glory, that the Phaetians, 
Pheaces.  who bifore had inhabited in their city, had had in feats of the sea. which moved them to keep always an army● by sea, which they than had mighty enough. For at the hour that they began the war, they had six skoore ships. The corinthians, than being hateful to the corcyrians for the reasons above said, sent of their people to garnish the town of Epydanne, and also some Ambrothiates and Leucadyans, 
Ambrociate. Leucadii.  and further suffered to all those of their citizens and subjects, that would, to go thither to inhabit. And for that, that the corcyrians were stronger by sea, fearing that they would impesche their people, which they sent to succonr the said Epydannyans, if they went by sea, they caused them to go by land until Apollonia, 
Apollonia.  which was one of their towns. when the corcyrians understood, that the Corinthians garnished the said town of Epydanne with their people, and thinhabitantes thereof were given unto them, they were greatly displeased. So they incontinently sent thither an army with xxv. ships. and with an other number of ships, to trouble them the more, they sent them, whom they had chased out of Epydanne afore said, which came first unto them to render themself, showing their a●ncyente nobility, which might be seen in the said place by the graves of their ancestors, praying them that they would set them again into th'air houses and to chase away the garnison of the Corinthians. And for that, that the said Epydannyens refused to receive them & to obey to the said Corcyryens, they came to assiege them with forty ships accounting them with the banished men, whom they would have set again into the town. and they called to their alliance the Ilyriens, neighbours to the said city. Having than assyeged the town, they caused it to be cried with the sound of a trumpet, that the habitantes or other strangers, that were within the same, might come fourth in surety, and they that would tarry within were declared enemies. But seeing that none of them came fourth, they determined to assault the town. which is situated upon a dystreayte of land, & compassed about with the sea on both sides. The Corinthians being advertised of this siege, assembled their army to go for to uccour their people. and ordained to send to the said place of Epydamne a new Colony of their citizens. and so made such an ordinance, that they, that would not then go with the other, which presently went thither for to dwell there, might afterwards ●ome, and have asmuch part as they. paying from that time to the people of corinth, fifteen groats a piece, so there were many that paid money, to be there received afterwards. On the other side the corinthians sent towards them of Megare, 
Magara.  to pray them that they would lend them their ships for to accompaigny them, if the corcyrians would impeach them. who sent unto them viii ships well appointed. They of Paul's, 
Pales.  that is a city of Cephaleniens, 
Chephalenii.  iiii. the Epidaurians fy●e. 
Epidaurfi.  The Harmyons, 
Hermiones.  one. The Troesanians, 
Croezenii.  twain. the Leucadians, 
Leucadii.  ten. and the Ambrociotes. 
Ambrociate.  viii. as touching the Thebanis 
Thebani.  and the Philasiens', 
Phliasii  they demanded of them money, and of the Heli●s, empty ships and money. besides this, the said corinthians had on their side, thirty ships armed and appareled, and three thousand foot men. when the corcyrians understood the great preparation that the Corynthians did make, they sent towards them messengers, and with them came thither Ambassaders from the Lacedemonyens and Sycionyans. who demanded of the corinthians, that they should withdraw their garrison from Epydanne, with their burgeoses. that they had sent thither to inhabit there, for that, that they had nothing to do with the Epydannyans. and if they there pretended any right, they offered to stand to the ordinance of some of the cities of Peloponese, such as they should devise together. and if they would not stand to the ordinance of man, they were content to be judged by god Apollo Delphique, rather than to make war with them. And that they should well advise and think, that if they would come by force, they should constrain the same corcyrians to make new alliances for to defend themselves. whereunto the corinthians answered them, that if they caused the ships and strangers that were bifore Epydanne to be withdrawn, the rest might afterwards be commoned upon. For it were to no purpose, to speak of putting the matter in justice, having their Siege afore the town. To this the corcyrians replied, that they were content to do it, provided that the Corinthians should withdraw their people from the town. & thereupon would give such surety by oath, as was accustomed, & that both parties should surcease all exploits of war until the difference should be determined. But the Corinthians, who bifore had their people embarked & the succours of their allies all ready, would not so agree. but sent bifore an herald, to defy the Corcyrie●s, & by & by departed from their port with .lxxv. ships & two thousand ●ote men to go against Epydanne, fully determined to fight against the corcyrians. Now the capitains of the ships were Aristeus, 
Aristeus  son of Pelicas', Callicrates son of Calie, 
Callicrate.  Thimanor, 
Timanor.  son of Thimates, and of the footmen, Archetymus son of Eurythimus, 
Archetimus.  & Isarchidas, 
Isardichas.  son of Isarrus. being then arrived with their army for anem●ste the town of Actie, 
Actium.  in the quarter of Anactorie, 
Anactoria.  where the temple of Apollo is, in the distrayt of the gulf of Ambractiens: the corcyrians sent unto theme an heralte in a brigantyne, to show them, that they should not come further against them. & in the mean time they did make ready their ships & put themself in battle, tarrying for the answer, which being come, and understanding by the same, that there was no hope of peace, they began to sail against them. the number in all was lxxx ships,, the fysty reckoned, which were at the siege of Epydanne. So anon the two armies came to meet the one the other, and the battle was very sharp. but the corcyrians had the victory very glorious. For there were fifteen ships of the Corinthyens, all to crushed and drowned. After which victory, the self same day, the Epydannyens did render themselves by composition. which was such, that the strangers should be sold, and the corinthians prysonniers to be used at will of the overcomers. For this victory the corcyrians set up their Trophy of spoil upon the mountain nigh to Corcyre, named Leucyna. 

Trophy is a sign raised up in token of victory.  
Leuciuna.   and slew all the prisoners, that they had taken within the town, except the Corinthyens, whom they kept prisoners. And following their victory, after that the corinthians, which scape the battle, were returned: they took all that, which they held nigh to the sea, and passing fourth, they pillaged and destroyed all the territory of Leucada, 
Leucada.  which was one of the Colonies of the Corynthyens. a●d afterwards did burn the town of Cylenes. 
Cillenes  wherein was the chief of the Elyenes, 
Elienes  for that, that they had aided the corinthians with money & with ships, & in effect, by right long time after the victory, they kept the sea at th'air pleasure, doing much evil and dommaiges to the friends & allies of the corinthians. Until such time that the corinthians, saying their friends so misused, sent a fresh a new army by sea. and came to pitch their camp in Actie. and nigh the river of Thesphrotyde, 
Thesphroditi  that they might defend and secure Leucade and the other cities, that took their part. And on the other side, the corcyrians lodged their camp, aswell on the sea, as on land in Leucyne, which was directly overanempste the other, and all the summer both camps did continue without will to assail or draw nigh the one to the other, and in beginning of winter they returned both into his house. Now the corinthians did so lament for the victory that the corcyrians had had against them, that they never ceased afterwards to make ships, in such sort, that they raised again a new army by sea, very puissant. For they gathered together for money, mariners and souldeors aswell of Peloponese, as of all the remennant of Grece. whereof, the Corcyrians, (when they understood it,) were greatly astonied. For that specially, that they had no alliance with any other of the cities of Grece. For they were not willing to bind themselves to take part with the Lacedemonyens, nor with the athenians. So they thought it expedient to send Ambassade towards the athenians to make alliance with them, and to get of them some succour, if it were possible. which seeing the Corynthians, they likewise sent their Ambassade to the athenians for to let, that they should not give any succour to the said corcyrians. So they were hard in the counsel of Athens, the one bifore the other● and the corcyrians began in the manner that followeth.   

The Oration of the corcyrians bifore the counsel of the athenians. Ca iii.  
IT is reasonable, lords athenians, that they which come unto their neygbours, for to require of them aid, like as we now come towards you, if they cannot show any plaisirs and services by them done in times passed, nor any alliance. whereby they be bounden to do it, that than they declare unto them first that the plaisir which they demand of them, is for proffytt of them, of whom they require it. and it is the most expedient mean for to persuade. if that it may be verified. And i● that may not be, at the least, that it shall not noye or bring any damage unto them, & finally that they shall perpetually bind them, unto whom they shall do it. And if they ne may nor can show any of the said things, they ought to take it in worth, if men refuse to grant their demand. All which things, the Corcyriens, which have sent us hither to make alliance with you, do persuade themselves to be able to verify and approve. And all be it that the opinion that we have had until this present without raysone, may be damageable unto us, for the necessity, wherein we now be, (for we were not willing heretofore to make alliance with any parson, until time that we had some necessity, and at this present, having war with the Corinthyans', we be constrained to come to require it, whereby it chanceth that that, which we judged in times past to be modestuousnes and prudence, to wit not to bind ourselves by alliance to any other, to the intent, not to be by that mean constrained to put our estate in danger for their appetite, it is now ymputed us for folly and lack of wit) yet always, without help of any person, we repulsed and chased away the army be Sea of the corinthians which came to assault us, but saying, that our enemies do fortify themselves, and take aid of the country of Peloponese and all the remnant of Grece, for to come a fresh to overrun us, & knowing, that we be not puissant enough to resist so great a multitude, and that it should be great danger for us, if we should come into their subjection, we ar●e constrained to search likewise for succour on all sides, where we may have it. And it is to be pardoned though we presume now to do against our ancient custom and opinion, wherein we have long persevered through error, and not of malice. And if you will thoroughly hear what we will say, this alliance, which we demand of necessity of you, shallbe honn●rable and profitable by many reasons. first that you shall aid them, that be outraged or wronged, and not those that do wrong. secondarily by that, that you shall succour them that be in right great danger, you shall employ that benefytt in that place that ever shallbe had in remembrance, and furthermore being mighty by sea as we be, consider when there may ever come a better occasion for your increase and prosperity, and to the greater descouraging of your enemies, than to see to be offered unto you (and that without any cost or danger) the great puissance, which you should buy at high price and with great intercession. and besides this, you shall get prays of all nations, and an perpetual oblygatyon of them, that you shall have defended, and also you shall greatly increase your strength. All which things have not very oftentimes chanced to our remembrance. and it hath not been many times seen that they that required succour of other in feat of war, have offredde them asmuch aid and service, as they demanded of them. And if any man would say that we can serve for nothing but in time of war, and that you have none, truly he deceiveth himself greatly. and understandeth not, that the Lacedemonyans, fearing your puissance, do prepare themselves to war against you, and that the corinthians, which have great amity with them and be your enemies, go about to subdue us, for to have afterwards the better means to assault you, to the intent that we, whom they hate as they do you, should not be able afterwards to come to secure you. and that we should not put them by of one of the two opinions that they have, to wit to hurt us and to fortify themselves. Wherefore reason will that you receive us into your alliance, sithence that we require it. And by this mean that you prevent their imaginations & pretences, rather than to be afterwards constraynned to use to come by contraries and new remedies. And if they will say, that it is not honest that you receive into your alliance their burgeoses, they ought to consider, that every Colovie or company of inhabitants ought to honour his city Metropolitayne, that hath founded it, when that it doth him good, but if it entreateth tother naughtily, it must depart from his frendeshipp. For men do not send citizens into new places to inhabit, to the intent that they should serve them that tarried in the city, but to the end, that they may be like and as brethren. Now it is very notorious that the corinthians hath wronged us. for where we presented. them to stand to trial and judgement touching the city of Epydanne, they had liefer debate their quarelle by war, than by friendship. And that which they do against us that be their burgeoses and parents, aught to make you wise. and not to suffer yourselves to be deceived with their tromperies nor to obey to their fraudulent requests, for he ●yueth in surety, that agreeth not to his enemies, in the thing, whereof he may repent himself. And so much the rather you ought to receive us unto your alliance, that in so doing, the Lacedemonyens cannot say, that you have done against the treaty of peace, that is between you and them, considering that we are not allied to th'one nor the other. And by the same treaty it is provided, that if there be any city of Grece, that be not allied to the one nor to the other of the said cities, it may ally itself. unto which of them it will. And it should be very strange and unreasonable, that they might arm their ships not only with your friends and allies, but also with your subjects, and that it may not be laufulle for you to accept an alliance, which men come to offer to you. nor to do your profit there, where you may, and that it should be imputed unto you for crime or offence if you did grant unto us that which we demand. Truly we should have much greater cause to sorrow for you, if you would not grant us our request which be not your enemies, seeing us in such danger. And how much goodness so ever you did, you should not thereby appease these here, which be your enemies, of their ill intent & purpose. but you should permit them through your negligence to take away your strength, which you ought not to do, but rather to defend, that none of your subjects should go to their wages. and in receiving us to your alliance, to send us such succour, as you shall think good, openly, whereby many comodyties shall come unto you like as we have showed in the beginning & above all other do show this following. For it is notorious, that these here be our enemies, & also they have power to chastise & correct them that they repute to rebel, against them. wherefore seeing that we do offer you a felliship & alliance to aid you & serve in the sea, & not only by land, in suffering us to be lost, you shall have much greater loss & damage, than if you did lose but people of maynne land. For you should bring it to pass (if you could) that none might be so puissant by sea as you, and if you could not do that, at the least that all they that had power there, might be your friends and allies. I have no doubt that the causes which we show, do not seem to every of you, utile and profitable, but some may fear, that in thus doing, you should break the peace. Unto whom we answer. That it is better for you not to trust so much to that confederation, and for to increase your strength, by means whereof you shall keep your enemies in fear, rather, than trusting thereunto, not to be willing to receive us to your alliance, and to abide more feeble, saying your enemies so strong. Who if they subdue us, shallbe holy assured of their purpose. And on the other part they that make this doubte●, do not well consider the proufyt and honour of the city of Athenes. For this question here is not only for Corcyre, but also for them of Athenes itself. For that, that they may well perceive that the war is prepared not to be made at a long time hereafter, but presently. Wherefore there should be no difficulty to receive into your amity and alliance our city of so great importance, being friend or enemy, consyde●ynge that it is so situated, that by the same, one may easily pass into italy and into Cycile. and also let, that ships may not pass from the said places into Peloponese, nor from Peloponese thither, nor elsewhere. Besides many other commodities and proffittes, that you may have by the same. And for to rehearse in short words the substance of that, which I have said, I conclude that you ought not to refuse us, but to consider that there be three cities in Grece, mygtye by sea, to wit, ours, yours and that of the Corinthians. And that if you re●use to join ours with yours, and suffer that it be added to the same of the corinthians, you shall afterwards have war with the peloponnesians and with the Corcyryens. Where if you reteygne us, you shall have more ships and force by sea for to resist your enemies. Thus spoke the Corcyryans. and afterwards the Corinthians were hard, who spoke in this manner.   

The naration and answer of the Corintiahns to that same of the corcyrians. The four Chapter.  
forsomuch as these corcyrians here, have not only spoken of thai● case for to be received to your alliance, but also of us, saying that we have unjustly begun war upon them, it is necessary for us to make mention of both. and afterwards to show you, that you ought to admit our demand (which is very reasonale) and to reject the prouffites, that they here do present you against reason. They furst say, that by modesty they never have made alliance with any city. But truly that hath not been, neither for modesty nor for virtue, but through naughtiness, for that, that they would not have any compaignyon nor witness to their mischiefs and ill deeds, that might rebuke nor warn them of their shame. Also the situatyon of their town, is meet to make, that they may be arbyters of the outrages that they commit without coming into any judgement of reason. For that they went not much into other regions, but the other nations came to them for merchandise. And so that, which they pretend for their glory, not to have willed to make alliance with other people, hath not been to that intent, that they had not been partakers and fellows of the vyolences & injuries that the other committed like as they say: but to the end that of those crimes that they did perpetrate, there should be no arbitrators nor witness. And where they were strongest, might wrong the other, thinking that so much they made their profit the more, that their pillage was more secret, and also had therm the less shame. And if they were so honest people, as they say, they should show more their virtue and wisdom, in giving and receiving things raysonnable. which they have not done towards other, and less towards us. For albeit that they be our burgeoses, and that we have founded and established them, yet notwithstanding before this time, they be departed from us, and now they war against us. And where they say, that we have not sent them from our city to inhabit there for to be evil entreated or wronged by us, we answer them, that we also have not lodged them there, to receive outrages and vilanyes of them, but for to be always their superiors. And that they should honour us so, as reason will, and as they do, that we have sent to other Colonies. All the which bear us singulier love and reverence. Whereby it may sufficiently appear, that inasmuch as we be agreeable to all the other, which be in greater number: they hear do wrongfully hate us. and if we have warred against them, it hath not been without reason, nor for a small cause. And in so much as we have done them good for a small occasion, raysone would that they should have endured and borne with our anger, and so we should have had regard to their patience & modesty. But they, trusting in their riches, after many insolences, that they had used against us, camero take and occupy the town of Epydanne. which is of our jurisdiction. And also they took it not than, when it was travailed by w●rre of strangers, but at that time, when we came to secure it. And they yet withhold it by force. And it availeth not to say, that before they had done it, they were willing to submit it to trial and judgement, for this is not to purpose when a man hath occupied & holden a thing from another, to appeal it into judgement, but men should present such parts before they come by force. which they have not done. but they offered us the way of justice only at that time, when they held the town assieged, and that they saw us ready to come to secure it. And not content with that, they be come hither towards you, to require, that you wool receive them unto your alliance, and to be their companions. And that not only to the war, but also to their vyolences and unrighteousness, being our enemies. which thing they should rather have demanded, when they had nothing done unto us, and not now, that they have wronged us, and see themselves in danger and sithence that you have had no partycypatyon with them, nor received any service of them than, when they were without business, you ought not now at this present, to communicate to them your power. But rather, as you have not been parttakers of their offences, so ought you to keep yourselves from incurring for their cause, into any fault towards us. For it is to them, which have in times passed communycated their force with their friends, that men ought, when the case requireth it, to render the like. But you that have not in any thing particypated of the crimes and vyolences of these here unto this present, have no occasion to intermeddle of their affairs for the time to come. Now we have declared to you, and done to be known (as it apperteygneth) that we be grounded in good reason, & equity against them here, and that they have outraged us, by their violence & covetise. It now resteth to cause it to appear, that you may not with reason receive them into your amity and alliance. For albeit that it be said by our treaty of peace, that it is lawful for all the cities of Grece, that were not of your alliance, nor of ours, to join them to which of us they would, that is not to be understanded, that they may do it to the prejudice of the other party. but it is meant for them, that have need of aid, and demand it. without that, that they, of whom they demand it, should departed from the alliance of the other. And not for them, that under colour of bringing and requiring peace, should procure war against the friends of them, of whom they demand it. Which thing will presently chance, if you regard not that, which we will say unto you. For if you receive these here, you shall not only be their allies, but you shall also become of our friends, our enemies. And therefore if you be with them, it shall justly force us in revenging o●r selves on them, also to revenge ourselves on you. Wherefore you should do wisely, and according to raysone, not to take their party, and better should you do, if you took ours (who be your allies and confederates) against them that never had alliance nor truce with you. ●nd you ought not to begin to make a new law, that th'one of the parties may receive to his alliance the rebels of the other. For we have not done the like towards you. But than, when the samians rebelled against you, and that the other peloponesians were in contention and divers opinions, whereout they ought to be aided or not, we judged not against you. For it seemed also unto us to be against reason, to prohibit any parson to chastise his subjects. And if that ye will retire, withdraw and defend our subjects, that shall have committed any prime or offence, you may well know, that we wol● do the like unto yours. And by this mean you shall make a law, that shall redound more to your damage, than to ours. For that, that you have greater number of subjects, than we. To conclude, we think that we have showed and sufficiently declared before you according to the laws of Grece, our right, and that which raysonne wolleth. and that which we shall hereafter show, is in manner by exhortation and request. And also we will not demand any thing of you, as your enemies to hurt you, nor yet as your friends to abuse you, but for to be used according to raysonne. and also we think that you ought to do it, for that, that in that time, that you had war against the Egenytes before the war of the Medyans, 
Eginete  at which time you had no great ships: the Corynthyens' leante you, twenty. By means of which service, you had the victory against the said Egynetes. and by means of this, that the other Peloponesians did for our love, not give any succour unto the samians, you took vengeance on them at your will. And that was done in time of one so great a war, that the people, for the desire that they had to vainquyshe their enemy, regarded none other thing. But held for friend all men that aided them at that their business, though that before they had been their enemies, and for enemy, every man that was on the other part, although he had been before, their friend. For also they left their particular and domestycal affairs, without giving order therein, for the desire and obstinacy that they had to revenge them on their enemies. Wherefore those among you, that have remembrance of the said pleasures and services, and the other younger men, that have hard it spoken by your ancients, aught to be of opinion, that men should recompense them by like means. And if it should be said that that, which we speak is very reasonable, but that that, which the other present, should be more profitable, if there be war, we answer you, that how much the more, that men proceed justly in their causes, so much the greater profit doth. commonly follow. And the war, whereof the Corcyryens do put you in fears, and for doubt thereof, do persuade you to do unreasonable acts, is not yet certain that it shall fortune. And therefore it is not reasonable, that for suspytyone of a war incertain, you should take the quarrel presented by the Corcyryens against us, your friends and allies. And if you have any Imagination of the said war for suspicion that is chanced between us, by means of them of Megare, you ought by your wits and prudence now to diminish and assuage it, rather, than to increase it. For a good service done in season, though i● be less, may refrain and appease a fault and ennemytie going before, much greater than the service. And you should not be moved for the offer that they make you of their ships, for it is greater surety for you not to take quarelle against your friends equal unto you, than to get great things of people pufled up with pride, for a little present prosperity, with the danger, that may chance by means of them. Furthermore we, that be in the same fortune that we were, when we required the Lacedæmonians, do make unto you the self request, trusting to obtain it of you, as we have of them. to wit, that it may be lawful for every of us, to punish and correct his burgeoses and subjects. And that in stead to have been aided against yours, through mean of our opinion and decree, you will not hurt us against ours, by your sentence, but rather render the like unto us. and consider that now is the time, that he that shall serve, shallbe holden for ever for a true friend. and he that shall deserve, for a great enemy. And for conclusion that you receive not these Corcyryens here to your amity and alliance against our will, nor give them any aid against us. In which doing you shall do your duty, and that, that apperteygneth to your osfyce, and also shall do the thing, that shallbe profitable for you. S●che was the speaking of the Corinthyans'.   

How the Athenians received the Corcyryens into their alliance, and sent them succours. And how the corinthians and Corcyryens had a battle by sea, whereof ayther of them, took it to have the victory. The .v. Chapter.  
AFter that the athenians had hard both parties, they did put the matter into deliberatyon two times. Whereby, at the furst they found the raisins of the corinthians as good as the other. But at the second time, they changed their opinion, and concluded to make alliance with the Corcyryans, not in the manner that they required it. To wit, for to be friends of friends, and enemies of enemies. For in that doing and going against the corinthians with them, they had broken the alliance that they had with the Peloponesians. But only for defence of the one party and of the other, if any came to assaultt them or any of their allies. For without that, they doubted greatly to have war with the Peloponesians. and they would not suffer the Corcyryens to be destroyed, who were so strong by sea. But they would suffer them to war amongst themselves, by that mean to diminish their strength, and after that they were weakened, to take war against him, that they should think good. On the other part, they considered the commodity that they might have by mean of the said Island for to go into Italy and into Sy●ylle. To this intent, the athenians made alliance & confederation with the Corcyryans in the manner that is declared. And anon after the departure of the corinthians, they sent them for succour, ten ships armed. whereof Lacedemonius, 
Lacedemonius  son of Cymon, Dyotymus, 
Diotymus.  son of Strombicus, and Protheas', 
Proteas  son of Epycles were capitains. Unto whom they defended, that they should fight against the corinthians, except they came against Corcyre, and would go on land for to take or endommage the city or territory of the same. in which case, they might defend them for their power, fearing to break the peace, which they had with the corinthians, which they pretended not to do by that mean. After that the said ten ships were departed, the corinthians, who had made their preparation, came against the said Island of Corcyre, with an houndred and fifty ships, of the which there were ten of the Helyens, and asmany of the Eleucadyens, twelve of the Megarens xxvii of Ambracyens, one of the Anactoryens, and the rest of their own, which were four score and ten. And every of the strangers had their capitains and rulers by themself. Of the succours that they had sent, and of the ships of the Corinthians, Xenoclides son of Eurydes with four colleagues or companions that were appointed unto him, was capitain, So they departed altogether with a good wind from the poorte of Leucade, and came v●to the land, that is foranempste the Island of Corcyre. to wit to the mounteigne, named Cymerium, 
Chimerium.  which is the mouth or entry of Thesphrotide. 
Thesphrotydes.  In which place there is a poorte, and above the poorte, a city distant from the sea, named Ephire, 
Ephire.  and near unto the same, there is an other city, in the self region of Thesphrotyde, named Eleatyde, about which, goeth a great marreys, which endureth to the sea named Acheruse by mean of the river of Acheron, 

Acherusia.  
Acheron   which after that it hath traversed the said country of Thesphrotide, runneth over the said Marreys, and on the other side, runneth into the sea, an other river named Thyamys, 
Thyamys.  which departeth the country of Thesprotyde, and that same of Cestryne. 
Cestrines.  Between these twain rivers, is situated the said promontory and rock named Cymerium. Into the same place, came the Corinthians to take land. The Corcyryens, being advertised of their coming, came with an houndred & ten ships to plant their camp, in one of the next Islands there named Sibota. 
Sibota.  And Mycyades and Esimides' Eurybatian, 

Misiades.  
Aesimides'.   were capitains of their army. They had more beside the said number, ten ships, with athenians. And beside that, they had set upon the promontory of Leucyne an thousand foot men, 
Leucumia.  that the Pacynthyans' had sent to their succour. And also they looked to be succoured by strangers, which inhabited there adjoining, which were always their friends. After that the corinthians had set their matters in order, and taken victuals for three days, they departed by night from the said promountory Cymerium, to come to fight with the Corcyryens. And by that it was day, they saw them a far of in the main sea, coming right against them. So they put themselves in battle on both sides. and made their order as followeth. The Corcyryens did put on the right side, the ten ships of Athenes, & they divided themselves in three bands on the left side, every of them having his captain. On the Corinthians side, the Ambratiens and the Magarens were on the right wing, in the middle were the other allies, so as they were found, and in the left wing directly against the right wing of the Corcyryens were the corinthians theirselves. In this manner came the one against the other, having either of both sides given tokens to fight, and aither of them had bestowed a great number of Archers and of other well armed, in the tops of their ships upon top castles, evil enough appointed after the fashion of that time. and they fought very sharply, but not by art (as they do at this days upon the sea) but hand to hand without removing, as foot men do, that fight on main land. For after that they were mingled together, they could not well remove themselves, nor drown the one the other. And the hope of victory was in them, that fought in the top castles, rather than in any other thing. And in effect they fought more by strength and by courage, than by cunning. The fight and conflict was very great. And the ships of Athens went to succour the Corcyryens, where as they saw them overcomed, for to fear the enemies, and yet they did not fight against them, fearing to disobey the commandment of their Lords. So chanced it, that the corinthians that were on the right wing, were so overcharged by their enemies, that they took themself unto flight and were chased and followed by ten ships of the Corcyryens until the land, where their camp was. and they landed after them in such sort, that they took & pillaged all that, that they found within. and afterwards set fire therein. But in the mean time that those were there occupied in the chase & in pillage, the corinthians that were in the left wing, had easily victory against their enemies, that tarried and fought against them, for also they were stronger in ships. The Athenians than saying the Corcyryens so overcharged and put to rebuke, began to succour them earnestly and without dissimulation. and yet invaded not the Corinthians at the beginning. But after that they saw the Corcyryens in flight, and the other that chased them: they bent themself to fight, and to resist, the best that they could, without making any difference of the one, or of the other. For that, that necessity required it, so that the battle remained between the athenians and the corinthians, the Corcyryans' being in flight. nevertheless at the last they were constrained to withdraw themselves after the other, and so the Corinthyans' followed the chase. And tarried not to bind, and fasten to their ships the barks of the ships that they had beaten down, nor yet to cause them, that they had taken, to be towed to land, but in sailing & chasing, they endeavoured themselves more to slay the enemies, then to take them alive. which doing they slew many of their friends, that they found in their way upon their ships and on the bottoms of them of their side, that had been discomfited, thinking, that they had been enemies. For so great number of ships being assembled, aswell on the one side, as on the other, and all Greeks, after that they were mingled together, they knew not well the one, the other. And they could not tell, who were the overcomers or overcomed. Also truly, this was the greatest assembly of ships, that ever in times paste had been made of Greeks, against Greeks. After that the Corinthians had had chased the corcyrians to the entry of the sea, they did return to receive their shippwrackes and ships skatered abroad and bruised, and also their people that were hurt. So they found a great number which they brought unto the poorte that is overanempste from the Island of Sybota in the firm land, which is holy desert in the region of Thesphrotyde, where the strangers that were come to their aid, did tarry them on land. And after that they had bestowed there their bruised ships and their hurt people, they sailed again with the other ships, that they had whole, for to go against Corcyre. which seeing the corcyrians, came against them with those hole ships, and them of Athens that were left. Fearing that the said Corynthyaus would have made some entry into their land. Nowit was than late and very night, and they had now begun to give token that they would fight. When the Corinthians perceived, a far of in the sea, twenty ships, that the athenians had sent a fresh unto the Corcyryans. fearing that the ten, which they sent them furst, were not sufficient enough to save and defend them, like as also it chanced, by occasion thereof, the Corinthians begun to take their oores, and by little & little to return back, for that principally, that they knew not whither there came a greater number after the same that they saw or not. whereat the Corcyryens, which could not yet see their said succour, were all abasshedde, seeing their enemies so to return, and could not think wherefore it was, until that some of their people perceived the said twenty ships, and signified to them, that they came directly unto them. Then being now also night, the Corcyryens likewise withdrew themselves, and in this manner, having fought unto dark night: they departed. And anon after, the said twenty ships, arrived at the port of Leucine where the Corcyryens were withdrawn, passing over the dead and the broken pieces of the ships, that were bruised & drowned. of which twenty ships Glaucon son of Leaguer & Andocydes son of Leogorus had the conduct. 

Glaucon.  
Andocides.   And for that, that it was night, the Corcyryens at the first burnt were in doubt, that they had been enemies. But having certain knowledge of them, they received them with great joy. The morrow after, the thirty ships of the athenians, with them, that were left hole unto the Corcyryens, went out of the poorte with their sails displayed and came against the port of Sibota where the Corinthians were, to see if they would come again to battle. Who, when they saw them so to come, departed from the port into the main sea all in good order, and there kept themselves sure only to defend them, not willing to go to assail them. For that, that they feared the said ships newly come, which were all fresh and hole, and theirs were greatly hurt or impaired at the battle the day before. and their people were busied to keep the prisoners that they had taken in the said battle. and also they could not refresh themselves with any thing in the place of Sibota where they were, for that, that it was desert and barren. So they cared not, but how they might honnestly withdraw themself into their quarter, fearing that the athenians would not suffer them to depart from thence, under colour that they had broken the peace, by that, that they came to assail them the day before. So they devised to send upon a brygantyne some of their people towards the said athenians, without any herald, for to espy what they would do. Who spoke unto them in this manner. You do against reason (lords athenians) to begin war upon us, coming directly against the treaty of peace, that we have togidres. and to let us that we may not chastise our subjects. And if you be deliberated so to do and to empesthe us that we may not go against the Corcyryens, or else where that we will, and by that mean will to declare yourselves our enemies, begin with us that be here, & entreat us as enemies. At which words the Corcyryens that could understand them, began to cry all with one voice, that they should be taken, and all slain incontinently. But the Athenians answered them in this manner. Lords Peloponesians, we perceive not, that we have broken the treaty of peace, which we have with you. For we be not come hither to fight with you, but only to defend and keep the Corcyryens our allies. Wherefore if you will go any where else than into their land, we will not trouble you, but if you come to endamage them, we will defend them with our power. which answer received by the Corynthians, they prepared themself to return unto their houses. But before their departure, they set up their Trophy in token of victory in the firm land of Sibota. And after their departing, the Corcyryens gathered together their brokenne ships, and dead people, whom the wind, from of the marreys, had in the night driven to the shore of the sea, even as they arrived. Afterwards they set up an other Trophy in sign of victory in the Island of Sibota, directly against that same of the Corinthians. For both parties pretended to have had the victory. To wit the Corinthians for that, that they kept the sea until night, and gathered many shipwreck of the ships drowned, and also great number of their dead people, and further had taken more than a thousand prisoners and drowned abouts threskoore & ten ships with enemies. And the Corcyryens, for that they had drowned about xxx ships with enemies, and gathered together the shipwreck and their dead bodies aswell as they. And moreover for that the day following, having had the new aid and strength of athenians, they had offered them battle, and they durst not march forwards, but were retired. In this manner both parties departed, having opinion of the victory. The Corinthians, in their return, took suddenly and privily the town and port of Anactorye, 
Anactorium.  which is at the entry of the Gulf of Ambracie, 
Ambracium.  which poorte was common between them, and the Corcyryens, so they furnished it with their people. And afterwards returned to corinth. where being arrived, they sold of the corcyrians, which they had prisoners, abouts eight houndred, and two hundred and fifty they reteygned, over whom they set good watch, trusting by their mean to overcome and recover Corcyre. For the more part of the said prisoners were of the principal of the city. Such was the end of the same first war between the corinthians and corcyrians, after the which, the Corinthians returned to their habitations.   

The other quarrels & occasions of war, that happened between the Athenians and the Corinthians. By mean whereof, all the Peloponesians were assembled at Lacedemonye for to conclude war against the said athenians. Cap. vi.  
THe war, whereof we have spoken, was the chief occasion of the same, that was afterwards between the Corynthians and the athenians. For that the said Corinthians pretended, that the same athenians had broken the treaty of peace with them, by giving succours unto the corcyrians against them. Afterwards there chanced other occasions to move war between the said athenians and all the Peloponesians, which were these. The athenians, perceiving that the Corinthians went about to revenge themselves on them, came to the town of Potydea, 
Potidea.  which is upon the destrayte of Paleness, & was one of the Colonies of the same Corinthians, and their subject. So they commanded unto the inhabitants, that they should raze down their wall of the side of Paleness, 
Paleness.  And further to give them pledges, and to drive away their governors and officers (whom the Corinthians called artificers, and sent them every year unto them) & not to receive them more from thence forwards, And this did they, fearing that the said Potydians, should have declared against them, & also caused the other allies to declare, which were in the country of Thrace at the procurement & instigation of the Corinthians. and alfo of Perdiccas, 
Perdi●ca.  son of Alexander king of Macedon, who was newly become their enemy, although that before he was their friend and ally. By mean of this, that they had made amity and alliance with Philippe his brother and Dodras, 
Philippus● Derda.  which had war against him. For fear of which alliance, he went to the Lacedæmonians, and had persuaded them to make war against the athenians And so was allied with the corinthians for to take into his tuition the town of Potyde. And furthermore he practised with them of the country of Chalcyde that be in Thrace, 
Chalcides.  and with the Beotiens, for to cause them to rebel against the athenians, hoping that if through thaid of the same towns and countries, he might bring them to his alliance, he might make strong war against the said Athenians. Who, when they understood it, for to let the revoltement or rebellion of the said cities and countries, delyberated to send Acestratus, son of Lencomedes accompanied with ten other capitains with xxx ships armed for to make war in the country of Macedon. And commanded them, that in passing, they should take pledges of them of Potide, and beat down their wall. And furthermore that they should take good heed that the other cities did not rebel. which understanding the Potydyans, sent some of their citizens to Athens for to see, if they could obtain of them, that they would do no noweltie. And on the other side they sent with the Corynthians to Lacedemonye to have of them counsel and comfort. who persuaded them that they should prepare to defend themselves, if any would constrain them, to that, which is declared. During this time the Ambassadors, that were gone to Athens: after that they had at length showed & debated their case, obtained very little of them. But they had, in their pre●ence, despatched the thirty ships, that they sent against Perdiccas and against them. The Potydyans perceiving this, trusted in the promise of the Lacedemonyans. Who had assured them, that y● the athenians came against them, they would enter in armure into their land, and would rebel against the said Athenians, the Beotians & Calcydes of one common accord with them. Which Calcydes Perdiccas had persuaded, that they should abandon, & forsake their towns that they had on the shore of the sea, for that they were not defensible. And that they should withdraw themself into the city of Olynthe which standeth Inner into the land, and that they should fortify the same aswell as they could. And unto them that had abandoned their towns & houses, he gave them to dwell in, during the war, the city of Migdonie, 
Migdonia.  which is nigh the marr●ys of Boli●e. which the Calcydes did, and did beat down their towns and houses, and prepared themself to make war. when they, that conducted the thirty ships of Athenes, were in the country of Thrace, understood that the said cities were rebelled, specially that of Potyde, & considering that they were not strong enough to make war against Perdiccas & against the cities revolted, they took their journey toward Macedon, whither they were chief sent. where they found Philippe & Dordras, that came to join to them with the host, that they had assembled in the mountains. During this time, that the ships with athenians were in Macedon, the corinthians, fearing that the city of Potyde, which had declared itself against the Athenians, had no succour, for that they took it to be their proper act: sent for to save & defend them, a thousand six houndred foot men, aswell of their citizens and subjects that went willingly, as also of mercenaries or huyred men which had sold or wages in the country of Peloponese, all well armed, and four hundred slightly armed. Of whom Aristeus, 
Aristeus.  son of Adymantus had the conduct, for that, that he was very agreeable to the people. In such sort, that ma●y good citizens went thither willingly in his compaygny. and of the other part, he had always been friend to them of Potyde. at which place, he arrived with his people the fourtyth day after their rebellion. The athenians than being advertised of the rebellion of the Potydiens and of the succours that the corinthians had sent, 
Callias  dyspatchedde Callia son of Calliadus and four other capitains in his company with two thousand men for to go against the said city of Potyde. who being arrived in Macedon, found that the people, that were furst come thither, had taken the city of Therm, 
Therma.  and held the same of Pydue assieged, 
Pydua.  & so they joingned to them, that they took it. but for the necessity and desire that they had to go into Potyde, understanding that Aristeus was there arrived, they were constrained to make appointment and alliance with the said Perdiccas. By mean whereof, they departed from Macedonye, and took the way straight against Potyde. So they arrived at the port of Berrye, 
Berrea.  and thought to have taken the town at the arryvalle. But saying that they could not do it, they went a land, and marchedde straight fourth against Potyde. Having in their hole army three thousand foot men, aswell of their people as of their confederates, and six houndred horse men Macedonyens. and more they had lxx ships which came coasting the land. In such manner, they journeyed easily, that the third day they arrived at the place of Grigrone, 
Gigonum.  where they planted their camp. The Potydians and Aristeus with their people, understanding the coming of the athenians, went out of the city, and came to set their camp before the city of Olynthe, 
Olynthus.  upon the distrayct, keeping their market without the town. And they all with one accord did chose Aristeus to be Capytaine of the foot men, and Perdiccas of the horsemen. who incontinently after the appointment made with the athenians, rebelled against them, & had sent horsemen for to succour the said Potydians, of whom he had given charge to jolaus, 
jolaus  as his lieutenant. Now the opinion of Aristeus was to tarry the athenians with the bend, that he had in the said straight, by the which men must of force pass, to come to Potyde by land, if they would come thither to assail it. and that the Calcydes, with the other confederates, that were without the straycte, & also the horsemen of Perdiccas, should tarry within the town of Olynthe. to the end, that if the athenians came to assault them, they should come fourth to his succour, and enclose the said Athenians at their backs. On the other side Callia, capitain of Athenyens and his companions sent their horsemen Macedonyens that they had, with certain number of footmen, before Olynthe for to keep them, that were within, that they should not come fourth to secure the other. and they with the remaynant went directly against Potyde. And when they were nigh to the straight, seeing their enemies, that prepared themself to fight, they put themselves likewise in order. and so came incontinently to the battle. In the which, Aristeus and they that were with him, aswell corinthians, as other all very good warryours, did drive back, & put to flight the formerwarde of the enemies, that came against them, & gave them chase a long way● but the other point, where the Potydiens & the other Peloponesians were, was by the athenians vanquished & chased to the gates of the town. Which seeing Aristeus, after that he was returned fro the chase, was in great doubt, to which of two places he might retire, to Potyde or to Olynthe. & finally he determined to withdraw himself with his people, that he might join again with his within Potyde, for that it was the next retrecte. So they went into the sea, which did beat the walls of the town, & between the same and many great stones, that were set afore, for to break the waves of the sea, they passed through right great danger of many throws, that the enemies did cast against them. whereby some of them were slain, but the more part entered into the town. Now were come fourth to secure the Potydyans, they that were within Olynthe, which is situated in an high place, without the destrayte, distant from the place, where the battle was fought, abouts six thousand paces. But the horsemen, macedonians, came against them to drive them back. And after that they of the town saw, that the athenians had the victory, they retired, & the macedonians likewise towards the athenians. And thus the horsemen, neither of the one side nor of the other, were not at the battle. This done, the Athenians set up their Trophy in token of victory, & rendered to the Potydyens their dead men according to the custom. which were found well nigh, to the number of three hundred, aswell of their citizens, as of their allies. and of the athenians abouts the haluen deal. Among whom, was Callias one of their capitains. That done, the Athenians closed the walls about with hides towards the destraicte, & set their people there to keep it. But they durst not go, and draw their closure of the other quarter of the city of Potyde towards Palene, which was joingninge to the same town of Potyde. although that it were not walled on that side, for that, that they were not in number to maigteigne two seges. and feared that if they parted themselves, they of the town would come to assault them, in the one or the other place. When the news were signified at Athenes, how Potyde was assieged by their people, but that they had not environed Palene with murage, they sent thither within a little time after, six hundred men a fresh, under conduct of Phormyon, 
Phormio.  son of Asopius. 
Alphi.  who being departed from Aphite for to come towards Palene, set his people on land, & went fair & well against Potyde. Destroying and burning their fields. And seeing that none came fourth of the town, he closed Palene with a wall, by mean whereof the city of Potide was assieged, and beaten on both sides by land, and also was assaulted on the sea side, by means that the athenians had gotten the poorte. Aristeus, than seeing that there was no more hope to be able to defend the town, if no succour came from them of Peloponese, pretended that with some good wind that might happen, all the people, that were within the town, should be sent away, reserved six hundred (whereof he would be one) the longer to s●steigne the siege, until some succour came unto them. For he feared, that victuals should fail them. But seeing that he could not persuade that, he went fourth in a night without knowledge of the Athenians to give order for that, that was necessary, & to provide for other affairs, that were without. & went to the Calcydes, by whose aid, he did many exploictes of war in the lands of the Athenians, & of their parties. And among other, being come to run before the city of Sermypile, he had set an ambushement. by means whereof he slew a great number of citizens which came forth upon him. And nevertheless he solicited & laboured greatly the Peloponesians to send him some succour to Potyde. In this entrefeates or procedings, Phormion, after that he had enclosed Potyde on all sides, came with six houndred men to overrun the countries of Calcide and Beoce. and so took some castles. Such than were the quarrels, between the athenians and peloponesians, for the corinthians were sorry, that the athenians had troubled the city of Potide (which took their part) and their Cytezeynes and other Peloponesians that were within. The athenians complained that the corinthians had caused the Potydiens which were their subjects to rebel, and that they were come to their aid for to defend them against them. But the war was not yet fully declared. so that there was some respitt, for that the question was not yet generally against all the Peloponesians, but only against the corinthians. who always fearing the loss of Potyde and of their people that were within, did not cease to practise their allies, to come with them towards the Lacedemonyens. which were their head, to make their complaints against the athenians, as breakers of the peace, and enemies to all the Peloponesians. which they did. And on the other side, the Agenytes came thither not publicly and openly, for they durst not for fear of the athenians, but secretly, they persuaded war, as the other did. For that that they complained, that the athenians would not suffer them to enjoy their liberty, as it was appointed by the said treaty of peace. when all the Ambassadors of the confederated towns, which were come for this matter, were arrived at Lacedemonye, the Lacedemonyens assembled their counsel, and caused it to be declared with loud voice, that if there were any parson that pretended to make any complaincte against the athenians, he should speak publicly, as the custom was. At which admonition came before them almost all the confederates of Peloponese, making their complaints and doleances. And besides them, the Megarens. who complained for that, that being under the signory of the athenians, they had prohibited them to use merchandise in their port, & in their territory. The Corinthians were the last, for they suffered the other to speak before, of a set purpose, for to provoke and get the Lacedemonyans, and afterwards they spoke in this manner.   

¶ The narration and proposition of the Corinthians in the Counsel of Lacedemonye, against the athenians. The vii Chapter.  
THe faith and loyaultie, that you keep among you, aswell in common, as in particular (Lords lacedemonians) maketh, that if any the other of us should say any thing against you, that no man would believe him. And in that, your modesty and loyaultie causeth you to be esteemed. But you use one great ignorance, touching things that be without. For albeit, that we have often showed and preached, how the athenians would overcome and oppress us, yet would you never believe us, but that, that they, that showed it unto you, shield say it, by means of particular questions, that they had with them. and by mean thereof would not assemble your allies, before that we were outraged & wronged. But you have forborn until this present,, that we be injuried. And therefore it is very reasonable that in presence of your said allies and confederates, we make the longer proposityon, for so much as we be dowbly offended. to wit, by the athenians that have outraged us, and by you that have not regarded it. And if there were any reason, whereby a man might defend, that it were no● holy notorious, that the athenians be they, which trouble all Grece: It were requysitt that we should cause it to appear unto them, that know it not. But what needeth now to hold any longer purpose of it, sithence that you may see, the one brought into the servitude by the Athenians, & the other sharply assaulted. & specially they, that be your allies. whom of a long saisone, they have imagined to withdraw unto them, for to serve & aid them against us in time of war. Truly, if war were made against them. Certainly they have for none other purpose occupied Corcyre, nor now do hold potyde assiged. whereof the one, to wit, Corcyre should furnish the Peloponesians with great number of ships, & the other is very propice, for the affairs of Thrace. For the which things you be to be blamed. For that, that from the beginning, when the war of the Medes was finished, you suffered them to make their city again. And afterwards, moreover to increase it with great walls. And successively from that time unto this present day, have tolerated and suffered them to deprive from liberty and put into bondage, not their allies only: but also ours. How beyt it may well be said, that it is you, that have done it. For the mysdeede is more attributed unto him that suffereth it to be done, where as he may let or withstand it: than to him that doth it. And principally to you, that bear the praise and the title to be defenders of the liberty of Grece. And yet nevertheless with great pain, you have now caused the assembly to be made. And will not take the things to be certain, that be holy not orious. But you wool that we shall declare by what means we be injuried, where as it is necessary to deliberate but only, how we● should revenge us of the wrongs, which hath be done unto us. For in this, that the athenians did not come against us to oultrage us atoones, but by little and little, although they yet know not of this assembly. they do it not without cause. But we perceive very well, that it is for that, that they think that so doing, that you should not perceive it through the slackness and for bearing, which they know to be in you. which thing you should easily do, if they executed all at ones that, which they have enterprised. But when they shall see that you understand and pass not on it, they will execute it much more boldly and with greater force. Now, lords Lacedæmonians, you be they only, that be in rest. and will not resist violences by force, but by length of time. nor abate the strength of your enemies when they begin to increase, but tarry, until they be dowbled. And this is not only now, that you have had this custom. For we all do know, that the Medes, that came from the worlds end against you, were in your land bifore you had made provisions, that you might & ought to have done bifore, for your honour & surety. And now you let at nought the athenians, which be not far from you, but eve your neighbours. and you love better, that they should come to assail you, than furst to invade them. and by this mean, to put yourself in hazart of the war, when they shallbe much more stronger than they were. Truly you ought well to consider that the victory, which we had against the stranger, king of Medes, was in a great part through his fault. And chief the athenians, when they had war against us, were vanquished more by their errors that they committed, than by our valiantness. And also you ought to remember that some of ours, trusting to your aid and favour, were taken and destroyed. and think not that we speak these things for hatred that we have against the said athenians by manner of quarelling. For it is the part of a friend, to his friend, that he showeth his quarrel or playncte when one doth that to an other. which he ought not to do. but it is by manner of accusation that we complain of the injuries, that our enemies hath done to us. And truly, if there be any people in the world, to whom it is lawful to complain themselves and to sorrow for their allies and confederates, we be they, as we think. marked specially, that we do fight for so great quarrels, and for things of so great ymportance. whereof, as it seemeth to us, you have no regard. and will not consider, that we have to do against the athenians, which be your enemies, and people, that seek always nowelties. and also be subtle to study out means to increase themselves, and diligent to execute them. but as touching you, you think that it is sufficient to keep togider that, that you have, without to enterprise any thing. and also be negligent to execute, though that necessity require it. And by this mean we see, that they have greater audacity, than force, so that they put themselves into many great dangers against opinion of the people, and nevertheless whatsoever hard thing that they enterprise, they have good hope to execute it. but your heart is much lessar to enterprise, than your force, for to execute it. whereby it chanceth, that in enterprises, that be without danger, you put doubt. & you never think that you be long enough out of business. furthermore they be diligent and you negligence. They go continually fourth of their country, and you be restful in yours. for they think that their voyages do welrecompense their absence. but when you go out of your country, you think that that, which you le●e behind you, is lost. They, when they have vainquished their enemy, do poursue their victories at length. and when they are overcomed, they lose not one jot of courage. And furthermore in providing for things, which concern the weal of their city, they use their wits & counsel, as it were for their own cause. but as for their bodies, they set them of & haband onne them, as if they were of strange people, whom they knew not. And when they fail to execute any enterprise, they think that they have lost so much of their own. And also when they have gotten any thing it seemeth to them to be very little in regard of that, that they thought it to be. And if they alsayed to do any thing, whereof they had been frustrated of their hope, they parforced themself to recover such loss, by some new enterprise. And I think in effect, that they and none other have and hope togethers the thing, that they enterprise. so diligent be they to execute their enterprises. Also in all these things they use their life, and all their age, in labours and in dangers, without much enjoying the things that they have gottonne, for the continual desire, that they have to get other. And they think that there was no feast nor other thing so playsante, as that, in which they executed the thing, which they enterprised. and that the repose, that men take through negligence, is more damageable to the parson, than laborious exercise. in such sort that it may be well said (to comprehend all in few words) that they be borne with such wit, that they cannot be in rest, nor suffer other to rest. Having than one such a city your enemy, you sleep, lords Lacedemonians. and think that they may well rest, who, when it is necessary) execute virtuously. & give to understand, that if any would oultrage them, they have the heart to resist. And you measure your modesty & equity, with no will to do evil to an other. and to revenge you, when men would do it. which thing you shall scarcely do when you have to do with a city your neighbour, which shallbe equal with yours. And now you will, as we have bifore declared, live & be conversant with the Athenians according to their ancient manners & customs. but it is necessary to have regard to the things new & present in this case, as in all other business. For as it is right convenient for a city, that is in rest & peace, not to change his laws & ancient customs, right so, for that, which is oppressed with affairs by an other. It is necessary to think on many new things. And to Imagynne many crafts for to resist. & it is the cause, whereby the athenians be always inclined to enterprise new things, much more than we, for the great experience that they have. wherefore, lords, it is needful that henceforwardes, you cease your prolonging and slackness, & that you secure your friends, specially those, that be at Potyde as we have understanded. And entre with diligence into the lands of the athenians. and suffer not your friends and parents to fall into the hand of your mortal enemies, nor also that we the other, be constrained through despair, to seek other alliance than yours, which we may well do in this case, without to be reprehended of the gods, by whom we have made oath, or also of men, that shall understand the reason, wherefore we shall have done it. For they that depart from their allies, being by them forsakenne, be not to be reputed breakers of faith. but worthily those, which have denied them secure, which if ye do forthwith deliver us, we will persever in the faithfulness, that we own you. For doing otherwise, we should be unhappy, and also could not recover it of other people, that have, as greatly, biloved us. Upon which things it may please you to take good counsel and good deliberation. and so ●o do, that it may not be not said, that you govern the country of Peloponese with iesser dignity and reputation, than your parents did, that have left you this governance. In this manner, spoke the Corinthians. Now were than in the city of Lacedemonie, certain Ambassadors of the athenians, which were sent thither long bifore, for other matters. Who, understanding these complaints and practices, denised, that it was expedient for their honour to go towards the Senate of the city, not for to answer to the complaints, that were made against the athenians: but for to show them in general, that they ought not to determine upon those things, bifore they had furst well digested them. and to do them to understand the strength of their said city, bringing to remembrance of the ancient men the things, which they knew, and doing the young men do understand those things, whereof they had yet no experience. For they thought well, that, when the Lacedemonyans had understand th'air declarations, they would be more inclined to maigntaigne the peace, and rather continue i● rest, than to begin the war. For this they said unto the lords of the counsel, that they had come matter to show them, if it were their plaisirs, who gave them audience. And they did speak in this manner.   

The narration of the Ambassabassadours Athenians to the Counsel of the Lacedemonyans. ☞ The viii Chapter.  
WE be not come into this town, lords lacedemonians, for to debate with our allies, but we were here for other matters, as ye do know. yet understanding the complaynctes, that the other cities do make against ours, we be willing to present and declare, not for to answer, against the charges that they lay unto us (for also you be not our judges between us and them) but to the intent, that you credit not lightly that, which they say against us, and for their parsuation determine slightly in this matter, (which is of so great importance) otherwise, than is requisitt. and also for that, that we will well inform you of our affairs and deeds, as they be, and that the same, which we hold, we have lawfully gottoneyt. And furthermore that our city is such, that it ought to be esteemed. And without rehearsing the things so ancient, that men have more knowledge thereof by common fame and renome, than by true science: we will speak of them that were done in the war of the Medes, whereof you have true knowledge. although that it be noisome and molestuous to repeat it often times, yet it is necessary now to do it. And also it that, which we than did at our great danger, redoundeth to the common weal of all Grece (whereof you have been parttakers) men should not be ashamed to show it, not so much for to excuse and justify ourselves of the things that be laid to us, as for to do you to understand with what city, you shall have to do, if that through evil counsel, you enterprise the war. For ●urste it is very certain, that we only went bifore the strangers in danger of our lives at Marathonie. And afterwards, when they came again the second time, seeing that we were not mighty enough to go to fight with them by land, we went to encounter them by sea with all our ships, and vainquished them at salamine. which victory letted them, that they went not to pillage and fourraige all your towns and cities of Peloponese. which they might easily have done, considering that they could not secure the one the other against ●one so mighty an army by sea, as they had. The which thing, the Barbarous king did well than declare. For being by us overcomed by sea, and knowing that he could never assemble one such a puissance, he returned with the greater party of his host. by which deed, being fully clear and notorious, that the force of Grece, consisted in the army by Sea, we fournished than three things, utile and profitable for all Grece. To wit, great number of ships, a capitain right wise and diligent, and a heart obedient and courageous. For as touching the ships, we had little less than four hundred, which were two parts of the hole army. Concerning the capitain, we gave you Themistocles, which was principal author and mover, that the battle was made in the discreet of the sea, which without all doubt, was the safeguard of Grece. By occasion whereof, you judged unto him singular honours, more than to any other estrangier, that ever came unto you. And as for the courageousness of heart, we showed it very openly. For seeing that we had not any succour by land, for that, that the enemies had lately gained all that, which was bifore us, we determined to leave our city, and to destroy our houses, and to lose our particular goods, (not for to habandonne and forsake our friends and allies and to disperse ourselves into divers places, which if we had done, we had not done them any service) but we went fourth to search the dangers upon the Sea, without having regard or shewing any grudge against you, for that, that ye came not to succour us in time of need. wherefore we may well say for troth, that we were as profitable than unto you, as you unto us. For you, that kept still the towns inhabited and therein had your goods and your wives and childrenne, fearing to lose them, came to our aid, not so much for us, as for yourselves. For if you had minded to have done for us, you should have come thither bifore our city had been abandoned and destroyed. but as touching us in forsaking our town, (which now had no more form of a city) for to secure yours than, when it had no great appearance to save it self, we were well willing to commit and put ourselves into the dangers of the said wars. and by this mean was cause, for a great part, of your saulftie and of ours. where, if we had been minded to submit ourselves unto the king of Mede, as many other countries did, fearing to be destroyed: or after that we had abandoned our city, had not had the hardiness to take the seas, but as people faint hearted, had withdrawn our ourselnes into sure places: truly ye durst not have come bifore the enemy with so small number of ships, as you than had, whereupon by that mean, you should have been constrained to have done, as he would, without any faightinge. Now seemeth it not unto you, lords Lacedemonyans, that for this our hardiness and prudence, we be well worthy to have and obtaigne the principality & signory, which we now have? Which ought not to be envy nor molested by Grece, for that, that we got it not by force: but partly by pursuing the enemies, which you would not do, and partly at request of some of our allies, that came to pray us that we would take them into our protection and governance. By means whereof, we have been constrained to conserve and increase our principality from that time until this present, first for fear, afterwards for honour, and finally for proffytt. And seeing also that we we envy of many people, and that some of our subjects and confederates, be lately rebelled against us, whom we have subdued and chastised, yea and that you be moved to depart from our amity and have some suspicion against us, we should not be well counciled to desist from our travail, but we should put ourselves into great danger. Foyes they, that should depart from our obeisance, should come under yours. wherefore no man is to be blamed, if in things, wherein he perceiveth great danger, he provideth for his indempnyte. And you, lords Lacedemonyens, do not you govern for your profit the cities of Pelopone●e? And if you had continued in your Empire from the war of the Medes until this present, you should have been both envy (as we be) of strangers, and also molestuous and rigorous to your subjects. And of force, you should aither have been blamed to have been to far imperial and rigorous to your subjects, or else have been constrained to put your estate into danger. And therefore if that we have taken and consarued the rule and superiority, that hath been given us, we have done no new thing, neither that, that is contrary to human laws and customs. And also there be three great things, that defend us to leave and forsake it, to wit, the honour, the fear, and the profit. And of the other part, we be not the inventors and authors of such thing, for it was never otherwise, but that the more weak were constrained to obey unto the stronger. And we be well worthy and do merytt so to do in our judgement, and also by yours, if you will equally consider, both profit and reason. For no man will prefer reason so much bifore profit, that if any honest occasion be offered him to obtain advantage by force, that he will let it slip. And they be to be praised, that in using and administering right, be of nature more bening and gracious in their government, than the rule & right of governing requireth, like as we do. And if our Empire came into other men's hands, we think, that they should better perceive it. Although that for this our bounty and gentleness, we get more reproach, than praise. which is a thing very unreasonable. For, for that, that we use the self laws in our contracts and in our judgements with our subjects. which we use among ourselves (besides this that it is a thing contumelious and shameful for us) yet they repute us to be playdors and contentious. And there is not one among them, that considereth, that there is not any people in the world, that more gently entreat their subjects, than we do. And also men do not obey to other, that be playdours, as men do unto us. For it is lawful for them. to use force against their subjects, which be entirely their obeissantes. wherefore it is not for them to come thereto by judgement nor process. But concerning ours, for the liberty, which they have been accustomed to have with us and to be equal with us in justice, if a man do them wrong in any thing by deed or by word, be it for neu●r so small a matter, for the opinion that they have in the righteousness of our gouernance● and that it should not be taken from them: they not only be not thankful to us, for that the remanant was left unto them, that men might have taken from them, by force: but also they take it for more displeasure to lose that little of their good, than if at the beginning we had utterly captived them to our will, and used towards them violence, & not justice. And yet in this case they durst not once have murmured or grudged, but being our subjects by will, they would have thought it a great offence to disobey us. For we see evidently that the people take it to be more grievous and are more angry, when they be wronged, than when they be forced. Also when a man speaketh to defraud one, or to do him wrong, it is said, that the iustyceys comone: but when a man speaketh of constrayninge, it is understanded that there is a superior, using will. Of this cometh it, that they, which presently be our subjects, when they were in subjection of the Medes, endured patiently their Empire, and now ours seemeth unto them to be hard. But to a discrete parson, this is no marvel. For all subjects do always complain of the seignyorie, that is present. And if yourself had changed our Empire and should rule our subjects: truly the benevolence that you should get of them for the fear, that they have of us, should turn into evil will or displeasure. if you would keep the train and show yourselves of the sort, that you declared in that little time, that ye had the governance of all Grece, in the war of the Medes. For you do not comunycate your laws and your customs to other. And moreover whosoever is sent by you to be Duke or capitain in any army, he useth not other manners, than he was wonted to bifore. Nor such, as all the remanant of Grece doth use, but by all fashions doth make strange particularites and different from other. wherefore, lords, vouchesaulf to consider, that the matters whereof is question, be weighty and of great importance. And be well worthy to be long consulted upon. And give not so much faith to the connsaille and accusations of the other people, that you take this charge so great, upon you. But think well before the beginning of this war, of what importance it is, and the dangers that may chance. For by length or continuance of war, happenne many hazards. From which, we yet arne clear, both you and we. But when it shallbe bigoune, it is not knowing, upon which of us they shall fall. Also it is certain, that they that be to desirous and hasty to begin war, do pervert the order of reason. For they begin by execution and by force. which should be last, after that it were well consulted. which fault no man shall find in us, and also we see not, that it is yet in you. For this cause, whiles the things be entire and hole, we will well admonish you, that you take good advise, neither to break the peace, nor to falsify your oath. And if there be any difference between us, let us avoid it by the manner conteigned in our said treaty of peace. Orells we protest, and take to witness, the gods, by whom we have sworn, that if you be the Authors of the war, we will pursue it unto the end. Thus did the athenians speak. And after that the Lacedæmonians had hard aswell the complaints of the Peloponesians, as the declarations of the said Athenians, they caused them all to go fourth, and put the matter into deliberation among themselves. So the more part of them, were of opinion, that the Athenians did wrong and that it was expedient to move war against them without longer tarrying. Which perceiving the king Archidamus, who was taken to be a wise man and of clear understanding, stood up, and did speak in this manner.   

The narration and proposition of Archidamus king of the Lacedemonyans. The ix Chapter.  
I Have experimented many wars, lords Lacedemonyans, and also I know that there be many among you that be in such age, that they would not counsel to war, by imprudency and rashly, as it chanceth to many, and also would not repute war to be a thing sure nor good. And if we consider this same, whereof question is presently had, we shall not take it to be smalle. For if question were to make war against the Peloponesians our neighbours, our strength should be like unto thairs. For that, that we might lead our army subdainly against every of them. But to make war against them, that be far from us, and that be greatly experimented in the sea, and furnished abundantly of all things necessary, to wit, of riches, aswell in particular, as in comone, of ships, of horses, of harness & of people, asmuch and more, than any other city of Grece, and also have moreover many allies, trybutours unto them, how should we enterprise it or upon what hope? considering that we be unprovided of all things to assail them forthwith. For if the question be of an army by sea, we be much more weak than they, so be we of silver, for that the we have none in general, nor mean to recover it by and by, of particulars. Some do trust peradventure, that we be more puissant than they in the feat of war. And that we have more people. By mean whereof we may easily overrun and waste their lands. But it must be considered that when we shall have well wasted their territory, they have much other lands elsewhere. And also they have the Sea, which shall furuyshe them always of that, that shallbe necessary for them. And when we shall have practised and caused their subjects and allies to rebel, they must be succurred by sea. For that the more part is inhabytinge in the Islands. And therefore, what manner war shall ours be? Considering that if we be not stronger than they in the sea, or that we take not from them the revenues, wherewith they do furnish the charge of their ships, we shall destroy more of our lands, than of thairs. And also we may not afterwards depart with our honour from war, specially being thauthors of it. And we ought not to hope that by having pyllaiged and wasted th'air lands, we have the sooner finished the war. But I fear rather that in this doing, we leave it unto our children. For it is not to believe that the athenians have to small heart, that for seeing their territory wasted, that they will render them subjects unto us, or that they be so afraid of war, as if they did not know what it is. And yet notwithstanding I am not so destitute of wit that I will counsel you to suffer your friends & allies to be injuried. And that you cause not the wrong and deceits of the said athenians to be perceived. But I say truly that you ought not yet, to take armure and make war against them. But you should send towards them, and summon them to do right. shewing them, that we be not minded to suffer such things. And that rather we will fight, than endure them, without always to show that we be to sore chased to begin the war. And in the mean time, we may prepare our case, drawing to our amity new people, aswell Greeks, as strangers from all parties. Whereby we may have aid of ships and of money. For it is lawful for them, that by th'air allies be evil handled, (as we be by the athenians) to take alliance, and to make amity with all people, for to saulfe and to keep th'air estate. And also we may in the mean time assemble our particular forces. And if they obey unto the demands that our Ambassadors shall make unto them, it shallbe a right good thing. And if they do it not, we shall have, (by putting this practic in use) two or three years space, for to furnish us of that, that is needful. And we may afterwards, if we think good, begin the war. And when they shall see our preparation to be sufficient for to execute that, which we shall have signified unto them: they shallbe more inclined to obey us. And specially, having their territory entire and not wasted. For that, shall cause question for to determine, how they shall save their goods, bifore they be pilledged by their enemies. And I do think, that we should repute and hold that same their territory (so long as it shall be entire in their hands) as for a sure hostage or pledge. And somuch the more, as it shallbe the better laboured. By reason whereof, we ought willingly to conserve or save it For by destroying it, we should cause them through dispayer to become inexpugnable and not to be overcome. And if, bifore we be provided and furnished, we do waste the said lands at the desire of our confederates, and by mean of their accusations, I fear greatly that we shall prouyde● very evil for the feats of them of Peloyonese. And that it redoundethe to their great damage and dishonnor, for that, that such accusations, be they comone or particular, may well be appeased. But a war, that shall begin by all us the other in general, at the desire and for the complaints of some particulars, may not easily be left of, with our honour. And also we know not what the end thereof shallbe. And if it seemeth to any, that it is for lack of heart, that many cities confederated dare not enterprise forthwith war against one only city: Consider, that they have of allies so many as we, and those, which they have, be their contrybutours. and so be not ours, Consider also that to maigteigne war, it is as necessary to have money to pay the charges, as to have people and harnois, which be unprofitable, if there be not wherewith to entertain them. And specially for people of main land, against them by Sea. wherefore let us first take order for the expenses, and let us not fear for the words of our allies. For truly, like as the ill or goodness that shall chance, shallbe more imputed unto us, than unto them, so ought we to foresee & consider with great leisure, to what end the things may grow. And you ought not to take for reproach and shame, the prolonging & slackness that they charge us with. For if you be to hasty to begin war, bifore you be provided, it shall endure somuch the longer. And for that, that our city hath always been frank & right glorius, it may well be said that this prolonging & deliberation have ever be joined with our gravity. By mean whereof, we alone & none other, do not lift up ourselves by pride in our prosperities, & in our adversities do show ourselves less astonished, than any other. And also we be not moved lightly by praisings or perswasyons of other, to enterprise things, that we know to be right difficile, nor likewise by rebukes & reproaches. And in effect we be by means of this soberness both good warryons, and also sage & well advised. To wit, good warryours, for so much as of tha● soberness proceedeth shamefastness & fear of shame, & of that cometh hardiness. Also we be sage & well advised, for that, that we be so taught & instructed fro our youth, not to presume to be so wise, as to be bold to contemn & transgress our laws, and to show our modesty, rather by enduring their rigour, than in disobeying them. And moreover we set not greatly our study on vain and unprofitable things, as to despise and abate by great narrations & stiff words, that be nothing to purpose, the force and puissance of our enemies. or to persuade lightly to begin war, as though here were no other thing to do. But we have the prudence to think, that the fantasy of men that be not exceeding far from us, is like unto ours, and that the hazards of war be not comprised in narrations of many words. Wherefore we ought always to give order to our business in effect, and not by words, and to presuppose that we have to do with such enemies, as use good counsel. And not to put our confidence in faults, that may be made, but to presume, that they provide aswell for their affairs, as we for ours, & that there is not great difference between one man & an other, but that same is most wise and most esteemed, that shewithe best his knowledge at need. Have will therefore (lords lacedemonians) to keep and entertain this form of living, which your ancestors have left you. By following whereof, we ourselves have always proffyted and prospered. And let us not suffer ourselves to be persuaded, to consult and determine in a moment of time, of the lives and faculties of great nombere of people, of great expenses, and defraying of money, of many towns and cities, and of our glory and reputation. But all at leisure advise you what you have to do. For we have better occasion to tarry than any of the other, by reason of our force. And for conclusion mine advise is, that we shall send towards the athenians, for to show them declarations touching Potyde, and the other complaynctes & querells, that be made against them. And so much the rather, that they offer themselves to stand to judgement, by which their doing, we may not reasonably go against them, as oultragious & enforcers. And nevertheless may in the mean time provide us of things necessary for the war. For by this mean, you shall both provide sagely for your affairs, and also put your enemies in great fear. Thus spoke Archidamus. And after that many other had speak, in the last place arose up Stenelaides, 
Steneleidas  who was for that time, one of the Trybuns' of the people, that they call ephors, and he did speak in this manner.   

The narration and proposition of Stenelaydes, by following whereof, war was concluded against the athenians. The ten Chapter.  
TRuly, lords, I cannot understand, what the athenians will to say by the long talk, wherewith they have kept us here, for they have done nothing but highly praised and set fourth their puissance and their deeds, without excusing themself in any manner of the injuries and outrages, that they have done to our allies and to hole Peloponese. And if they were good against the Medes, somuch be they double more worthy of punishment, to be evil against us, now being become ill, from good. But as touching us, and them that be like unto us, truly we be holy such, as we have been in times passed. And if we be wise, we will not despise our allies that be outraged, neither will we delay to secure them, seeing that men delay not to outrage them. And though the other have more money: more ships and more horses than we: we yet also have good allies and valiant, that deserve not to be forsaken & left to the Athenians, neither that we should not redress their complaints, for process nor for words, considering that they be outraged by deed and not by words. But we ought to fight against them forthwith and that with all our power. And it is not needful that any man teach us, how we should consult and deliberate in this case, seeing that we be thus outraged. For it is for them, that are minded to wrong other, convenient, to make these long consultations. And therefore, lords Lacedemonyans, judge manfully and declare war, in showing and defending your dignity and majesty Spertayne. And suffer ye not, that the athenians make theirs more great, nor to destroy our allies. But having the gods to help us, let us war against them, that do injury us. After that Stenelaides had thus spoken, he said and ordonned that the matter should be put into deliberation of the counsel, to be determined by the greater voice. And for that, that the noise was great amongst them, for the diversity of opinions (for their custom was to declare and give their consent and opynyo●s by their voices and not by small balls) for to encourage them the more to be of his oyynyon, he said in this manner. All those that be of opinion, that the athenians have brokenne the alliances and wronged our friends: arise & withdraw yourselves into this place. shewing them a certain place of the hall, where they held counsel. And they that shallbe of contrary opinion, withdraw yourself into the other. which they did. So there was found a much greater number of them, that were of the opinion, to make war. This done, they caused their allies to be called, and showed them, that they thought that the athenians did wrong. But nevertheless bifore they would determine war, they were minded to have the advise and opinion of them all, to th'intent that if it were meet to make it, the same should be done by one common accord. And hereupon they sent all the Ambassadors that were there, home to their houses for to consult every of them in his quartier. And likewise the athenians, after they had received awswere of that, that they were sent for, they returned to Athenes. And this peblic●te, that is to say● decree of the people, was made and pronounced the xiiii year after the truce of thirty years, which had been made after the war of Eubee. And the Lacedemonyans were moved to make this decree, not so much for the words and declarations of their allies, as for fear that they had, that the athenians should make themselves mightier. seeing that the more part of Grece, was now subjected unto them. And they were increased since the war of the Medes, in the manner that followeth.   

How the Ath●nyans after the war of the Medes, builded again their city, and the beginning of their Empire in Grece. The xi chapter.  
AFter that the Medes were departed from Europe, being vanquished by the Greeks, aswell by land, as by sea, and that they, that were saved by sea, were descomforted nigh to Mycale: Lyothichides king of Lacedemonyans, 
Micales Leotychides.  (who was Duke and Capytaine to the Greeks, that were at the same descomfyture of Mycale) returned home with the Greeks of Peloponese, that he had under him. But the athenians with them of Ionum, and of Hellespont, which than were rebels against the king of Mede, tarried and assieged the city fo Ceste, 
Sestus  which the same Medes did hold, who did forsake it. And by that mean, the same athenians and allies took it, and there kept their winter. The winter passed, they all departed from Hellesponte, the country being abandoned of the strangers, and the athenians went to take again their wives children and movables that were in the cities, wherein they had bestowed them to be kept, at the beginning of the war. After, they returned unto Athenes, & determined to make again and build their walls of the town, the more part whereof were beaten down. And likewise the howsen. some of them in very small number resarued. which the chief of the strangers had kept for to lodge in. Which thing understanding the Lacedemonyans, they sent their Ambassadors to impeach and let them to doit. Aswell for that, that they not willingly did see, that they nor other should have walls to their towns, as also at the instigation of their allies, that feared the puissance of the same athenians, seeing that they had a much more great number of ships, that at beginning of the war. And that since the same, they had conceived a great audacity. So the said Ambassadors required them that they would not make again their walls, but rather pluck down all those of the other towns, that were out of Peloponese, that remained hole. And yet not withstanding did not declare unto them the cause that moved them to make this request: but showed them that it was for fear that if they made again their said walls, & the strangers should return, they should have an other place to receive them, wherein they might war against them, as they did than in the city of Thoebes', which they did hold. For they said, that Peloponese was a place sure and defensible, sufficient for the retreat of all the Greeks. When the athenians had hard this Ambassade, they answered that they would shortly send of their people to Lacedemonye for to make them answer. And with this answer sent them again incontinently. And this they did by the counsel of Themistocles, who persuaded them, that they should send him forthwith bifore into Lacedemonye, and that within certain time after, they should despatche other people, that should have charge of that matter with him, & in the mean time should cause with all diligence to be set to work all them of the town, aswell little, as great, & aswell men, as also women, to make the walls for to raise them by all means to be so high, that they might be fensible, and that they should take the matter and the stones there, as they should find them most ready, without sparing edifices public or particular. And after that he had showed them this, and what he intended to do, he went to Lacedemonye. At which place being arrived, he went not to the officers, nor to the counsel in many days. But when any of the counsellors demanded him wherefore he slacked somuch to go thither, he found divers excuses saying that he tarried for his compaignyons, excusing their retardance by divers means, & nevertheless saying, that he hoped that they should come right shortly, & that he marveled, how they tarried so long. Whereunto the honest people of the town did give credit, for the amity & knowledge that they had of him. But during this time, people came every day, that reported to the said lacedemonians, how that the walls of Athens were continually made up with all diligence. And now were so heighned, that it was not to believe, that they would cease. Themistocles, than seeing that there was no more means to abuse them, prayed them, that they would not believe reaportes, but to send from amongst them faithful parsons unto the places for to see the thing at the eye, and to make unto them true reaport. which they did. And on the other side, he sent secretly by one his messenger to advertise the athenians, that they should retain the said Ambassadors by the most cloaked mean that they could, & not to suffer them to depart, until that he were come again unto them. In the mean time arrived together his companions of the Ambassade, to wit, Hambronicus son of Lysicles, & Aristides son of Lysimachus. who signefied him that the walls of Athens were now of good heigh and defensible. For he feared that when the Lacedemonyans understood the truth of the thing, that they would restrain them. The athenians did right well that, which he commanded them. whereof, after that he was advertised, he came to the counsel of Lacedemonyans, and showed them that the walls of his city were now made i● such sort, that they were defensible for them that were within it. And if the said Lacedemonyans or their said allies would fronthence forwards send their Ambassadors, they should send them unto people, that understood well what were e●pedyent and profitable for a common wealth. For at what time it seemed v●to them e●pedyent to forsake their city, and enter into their ships, they showed that they had the heart and mind to do it, without counsel of any other. And also sithence, in all the affairs that happened during the war, when they were put into deliberation, th'air opinion was found so good, as any of the other. And therefore they thought it good, most expedient and profitable, that their city were enclosed with walls, rather than to leave it open, aswell for the wealth of them, as of their allies, for it were impossible that things might equally be consulted upon, where as indifferency were not had. wherefore it was needful, aither that all the cities confederated should be without walls, or else that those Lacedemonyens confess & acknowlaige that those of Athens have been made with good raisin. The Lacedemonyens showed not themselves to be displeased against the Athenians, for these words. For also they sent not their Ambassade to impesch them precisely to make their walls, but only to persuade them to put the matter into general deliberation. For y●, that they had them in great love, for the good will that they had showed, & for service that they had done at the war of the Medes. Neverthelas also they were sorry to have been so deceived of their opinion. In this manner returned Thambassadors of both parts without any declaration of displeasure. And also the city of Athenes, was by this means in short time, enclosed with walls. which were made with great haste, as may be well perceived by this, that men may see the foundations to be of many sorts of stones. & in some places they be not ●ayde equal, but as they were found. And also men may see there, many stones wrought and entailled, which had bifore carved for monuments or tombs. and had made the circuicte of the wall much more large than the town was. And for this cause they took the stuf in all places to furnish it. Besides this, Themistocles persuaded the athenians to make an end of the wall, which he had caused to be begun in the year, wh●̄ he was governor and ruler of the city ablute the gaate of the said city, that is called Pyree aswell for that, 
Pyreus.  that the place was very propice, so as it than was (and yet being enclosed should be more necessary, having three natural ports enclosed) as also to the intent that the citizens, might the rather give themselves to sailing, which was the thing, by means whereof, he thought that the city might be made more puissant. For this cause he was the first, that had the hardiness to say to the athenians, that there lacked to rule the sea. And incontinently afterward began to enterprise the Empire. Thus by his counsaile● the wall was made and finished, wherewith the port of Pyree was enclosed (so that we see it now if such largeness, that two wagons may pass there) all of great quartered free stones within fourth made with chalk & sand, and on the out side the stones be joined with grasps of iron with lead. But yet it is not raised above y● one half in height, that it was appointed to be of. which was such, that if it had been so made, A very few people, though they were no warryous, might have kept it against a great army. And the other people of defence, might have entered their ships for to fight. For all his intent was principally, to the affairs of the sea. For this cause (as I think) that he perceived that the Medes, if they would return into Grece, might come sooner, & more easily by sea, than by land. Wherefore it was more expedient, to fortify the port of Pyree, than the city. For this cause, he oftentimes persuaded the Athenians, that if they were constrained or overcharged by land, they might retire & strength them in this place, and make all their defence by sea. In such manner, the athenians after the departure of the Medes, fortified their city and their port with walls. Anon afterwards, Pausanyas Lacedemonyan, 
Pausanias.  son of Cleombrotus Duke of Greeks, departed from Peloponese with twenty great ships. And with him went thirty other ships with Athenians, togethers with a great n●mber of other their allies, which went all to land in Cypress. where they took by force, many towns and cities. And from thence went to Bizance, 
Byzantium.  which the Medes did yet than hold, and did take it likewise by force. All which things were done under the conduct of the said Pausanias. But for that he showed himself to lofty, or high, and imperial towards the allies, and impytuous to all other, and specially to the ionians and those that newly had been recovered from the obeisance of the Medes, they could not endure it. but prayed the athenians for the amity and alliance that was between them, that they would be their heads, and not suffer, that the said Pausanias should so oppress and overtreade them. Whereunto the athenians gave willingly the ear, and watchedde the mean and occasion, how they might most honestly do it. So chanced it, that in the mean time, Pausanias was sent for or commanded home, by the Lacedemonyans, who had now been advertised by many people of the vyolences, that he did, and that he governed himself more like a tyrant, than a Duke. And by this mean, all at one time, he was called back, & all the Greeks became under the obeisance of the athenians, reserved them of Peloponese. And after that the same Pausanias was come again to Lacedemonye: he was convicted of many violences & particular pillages, b●t no great crime could be approved against him. Nevertheless before he was acquitted, it was laid to his charge, that he had confederacy with the Medes. And for so much as it was in a manner clearly approved so to be, they would not send him again to the army, to have the charge, but in his stead they sent Docres, 
Dorcis.  and certain other Captains with a small number of people. But when they were arrived at the army, the said men of war, seeing, that Docres regarded them not, returned unto their houses. Which saying, the Lacedæmonians would not send other unto them, fearing that those, that they should send them, should become worse, like as they had experimented by Pausanias. And moreover they desired gladly to be delivered from the war of the Medes. And to leave the charge thereof, to the athenians, who seemed to them to be people meet to have conduit thereof, and also were than, their good friends. The athenians having by this mean taken the authority and principality upon the Greeks, imposed and rated for every of the cities confederated, a certain number of ships, and a certain quantity of money for defence of the country against the Medes. And also to revenge them of the evils, that they had done in the country of Grece. Whereunto, the said confederates did gently agree for the great hatred that they had conceived against Pausanias. And than treasurers and receivers were furst created by the Athenians, for to recover, and keep the money of that same impost, which they called, Tribute. And it was the first, that ever had been imposed over the Greeks, and it amounted to the some of four hundred threskoore talents, and the temple of Delos was chosen for to keep it in. 
Delos.  And there the said confederates did make their assemblies, and so every of the confedered cities, at the beginning, did chose their Dukes and heads, which did govern them according to their laws. And they were all called, and had their voice in the common consultations that were made for the feats of war. The Athenians came to this degree of rule and authority, by occasion of war with the Medes. And for the desire that they had to do greater things. But sithence the said war until this present, whereof we speak, the said athenians did many great feats. aswell against strangers, as against their confederates, that would have made nowelties, and also against certain peloponnesians, which in all the affairs of the said athenians, were willing to withstand and hinder them. The which matters, I am minded here to bring in, departing somewhat from my narration, for that, that all they, which have writtonne before me, have omitted this part. making only mention of things, that were done before the war of the Medes, or in the same war. And specially helicanus, who speaketh some thing in his history of athenians, and toucheth it compendiously, without parfaicting or making distinction of the time. Also it seemeth unto me convenient, to make this narration for that, that thereby it shallbe understand, how the Empire of the athenians hath been establishedde.   

Of wars that the Carthagians had, after that same of Medes, until this present war, aswell against the strangers, as against the Greeks, by means whereof they increased their Empire and authority. Cap. xii.  
ANd first, underconducte of Cymon son of Mylciades, 
Cimon.  they took and pyllaged the town of Eyonne, 
E●ona.  which is upon the river of Strymonne, 
Strymon.  that the Medes did keep. After, they took and fourraged the Isle of Scyre, 
Sciros Dolopes.  that is in the sea, Egee, and from thence chased the Tollopes, who kept it, and did inhabit it with their people. And after, they had war against the Caristyans and other of the Isle of Eubee, 

Caristii  
Euboea   whom finally they subdued by treaty, and successively the Naxiens, 
Nax●●  that were rebels against them, who being conquered by force, were the furst of the cities confederated, that the athenians brought into servitude against the form of the alliance. And they did the like afterwards unto other, which rebelled ●n like manner, which many did, by reason of this, that when they failed to furnish the number of ships, or to pay the tribute, that they had granted, or else that they departed from the army without licence, the athenians constrained and punished them rygourously, which thing was to grievous for them to ●ndure. For that they had not been accustomed to be so constrained. And nevertheless they saw the athenians use more authority, than they were accustomed, & that the war was not equally made, by reason of this, that those Athenians had the power to constrain them, that failed, whereof, they themselves that were constrained had been cause, for that that through stouthfulnes to go to war, and that they would not forsake their houses, some among them had compounded to give money in stead of ships, which they were bound to furnish for their portion. By mean whereof the power of the athenians waxed strong by sea, and they abodde holy destitute of ships. In such sort, that when afterwards they would have rebelled, they found themselves unprovided, and could not resist. After these things the athenians and their confederates made war against the Medes. And in one day, had two victories, the one by land nigh the river of Eurymedone in the country of Pamphilie, 
Eurimedon.  and the other upon the sea, nigh thereunto, under the conduct of Simon. In which battle by sea, were taken and descomfyted all the ships and galleys of the Phenycians, which were to the number of two houndred. It chanced anon after, that the Thasians rebelled from the said athenians, 
Thasii●  by occasion that the same athenians made their estaple of merchandises, and specially of Iron, in the quarter of Thrace, which was on the other side of the sea, directly against them. But the athenians sent thither their army by sea, which descomfyted that same of the Thasians. And afterwards landed and assieged the city. In this self time, they sent ten thousand households, aswell of their citizens, as of their allies, to the quarter of Strymonne for to inhabit with their people the town, which was than called, neuf chemins, and is now named Emphipolis, 
Amphipolis.  and chased from thence the Edonians, 
Edoni.  that held it. But afterwards, those Athenians being entered further by land into the country of Thrace, were all descomfyted, nigh unto Darasinque, 
Drabescus.  by the people of the country, who were despleased, that the said town was so peopled with strangers. In these affairs, the Thasians that had been overcome by sea, and were assieged by the athenians as is before said: sent towards the Lacedemonyans, to require succour. praying them, that they would enter into the country of the said athenians, to th'intent that they might be constrained to raise and break their siege, and go to secure their land. which thing the Lacedemo●yans did secretly grant to do. and had performed it, had not been a great earthquake, which happened in their country. By means whereof, they durst not enteryryse that war. And also it chanced in the self same time, that all the captives of the Lacedemonyans, that were in the quarter of Thuriate and of Eschee, 

Thuriate.  
Ethe●s.   did fly unto Ithome, 
Ithome.  which slaves or captives, were, for the more part, descended of thancient Messenyens, 
Messenu.  that were brought into captivity. And herfore they were all called messenians. By occasion whero●, the Lacedemonyans began war against them of Ithome. and thereby, could not secure them of Thase. Who, by these means, were constrained by the length of the assiege, at the end of three years, to render them to the will of the athenians. which did raze down their walls, and took from them all their ships. And further, caused them to pay all that, that they could make at that time, and taxed great stipends to be paid in time to come. But by this mean, they left them their territory and the mines of metals, that were in the mountaygnes. During this time, the Lacedemonyans perceiving that the war, which they had begun against them of Ithome, did draw to be very long, they sent to all their allies, to have succour and aid of them. And among the other, towards the athenians, for that they seemed unto them, most expert to assault towns & walls, and that by their aid they might take the town by length of siege. which they might have done (for the athenians sent unto them Cymon, with a great bend) if the Lacedemonyans had not suspected the said athenians. whereby afterwards, open discord followed discord followed between them. For that, that the Lacedæmonians, seeing: that the town received them not, they began to doubt them, and to fear the audacity of the athenians, and their readiness to enterprise new things. In such sort, that they doubted, that they of the town, had some intelligence or confederation with them, by mean whero● they showed them, that for that time they had no more need of their succour. And under this colour, licenced them to departed, reteigning nevertheless all the other confederates. Whereupon the athenians knowing evidently that this was done for suspytyon, and not for other cause, took this licence to great displeasure. For they thought well, that they had not merited that same, towards the Lacedemonyens. And therefore being come again to Athenes, and having made reaporte to the citizens, they departed from the amity and alliance, that they had made with the Lacedemonyans at the war of the Medes, and did really themselves with the Argyues, 
Argivi.  who were enemies of the Lacedemonyans, and both two togidres made alliance with the Thessalyans. 
Thessal●.  But in the mean time, they that were within Ithome, saying them to weak to resist the might of the enemies, being also annoyed by the length of the siege, which they had now susteigned nigh upon ten years, they made appointment with the Lacedemonyans. By which it was ordained, that they should avoid the town and all the country of Peloponese in surety, without ever to return thither. And if any of them were found there, that he should be bondman unto him that took him. which appointment those same Lacedemonyans made, through occasion of an answer, that they had had before, during the war, by the Oracle of Apollo pythius. Which was of such substance. The Ithomyan, that shall require mercy, aught to be suffered to pass. And the Ithomyans being by this mean chased from their lands, withdrew themselves, all, with their wives and households, towards the athenians. Who, for the hate, that they had against the Lacedæmonians, received them willingly, and sent them to inhabit the Island of Naupacte, 
Naupactum.  which they had newly conquered. And they had chased from thence the Locres Osolyans. And in a manner, at the self same time, they of Megare departed from the alliance of the Lacedemonyans, and rendered themselves unto the athenians. By occasion of this, that having war against the Corinthians for their limits or bounds, the said Lacedemonyans sent them no succour. And by this mean, the athenians do hold Megare, & the town of fountains, which they name Pegase. which place of Megare, they fortified with thick walls, the extended from the city, until the river of Nysee. 
Nisoea.  And the same athenians caused those walls to be warded by their people. which was the first cause of the enmytye between the athenians and the Corinthians. It chanced upon this, that Inarus son of Sannyticus king of Lybyans, that be borderers to the country of egypt, having assembled a mighty puissance in his city named mary sur le Phare, 
Maria super Pharun.  entered into the said country of egypt, which was than in the subjection of King Artharerses. and so what by force, and what by treaty, withdrew a great part to his obeisance. and that done, sent towards the athenians for to make alliance with them. Who at that time were arrived at the Island of Cyprus, with two hundred ships, aswell of their own, as also of their allies. And after that they had hard and understanded the request of the said Inarus, they left the enterprise of Cypress, and went from those parties, and by the sea, entering into Nilus, they took at their arrival two parts of the city of Memphis. 
Memphis.  And the third, named, the white wall, they besieged. Whereunto were retired the Medes & the Perses, that were escaped from the other two parts with the Egyptians, that were not rebels. On the other side, in the self same time, the athenians that went fourth with their ships, nigh unto Habie, did fight against the Corinthians, 
Halia.  & against the Epydauryans, and were vanquished. But anon after in a battle by sea, which they had against the peloponesians near unto Cecriphale, 
Cecryphalea.  they had the victory. And again after, having begun war against the Egenytes, 
Aeginete.  they had there an other great battle between them by sea, nigh unto Egyne, 
Aegina.  in the which, all the allies and confederates of both parties did meet, whereof likewise those athenians had the victory, and did win or drown lxx ships of enemies. And pursuing their victory, entered into land, and besieged the said city of Egyne. Having Locrates, 
Locrates.  the son of Stribus, for captain. which saying, the peloponesians did take the quarrel of the said Egynettes, as their allies, and sent to their succour for the beginning, three houndred men, Corinthians and Epidaurians, who occupied the promontoryes of Geranee. 
Geranea.  And on the other side, the Corinthians with their allies, entered in battle into the land of Megare, thinking that the Athenians, having an army in egypt and at Egyne, could not defend, in so many places: and at the least, if they would defend the country of Megare, they should be constrained to raise their siege from before Egyne. which notwithstanding, they did not. But all they, that could bear harnnoys, aswell old as young, came out of the city, and met the corinthians before Megare. And so did fight against them. And the battle was so equal, that aither of the parties, pretended to have had the victory thereof. But the Athenians did make and set up their Trophy or sign of victory, pretending to have had the better, for that, that they abodde and kept the camp. By mean whereof the Corinthians, that were returned into their city, saying that the ancient citizens blaymed them, for that they were retired, came again twelve days after, for to plant and set up their Trophy, foranempste the same of the enemies. But the athenians that were in Megare, issued forth upon them with so great fury, that they slew all them, that had set up the said Trophy. and the other that should have been their faulsgarde, they put to flight. Of whom a great part in their sleyinge, ran into a field closed with dyches, so that there was none coming fourth. which seeing, the athenians did set at the entering a good bend of their men to keep them, that they returned not back, And the other ennyroned the said dyche on all sides, and with strokes of stones slew all them that were entered within. which was a great plague to them of Corinthe, though the rest of their people did save themselves within the town. About the time that these things were done, the athenians enterprised and began to make two great and thick walls, that went from the city. Thone, until the port of Pyreus, and the other until the same of Phalere. 
Phalern.  At which time, the Phociens had their army against the Doryans, 
doors.  from whom the Lacedemonyans were now departed, & held besieged three of their towns, to wit, Beon, Sytynyon & Erineon. Whereof after that they had taken the one, the Lacedæmonians sent to the succour of the said Doryans, Nicomedes son of Celobrotus, 
Nicomedes.  who than governed the city, for & in stead of Plistynates' son of Pausanias, 
Plistoanax.  king of Lacedæmonians, with a thousand, five houndredmen of their land, & about ten thousand of their allies & confederates. Notwithstanding before they arrived, Understanding that the Doryans had rendered themself, by composition unto the Corinthians, they returned unto their houses. But they were in great fear to be impeached by the Athenians if they took their voyage by sea. for on the cost of the gulf of Crissee, 
Crissoeus.  the Athenians had great number of ships armed, & on the other coast of Geraine, there was also danger. for that the athenians did hold Megare and fountains, called Pegase, and had there always both people and ships. And further the passage was hard and straight. and also they knew that the athenians did there wait for them. For this cause they concluded for the most expedient, to sojourn in the country of the Beotians, until such time, that they had better advised for their journey. And also at the persuasion of some of the athenians, such as imagined to change the governance populair of the city of Athenes, and to let that the walls should not be parfaicted, that were begun. But the Athenians that perceived it, came fourth against the Lacedemonyans, both old and young to the number of a thousand, and assembled of their allies, to the number of xiiii thousand, aswell for that, that it seemed to them, that their enemies knew not whither to go, as also for that, that they greatly doubted that they were come for to trouble their estate and common governance. Beside the said number, certain horsemen of the Thessalians, came to aid the said Athenians, for the alliance that they had with them. But they turned to the other part, at the battle, that was made nigh the town of Tanagre, 
Tanagra.  in the country of Boece, whereof the Lacedemonyans had the victory, notwithstanding that there was great manslaughter on both sides. After which victory, the Lacedæmonians entered into the country of Megare, and cut down all their trees, afterwards took their journey by Gerayne and by the distraict of Peloponese, and returned into their houses. But the athenians threskoore days after the said battle lost, returned with a mighty power into the country of the Boeotians, under the conduct of Myronides, 
Myronides.  and had a victory over them, nigh Enophite, and by mean thereof, saysed themselves of all the land of Beoce, and of Phocide, and razed down the walls of Tanagre, and took a houndredd hostages or pledges of the richest of the Locriens and the Eponicens'. And also they finished in the self time the two walls, that they had begun at Athenes, for to extend unto the two ports. After this, the Egenytes were constrained by length of siege, to render themself to the Athenians, upon these conditions, that they should beat down their walls, give over all their ships, and yearly pay certain tribute. At departure from thence, the athenians went round about Peloponese, and burned the fences of the Lacedemonyans. and took from the Corinthians, the town of Calcibe. After this, at their landing, they fought against the Cycionyens which were come thither against them, and vainquished them, all which things were done in Grece by the athenians, in the time, that they had their army in egypt. In which country, they had many divers adventures of war. And besides this the king of pierce, from the beginning that he understood their coming into that same country, sent one his captain a Persian, named Megabasus into Lacedemonye, with a great sum of money, for to persuade the Lacedemonyans, that they should by force enter into the land of Athenes, to th'intent to divert or turn by this mean, the Athenians from egypt. But a●ter that the said Megabasus had spent one part of the monneye, 
Megabazus.  and saw that he nothing prevailed: he returned with the rest into egypt, and sent an other capitain, named also, Megabasus, son of Zephyrus Persian to the said country of egypt, with a great army, which, being arrived, had a battle against the egyptians, which were rebels & against their allies, in the which they were vanquished, and the Greeks that were within Menphis, were chased away. who withdrew themselves into the Island of Prosopyde, which is in the River of Nilus. in the which, the said Megabasus held them besieged, one year and an half. During which time, he turned the water from one of the sides of the said Island. In such sort, that the ships of the said athenians lay on dry land, and that the Island was joined to the firm land. And this done Megabasus entered dry footed within the Island with his army, and discomfited the athenians, and by this mean, that, which they had done in the said country of egypt in si●e years, was all lost at one instant, togethers with the more part of their people. And the rest which was very small, saved themselves through the country of Lybye, and came to aryve at Cyre●e. And by this mean, the country of egypt came again to the obeisance of the King of Mede, except the country, that Amyrteus did hold, 
Amyrteus.  for that, that it was all maryce and forests. And moreover the people of that region were all good warryours. But Inarus king of Lybyens, 
Inarus  that had been cause of all the rebellion, was taken by traysone and afterwards hanged on the gallows. During this time, thirty galleys, which the athenians sent to succour their people in egypt, arrived at one of the arms or entering of Nilus, named Mendesius, 
Mendesius.  not knowing the discomfiture of their said people, which were assaulted, on the land side, by the people on foot that were there, and on the sea side, by the galleys of Phenycians. In such manner, that the greater part were drowned, and the other saved themself with force of oores. Such end and issue took the great army and enterprise of the athenians and of their allies in the country of egypt. After the which, Orestes son of Echratydes, 
Orestes  being chased from the country of Thessale by the king of the said land, named Phassalus, 
Phar●alus.  had recourse to the said athenians, and persuaded them in such wise, that they enterprised to set him again into the said country. And so came with aid of the Beocyan and Phocians, to land in Thessale. And took that, that was in firm land nigh the sea, and kept it so long, as they held themselves in battle all togethers, for the horsemen of the king, withstood them to enter any further into the country. By occasion whereof, seeing that they could take no strong town, nor execute their enterprise, they returned without doing any other thing, but that they carried Orestes with them. Anon after, a thousand athenians that were in the place of fountains, named Pegase, which they held, entered into their ships that they had there, and came to arrive in Cycione under the conduct of Porydes, 

Sycionus.  
Porydes.   son of Xantypus. And being landed, they descomfyted an army of Syconiens, that came to overrun them. This done, they took the Archers into their company, and passed through Acarnie, for to come to take the the city of Emade, and so assieged it. But saying that they could not take it, they returned. And three years after, they made truce for five years with the Peloponesians. During the which, albeit that they kept abstinence of war in Grece, yet they made an army of two houndred ships, aswell of theirs, as of their compaygnyons, whereof Cymon was chief capitain, and they went to aryve at Cypress, being at which place. they were called back by Amyrteus, king of the maryces and forests of egypt, and so they sent to the said country of egypt, three score of their ships. 
Citium  The rest remained at the siege before the city of Cyrcye. But being Cymon their capitain there dead, and they in great necessity of victuayles, they departed from the said siege to have returned, and sailing foranempste the city of salamine, which is in Cypress, they fought aswell by sea, as by land, against the Phenycyan, and against the Ciliciens, and had in both battles, victory, and afterwards, they came again into their country. And also the other ships of their bend, which were gone into egypt. After this, the Lacedemonyans, began the war that was called, consecrated. and having taken the temple, that is at Delphos, did deliver it again to the people of the town. But it tarried not long, that the athenians came thither with a mighty army. which took it again and delivered it, to keep, unto the Phocians. Anon after, the banished men, that the athenians had chased from the country of Beoce, having occupied Orcomenye, 
Orchomenun.  Cheronee, 
Cheronoea.  and some other towns of the said country, the Athenians sent thither a thousand men of theirs, with an other number of their allies, as they might readily get them, under the conduct of Tholmydas, 
Tolmida.  son of Tholmee. And so took again Cheronee, and furnished it with their people. And returning from thence, they were encountered by the said banished men, Beotiens, who had assembled the banished of Eubee, the Locres, and some other taking their party. who descomfyted them. The more part of them being slain. and the other taken prisoners. By whose mean, & by delivering of them, the athenians made appointment with the said Boeotians, & restored them to their liberty. And by occasion thereof, all the banished and other that were gone from the said country, returned thither incontinently, understanding to be set again into their former liberty. It tarried not long after, that the Island of Eubee, rebelled against the athenians, and so as Perycles, 
Pericles.  whom the said athenians had sent with a great army for to bring them into their obeisance, was in his journey for to go thither, he received news, that they of Megare were likewise rebelled, and had slain the garnison of athenians, that were within, except a small number which saved themself at Nisee. And those had got one unto their intelligence or confederation from the Corynthians, the Sycionyans and the Epidauryens, and moreover that the Peloponesians should enter, with great puissance, into the land of Athenes. Understanding the which things, he left the journey of Eubee, and came again to Athenes, but before that he arrived, the Peloponosyans were now entered into the country Attic, that is to say of Athenes, and had fourraged and pylledall the land, from the city of Hellusyne, 
Eleusma.  until the field named Thrasius. having for their Duke and captain, Plistonactes son to Pausanias, 
Plistona●.  King of Lacedemonyans. And that done without passing any further, were returned unto their houses. which seeing, the athenians did afresh send Pericles with the army into Eubee. who subdued all the Island by composition, reserved the city of Hescie, 
Hescioea.  which he took by force. And for that cause, chased away from thence, all the inhabitants, and inhabited it with his people. A● return from that same conquest, or very shortly after, the appointment was made for thirty years, between the said athenians on the one party, and the Lacedæmonians & their allies on the other party. through which, those same athenians rendered Pysee les fountains. 
Pysea, in the latin Nysoea.  Trezenie and Achaye, 

Trezenis.  
Achaia.   which was all that, which they did hold from Peloponese. It chanced, that the sixth year after the said appointment, great war was moved against the Samians, and the Mylesyans by reason of the city of Pryene. 
Priene.  And seeing the Mylesyans, that they were not mighty or strong enough for their enemies, they sent to make their complaynctes, towards the athenians, by consent and intelligence of some particular citizens of Samye, that went about to make an alteration or change in their city. At whose persuasion, the athenians went with forty ships against the said city of Samye. the said city of Samye. And so brought it again, to the governance of the common estate. and took of them, thirty young infants, and fifty men, delivered for hostages, whom they left for pawned in the Island of Lemne. 
Lennus,  Afterwards, having left their garnison at Samye, they returned. But anon, after their departure, some of the citizens which were not in the city, when the athenians had so oppressed it, but perceiving their coming, were withdrawn into divers places in the main land, by consent and deliberation of the principal of the city made alliance with Pissuthnes, 
Pissuthne.  son of Hiscapsis, who than governed the city of Sardes. 
Sardes.  And he sent them seven houndred men of war, with whom, they entered by night into the city of Samye, & did fight against the commons that had the governance. In such manner, that they had the upper hand. Afterwards they went straight way to Lemne, and from thence recovered their hostages, and forthwith rebelled against the athenians, and took the people, that the athenians had left there, aswell for the governance of the town, as also for the keep it. whom they gave unto Pissuthnes. And this done, they raised an army for to go to Mylet. having confederation with the Byzantians. who likewise rebelled against the athenians, Who, being advertised of the rebellion of the said samians, caused incontinently lx ships to depart, whereof there went but xliiii to Samie. For the other were sent, some of them into Carry for to impeach, 
Caria.  that the Pheniciens should not pass for to come to secure the said samians, and the other into Chio, 
Chio.  for to fetch men. Being than the said forty and four ships, whereof Pericles was capitain with nine other colleagues or capytaines, arrived in the Island of Tragie, they encountered lxx ships with samians, that came from Mylet: whereof twenty were charged with men of war. and so they did beat and overcome them. And after the victory, being come to their strength forty ships from Athenes, and from Lesbos, and xxv from Chio, they landed in the Island of Samye, and came to assiege the city. having furst driven back and descomfyted, an bend, which was issued out of the said town against them. And so enclosed it, aswell on the sea side, as of all the other, with three walls. Being at which assiege Perycles was advertised, how the Pheniciens came with a great number of ships for to succour the Samyens. So he took lx of the ships that were last come, with the which, he went, with asmuch diligence as he might, against the countries of Can & of Carry. 
Caunus.  Now was on the other side departed from the port of Samye, Stesagoras with five ships for to go to receive the phoenicians. 
Stesagoras.  The samians being than advertised of the departure of Perycles, came by sea with all the ships, that they could assemble, to assail the camp of the athenians, which was not fortified. And at the arrival, drowned the light ships, that they found in the poorte. And the galleys that came against them, they vamquyshed in battle by sea. By mean whereof, they were masters of the sea, and for the space of fourteen days, set in and out of the city, all that they would. But in the end of the said term, Pericles came again with the other ships, who did close● than up again within the town. And anon after, arrived great succours for the said Athenians, to wit, forty ships from Athenes, whereof were captains Thucydides, 
Thucydides.  A●ones & Phormion. 
Phormio.  & twenty other from their allies, whereof were capitains, Clemopolus & Anticles. 
Tlepolemus.  And fro Chio and fro Lesbos, thirty. And albeit that the Samyans did make certain small outrodes & eskarmouches upon them during the space of ix months, that the assiege was before the city: yet ●eynge, that they were not able to resist at lenghthe, they rendered themselves upon such conditions, that they should raze down their walls, that they should deliver hostages and all their ships, and for the expenses of the war, should pay a great some of money at certain terms. Also they appointed the Bizantiens to this condition, that they should obey to the athenians, as they did before. Anon after, began the differences of Corcyre and of Potyde, whereof we have above made mention. and all the other, that were occasion of the war, whereof we do write at this present. These be in effect the wars, that the Greeks had, aswell against strangers, as among themself, after the departure of the king Xerxes out of Grece, until begrnning of this war, whereof we speak. which was about fifty years. During which time, the athenians increased their Empire and their puissance, greatly. wherein the Lacedemonyens, although they perceived it well enough, gave them no great empeschement, but lived the more part of the time, in peace and rest. For they were not hasty nor light to enterprise war, nor also would not come thereunto, but for necessity. Also they were somewhat impeached by certain wars, that they had amongst themself, until such time, as they saw the might of athenians so to increase, and that they daily ou●traged their allies. For than they determined no longer, to endure it. But to enterprise war, with all their power, for to abate their puissance, if they could. And after that they had published the decree, whereof hath been spoken, by the which, they declared the Athenians, to be infractors of their faith, and of the alliance, and oultragieux against their allies and confederates, they sent their messengers to the temple of Delphos, for to inquire of the God Apollo, what end the same war should have. By the oracle or answer of whom, it was annswered, as men say, that if they pursued the war with all their power, they should have the victory. & that he would aid them, in so much as they had called him thereunto. Having than concluded the war in their counsel, they caused their allies and confederates, to be again called into the city of Lacedemonie, for to consult the matter, and to determine all together, if it were expedient, to begin the said war. And after that the Ambassadors of the cities were arrived, the counsel was assembled. Whereunto the same Ambassadors were called. And all the chief of the other, did speak, charging the athenians, and concluding the war. And after all, spoke the corinthians, who before had practised and prayed all the other, to persuade the war forthwith to be made. Fearing that in the mean time that it should be deliberated, the athenians should have taken Potyde. And sotheyr speaking was, of this substance.   

The narration and proposition ●f the Corinthians to the Counsel of Lacedemonyans before the assembly of all the confederates. The xiii Chapter.  
IT needeth not more, Lords Peloponesians, to blame nor charge the Lacedemonyans, that they will not enterprise war against the athenians, considering that they have assembled us here, for this cause. Also it is reasonable, that they, the govern (as they be preferred to honours before all the other) that they have such regard to th'affairs of particulars in general, that all may be equally governed and enterteigned. But as touching us and other, which lately be departed from the athenians, it is no more needful, to admonish us, to beware of them. But only they must be admonished, that dwell in the mean land far from the sea ports, where be the fears & staples of merchandises. For it is very needful that they understand, that if they give not aid and secure to them which dwell in the base countries nigh the sea, the fatching of their goods and of their merchandise shallbe much more difficile, & also the bringing again of wares, which come unto them by sea. Wherefore they ought not now to make ille judgement of this, whereof is question, saying that it nothing toucheth them, but they ought to understand, that if they take no regard of the inhabitants of the base country, and do suffer them to be lost, the danger shall afterwards come upon them. And herefor is it, that this present consultation is made, aswell for them, as for the other. For this cause, they ought not to be niece and negligent to enterprise this war, for to have afterwards peace. For as it is convenient, for grave & prudent people, to live in peace and rest, when they be not wronged, and that no violence is done unto them: Even so it is convenient, for virtuous and courageous people, to turn peace into war, when they be outraged. And after that they have well provided for their affairs, to come again to peace & accord. And neither to be proud for the prosperity of the victory, nor also, for covetise of peace and of rest, to suffer themself to be outraged. For he, that for to much love of rest, is nice, & not forcing to revenge himself, perceiveth himself very soon deprived of the voluptuousness, that he taketh of the rest. Also that parson, that hath oftentimes good adventures in war, forgetteth himself by unassured and unfaithful fierceness and cruelty, in such sort that he thinketh not what he ought to do. For oftentimes, foolish enterprises chance well, for that, that the enemies did conduct theirs, more foolishly. And also many enterprises, that seemed, to have been well begun, have myshappened. For that, that the things in such matter be never executed in the sort, that they were purposed upon. Also men have always good and certain hope of things to come, that they do enterprise. But when it cometh to execute them, they fail oftentimes, for fear. Now as touching us, who have been greatly outraged by the athenians, we purchase and enterprise war against them upon good and just quarrel, to the intent to live always in peace and rest, after, that we shall have been revenged of them. Of the which war, we ought to hope to have the victory for many reasons. The first for that, that we have greater number of people, and better warryours, than they have. And the other for that we be all, with one will, delyberated to do that, which shallbe commanded us. And for that, that they be more mighty with ships than we, we will supply to that, aswell so much of our particular money, that we will furnish every one for his rate a portion, as also of the Silver, which is in the temple of Delphos, & in the same of Olympus, which we may coin. And by that means, we shall easily withdraw & retain their maronniers & also their men of war, which be more strangers and mercenaries or huyred soldiers, than borne in that country. which thing is otherwise with us. For we be more mighty of people, than of monneye. And it we may have the victory over them, it is to believe, that they shallbe discomfited. And also, how much the more longer that they resist, so much the more our people shall exercise & apply themself to the sea. And so much, as they be people of more heart, than theirs, when that they shall have been exercised, they shallbe always more strong. For the hardiness that ours have, cometh unto them of nature. which the other may not acquire or get, neither by art nor by learning. But we may well by exercise acquire the industry or travail, that they have, more than we, and also we shall find money enough for to furnish this affair. For if their allies refuse not to pay them tribute for to be in their servitude and subjection, we shall not be so wretched, that we refuse to contrybute with theirs, goods for to revenge us of our enemies, and to save our liberty. For also, when they shall have taken them from us, they will entreat us worse by cause of our goods. We have on the other part many other means to make war against them. The furst is, that we will practise their allies and subjects, and will cause them to rebel against them, and by this mean we will cause them to lose the revenues, that they have more than we. Also we may destroy their countries and territories, whereby money groweth unto them, and many other occasions & means may happen to us, whereof we now take no advise. For there was never war made holy by the means, and according to the preparation that was devised from the beginning, but of itself, it causeth others to come to the understanding of men, according to the accidents and chances, which do occur and happen. And in that, they, that have most high and entire courage, be in greater surety, than they which be in sadness and in fear. And every one of us ought to think and imagine, that if he had question of his limits or bounds with his neighbours, that were as mighty as he, that he would not suffer himself to be outraged. Now presently, the athenians be mighty enough to subdue us altogider, whereby they shall more easily subdue us particularly, town ●or town. which thing they will do, if that we ally not ourselves together, and resist them, all with one accord. And if they have the victory over us (though it be a thing right heavy and dyspleasante to be spoken) yet always he that heareth it, aught to understand, that that same victory, shallbe no other thing but our bondage, which is a thing abominable to be hard named, in Peloponese, much more to see by effect, so many noble cities to be suppedytated and travailed by one, only city. wherein it seemeth, either that we be nice and negligent, or for fear to much patient, and by that mean degenerating from the virtue and glory of our ancestor's, who have delivered all Grece from servitude. And it seemeth, that we be not sufficient to defend our liberty, when we suffer one only city to usurp the government over us, where as when there is one only tyrant in a city we demand that he may be chased away. And we do not consider that by enduring this, we incur into three great and evil vices, to wit, cowardness pusillanymytie and imprudence. And it availeth nothing to say for to excuse you of the said vices, that you will eschew the temerity and rashness. which hath been pernicious unto many people. For this excuse (under shadow whereof many have been deceived) ought rather for fear, to be named, madness. But it sarueth nothing to our purpose to tax or reprehend things passed, by longer talk, than the time requireth, but we ought in providing and succouring things present, to travail for those, that be to come. For you hold, and have learned of your ancestor's, to acqiure virtues by labours and travails. from whom ye should not degenerate nor serve. And if that you were anciently more rich & more mighty than t●ey were, so much it should be greater shame to lose in your riches, that, which they won in their poverty. you have moreover many reasons and occasions, which should move and encourage you to make war. The first is the answer of the god Apollo, who hath promised to aid you, you shall have more to your help, all the rest of Grece, partly for fear, partly for their proffitt. And you ought not to fear first to break the peace and the alliance, which we have with the athenians, which the God, who perswadethe us to begin war, judgeth to have been first infringed by them. But it shallbe rather to defend the traicties and confederations which, they have violated and brokenne. For they that defend themselves be not infractours of the peace, but they that furst make assault Wherefore by all reason, there can not, but goodness, happen unto us to enterprise this war. And in asmuch as you know, by the things that we have showed you here in general assembly, for to animate and persuade, how it is necessary, aswell for the common wealth of all, as for the particular of every one amongst us: Delay no more to defend your liberty, and particularly to give aid to them of Potyde, which be dorians, and be assieged by the ionians. which is hole contrary to that, that was wont to be in times passed. For that, that if we presently dissemble, we shall suffer one of us to be destroyed. And when it shallbe published that we have made this assembly for to revenge us, but that we dare not, we may understand, that there may be asmuch done to the other. But lords, allies, and confederates, knowing that we be come into this necessity, and that we counsel you that, which is for the best, you ought to determine and enterprise this war. And you ought not somuch to be afraid of soubdaine incomodites & difficulties of the war, as to think of the goodness, which shall come unto you, by the long peace that thereby shall follow. For peace establisheth itself by war. And also men be not assured to be without danger when they be in rest and without war. And on the other part in subduing by force that city of Grece, which will usurp the tyranny or rule over all the other, (whereof it already ruleth some, and purposeth to rule the rest) we shall certainly abide afterwards in surety, and shall set at liberty those, that be in servitude and bondage. Thus did the Corynthians speak.   

How the war being concluded against the athenians, by all the Peloponesians in the city of Sparte, the Lacedemonyans, sent their Ambassadors towards the athenians for to summon them of certain causes. The xiiii Chapter.  
When the Lacedemonyans had hard all them of the other cities speak, which were there assembled, they caused to be given small balls to the Ambassadors of every of them, for to declare by that means, whider they willed peace, or war. So they were all of opinion to make war, which was by them concluded and determined. But there was no mean at that time to begin it, for they were unprovided of all things. For this cause, it was devised that every one of the said cities should contrybute. And ordained that it should be done without tract or length of time, which they did in less than one year. And in the mean time they sent Ambassadors towards the athenians, for to expound and declare th'air faults and crimes, whereof they were charged. To th'intent to have better & more just occasion to make them war, if they amended them not immediately. And chief demanded them, that they should purge the misdeed & offence, wherewith the Gods were offended, which was such. There had been sometime a citezeine of the city of Athenes, named Cylon, a noble and a mighty man, who had gottone, the prize at Olympe. This Cilon had to wife the daughter of Theagenes, who than was ruler of Megare. In making which marriage, answer was given to the said Cylone, 
Cylon  by the god Apollo of Delphos, that when the great feast of jupiter should be, he should enjoy the fortress of Athenes. who having the conduct of men of war of Theagenes, his ●ather in law, and assembly of some his friends of the city, than, when the feast of Olympus was celebrated in Peloponese, took and occupied the said fortress of Athenes, to the intent to make himself lord and ruler. Persuading him, that, that was the greatest feast of jupiter, that was made. And for that, that he had at other times won the prise in the said feast, it seemed to him the more that, the same sarued to his case and prophecy, of the god. For he had not considered, if the answer extended to the feast that was celebrated at Athens or at other places. Also the god had not declaired it. And yet the athenians celebrated a very solemn feast every year in the honour of jupiter without the city, in the which were sacrificed many beasts, counterfaicted by so great art, that they seemed to be living. But Cylon, who had interpretated the oracle of Apollo to his own fantasy, thinking to do well, enterprisedde the matter, like as hath been showed. when the athenians understood that their fortress was taken, all they that were in the fields assembled and came to assiege the said Cylone and his men within the said fortress. But for that the place was strong, and that it noyed them to be there all occupied, the more part went to chair affairs, and left the charge to nine of them with a competent number of people to keep and h●lde the said place assieged. And so gave them full might to do all that, which should seem unto them in that affair, to be for the wealth of the city. Who, during the said siege, did many things apperteigninge unto the administration o● the common wealth. In the mean time, Cylon & his brother found means to issue secretly out of the fortress, & ●aued themselves. But the other that tarried being constrained by famine, after that many were dead, came to couch themselves, bifore the great altar, which was within the said fortress. Than they that had the charge of the siege being entered within, would have caused them to arise. And saying that they died, to th'intent that the temple should not be polluted and defiled, did draw them fourth, and afterwards did kill them. But there were some that were mourdred in passing by the infarnal gods, and some, at the foot evenne of the altars. By occasion whereof, they that committed the deed, and all their discente, were holdenne for cruelle and sacrileges. And also the malefactors, were banished by the athenians. And likewise by Cleomenes chased out of Lacedemonye. And afterwards, being come into new dissension with the athenians, they that were found of the said lingnaiges, were not only dryvenne out of the city, but also the bones of the buried were cast forth from thence. And yet by succession of time, they came thither again, and even at this present there be certain households there dwelling. And that they did, knowing that Pericles son of Xantippus was descended of the same race or strain by his mother, hoping that if we were chased out of the city, they might afterwards more easily come to the end of th'air war against the athenians. And if that he were not chased fromthence, at the least he should conceive an great hate towards the people that had this opinion, that for being minded to save them, that same war was in part commenced and begun against them. Now he was in that same time, the Chiefest man of the city, and had most authority. And also contraryed the enterprises of the Lacedemonyens. And animated the athenians to defend them by force of arms. To this request, the athenians than answered the lacedemonians with the self same art. saying that those Lacedemonyans ought likewise to purge the sacrilege, wherewith they were infected, by mean of the violence, that they had done in the temple of Neptunus, in the place of Tenare. For at a certain time bifore passed, at the instigation of Tynarus, 
Toenarus.  they had drawin out of the temple of Neptunus and slain certain fugitives, that required mercy, and by this mean, violated the franchise and liberty of the temple. By occasion whereof, the people had opinion, that thereupon followed a great earth quake. which anon after chanced in the city of Sparte. And furthermore the same athenians required the Lacedemonyans to purge an other sacrilege, wherewith they were likewise infected by cause of the temple of Pallas, which happened in this manner as followeth.   

Here th'author showeth incidently the trahisone, that Pausanias' minded to do against the Greeks, and how he was slain. The xu Chapter.  
AFter that Pausanias, being by the Lacedemonyans exempt from the charge of their army that he had in Hellespont●, for to come to answer to charges, that were laid upon him: was absolved or cleared of the same charges, yet was he restored to this former charge. which perceiving, he departed from the city, feigning to be willing to go to the said country of Hellespont, for to serve in the war, as a simple soldier. But the truth was, for to appoint with the king of Medes touching that same war, which he himself had begun. And afterwards by mean of the said king, to usurp the rule and principality over all Grece. For to come to which conclusions, he had now, during his charge bifore his accusation, won the favour of the king by a singular plaisir and benefit, which he did him. That is, that having in his return fro Cyprus, taking the city of Bizance, together with the people, that the king had left there in garny●one, amongst whom, there were many his parents & domesticals or households, That same Pausanias' sent them again secretly, without knowledge of his companions, & colleagues or fel●owes in commission, feigning that they were escaped. And this he did by the mean of Congilus, 
Congylus.  who had charge to keep them by whom also he sent letters to the king of t●is substance. Pausanias' Duke of Spartains to the king Xerxes, 
The tenor of the letters of Pau●sanias sent to to the king Xerxes.  greeting. I send unto the these prisoners, that I have taken by good war, for to win thy good grace. And also I am desirous to espouse and marry thy daughter, i● it plea●e thee, & in this doing, to bring all Grece into thy obeissance, which thing I persuade myself that I may easily do, having good intelligence or confederation with the. wherefore if the thing be agreeable unto thee, send alongst by sea, some right faithful man of thine, to whom I will communicate & make privy the whole matter. Xerres was r●ght joyful of this Epistle. And so sent incontinently Artabasus, 
Artabasus.  son of Pharnaces by sea, under colour of giving him charge of the province of Scilite, the which Mogabata did hold for the king. And he gave him letters for to send to Pausanias who was in Byzance, which were sealed with the kings seal, & furthermore gave him charge to travail with the said Pausanias in all that, that he would command him, the best way and most secretly that he could, Who after that he was arrived in the said province, executed his charge right discreetly. And among other things, sent the said letters unto Pausanias, which were of this tenor. 
The tenor of Xerres letters to Pausanias.  The king Xerres unto Pausanias, greeting. I thank the for that plaisir & benefit that thou haste done for me, by sending unto me again, the prisoners, which thou didst take at Bizance. which thing shall never by me nor by mine be put in obly●●e, & also I take in good part that, which thou hast done me to understand. Therefore I pray that thou wilt travail day & night for to execute that, which thou hast promised me. For I will not spare gold nor silver, nor also army, where it shallbe required. Of which matter thou mayst surely treat & travail with Artabasus, whom I send unto the expressly, for this matter. For he is a ma● discrete, and very faithful. In doing which things mine affairs & thine shall proceed right well to our honour & prouffitt. After that Pausanias had received the said letters, notwithstanding that he was in great reverence with all the Greeks, for the charge & authority that he had, he took much more great heart & greater audacity. In such sort, that he was not content to live after the manner accustomed of the Greeks, but went fourth of Bizance appareled after the fashion of Medes, & in going through the country of Thrace, he had soldiers, Medes & Egyptians in his compaigny. And also caused himself to be sarued at the table plentefully after the manner of Medes. And for effect, he could not conceyle his heart nor enterprises, but gave to understand by y●, that he did, that which in his courage he conspired to do. He was also dangerous to give audience, & was easily angered with every man. In such sort, that there was not he, that feared not to aboard him. which was the principal cause, for which the confederates of Grece, departed from the Lacedemonyens, & did ally themselves with the athenians. By occasion whereof, the Lacedemonians revoked him from his charge, as it hath been showed. Afterwards being departed by the sea of Harimond without licence of the lordship, it was suspected that he would resume the authority. For reason whereof, being arrived at Bizance, where the athenians kept the assiege, he was chased away by the Lacedemonyens, and after he came not again to Sparte, but withdrew himself into certain villages of Troade. And being there, it was signified unto the Lacedemonyens that he treated with the Barbarous or strangers, some evil matter, so they thought it good no more to dissimule. And sent a sergeant with his mace from one of the Tribune's of the people, whom they call ephors. who gave him in commandment that he should incontinently come to Sparte as fast, as he,, and not to depart from his company, upon pain to be reputed rebel & enemy of the city. And minding not to make himself more suspected, hoping also by money to justify and purge him from crimes, that were laid upon him, went to Sparte with the said sargeaunte. But forthwith as he was arrived, he was put in prison by ordinance of the said ephors. Who have authority to cause to be brought thither, the king himself. Yet he came fourth incontinently by mean of certain, whom he had corrupted by money, & came to present himself to the counsel, ready to make answer unto them, that would charge him. Now neither the citizens nor his enemies had no apparent witness or accusation for to condemn nor punish him. Specially being a man of the lineage of kings, and also of great dignity and reputation. For he had been tutor of Plistarcus, 
Plistarchus.  son of king Leonydes, and in his name had, as tutor, the administration of his royalme. Howbeit the insolency and fierceness of his life, and that he followed in many things, the manners of strangers, made him much suspected to have intelligence with them, & to Imagine some thing to rule among them, that were his. And considering many things that he had done against the laws and customs of the city, they made it a great matter amongst other, for that, that being in the temple of Delphos, through a maruaillous audacity & arrogancy, he wrote in a table of brass, which the Greeks had there offredde of the spoille of the Medes, certain verses of this substance. After that the Duke of the Greeks, had descomfited the army of Medes, Pausanias gave this offering to Phoebus. which verses, the Lacedemonyens caused incontinently to be taken away, and to be defaced. And caused to be put in place of that, that Pausanyas attrybuted only this glory unto himself, the name of all the cities confederated, which had been at the battle against the strangers. And furthermore, he was charged and accused of an other matter, which sarued better to the present accusation. That is, that he had as some said, made great secret treaties and conjurations with the prisoners of the city, promising to give them liberty, and to make them citizens, if they would rise in armure with him, and would do that, which he would command them. which was a true matter. But yet it was not lawful to judge against him by accusation of prisoners, according to the laws. By which it was prohibited to proceed to any execution definitive against any Cytezeine of Sparte, without undoubtful and certain witness and accusation. So it chanced in these procedings, as it is said, that one his domestical servant of the city of Argille, whom he had abused carnally in his youth which was that same, that had charge to tarry to Artabasus the last letters, that that same Pausanias had written to the king Xerres, came to discover the case unto the ephors. And the occasion, wherefore he did it, was for a suspicion that he had, because that he had seen none of the other messengers, that the same Pausanias had sent unto the said Artabasus, return again. Wherefore fearing that it should mischance him, he caused to counterfeate the seal, wherewith the letters were sealed, that he might seal them again after that he had red them, if he found therein nothing of that, which he had fantased, and to the intent also that the said Artabasus should not perceive that they had been opened. Having than opened and red them, he found amongst other things that, whereof he doubted. That is, that by the same, Pausanias did write to Artabasus, that he should slay him. which he incontinently brought to the said ephors. whereby they were greatly instructed according to their imagination, that they had against the said Pausanias. But yet the better to know the truth, they would gladly understand it by his mouth, and so did use this cautel. They found mean, that the said servant came to render himself within the temple or place of Tenarus, as one man, that hath offended his master. And putteth him into franchise or sanctuary. And did him to understand, that he came thither to speak with him. which thing he did. And on the other side two of the ephors were hid within a very secret place, so that they might hear and understand all that, which Pausanias and his servant said together, with out being perceived. Pausanias' being than come to his man, and having demanded him what was the cause, for which he had put him into franchise, he declared to him that he had opened the letters, and showed him all the tenor, lamenting himself for that, that by the same, his said master had commanded him to be slain, notwithstanding that in all the treaties that he had had with the king, wherein he trusted in him, he never found in him fault, wherefore he thought it unreasonable that he had ordained that he should be slain. As the other messengers had been, whom he had sent thither bifore, which were but common people. Whereunto Pausanias answered, confessing the whole to be true, and yet went about to appease and keep him, that he should not take it angrily, swearing to him by the temple, where he was, that he would never do him harm. And praying him that he would with all diligence go towards the said Artabasus, to the intent that the matter were not impeached. All which things the said ephors, having well understanded, and by this mean, holding the case to be very true and well witnessed, did ordain that the said Pausanias should be apprehended within the city. But as the two ephors came alongst the street against him, he perceived by the countenance of the one, and by the token, that the other, that was his friend, made unto him, that they came to take him. And so he ran away for to get the temple of Pallas, bifore that they might take him. But bifore that he came to the said temple, withdrawing himself into a little house which was thereunto adioigninge, for to have repoosed himself a little, he was overtaken by them, that followed him. Who descovered the top of the same house, and let keepers to the gates, in such sort, that he could not come fourth. But he was kept there so long, that he died for hunger. But bifore that he gave up the ghost, they, that kept him, seeing that he died, did draw him out of that place which was hallowed, even so being in a trance, as he was. Who incontinently died between their hands. And after his death, the ephors were of opinion to cast him into a great cave, wherein were cast all the cariong●s of them, that were put to death by justice. Yet afterwards they changed their opinion, and caused him to be buried in a pit there nigh unto it. But a certain time after, by revelation and answer of the god Apollo of Delphos, they were commanded that they should take him out of the said pit and should bury him in the place where he yielded up the ghost. which thing they did. And yet at this present day, the sepulchre may be seen bifore the temple, like as appeareth by the letters that be graven in the stone of the sepulture. And moreover they were commanded by the oracle of the god, that, for to purge the sacrilege that they had committed by violating of the temple of the goddess, that they should in stead of one his body, render twain. which they did. And in the stead of Pausanias, whom they had taken, they offered him, two images and statures of copper. By this mean now the athenians, for to answer to the Lacedemonyans, touching the sacrilege, wherewith they charged them, rendered them the contrary. saying that it was requysitt also, that they should purge this crime and outrage, which they had done to the goddess Pallas, which, by the god Apollo, was judged sacrilege.   

¶ How Themistocles duke of athenians, being persecuted aswell by them, as by the Lacedemonyans, withdrew himself towards the king Artaxerxes, and there ended his life. ☞ The xvi Chapter.  
When the Lacedemonyans had understand the answer of the athenians, they sent unto them again their messengers, signyfying them, how that Themistocles had been consenting and partaker of the self conspiracy, that Pausanias had done, like as they said to appear by his process, which they kept within the temple. requiring the athenians, that they should likewise punish the said Themistocles. 
Temistocles  The which thing the said athenians lightly did believe. And all with one accord sent aswell from Sparte as fro Athenes, people, for to take the said Themistocles. Who in that same time being banished from Athenes, kept himself in the city of Argos, the more part of the time, but oft-times he went through the country of Peloponese. Being then advertised of that same deliberation, he departed from Peloponese, & went from thence by sea to Corcyre, knowing that the people of that same city loved him, for many plaisi●s and benefits that he had done them. But they showed him that if they received him, they should cause the Spartaynes and the athenians to be their enemies. And so they set him a land in the coast of the Island next unto them. And after perteyvinge that he was still pursued, he withdrew himself towards Admetus' king of Melosses, 
Admetus.  although he knew him not, to be his friend. And not finding that same king in his city, for that he was than absent, he came to render himself to the queen his wife. who bade him to take their son by the hand & to tarry in their house until the coming of the king, who tarried not long bifore he returned. And when he was arrived, Themistocles came to present himself & showed him. That albeit in the time that he was duke of Athenes, & that, when the same king was at their mercy, he had spoken against him in certain things: yet were it not reasonable that he should take vengeance of him at that hour, that he was come to tender himself to his mercy, in somuch as the things were not like, for he was than in much more poor estate, than the king was, when the said Themistocles injuried him. And it appertained not to a noble courage to take vengeance, but against his egalls. And on thoder part when the said Themistocles was against him, the said king travailed only to do his profit for goods, & not to save his life, as the said Themistocles presently did. For if that he restored him unto them that pursued him, he were cause of his death. After the Themistocles had made these declarations, being set upon the ground with the same son of the said Admetus (which is a fashion to require the most effectuously that might be) the same king caused him to arise & promised not to restore him to the Lacedæmonians & Athenians which thing he performed, notwithstanding that soon after their messengers came to him and made many great declarations for to persuade him to restore him. But understanding that he would go to the king Xerxes, he caused him to be accompanied by land unto the city of Pydue. 
Pydua  which is situated upon the shore of the other sea, appertaigning unto Alexander. In which place he entered into a ship, which was willing to go into Ionum. But by fortune of sea he came to land for anempste the city of Nare, which the Athenians did hold assieged. whereof the said Themistocles was greatly astonied, & yet discovered not himself to the patron of the ship, who knew not bifore what he was, nor for what cause that he fled, but said unto him in this manner. If thou savest me not & keep me secret, I will say to the athenians that thou hast taken money of me for to save me. But if thou dost save me, I will recompense the abundantly or liberally. And the remedy is that thou suffer not any of them that be in the ship to go fourth, but keep them here at ancre until we have wind for to depart. which thing the patron granted him, and lay at anchor a day and a night. Afterwards having recovered the wind he halsed up the sail for to go towards Ephasus. Being arrived at which place, Themistocles performed that, which he had promised. And gave him a good some of money. For anon after, it was largely brought to him, aswell from Athens, as also from Argos. From thence Themistocles took his journey by main land with one mariner, being a Persian. And so wrote letters to Artarerxes, 
The tenor of Themistocles. letters to king Artarerxes.  who than newly succeeded Xerres, his father, in the roiaulme of Mede and of pierce, which were of the tenor that followeth. I come unto the king Artarerxes, I Themistocles, that have done many dommayges to thy house, more than any other Greek, by that I was constrained to resist thy father, who assailed me. But I did him much more service afterwards, when it was lawful for me to do it. For he was beholden unto me for his return, which was right dangerous. And this said he, for that, that after that Xerxes had lost the battle by sea at salamine, that same Themistocles wrote unto him that he should haste to return, feigning that it was enterprised to break the bridges where he should return, and that he had impeached it. After followeth the rest of the Epistle. And now that the Greeks do parsecute me, as thy friend, I come hither to do the much service. But I am determined to sojourn here one year, and afterwards to show the causes, for which I am come. The king having read his letters, marveled at his wit, and granted him that, which he demanded, to tarry there one year where he was, bifore to come unto him. within which time, he learned all that was possible, both of the language, and also of the manners of the Persiens'. Afterwards he came unto the king, and had more authority about him, than any of the Greeks, that ever came thither, aswell for the dignity and great reputation that he had had bifore, as also for that, that he purposed and showed him means, to subdue all Grece, and specially, for that he gave them to understand by experience, that he was a man of knowledge and diligent. For he could well show, the force and lyvelyves of his nature and of his wit, and in this, he was maruaillous and excellent above all other. He was moreover of his nature diligent and ready without having at any time ever learned any studies or sciences, than, nor after. And to give provision to all sudden cases, his counsel was very ready and singular. And of the things which he conducted, he had a great judgement what would follow. And ordered them very quietly and discreetly, & also he had good parceverance in things, whereof he had not the administration. But above all, in ambiguous matters, wherein it was hard to judge what were the or the best, he had a marvelous providence. And besides this, he was without fear above all men living in all things, whereof he did speak, aswell for the goodness of his nature, as also for the readiness of his wit. He declared to the king what was to be done for the enterprise of Grece, but bifore it was time to execute it, he died of a disease, though it pleaseth some to say, that he killed himself with poison, perceiving that he could not execute that, which he had promised to the king. He was buried in the city of Magnesie in the country of Asia, 
Magnesia.  and there is yet seen his sepulchre upon the market place. Of the which city, the king had given him the governance and the revenue. which amounted to five houndred talents every year. For to furnish it with bread. ●●d for to furnish it with wine, Lampsaque was given him, 
Lamsacus.  for that, that place was esteemed to be most habundante with wine of all Asia. And for his pytance, Minute was given to him. 
Mynutus,  It is said, that his parents by his commandment, carried away his bones, and buried them in the country of Athenes, without knowledge of the athenians, for somuch as it was 〈◊〉 lawful by the laws of the country, to bury the body of a man, that was judged a traitor and rebel. Such issue, had Pausanyas the Lacedemonyan. And Themistocles the Athenyan. who were both, in their country, right noble.   

How after many goings and commynges, the athenians did put it into deliberation whither they should rather accept the war, or obey to the requests of the Lacedemonyans. Cap. xvii.  
AFter that the Lacedemonyans had required and summoned the athenians, and also that the Lacedemonyans were by them required and summoned to purge their offences of the gods, and the sacrileges of the one part and on the other, those Lacedemonyans sent again to the Athenians to warn them that they should restore and set the Potydyans again into liberty. And suffer the Egynyans, to live according to their laws. But chief they declared, that they would not commence the war against them, if they would revoke the decree which they had made against the Megarens. By which they were forbidden, to aryve in the poortes of the athenians, and to come to their markets, and also to use merchandise with them. To all which requests, and specially, touching the revocation of the said decree, the athenians determined not to obey. Alleging against them of Megare, that they occupied the holly and indevided place, and that they received the fruits of Athens. Finally, yet after all these answers, three Ambassadors of the Lacedemonyans came again unto them, to wit, Raphius, 
Ramphius.  Malesippus 
Malesippus.  & Agesandrus, 
Agesandrus.  who without making any mention of any of the other matters, whereof had been spokenne bifore, said unto them this words only in substance The Lacedemonyans be minded to have peace with you, the which you may have, if you suffer the Greeks in their liberty. Upon which proposition, the athenians, than caused the counsaille of the city to assemble, for to determine one time for all, of the answer, which they had to make. Upon which matter after that many had showed their opinions, the one that the war should be accepted, the other that the decree against them of Megare should be revoked, rather than by occasion thereof to have war, finally Pericles the son of Xantippus, 
Pericles  who was at that time the chiefest man of the city, and most renowned, aswell in word, as in deed, stood up and spoke in this manner.   

¶ The speaking and opinion of Pericles to the counsel of the athenians, according whereunto, the answer was made unto the Lacedemonyans. The xviii Chapter.  
THough that I know, lords athenians, that men make not war with that same ardour & desire, that they enterprise it, but according to the cases that happenne, do change their will: yet I continue still in my opinion, not to give place to the Peloponesians. For I do see this, whereof we must presently determine, like & approaching unto that, whereof I have had opinion bifore this time. wherefore I think it a thing reasonable, that they among you, that shallbe of my advise, if there chance hereafter any mischance against the common opinion of the people, that they ought than to excuse it. And if it happen well (as we do hope) not to judge it their prudence for that it is so chanced. For it is commonly seen, that the chance of things to come, be as uncertain, as thoughts of men, which is the reason, whereby if any thing, unlooked for, do chance us, we accuse fortune. Now to come to the case whereof is question, it is very certain, that the lacedemonians have always heretofore imagined against us, & yet presently do imagine. For though it be spoken by our covenants & treaties, that if there be any controversy between any among us for any thing, they ought to stand unto the knowledge or judgement of other and in the mean time to continue in the estate and possession, that they be found in: yet they have not demanded that we should put the causes, whereof the quarelle is made, into judgement & knolaige. But when that we have offered it them, they w●ld not accept it. For that, that they love better that quarrels be avoided by war, than by words. And though it seem that they come by manner of request, yet is it by commandment. For they command us to depart from Potyde, that we suffer the Egynyans in their liberty, & that we revoke the decree, that we have made against the Megar●ans. And they which be last come, do command us that we suff●e the Greeks to live according to their laws. And to the intent, that any among you do not think that the question is of a small matter, to wit to revoke the said decree, whereupon they arrest most stiffly, saying that in that doing, we shall not have war, & likewise that it should be a great fault to enter into such a war for one so small a matter, I advertise you, that this small affair, conteigneth the consequence & the establishment of all the other things, where upon my opinion is grounded. For if you grant them this, they will command you incontinently some other thing, more great, seeing that, for fear, you shall have obeyed them in that. But if that you refuse them & speak against them sharply with a good blow, they shall know, that they ought not to come by authority towards you, but by amity. as from like to like. wherefore I think that you must determine aithere to obey them bifore you have received any inconvenience of war, or else (which I repute to be the best) to take the adventure of the war, rather than to obey than in any thing small or great. And so possess by this mean that, which we hold always in fear. For into as great bondage & subjection a man putteth himself by obeying to the commandment of his Egalls & neighbours without any judgement, in a small matter, as in a great. And if it be forced that we come to war the one against the other, every with all his power, there is great appearance for him that will naroly consider all things, that we should not have the worse. For furst the Peloponesyans be the more part, handy craft men & labourers, who have no money in general & very little in particular. And also they have not experience of long wars, & specially of those, that be made by sea. And even when they have any war among themselves, they may not continued it long, by cause of their poverty. And if there be question to send to the sea, they have no mean to replenish their ships with men, nor yet to send out a puissant army by land. For that, that by that mean they should eloign or absent themself fro their domestical affairs and should lose their exercise and manner of living. And furthermore you know that war is more susteigned by riches and ready money, than by violent exactions. Now if we occupy or keep the sea, they will be more ready, being handy craft people & labourers, to serve with their bodies, than with money. Hoping that they may always save their bodies fro dangers of the war, where they cannot excuse themselves to contribute to the expenses of it, when it shall be bigon until the time that it shallbe achieved & ended. And for to speak of things passed, the Peloponesians have been equal to the other Greeks in one only battle, but thoroughly to continue war, they have not been like unto them that were better provided, than they. For that they use not one only counsaille, but many. By occasion whereof, that, which they have to do, they do it suddenly. And though they be much different of faculties, of power and of all other things, yet every one man hath his opinion, aswell the one, as the other, and every man tendereth his particular proufytte, whereby it cometh not commonly, that any thing is done, that availeth. For if some be safely inclined to fight with any, and to run him over, the other fear greatly to spend their particular good. And furthermore, for so much as they come evil willingly to their common assembles, they determine in a moment of time of their general affairs, and employ the more part of time, to their private business. For every one of them thinketh that the common wealth shall not be endamaged by his absence, & that they shall have some there, that shall do somuch for him, as if he were there. And by this mean having every man this opinion towards himself, they perceive not, that the common wealth perishethe by them all togethers. And if at any time they delyberate to attend thereunto diligently and at length, they cannot for lack of money. And yet the affairs of war need no long deliberations. And we must not fear their edifices nor their army by sea. For as touching the edifices or buildings, though that they were in peace, yet should it be very hard for them to make a town so strong, as this here, and therefore they shall make it much less in time of war. And specially there, where we shall make our rampires and munytyons to the contrary. And when now they shall make against us a town firmed or closed with walls, and that they shall strength it with people, it is true that they may endamage us aswell in making courses and pillage in some places of our land, as in drawing to their party some of our subjects, yet by their buildings they shall not defend, that we go not into their land by sea, wherein we be most strong. And also we have by our continual excercise in the sea, more experience in the war that is made by land, than they have by usage of the land war, in the fight or battle by sea. To the which they cannot easily appoint nor frame themselves to be expert. For we ourself that have continually used this craft, since the war of the Medes, be not therein parfaictly instructed. How shall they than do it, that were accustomed to labour the land, and not to travail the sea. And on the other part, by having continually a great number of ships, laying watch for them, we shall keep them well from accustoming themselves to that business, & fro doing any thing of importance. And where as, not seeing against them, but a small number of ships, they may (trusting to the great number of th'air people) take the adventure to come to fight upon the sea, when they shall see that there shallbe a great number on all sides, they will save themselves or eschew it. And by this mean, leaving holy the use of sailing, they shall therein have every day less knowledge, & also shall become more idle. For 〈◊〉 art of the sea, like as in all other, it is not sufficient to exercise himself wha●he hath no nother business, but it is required (for to know it well) to do no other exercise, but that same there. And if it be said that by mean of the money that they shall take in Olympus or in Delphos, that they may retain the huyred ma●onners that we have, giving them greater sold or wages: truly I say that this should be a grievous thing for us, if we should not abide so strong of our people, namely which should be within our ships, as they of th'air own people, but we shall be as mighty, And that which more is, we have patrons & other ministers by sea in greater number, than all the remmenant of Grece hath. And also there is not he of the mercenaries or ●uyred mariners that will beside the danger wherein he should put himself, be vannished from our land, having specially less esperance and hope to proffitt on th'air side, than of ours. insomuch as though happily they do give them greater wages, it shall not be but for a very short time. these things and other like, it seemeth to me meet, to show and rehearse of the Pelo●onesians. I will now show of us that, which I understand and perceive. ●e be for troth exempted from the things that we object against them. And also we have many notable things that they have not. For if they enter into our country by land, we will enter into theirs by sea, and so the damage, that they shall do unto us, shall not be like unto that same, that we shall do unto them, for that that we will destroy a great part of Peloponese, and they cannot destroy but all the land of Athenes, for that that they have no other country where as we may not make war at our will. where as we have much other lands, aswell in Islands as in main land. which they cannot war upon, by cause of th'empire and of the puissance that we have by sea, which is a great advantage. For it is to consider, that if we were in any Island of the sea, we should be impregnable. Now is it in our power (if we will) to do as if we were Islanders, that is to wy●t, to abandon and to hold for lost, all our towns and houses that we have in the fields in this land of Athenes, and to keep only and to defend this city and the sea. And if the Peloponesians which be more people than we, do come to burn and destroy our houses & our lands, we should not, through anger and fury, run upon them, nor fight against them. For though that we shall have defeated or overcome them at one time, they will yet come again in as great number as bifore, for to destroy us. And if one journey mishappened us, we should lose the aid of all our subjects and allies. For when they understand that we shall not be mighty for to go to assail them by sea with a great army, they will not pass much for you. And though peradventure we should lose our towns and our lands for to save our bodies, we should not therefore lament. For possessions do not g●tt men, but men acquire possessions. And if I thought, that you would believe me, I would counsaille that you yourselves should go to destroy them, for to cause knowledge to be given to the Peloponesians, that you be not such, as will obey them, for saving of them. I have moreover many other things by which you may hope victory, if you will. But you must not, until that you shallbe in the defence, think to increase your seignyory, nor add voluntary parills to the necessary, that you shall have. For certainly I fear not somuch the enterprises of our enemies, as the faults of our own people. Of the which things I will not speak at this present. But I resarue it to speak when we shallbe in affair or business. And to make an end of my purpose, I think that we should for this time send our ambassadors to the Lacedemonyans, and by them, to make answer, that we be content not to prohibit nor forbid unto the Megarens our ports & markets. provided that those Lacedæmonians do not prohibitt the use of their city to estraungers no more, than unto us & our allies. For that, which we do, is no more to the derogatyon of our treaties and alliances, than thee, which they do. And touching the other demand which they have made, to suffer the cities of Grece in liberty, we be therewith content, if they were therein, from the time of the said treaties, & if they be content to restore their cities into such liberty, that they live according to their particular laws, as they will, without that, that they be constrained to keep the laws and ordinances of Laoconie, touching the governance of their common affairs. And furthermore that we be content for all causes to stand to right and judgement according to the tenor of our alliances, without moving any war, But if we be assaulted, we will take pain to defend us. This answer seemeth to me reasonable, y●a and honourable, for to conserve the authority and reputation of our city. By which doing, we must understand of necessity to enter into war. the which if we wyliyngly do accept, the enemies will not be so sharp against us. And so much as we shall escape the greater dangers, we shall acquire both more glory, and more profit, aswell in common as in particular. For you do all know, how that our auncest●es, when they issued from hence for to go against the Medes, they had not so great Empire, as we, neither so much goods. And yet that, which they had, they willingly did abandon and forsake, and by v●ynge rather of counsel, than of fortune, and of virtue and hardiness, more than of force, they chased away the Barbarous or strangers. And sense, they have amplefyed and increased this our empire, even until the estate, wherein you now see it. To whom we ought not to be inferiors, but virtuously and valiantly, to resist our enemies and to take pain not to suffer this empire to be lessened nor weakened otherwise, than we found it. Thus spoke Pericles. And the athenians reputing his counsel to be good, ensuing the same, caused a decree to be made. By which they appointed Ambassadors for to go towards the Lacedemonyans, to make them answer holy such, as he had devised, which was in some, to do nothing of that, which they had commanded, but to be well willing to answer in a neutral and indifferent judgement,, touching the things wherewith they were charged. Thus the au●swere was made. And afterwards they sent no Ambassade, the one to the other. Howbeit the causes of the difference that was between them before the war, was the beginning of the things that had been done in Epydanne and in Corcyre. Although that by reason thereof, they ceased not they● merchandise nor to haunt the one with the other without saulfconducte and without haraultes, but yet not without suspection, for also that which was done, was the dysturbance and breach of the treatyes and confederations, and the occasion of the war.   
☞ Here endeth the furst book of Thucydides, and beginneth the second book.   

The second book of How the Beotians before the war was begun, took soubdainly the city of Platee, which held part with the athenians. And how they were rejected, and the more part that were entered within the city, were slain.  

The first Chapter.  
By the means and occasions. whereof we have spoken before, the war beginneth between the athenians & Peloponesians, and also the allies and confederates on both sides. Which went forward continually after that it was begun, without that they had any communication of merchandise together, but by saulfconducte & by herald. Of the which war we will speak & rehearse by order all that was done in the same, aswell in time of summer, as in time of winter. 
The year when the war did begin.  It began the xu year after thappointment and treaty, that they had made for xxx years, than as they conquered Eubee. And it was the xlviii year of the priesthood of Chrysis in the city of Argos. In the which Enesius was Ephore in Sparte, and Pythodorus governed than at Athenes for one month. Six months after the battle, which was made at Potyde, in the beginning of the furst spring tide. At which time certain Thebayns, to the number of three hundred under conduct of two the chiefest men of the country of Beoce, to wit, Pythangelus, son of Phylide, and Dyemporus son of Onetorydes, entered secretly by night, after the furst sleep, into the city of Platee, which is in the country of Beoce, but than it was confederated with the athenians by mean and intelligence of some of the city, that opened for them the gates, to wit, Nauclides and his accomplices, who would have delivered the said city unto the Thebayns. hoping by that mean, to destroy some of the citizens their enemies, and moreover to make their particular profit. the which had treated that practic, by the mean of Eurymachus, son of Leontiades, that was the principal and richest man of Thebes. Also the thebans who well perceived that in all events, war should be begun against the athenians, would gladly, before that it were declared, have taken that town, which always had been their enemy. For by that mean the thing was more easy to do. Also they entered without that any parson perceived it, for that there was nayther watch nor ward in the city, and they came without making any noise upon the market place of the city. Being in which place, they were not of opinion to execute that, which they had granted to them of the town that had brought them in, to wit, to go to fourrage the houses of their enemies, but they devised to cause to be proclaimed through the town with sound of trumpet, that they that would be allies of the Boeotians, and live according to their laws, should come thither & bring their harnoys, trusting by this mean to reduce them without any difficulty, that were citizens, to their intent. Who understanding that the Thebaynes were in their city, & thinking that they had been in greater number for that, that they did not see them because of the night: they accepted their party, & came to parliament with them, & seeing that they would innovate no thing with them, they returned into their houses in good agreement. But incontinently after, perceiving that they were so few people, they devised, that they might easily defeat and overcome them, if they set upon them. So they determined to assay it. For they departed against their will from the alliance of the athenians. And to th'intent that their banquett should not be perceived by their assembly in the streets, they pierced incontinently the walls, which parted their houses, and passing from the one to the other within a short time they were all togethers. Afterwards they turned their charettes overthwart the streets, for to serve them for rampartes, and made all other provisions, such as they thought reasonable and convenient according to the time. And after that they had ordained their case, according as they had had leisure, and made moreover watch all that night, abouts one hour before day, they issued out of their houses, and came to set upon the Thebayns. altogeders that yet were in the said market. Fearing that if they assailed them in the day, that they would have defended themselves better and more hardly, than they would do in the night, being in a place, whereof they had not well the practise, like as it happened. For seeing that they were deceived of their thought, and that they were assaulted, they did first join themselves all together. and parforced ones or twies themselves all with one strength for to pass through some street, but they were always driven back. And than perceiving the bruit that men made upon them, aswell they that assailed them, as also the women, the children and other people unmeet to fight, who casted stones and tiles from the houses upon them: they were so astonied (together with that, that it reigned very sharply that night) that they fled through the streets, so as they could without knowing the more part, whereout they went, aswell by mean of the night, as also that they had not practise of the town. And so they were impeached for to save them, by those, that pursued them, whereby many were slain. By this chief, that one of the citizens came to the gate wherein they were entered, which only was open and did shut it, casting the shalt of a dart overthwart the lock in stead of a bar. So that they could not pass fourth that way, and so, some mounted upon the walls, and threw themself from a high, down to the ground, the more part of whom died. Some other came to have passed at an other gate, whereat there was no ward, and with a hatchet that a woman delivered them, broke the lock and issued fourth. But there could not pass any great number, for that, that the thing was incontinently known. The other were beaten done in the streets. But the greater part and chiefly those, that were wygned togethers, came to rush into a great edifyce or house which was wigning to the walls of the town, whereof they found, by chance of adventure, the door open. Thinking that it was one of the gates of the town, and that they might save themselves by the same. And than the citizens, seeing that they all were closed with in, were in difference, whither they should set it in fire for to burn them all together, or that they should cause them to die of an other sort. But finally they there, and all the other that were yet within the town, rendered themselves with their armure to the will of the citizens. During that these things were done in the city of Platee, the other Thebayns, that should with a great bend have followed all the night, those, that were first entered, for to secure them, if it were need, had in their way news, how they were assailed. So they hasted them, the most that they might, for to come to their succour. But they could not aryve soon enough. For there is from Thebes to Platee lxx stades, and the great rain that was fallen that night, had greatly kept them back. For the river of Asopus, 
The river of Asopus  which they must pass, was by cause of the said rain not easy to be gauged. In such sort, that when they were passed, they were advertised, how their people that tarried within, were all dead or taken. So they devised among them to take the paysans of Platee, that were without the city (whereof there was a great number) together with a great quantity of beasts and of movables, for that, that there were yet no news of war, to th'intent to buy again (by mean of those there that they should take) them of their people, that were yet within the town, and that were living. And they being in this deliberation, the Plateans which greatly doubted the self thing, sent with diligence a herald unto them. Showing that they had done nought, to go about during the peace, suddenly to take their city. And nevertdeles to show & denounce unto them, that if they did any evil to their citizens that were in the fields, they would slay all them that they had prisoners in the town, but if they departed out of their land without doing any harm, they would render them unto them in life. and thereupon they made their oath, as the Thebayns did say. But the Plateans say, that they promised them not simply for to render them the said prisoners incontinently, but only, if they agreed with them, after that they had spokenne together, and that without making any oath. But how so ever it was, the Thebayns did return into their city, without doing any evil in the territory of the Plateens. And yet those Plateens did incontinently withdraw the persons, & the goods that they had in the fields. And after caused the prisoners that they had to die, which were about nine skoore. Among whom was Eurymachus, who administered the practise of the trahyson. And this done, they rendered unto the Thebayns, their dead men, and furnished their city with that, that they thought necessary for the time. The athenians, when they had hard what was done at Platee, gave order to cause to be taken all the Beotians that were found in the country of Athenes. And forthwith sent towards the Plateens a trumpet to defend or command them that they should do no evil nor displeasure to them that they had prisoners, until such time, as it were devised, what should thereupon be done. For they were not yet advertised that they were slain, for that, that the furst messenger, that came unto them, departed from Platee at the beginning, as the Thebayns were entered, the second after that they were vanquished and taken, and than they sent their trumpet. Who when he was arrived, found that the prisoners were all slain. Anon after, the athenians came thither with their army or host, and brought corn for to victuayle the town. And with that, left there a good garnysone of men of war, and led away with them, women, children, and other people unmeet for the defence.   

¶ The great preparation that was made aswell on the behalf of the athenians, as of that same of the peloponesians, and the Cities, that took part with the one side, and with the other. The ii Chapter.  
THese things thus done at Platee, as we have said, the Athenians, saying manyefestly that the truce was brokennes, prepared themselves, to make war. And the Lacedemonyans and their allies, did the like, & so they determined, aswell on the one side, as of the other, to send towards the King of Mede. And the other strangers, of whom they hoped to have any succour, and also to the cities, that were out of their obeisance for to draw them to their alliance. And chief the Lacedæmonians gave charge unto the cities of Italy, and of Sycille that took their part, to make ships according to their possibilytye (besides those, that they had) to the number of five honndred in all. And moreover that they should furnish a certain some of monneye, without declaring to them, the other matters, but that they should not receive into their ports more than one ship of Athenes at a time, until that all the apparel were ready. Likewise the athenians on their side sent Ambassadors first, to all the cities, that were of their obeisance. And afterwards to the other, that were nigh to Peloponese, to wit, to Corcyre, to Cephanalie, to Acarnanye and to Zacynthe. 
zacynthus,  For they perceived well, that if the said cities were in good amity with them, they might more easily run by sea round about Peloponese. And in effect they thought not of one thing, of ●he one sydenor of the other, which was not weighty. And also they enterprised not the war of any other sort, nor more coldelye, than was convenient for people of such renome. For also at beginning, all people be most hot to defend themselves. whereby it happened that many young men, aswell of Athens, as of Peloponese, were not greatly disposed with the war, for that, that they had not experimented nor proved it. And also all the other cities of Grece were animated to war, saying that the principal were thereunto inclined. Moreover there were made divers prognostications. And the answers and oracles of the Gods, were reaported in divers sorts, not only in cities that were tangled with this same war, but also in the other, And it chanced among other things, that the temple of Delos trembled, which thing was never seen, to the remembrance of the Greeks, and by the new or strange things that were perceived, men judged of things, that were to come. By mean whereof, all those fantasies were curyously searched and inquired of. But so much was it, that the people generally had more affection to the Lacedemonyans, than unto the athenians. For that chief, that they said, that they would restore all Grece into liberty. By reason whereof, they advanced themself all, aswell in common, as in particular to aid them, with such affection, as it seemed to every one, that if he were not there, the thing should be impeached through his fault. And many there were, that were disposed, and not well contented with the athenians. Some for that their empire was taken from them, and the other fearing to come into their subjection. In this manner they prepared themselves, both with heart and apparel aswell on the one side, as on the other. And the cities that took party, with the Lacedemonyans, were all the peloponesians that be within the distrayte, except the Argives, and the achaians, who were friends, aswell of the one, as of the other. And there were not of the said achaians at beginning, but the Pellians, that took part with the Peloponesians. But afterwards all the other did take it. And out of Peloponese were of this party, the Megarens, the Phocyens, the Locryans, the Boeotians, the Ambrotiates, the Lewcadyans and the Anactoryans. Of whom the Corinthians, the Megarens, the Sycyonyans, the Pellyans, the Hellyans, the Lewcadyans and the Ambracyens fournyshed ships, the Beotians, Phocians and the Locryens, horsemen, and the other foot men. And this is concerning the peloponesians. On the party of the athenians, were they of Chio, of Lesbos, of Platee, and the messenians, that be in Naupactus, 
Naupactus.  many of the Acarnanyens, the Corcyryans, the zacynthians, and the other that were their tributours, among whom were the Carians, which be far beyond sea, and Dorians, that be joining unto them, the country of Ionum and that same of Hellesponte, many places of Thrace, and all the yslandes, that be out of Peloponese and of Crete on the parties of, le soleil levant which be called Cyclades, resarued Melo and There. Of whom the Lesbyans and the Corcyryans' fournyshed ships, and the other footmen. These were the allies and consequentes, and also the preparations of the one party, and of the other. The Lacedemonyans, after that they understood the chance that was happened at Platee, commanded all their allies, that they should keep their people ready, with apparel that were necessary for to issue unto the field at a day named, and to enter into the country of Athenes. And after that this was done, two parts of all the cities met at one time, in the destraict of Peloponese, that is called Isthmos, and soon after, all the other arrived there. who being there all assembled, Archidamus king of the Lacedemonyans, who was general or chief of the army, called unto him all the officers and pryncipallest of all the cities, and spoke unto them in this manner.   

The narration of Archidamus King of Lacedæmonians. ☞ The third Chapter.  
Lords peloponesians, and you other our allies, our ancestors' have had many wars, and made many armies, aswell within the country of Peloponese, as without, and those among us that be aged, have some experience. Yet we never issued to the field so puissant, nor with so great apparel for war, as at this present. Also we go against a right mighty city, where there is likewise a great number of good warryours. Wherefore we must show us such, that we distain not the glory and renome of our elders, and of ourselves. For all Grece is moved for this war, and the more part, do long look for our victory, for the hatred that they have to the athenians. nevertheless we must not (for that we be in right great number, & go against our enemies in great hope, that they dare not issue against us) leave nor omit any thing of our apparel, but it is necessary, that every one of us aswell capitain as conductor and soldier be always in fear to fall into any danger through his fault. For the feat of war is always doubtful. And men fight right oftentime for a small matter and for disdain. And many times the smaller number, for the fear that it had, hath vanquished the greater, that contemning the enemies, kept not his order. Wherefore it is convenient, when we shall enter into the land of our enemies, to be ready and hardy, but when it shall come to the deed, men must prepare themselves in fear. which doing, we shallbe more ready for to assail our enemies, and more assured to fight. And also we must think. that we go not against a city weak and unprovided, so that it cannot revenge himself, but against the city of Athenes, which is provided of all things. And that they be people for to issue against us. But at beginning, as we shall enter into their land, by all means, as to their sight, we will ennemylike bourn & pillage it. For all people, that suddenly perceive any thing not accustomed, to be done their damage, be moved to wrath and anger. And those, that do not their things by reason, right oftentimes do overthrow themselves in the affair, as holy furious and mad. And it is to believe, that the athenians do it more, than other people, for that that they think, that it appertaineth to them, to govern other, and to destroy the land of other men, rather, than they should come to destroy theirs. Wherefore you must follow them, that shall conduct you in this enterprise, in great esperance of victory, aswell for the virtue and reputation of our ancestors', as also for ours. And nevertheless having regard that you go against a right puissant city, y●ue hold you always affected and provided for all chances, that might come. And moreover have always in remembrance to be appointed as appertaineth every man for himself, and furthermore to keep you well, and to execute readily that, that you shallbe commanded. For it is a fair thing and of a great surety for a great bend, where there is great number of people, to see them all appointed with one obedience. After that Archidamus had this spoken and that the counsel was resolved, he sent again Melesippus, 
Melesippus●  son of Diacrytus of Sparte, to Athenes, for to understand, if they would not speak more humbly, perceiving the enemies ready to enter into their land. But they would not admit the said Melesyppus into their senate, nor yet into their city. But sent him from thence again without hearing, for that, that the opinion of Perycles was greatest, by which it was said, that herald nor ambassador should be received from the enemies, sense that they were issued in arms against them. And also they caused to be commanded to the said Melesyppus, to depart their land within a day, and to say to them that had sent him thither, that they should not send again unto them, any parson, except first that they were returned into their country. And moreover gave him people for to conduct him back through their country, and to keep him, that he spoke to no man. Who being come to the borders of their country so, as they that conducted him, would licence him, he spoke unto them, these words without more. This journey shallbe beginning of many great evils in Grece. And after that he was come again to the camp, Archidamus, understanding that the athenians had nothing assuaged of their high courayge, caused his army to dislodge and entered into the land of athenians. And on the other side, the Boeotians into the land of Platee, & pillaged it with an other bend. For the Lacedemomonyans had departed to the peloponesians one part of the host, and this was done before, that the other were all assembled in the destrait of Peloponese. And this much to show how they assembled, to enter into the land of Athenes.   

How after the persuasion and exhortation of Pericles to the war, the athenians that dwelled in the fields, withdrew themself and their goods into the city, and disposed themself unto the affairs of the war. ☞ The four Chapter.  
When Pericles son of Xantyppus, the tenth Duke of athenians, understood that the enemies were entered into the said land, doubting himself for that, that Archidamus had been lodged in his house, that he would defend to his people that they should do no damage to the lands and houses, that he had without, either for courtesy and of himself, or else by commandment of the Lacedemonyans, for to put that same Perycles into suspicion of the people, as they were lately minded to do, demanding that he should be driven out of the city for to purge the sacrilege whereof hath been spoken, he advanced himself thereof to speak to the assembly of the city, Declaring unto them, though Archidamus had been his geste, yet that should not redound to the damage of the city. And that if it chanced that the houses and possessions of other citizens were burned, & that his were presarued, he would give them unto the commonalty. to the intent that no suspytyon should be conceived against him for that matter. And so he exhorted more over the people, 
The substance of the exhortation of Pericles to the athenians.  as he had done before, to be ready and appareled for the war, to bring all their movable goods into the city, to prepare their ships and other munytyons by sea, whereof they were most puissant, & to entertain into their amity, their allies and confederates, from whom they had money, for that, that the victory chief cometh in feat of war, by force of money, and by good conduct and administration. showing them furthermore that they should have great confidence in the revenue that they levied yearly by form of tribute upon their subjects and confederates, which amoū●ted to six houndred talents, over and above the other revenues, that they had in general. And likewise they should trust to the ready money which they presently had in their Castellet to the some of six thousand talentes. For although that they had had for the most, ten thousand, three less, yet the rest was spent at the erecting of the castle of Propilee, and for other buildings, and also for the war of Potidee. And also they had beside this, great quantity of gold and silver not coigned in divers kinds, aswell in general, as in particular, besides the hallowed vessels and other ornaments of temples, and that, which was deputed to the pomp of plays, and beside that, that they had won of the spoil of the Medes, and many like things, which amounted unto no less than five houndred talentes. And besides all that, there were many great sums of money in the temples, wherewith they might help themself in necessity, and in extremity. when the rest should fail, they might take the gold, wherewith the great Goddess Dyana was covered, which amounteth, as it is said to forty pound weight of talents all fine gold & massis. which, it should be lawful to take, for conseruatyon of the common wealth, in rendering it always entirely, after the war. In such manner he exhorted them to have good hope, that money should not fail them. And concerning the force of people, he showed them, that they had thirteen thousand warryours, besides those that were deputed to the keeping of places, and of walls and forteresses, which amount unto xvi thousand. For so many there were that kept watch and ward in the said places, from beginning, that the enemies came into their land, comprehended the old and the young, and also the strangers, that dwelled in the town, all bearing armure. Also they had to keep the wall, which is called Phalerius, which extendeth itself from the walls of the town until the sea, containing xxxv houndred stades, of length. And the walls in that, which was warded, contain. xlin. of circuit. For that (which was between the said wall Phalerie and the other, that is called the great wall, which likewise extendeth itself until the sea, conteigning forty stades in length) was not subject to ward, the said two walls being well kept, that were without the city. And moreover there was to ward the fortress of the gate, that is called Pyreus, which comprehending the other adjoining, that is called Munychie, conteigneth threskore stades in circuit, the moiety whereof was watched holy by footmen. And for this they had xii houndred men at arms, and sixteen houndred arbalestrers, all horsemen. Such was thapparel of the athenians for truth without any thing thereunto added, when the peloponesians entered into their land. Perycles made unto them many other remonstraunces and declarations, such, as he had accustomed, for to give them to understand, that they should have the better of that same war. After which persuasions, they went all for to fetch their goods into the city. And afterwards sent by sea, their wives, their children, their movables, their utensyles and instruments, the wood of the buildings, that they had beaten down, and their cattle into Eubee, and into other yslandes next adjoining. Which thing was audible unto them, for that a long time, a great part of them inhabited the fields, where they kept their household. For such was always the custom of the athenians, more, than of other people from the furst beginning of the city. And from the time specially of Cecrops and of other furst kings, until Theseus, the country of Athenes was inhabited by villages & boroughs, and every village had his court and his officers. For that, that living insuertie & without war, they needed not to come to their kings for to cō●sulte upon common affairs, no, though there were some, that made war among them, as the Eleusins, 
Eleusinii.  after that Enolphus soyned himself with Erechthus. 

Emnolpus.  
Erechteus.   But after the Theseus came to the kingdom, who was a man puyssaute & witty, besides that, that he reduced and reformed through civility & policy many other things in the said country, he abolished all his small officers, & the courts of the villages & bouroughes, and caused the people to draw into the city, which at this present, be all under one counsel, & under one court. And constrained them all, labouring their lands, as before, to choose & have their ordinary house, in the same city generally. which city having in his time made great & well ordered, he left it by succession unto them that came after, from hand to hand. Whereby for remembrance of the same goodness, at such day, as that same assembly and union of the city was made, the Athenians do yet at this present celebrate a solemn feast yearly in the honour of the goddess. For before that, the city conteigned not but the same, which is now the castle, & that, that is above on the south side, like as the temples of the other gods do witness, which be within the said castle, and the other that be without of the south side, as the same of jupiter, Olimpyan of Pythe, of Tellus & of Bacchus. Unto whom was yearly celebrated the feast Bacchanal the tenth day of the month Antesterion, 
Anthesterion.  like as the ionians, who be descended of the Athenians, do yet at this present hold it for troth. And many other ancient temples there be in the same place, wherein also is the fountain that is called now, sense the rulers have appointed it, the new conduictes. which anciently was called Calliroe. 
Calliroe  And men used it for that, that it was nigh the place in all great things. Whereby yet at this present, the opinion of the people is, that it should be used in sacrifices, specially in those, that be made for marriages. And that part of the city, that is above the castle in the highest part of the town, is yet at this day by the athenians called the city, for memory of the antiquity. For to return than to our purpose, the athenians, that at beginning dwelled in the fields at their pleasure, though that afterwards they were reduced and brought to the city, yet for the custom that they had for to dwell in the fields, continued there the more part with their household, aswell of the ancients, as of the new citizens until this present war. By reason whereof, it was very grievous and not easy for them to draw into the town. And so much the more, that after the war of the Medes, they had brought chyderall their movables. And on the other part, it grieved than greatly and was molestuous, that they should leave their temples and their particular Gods, which they had in the villages and ●ouroughs. which for the ancient usage that they had to sacrifice there, they reputed them to be their part. And also it was meet for them to leave and change all their manner of living. Whereby in effect it seemed unto every of them by departing from their villages, that they abandoned their city. And after that they were come within the city, there were very few that had houses. Afterwards, some of them went unto their parents and friends, the other and the more part lodged themselves in places of the city not inhabited, & in all the temples, reserved those, that were in the high city of Eleusine. and some other, which were surelyer shut and kept. And also there were that lodged themselves within the temple named Pelasgeque, which was all above the old city, though that it were not lawful to dwell there, like as it was conteygned in the end of a verse of an answer of Apollo Delphicque. which said in this manner. The temple Pellasgeque shall keep most comodyouslye the rest. But to my judgement that same answer came to the contrary of that, that men understood by it. For the calamity chanced not to the city, for that, that the temple was profane by the habitation of the people, as some will understand it, but to the contrary the necessity to dwell there, came through the calamity of the war. For the oracle of the god, foreseeing the war that should come, showed before, that when men should inhabit there, it should not be for any goodness. Many also lodged themself within the towers of the walls. And for conclusion, every one lodged himself there, where he might. For the city made them no empeschement, saying so great a number of people to be come out of the fields. But afterwards, they were lodged upon the long wall, and in a great part of Pyreus. After that the people and the goods were wythdrawn into the city, they were all given and attentive to provide for things, apperteygning to war. specially to cause the succours of the towns subjecteth and confederated, to assemble, to make ready and tacle an hundred ships. which they would send to Peloponese. In this manner the athenians were busied in the feat of war.   

How the Peloponesians intred first into the land of Athenes, and the pillages that there were made. And how the athenians by the wisdom of Pericles, were impeached to issue forth, reserved the horsemen, which were repulsed and driven back again. ☞ The .v. Chapter.  
THe host of the peloponesians coming into the land of Athenes, they minded to lodge first in the town of Enoe, 
Oenoe.  which is upon the borders, between Athenes, and Beoce. And for that, that the town was strongly walled, into the which the athenians retired in time of war, the Peloponesians determined to take it by battery. For this cause, they made engines to be set up for battery: but for that, that it was long time in doing, they had great suspytyon against Archidamus, that he was favourable to the athenians. For also they thought that he had been eneglygent in causing the confederates to assemble, and that he had coldly encouraged the army. And after that it was assembled, that he tarried long in the destraicte of Peloponese, before he departed, and more, that after his departure, that he came very softly. but above all, they complained of that, that he had been so long before Enoe. And they thought, that if he had used diligence, they had (entering readily into the land of Athenes) pillaged all the goods, that the athenians had brought into the city. In such suspytyon was Archidamus at the assiege of Enoe, who as men say, caused it to be protracted at length, hoping that the athenians, before that their land should be begun to be wasted and destroyed, would come fourth, rather, than to see it destroyed before their eyes. But after that the peloponesians had done all their best for to take Enoe, seeing that there was no hope to do it, and also that the athenians had not sent any herald nor message unto them, they departed from thence about fourskoore days after that, which had been done by the Thebayns at Platee. and entredde into the country of Athenes in the time of summer, the corn being ripe in the fields, under the conduct of Archidamus king of Sparte. And vanquished all the said land, beginning in the quarter of Eleusine and of Triasie. and also did repoulse and drive back the horsemen of the athenians, that were come fourth upon them, into a place that is called Rithie. Afterwards, they passed more further, having on the right hand the mountaygne of Egaleon, 
The mountaygne of Egaleon.  overthwart the region called Cecropie, and came until Acarne, 
Archarna.  which is the greatest town that is in all the region of Athenes, before the which they laid their assiege, and there they were long, pyllaging and destroying the country. It is said that Archidamus kept himself abowtes the town with all the army in battle, as for to fight, and would not descend into the plain, fearing that the athenians, who had so great number of young people, more encouraged to war, than ever they had before, would come to overrun them, and could not endure to see their land, so wasted & pillaged. And when he yet did see, that they were not come fourth, the enemies, being in Eleusine and after in Trasie he minded to assay, if they durst come to raise the siege from before Acarne, considering also that the place was very propyce and meet for to lodge & sojourn his camp. Also he thought, that they of the town, that were well the third part o● Athenes (for there were three thousand all men of war) would not suffer t●em willingly to waste their territory, & for that cause, all together would come fourth, aswell from Athenes, as from Acarne for to give them battle. And if they came not fourth, that than men might, from thence forwards with less fear, waste and burn all the territory of Athens. And come to the walls of the town. For when the Acarnes should have seen all their land wasted and their goods lost, they should not be so determined nor so ready to put themselves in danger for to keep the lands and the goods of other. And by this mean they should be of divers opinions. Such was the fantasy of Archidamus, being before Acarne. But the athenians, whiles the enemies were abouts Eleusine and in the land of Triasie, they had some opinion that they would pass no further. For that, that they remembered that xiiii years before the war, Plistonactus, 
Plistonax.  son of Pausanias' king of Lacedemonyans, being entered into the land of Athenes with the host of peloponesians, when he was come to the said countries of Eleusyne and of Trias●e, passed no further, but returned. Through occasion whereof after his return, he was rejected and banished from the city of Sparte, for that, that it was suspected, that he had taken monneye for to return. But when the athenians understood that the host of enemies was before Acarne, which was not distant, but lx slades from the city, and that they saw before their yes their territory wasted, which thing never man of the town, young nor old had seen, but at the war of Medes, they thought it a thing to much intolerable and not to be suffered. And so they were determined, specially the young people, no longer to endure it, but to issue forth upon the enemies. Whereupon the people being assembled upon the market, there was among them a great altercation. For some would that they should issue fourth with all their force, the other would not suffer it, the diviners also unto whom men repaired on all sides for to know their opinion, reaported divers judgements and divers dyvynations. On thoder side, the acarnanians, saying that their land was wasted, laboured greatly the athenians to set fourth, and they thought that they ought to do it, for to succour their people, that were within Acarne in great number. In this manner the city was in great tumult and dyssentyon of all sides. and were angry against Perycles, and spoke unto him many injurious words, for that, that he would not lead them fourth being their duke, saying that he was cause of all their evil. without remembering that, which he had counseled and showed them, before the war, But he, seeing that they were astonied for the hurts that they did see in their land, and that they had evil opinion, in will to go fourth against raysone, he would not assemble them, nor make declaration as he was accustomed to do. Fearing that they would make some determination, more through anger, than by reason, but gave order to keep the town, and to hold it quiet, the most that might be. And nevertheless, he caused the horsemen to issue fourth for to defend, that those that came from the camp of the enemies for to run before the city, might not carry away the goods, that were abouts it. And there was a small conflict in the quarter, that is called, Phrigie, between a bend of the said horsemen athenians, the Thessalyans joined with them, and those of the Beotyens. Wherein the said athenians and Thessalyens had not the worst, until that the footmen B●otiens came to the succour of their horsemen. For than they put them to flight. And there were some of the dead men that were carried away into the city, the self same day without demanding them of the enemies. And the morrow after, the peloponesians erected and set up a trophy upon the place in token of the v●ctorye. Now the Thessalyans were ancient allies of the athenians, a●d than they had sent them succour of the said horsemen, to wit they ●f larisse, they of Pharsale, they of Parrhasie, they of Cranonie, they of piracy, they of Cyrtomie, and they of Ferere. Of the which succours, the capitains were, Polymedes and Aristanus for Larisse, 
Polymedes. Ariston.  Menon for Pharsale, 
Menon  and other for every one of the said cities. When the Peloponesians did see, that the athenians came not fourth to battle against them, they did break up from bifore Acarne, and came to pyllaige & overrun certain other villages that were between Parneth and the mountaygne of Brilesse.   

¶ Of many exploictes of war that the athenians did, aswell by sea, as by land, the summer that the war began and the winter following, togidres with certain allyaunces and new amyties, that they made in Thrace and in Macedon, and finally, of the public exequys or obyt that they celebrated at Athenes for them that were dead in that same war. ☞ The .v. chapter.  
DNringe the time that the peloponesians fouraged and wasted the country of Athenes, the athenians caused to depart from their port the houndred ships, that they had apparai●led, wherein were a thousand men armed and four houndred Archers under the conduccte of Carcynus, 
Carcynus.  son of Xenotymus, of Protheas', 
Protheas'.  son of Epicles and of Socrates, 
Socrates.  son of Antigonus, for to go to overrun round abouts Peloponese. Who, being departed from the poorte with great preparation, committed themselves unto the sail. As concerning the peloponesians, they abodde in the land of Athenes, so long as they had victuals. And when they began to fail them, they returned through the country of Beotyans, without doing there any harm. But in passing through the country of Oropes, who were subjects of the athenians, they pillaged one quarter named Pyrace, & that done, returned every man into Peloponese and so into his house. After they were departed, the athenians did ordain their wards, aswell by sea, as by land, for all the time, that the war should endure. And by common decree, kept a thousand talentes of them that were in the fortress of the old city, and did ordain that no man should touch it. but of the remanant, men might take that, that should be needful for the feat of war. And they did defend upon pain of life, that no man should propone nor put into deliberation to take of the said thousand talentes, except it were of necessity, for to resist the enemies, in case that they came to assail the city by sea. With that same money, they made an hundred galleys beside the ordinary, right fair and grievous. And every year they thereunto appointed new patrons and capitains. Which galleys might not be employed to any other use, but, in the case above said, men might take of the said some of a thousand talentes. As touching those that were departed in the owhere hundred ships against the country of Peloponese, they joined themselves with fifty other ships, that the Corcyryens had sent them for succour, and altogether compassing abouts the said country, besides many great hurts that they there did, they landed and came to assiege the city of Metoune, 
Methona.  which is in the country of Laconie. which was than ill repaired with walls, & unprovided of people. But by fortune, Brasidas, son of Telydas Spartan, was in the same quarter, very nigh unto it, with a small number of men of war. Who understanding the coming of the enemies, came with a houndred armed men, only, for to secure the town, and passed through the mids of the camp of the enemies, that were dispersed & skatered abroad, And they made to the wall so diligently and manfully, that with a very small loss of his people, that were slain in passing through, he entered into the town, and saved it. By reason of which hardiness, he was praised by the Spartaynes above all those, that were in that same war. At departure fromthens, the athenians went to land in the country of Elede, wherein they took the town of Phee, where they sojourned two days, pillaging all that country, and also they defeated and discomfited three houndred good men of the valleys of the said country of Elyde, with a certain other number of the country adjoining that were come down for to secure the said town of Phee. And afterwards, a great wind & tempest arising in the sea, by mean whereof, their ships might no longer tarry there, for that, that it was a place with out port: one part of them embarked themself. And passing bifore a rokky place, called Ithis, they came to aboard in the port of Philie. To which place, the Messenyens & the other, that could not be embarked at departure from Phee, were come by land, and had taken the town by force. Which understanding, that there were now assembled a great bend of people of the country of Elyde, for to come to overrun them, abandoned the city & embarked themselves with the other, & departed altogether keeping that same sea, enuironninge the places, nigh about it. In the same self time, the athenians sent thirty other ships for to go against the quarter of Locride, & for to keep the Island of Eubee, & they committed the conduct of the same ships unto Cleopompus, 
Cleopompus.  son of Clynias, who, being there landed, wasted many countries along by the sea, & took the town of Thronie, 
Thronium.  & caused the same to deliver hostages. Afterwards, certain Locryans' being come to repulse & chase him away, as he was bifore Alope, 
Alopa.  he defeated & overcame them in battle. In that same summer, the athenians chased all the inhabitants out of Egyne, with their wives & children, reproaching them, that they were cause of all the war. And also they thought it much more sure to inhabytt with their people that same city, which was affectioned to the Peloponesyans. which thing they did anon after. But the peloponnesians, aswell for hate of the athenians, as also for that, that the Egynes had done them many plaisirs, both in the time, when the earthquake was in their country, & also in the war that they had against the slaves, they gave them the city of Thyree for their habitation, 
Thyrea  with all the territory thereof unto the sea, for to labour. which territory departeth the country of Argives, from that same of Laconie. And one part of the said Egynes, did inhabit themself there, & the other went dispersed through the country of Grece. In the self same summer, the furst day of the month in the change of the moan, at which might only chance the eclipse, As it was believed: the sun was darkened about noon or midday. In such sort, that there was seen many stars in heaven, & anon after came again to his clearness. At which time, the Athenians made appointment with Nymphodorus Abderite, 
Nymphodores.  who was bifore their enemy, for that, that he had great authority with Sitalces, 
Sitalces.  son of Thereus king of Thrace, 
Thereus.  who had espoused his sister hoping by his mean, to withdraw the said Sitalces unto th'air alliance. For that same Thereus had furst in his living made the royalme of Odrises, which he enjoyed, most great of all the country of Thrace, which liveth, in comparison of the rest, in liberty. This same Thereus was not he, that had Progne daughter of Pandion, 
Progne Pandion  king of Athenes to wife, but they ruled in divers countries of Thrace, for he, the espoused Progne, holdeth the country of Daulie, 
Daulia.  which is now called the land of Phocyde, that was than inhabited with Thracyens, in whose time, that same Progne and Philomene her sister did that grievous offence, 
Philomena.  in the place of Itys. 
Itys.  By reason whereof many poets making mention of Philomene, which is called the nightingale, named it the bird of Daulie. And it is good, to believe that Pandion, king of Athenes, made that alliance with the same Thereus king, that held the country of Daulie, for that, that it was very nigh to Athenes for to have succour & service, rather, than with the other Thereus, that held the country of Odrises, which was greatly distant fromthence. That same than, of whom we speak, being a man of none estimation nor renomee, got the roiaulme of Odrises, and left it unto Sitalces his son, with whom the athenians made alliance, aswell for to have places, friends and favourers in Thrace, as also to destroy by his mean, Perdycas king of Macedon. 
Perdiccas.  And Nymphodorus came unto Athenes with full power of the said Sitalces, to conclude th'appointment, which thing he did. And moreover he caused his son, named Sadocus, 
Sadocus.  to be made Citezeine of Athenes. And he took charge to practise with Sitalces that he should cease & forbear the war, that he made in Thrace, for to send to the athenians horsemen and footmen lightly armed, all Thracyens. He moreover made appointment between the athenians and Perdiccas by mean of the city of Therm, 
Therma.  which they rendered him at persuasion of the same Nephodorus. By mean of which appointment, Perdiccas joinned with Thathenyans and with Phormeon, began war against them of Chalcyde. 
Chalcidienses.  In this manner the Athenians had Sitalces king of Thracians and Perdiccas king of Macedonyans in their alliance. And during this time, their people that were gone into Peloponese with the hundred furst ships, took the town of Solyon, 
Solyon.  bilonginge to the corinthians. And after that they had utterly pillaged it, they gave it with all the territory unto them of Palere, 
Palirenses.  which be in the country of Acharnanie. And after that, they took the town of Astacte by force, which they reduced to their alliance, having chased from thence Euarchus, 
Euarchus.  that held it by tyranny. And this done, they took sail for to come to the Isle of Chephalanie, 
Cephalenia.  which was situated for anempste the countries of Acharnanie, and of Lewcade, and there were four cities, to wit, Pale, 
Pales  Cranny, 
Cranii  Samee, 
Savius.  and Pronnee. 
Pronneus.  So without any resistance they took all the Isle. And soon after departed fronthence about the end of summer for to return to Athenes. But they, being arrived at Egyne, understood how Pericles was come fourth with a great bend of men of Athenes, and was entered into the territory of Megare. So they took their way for to retire strait into that party, & there landed, and joined themself with the other. Which was one of the greatest assembles of men of war, that had been yet seen together, of athenians alonely. For also the city was than in his flower, and had not suffered any calamity. And it is said that they were ten thousand men armed all of Athens, besides three thousand that were at Potyde, and the inhabytantes of the fields, that were retired into the city, which were issued with them to the number of three thousand all well armed. And beside those, there was a great number of other lightly armed, which altogether having pillaged and wasted the more part of the territory of Megare, returned fromthence unto Athens. And the same athenians ceased not yearly to come to overrun the said country of Megare. sometime with horsemen, and sometime with footmen, until that they took the city of Nysee. But that first year whereof we speak, they fortified with walls the city of Atalente. 
Atalanta  And nevertheless when it came unto the end of the summer they habandonned & destroyed it. For that, that it was nigh the Locryans & the Opuntyens, to the intent that the Corsairyens should not have the commodity to withdraw themself thither, for to come to overrun the country of Eubee. All the which things were done that self same summer, chief, after that the Peloponesians were departed from the land of Athens. At beginning of winter, Euarchus Acarnanyan, minding to return into the city of Astacte, required the Corinthians to deliver him fifty ships, and a thousand five houndredde men armed. By whose aid, together with some that he should find on his side, he might recover the said city. which thing they did. And committed the charge of the said army to Euphamydes, 
Euphamydas  son of Aristomynus to Tymoxenus, 
Timoxenus.  son of Tymocrates, and to Eumachus, 
Eumachus.  son of Chrisis. who being come by sea to the said city, set the same Euarchus within it. And parforced and advanced themself in that voyage, to subdue certain towns of Acharnanie, which were alongst the sea. But perceiving that they could not do it, they returned fromthence, & passing by, bifore the Isle, they landed nigh to the city of Cranye, thinking to take it by composition. But they of the town feigning to entreat with them, came to assail them, being unprovided, and did slay one part of them, and the other were constrained to retire into their barks, and to return into their country. That self same winter, the athenians, 
The form of the general & public exequys in Athenes  following the ancient usage of the city, made their public or openne obiites or obsequies for them, that were dead in that same war. And they were made in this manner. Three days bifore, there was made a great tabernacle, within the which, was put the bones of them, that were dead, and their parents & friends might lay upon them, what they thought good. Afterwards, every lineage of the town or tribe, had a great coffer of Cypress. Into which they did put the bones of them, that were dead of that tribe, and they did carry that same coffer upon a charrett. And after all the cofres, was carried upon an other charrett, a great bed ready made, being holy void, which represented them that were dead, whose bodies could not be found. And the said chariots were conducted and accompanied by all sorts of people, citizens or other, (those, that would come) until the sepulchre, whereat were the wives and parents of the dead, making great weapinges and lamentations. And afterwards they did put all the said cofres in a public grave or monument made for that purpose in the fairest suburb of the city, the same sepulchre or grave is called Ceramicon, wherein was accustomed to be buried all they, that were dead in their wars, reserved them, that were slain in Marathone. To whom, for remembrance of their singular virtue, they willed to make a particular sepulchre upon the self place. And after that the corpses were buryedde, the custom was, that some notable parsonage of the city, a man of knowledge and honnorable, according to the quality of the dead, should make bifore the people a preaching or declaration in their praise. And afterwards, every man departed. In this manner, the athenians buried them, that died in their wars, so often, as the chance happened. And that time, Pericles' son of Xantippus, was deputed and chosen for to rehearse and propone the praise of them, that were the furst slain in that war. Who, after the solemnity of the sepulture of burial achieved and ended, mounted or stood up in a high chair, in manner, that all the people might understand him well, and did speak in this manner.   

¶ The funeral declaration of Pericles. ☞ The vii Chapter.  
MAny of them, that have herebifore declared in this place, greatly have praised this custom to reason and speak bifore all the people in the praise of them, that were dead. But it seemeth to me, to be enough, to declare by deeds, the honours and the praises of them, that by high acts have merited them, as you have seen, that hath been done in this present solemnity of public funerals. And that men should not commit to the discretion of one only man, the virtues and praise of so many valiant people, neither yet believe that, which he therein said, were it good or evil. For it is a thing very hard and difficile, to keep the mean and reason in speaking of such things, whereof scarcely may be had a certain opinion, of the truth. For if that he, that heareth it spoken, hath knowledge of the deed, and loveth him, of whom is speak, he thinketh always that there is less spoken, than aught to be. And that he willed not. And by the contrary, unto him, that hath no knowledge, it seemeth for envy that he hath, that all that, which is spoken of an other more further, than his own strength, and virtue can attain to, is without truth. For that, that every man thinketh that none should praise nor esteem an other more, than himself, and if a man pass further, he is envied and in nothing believed. But sithence it hath been approved and allowed of a long time, that it ought to be this done, it becometh me, obeying to the law, to accommodate & apply my speaking to the opinion & will of every one of you, the most that I may, beginning to praise our ancestors and progenitors, for that, that it is a thing raisonnable and honest to render in this place, this honour, for the memory and recordation of them, that furst inhabited and peopled this region. And from hand to hand, by their virtue, have left & delivered it, unto th'air descent, frank and free, until this present day. And if they herefore be worthy of praise, our fathers which came after, be yet more worthy, who above that, that their ancients had left unto them, have acquired and added, by th'air labours and virtues, all the empire and seignyory, that we presently do hold. And yet, above them, there in we that be living, specially in competent age, have increased and amplefyed it, and also have provided and furnished our city with all things, that be necessary aswell for peace, as also for war. And yet I intend not to rehearse the great prowess and valiantness, that we and our ancestors have used, in defending us, aswell against the strangers, as against the Greeks that have warred upon us. By means whereof, we have acquired & gottonne all our lands and lordeshipps, For I will not be prolix in those things, which you do all know. But after that I shall have declayred, by what wit, by what industry and labour, and by what art, our empire hath been established and augmented, I will come to the praise of them hear, of whom, we have to speak. For that, that it seemeth to me, not to be without purpose, to remember at this present, these things, and that it shall not be unprofitable to all them, that be here present, be they original citizens or inhabitants. For we have the rule of a public weal, which followeth not the laws of cities nigh unto it, but we give rather law and example unto other, the which we follow not. Also our government is called Democrotie, which is not convenient for a few people, but for many. By reason whereof, every of us, of what quality that he be, (provided that he have some quality of virtue) hath asmuch right to come to honnors of the city, as the other. And it is not regarded of what house, neither of what part of citizens, he is, but only what virtue he hath. for what poor man it may be, or of what race or distente, how vile or unknown that it be, so that he may profit the common wealth, he is not impesched to have charge and public office. We proceed furthermore, franquely and simply to the feats of the common wealth, and to th'affairs and ymagynations, that we have every day with our neighbours without moving ourself, or being angry, if any of them rejoice of any violence, that they have done us. And there as they rejoice, we keep an irreprehensible severity, dissimulinge our heaviness. And nevertheless we joyfully comunycate our particular goods. And touching them, that appertaigne to the common wealth, we do not misuse them, aswell for fear of the officers, as of the laws. And chief of them, that be made or arne to make, to help them, that have been deceived, which bring a manifest infamy v●to them that deceive. Of the other part we have many things for to refresh and recreate the sprittes, that be travailed by labours, to wit, the plays and holy exercises, and the yearly sacrifices, which be made with an honest and plaisant apparel, through delectation whereof, ●he heaviness and melancholy of the people is abolished and lessened. Furthermore men do bring hither for the greatness of the city, from all lands and countries, all soortes of things, so that we use not, more of the goods that increase and grow in our land, than of them, that be grown in other countries. And as touching the mylitary or warly exercises, that be done in the city, we be different from our enemies. forsomuch as we make and suffer our city common to all people. And forbid not any person, be he cytezeine or stranger, to take it or to biholde that, which he thinketh good. For our things be not hid or kept secret, though that they might proffitt the enemies, when they see them. Also we have not somuch affiance in our apparel for war, nor in our subtleties a●d cawtels, as in the highness of our hearts, which we may always show in all affairs. And though that we live more at our ease, than many other, which from beginning of their youth excercise themself in learnings incessantly until they be made men, yet we be not for that, less hardy and ready for to experiment all dangers, when it is needful. And that may well be knowing by this, that the Lacedemonyans alone, durst not enter into our land without they were accompanied with all their allies. And yet we, without aid of other, be entered into the land of our neighbours, and also have right often, without great difficulty subdued them, that defended themself very well in their houses. And yet never none of the enemies durst adventure themselves to resist our foorce, when we have been altogiders. Aswell for the experience and exercise, that we have in the sea, as for the men of war that we hold in divers places. And if our enemies have any time the victory against any bend of our people in one of the said countries, they avaunt themself that they have vainquished us all. And likewise if they be defeated by any of the said bends, they say y●, that was done by us all. And in infect, we love more rest, when we be not constrained by any necessity unto travail: than to be, in continual labours. And to exercise us in good manners and common wealths, rather than to live always in fear of laws. For also it is best, not to search the miseries and mischances, until that they happenne, and when it is time to enter therein, to show, that we go thereunto, as bold, as those, that be always in the business. Yet may this city be had in admiration, in one thing, aswell as in all the other, that is, that we use with our allies, an honest & mean society and fellishypp. And on the other part, we play the Philosopher, that is to say, that we endure poverty, without losing the heart to get goods: and use riches, more for the commodity, when it is time: than for Pomp and for glory. And there is noon, that holdeth it for shame, to confess his poverty, but well rather, not to parforce himself, for to eschew it. Further, there is none, that hath not care aswell for the common affairs, as for his own particular. In such manner, that those, which be occupied in their private business, have not therefore less knowledge of the estate of the common wealth. For we have that for singular, that he, which hath no knowledge of the common wealth, we repute him not only to be slothful and negligent, but also we take him not, for a cytezein. we also alone, judge the causes, when we conceive them, according to reason. For we repute nor think that raysoning and declaring, noyeth or is hurtful in causes, but rather that it hurteth, not to learn & to be informed by sage sentences and declarations of the manner, that they should be done, bifore they be executed. And there of it cometh, that we use in all things that we have to do, more of audacity and hardiness and of reason, than any other. For the other sometime have through ignorance, more confidence, than reason willeth, and sometime for to gronude themself tomuch in reasons, be slack to execute their affairs. And yet, he ought to be reputed to have reasonable and virtuous judgement, that knoweth readily and clearly, the hard and noisome things, aswell as the pleasant. And by this mean, not to withdraw himself from dangers, when they happen. we use furthermore the offices of virtue, by contrary reason and manner, that the other people do. For that, that we attempt and go about to get friends, more by doing them some pla●sire and benefytt, than in receiving it, of them. Also in keeping the amity and benevolence, he that receiveth the plaisir and benefytt, is in worse condition, than he that doth it. For, for him that doth it, it is enough to conserve it by benevolence. But he that hath received it, understandeth this that in rendringe the like, he gratefieth not, but rather doth render the plaisir, which he hath received. Also we alone do gratify nobly and liberally our friends, more for to proffitt them, than for to show, that we use our liberality towards them. And for to speak all at one word, I think that this city, is the mirror and the doctrine of all Grece, and one body meet and sufficient to be made minister of his membres and supposts in all manner of things with good grace and honest. All the which things be not showed and verified by words nor by declarations: but by the appearance of the troth, as may be seen & knowing by the puissance of this city, which hath been established by this mean in such reputation, as it is seen by experience, that this same our city is renowned through all the world, more than any other. And it is that city alone, that giveth not occasion to his proper enemies, to run upon it for to hate it, though that they received thereby shame and damage, considering of what people they received it: neither is it blamed of his subjects, as unworthy to govern. And also it cannot be said, that, that our puissance showeth not itself but by tokens and signs, for there be seen so great experiences, that both those that be present, & also those that shall come after, shall hold them for miracles. And we need not to covet to have an Homer, nor other poet of them that be living, for to exaulte or extol●e our feats by poetical colours: for the troth of things e●faceth & blotteth out the opinion thereof, for that, that we have by our audacity & magnanimytie or nobleness of mind, made all the land, & all the sea passable, leaving every where, a memorial of the goodness or of the evils, that we have there separately done. Now for this city than, these, whose exequys we celebrate, died in fight virtuously, for that, that they thought it a thing toomuch hard to be deprived from it. which opinion and will, we other, that be suruyving, ought always to have. Which hath been cause, wherefore I have more prolix and largely spoken of this city, aswell to show, that we fight not for a thing like unto other, but for that same, unto whom none other is like: as also to th'intent that the praisinges of them, of whom we speak, should be more manifested and opened. Of which things, we have now said the principal part. For the prays of the excellency, and of the greatness of this city, whereof I have bifore speak, is dew unto them here and unto their like. which thing, very few of the other people of Grece may reasonably say, of their feats. And I think that the chiefest judge of virtue in a man, is the virtuous life: and the last confirmator, is the honnorable death, as that same of these here hath been. For it is a thing just and reasonable, that they, that cannot do other aid nor other service to the common wealth: that they show themselves couragions to defend it in feat of war. For that, that this doing, they acquit themselves right well in such common affair towards the city, where they had evil acquitted bifore time, by attending to their particular business. And by this mean recompense that same fault, by this service. And there hath not been he, of these here, that withdrew himself or retired for his goods or riches, desiring more the enjoying thereof for the time to come, than the goodness of the party, nor also, the spared himself from dangers for poverty, hoping to become rich: but rather seemed, that they had lesser care for their wealth, than for the same, of their enemies. And in effect, they were willing, in avenging themselves of enemies, to come to this, whereunto they be come. For that, that it was the most fair experience that they could make of their virtue, in hope, to acquire and get the glory, which they had never seen. For the which, it seemed to them, by that, that they had seen of other, that they ought well to adventure their lives. And that it were better to endure death, in defending themselves valiantly, than to escape by recuilling or drawing back. where upon not for to incur this dishonnour & this shame, they have suffered in their bodies, and in a right small space of time, have for a right great glory, willed rather to endure fortune, than to obey unto fear. In which doing, they have showed themselves towards the party, to be such, as they ought to be. And as touching the other that be suruivinge, they ought well to covet to have their intent set less unto danger, but not to have less of heart, for to resist the enemies. And consider, that the proffitt and the utility consists not only somuch in that as I have showed you: for there be many among you that understand & know it, which may more amply expound & declare what goodness followeth by repoulsing of enemies. But it consisteth more, and you shall know it better, if that biholding always the greatness of the city, by his works, ye take daily more and more love in it. And somuch that it shall seem more great unto you, ye may think, that there have been noble people. who, knowing reason and honesty, have gottone by their virtuous works all these things. And whensoever that the affairs came otherwise, than they desired, they were not minded to defraud the city of their virtue, but rather they have offered and given unto it, the fairest tribute or stipend that they might pay, that is to wit, their bodies. whereby they have particularly acquired for themselves eternal glory, and also right honourable burial, not only to be therein engraved: but that their virtue and their glory, be in the same celebrated and magnified for evermore, when time shall require to speak of their feats, or for to imitate and follow them. For to men illustrious, and renowned, every land is the sepulchre or grave. The memory of whom, is not consarued by the Epitaphies and writings of their domestical sepulchres. But by the renome that is issued and divulged in strange nations. who considered in their understanding more the greatness and highness of their courage, than that, which is chanced unto them. Such people we have here lords, brought fourth, that be worthy to be ymitated & followed, to th'intent, that knowing, the felecytie is liberty, & that liberty is gentleness, you should not forsake the dangers of war, & that the unhappy & miserable, that have no hope of goodness, should not be reputed to do more wisely, to countergarde or safe their live, than they, that be of an other condition, that is better, which put it in hazard. For truly, cowardness accompaigned with shame, is to a noble and gentle heart, more grievous ad displeasante, than death. which maketh us without feeling and insensible, chaunsing by his prowess with hope of the common glory. Considering the which things, you other, that were fathers of them that be dead, ought rather to comfort yourselves and to rejoice, than to bewail them. For if you regarded the divers dangers of death, whereunto the infants be subjects, so long as they be nourished: those be most happy, unto whom the more honnorable happeneth, as these here have been. And you likewise could not mourn more glorious, though that I know very well, that it is right hard to persuade you, that you should not feel the heaviness and dysplaisir, always, as you shall remember them, by the prosperity that you shall see of other, of whom, in times passed, ye rejoiced in like case. And when you shall consider, that they be deprived, not only from hope of goods, which they should peradventure never have enjoyed, but of those same, that they had long enjoyed, you must always patientely endure it. And comfort youreselfe● with hope that you have, to have more children, you that are in age for to have them. For that, that by the more chy●drene, that they shall have hereafter, you shallbe caused to forget the mourning of them here that be dead. and shall serve the common wealth in two manners, that is, that they shall not leave it desolate, and also shall keep it in surety. For somuch as they, that put fourth their children to dangers for the common wealth, (as those have done that have lost theirs in this war) may give better counsel and more raysonnable, than they that have not done it. And as touching the other among you, that be so aged, that they have no more hope to have children, so much the more they ought to be content and to comfort themself to have had this advauntaige above the other, as to have lived so long in prosperity, and that they shall pass the remanant of th'air life (which could not be long) yet more sweetly, for the glory of them here. For the desire of honour is the only thing, that bringeth not age. And as some say, there is nothing that the people desire so much in their age, as to be honnored. Concerning them among you that be children, and brethren of them, that be here dead, I see you to be convyved unto a tourney, which is right hard. For there is no man, that praiseth not with words, the virtue of them that be dead. In soorte, that you that remain, for any valiantness that is in you, shallbe scarcely judged equal unto them, but rather shallbe judged to be inferiors, for that, that among the living, there be always enmytyes. Butt after that a man is dead, every man with one acco●●● friendly praysethe his virtue. And though it be needful, that I now speak some thing of the virtue the of women that presently remain widows, I wool conclude the whole by a very short exhortation. That is that you ought to hold for great glory not to be more frail, than the success importeth, neither such as men ought openly to make one only mentyon of your virtue or of your blame. Now have I in this my preaching & oration, that hath been enjoined me, by virtue and authority of our laws, said & rehearsed, all the things, that have seemed to me to be utile & profitable. And they that have been here buried, have been honoured with deed, more than with words. whose children, the city shall nourish, if they be young and within the age of puberty or orphancie: for to give and set fourth a prays and a profitable reward, both to them, which be dead, for their faithful service: & also to other, that shall hereafter die for like quarrel. For every man forceth himself willingly and with good heart, to acquire that, that is ordonned and judged by common decree, as a sufficient remuneration and reward of the virtue. It resteth, sithence that every one of you hath sufficiently bewailed and honnored in mourning his neighbours, parents, allies and friends: that you retire and withdraw you all into your houses. In this manner and solemnity, the exequys and funerals were celebrated at Athens, the winter, which was the end of the furst year of the war.   

¶ Of the pestilence that was in the city and land of athenians, with the exploictes of war, that were done of the one side and of the other. And of the despayer, where in the athenians were fallen. ☞ The viii Chapter  
THe summer following, the peloponesians and their allies entered again into the land of Athenes by two parts, so as they had done the summer preceding, under the conduct of Archidamus king of Lacedemonyens. And having planted their camp, pillaiged and wasted all the country. And an one after that they were therein entered, there suddenly came upon the athenians a pestilence, which furst had been (as men say) in the city of Lemne & in many other places. But there was never seen in place of the world, so great contagyousnes, nor whereof, so many people died. And the phisicyans could not therein ministre remedy, neither from the beginning knew nothing therein, so that many among them thereof died, chief those, that went to visit the sick. Also in like manner, men found no remedy by vows, by divinations nor by any such means, as they used. For in effect all did nothing serve or avail. By mean whereof, when the people were attainted or infected, they left all the said remedies. And the same pestilence began, as it is said, in the country of Ethiope, that is above egypt. Afterwards it descended into Egypt & into Libie, and extended it self greatly, into the lands & seignyories of the king of Persie. And from thence, it came incontinently to Athenes and began in Pyrens By mean whereof, they of the town thought at beginning, that the peloponnesians had impoysonned their country for that, that they yet had not any fountains. soon after, it passed into the head city. Fromthens, it spread marvelously over all. Whereof I am right willing here to speak, to th'intent, that every one, that hath skille of physic, 
Here the Author descryvethe a marvelous pestilence  or that knoweth nothing thereof, declare, if it be possible to understand, whereof the same might chance, and what might be the causes vehement enough, for to p●●●uce and bring fourth so suddenly, one so great mutation and change. As to touching myself, I will well show, how it happened. And will declare the thing of the sort, that every one, that shall see that, which I write (if any such chance, chanced an other time) maybe advertised & shall not be ignorant. For I speak as having knowledge. insomuch as I myself have had this sickness, and seen them, that had it. And it is to be knowing, that the same year, preceding and going bifore, was above all other exempted from all other maladies. And to them, that were infected with other sickness, it turned into this self same. And those, that were in full health, found them soubdainly taken, without that, there was any cause preceding, that might be knowing. And first they felt a great heat in the head, whereby their eyes became red and inflamed. And withinfourthe, their tongue and their throat, became all red, & their breath became stinking and harsh. Whereupon, there ensued a continual neysinge, and thereof their voice became hoerse. Anon after that, it descended into the stomach, which caused a great cough, that did right sharply pain them, and after that the matter came to the parts of the heart, it provokedde them to a vomit. By mean whereof, with a pain yet more vehement, they avoided by the mouth, stinking and bitter humours. And with that, some did fall into a yesking, whereupon they came incontinently into a palsy, which passed passed from some forthwith, and with other endured longer. And although, that, to touch and see them without, and through the bodies: they were not exceeding hot nor pale, but that their skin was, as red colour adusted, full of a little thin blains: yet they feeled withinfourthe so marvelous a heat, that they might not endure, one only cloth of linen upon their flesh, but they must of necessity be all bare. And the greatest plaisir that they could have, was to cast them within a very cold cave, so that many of them that were not kept, casted themself within the pits, by force of the heat and of the droughe, though that it were all one to drink little or much. With all this, they had no rest in all their membres, by means whereof, they could never sleep. And yet though the evil engendredde or waxed more, yet the bodies were not thereby much weakened, but they resisted the sickness more than would have been thought, in such manner, that some, that died of that great heat that burned their entrails, within seven days and some with in nine, they had yet some strength. And if they escaped this term, the malady yet descended to the belly, which caused a lax with continual pains, whereby many died of weakness. And for effect, this same pestilence and infection did gather together and engendered furst in the head and afterwards overronned through all the upper and exteryoure parts of the body. The vehemency and violence whereof, showed ytselfe to them, that recovered, in the extreme parties of their bodies. For it descended to the secret membres and to the extremytes of the feet and of the hands, and in such sort, that some that were recovered thereof, lost them, the other lost the eyes, some other, when the malady left them, had lost knowledge and memory of all things, and of themselves. And for conclusion this sickness touched all parts of a man, an● was more great, than could be expressed, and more sharp and vehement● than man's force can tolerate and suffer. And in this it declaredde ytselfes well to be more great, than all those, that had been accustomed to be seen for all the fowls and the beasts, that had accustomed to seasonne on men● car●ongns, did not than approach them, though a great number remained upon the earth without burial, aythere else they that seasonned, died there, and by this, the infection was well known ●or the fowls were not seen, neither up on the corpses, nor elsewhere through out, where that same pestilence had course. And above all other beasts, the dogs gave most knowledge of this infectyonne for that, that they most accustomed to haunt the people. Butt for to leave many other soortes of calamities and of miseries of that same pestilence that chanced diversly to particulars, unto some more sharply, than unto other, it comprehended all other maladies, and did not run into any other. whereof ●ome died for lack of good looking unto, and the other for toomuch. And also there could no medicine be found, that men might trust to be propice and good against it, for that, which profited one, did hurt an other. It left nevertheless the bodies in their entiernes, without that there might be parceived any difference of strength nor debility. And there was neither good complexion, nor regiment or governance, how good that it was, that might be exempted. But the worst that was in this, was that men lost their heart, & hope incontinently, as they feeled themselves attainted. In such sort, that many, for despair, holding themselves for dead, abandoned & forsook themself, & made no provision nor resistance against the sickness. And an other great evil was, that the malady was so contagious, that those, that went for to visit the sick, were taken and infected, like as the sheep be, one after an other. By occasion whereof, many died for lack of succours. whereby it happened that many houses stood void, and they that went to see them, died also. And specially the most honest & honourable people, which took it for shame, not to go to see nor secure their parents and their friends. And loved better to put and set fourth themself to manifest danger, than to fail them at their necessity. Yet finally they forsook all, and were overcome by the vehemency of the pestilence. seeing the multitude of them, that died, in weeping and lamenting. But above all, they that were escaped, did see the party and the misery of other, for y●, that they had experymented it in themself. And also they were out of dangers. For it never took them again that had had it, at the least so, that they were in doubt of life. By means whereof, they were reputed to be right happy. And they themself for the joy that they had of their present health: had a foolish and vain presumption to escape afterwards, from all other sickness. Besides this pestilence, the citizens were molested & annoyed by the great quantity and diversity of gross movables, which those that were retired into the city had brought thither. For that, that the lodging being small and yet occupied with such movables & necessaries, they knew not, where to turn themself, and specially at that same time of summer, and by this mean, they died, couched, where as they might, without any honnestie, some time the one upon the other. And many were seen half dead in the streets (chief abouts the fountains) which wallowed on the earth, for the desire that they had of water. And the same temples where they had holden their lodgings and abiding, were full of dead corpses. For through the violence of the sickness, they knew not what they did, and had lost the knowledge and reverence of religion of the holiness of places. And the right of the graves, which they used in time paste, were all troubled and confused. For every man buried his, there, as he might. So that many households, there graves being filled by the multitude of them, that were dead of their lignaige & family, were constrained, to cast the bodies of the other that died, into filthy and dishonnest graves. For some, seeing a butcher to be prepared & ready to burn some other body, casted the same of their parents above, & did put fire under. The other did cast it now after that the fire was there made, and the other body above, that burned. And after departed. And besides all the evils & dommaiges, that this pestilence caused, by occasion thereof, bigonne one evil custom in our city, which afterwards extended unto many other things, more great. For that, that men had presently than no shame to do things openly, which in times paste were willed not to be done in secret. By this, that they were kept and restrained from wantonness & voluptuousness. For seeing than one so great and so sudden mutation and change of fortune, and that they that died suddenly, were very happy, in regard of them, that lauguyshed, and were long in pain: The poor people to whom the goods or riches came, cared not, but for to spend it shortly in all things of pleasure and voluptuousness, and they thought that they could not do better. having no hope to enjoy it long, but rather attending and looking to leave them shortly, togethers with their life. And there was none, that for honnestye (though he knew and understood it) that would regard to be willing to enterprise any honest thing, wherein there was any care or travail, having no hope that he should live so long, as to see it achieved and finished. But all that, which for the time, they found pleasant and delectable for man's appetite, they reputed profitable and honest, without any fear of Gods or of laws. For that, that they thought it to be all one to do ill, or good, considered that aswell died the good, as the evil, and also they hoped not to live so long, that punishment might be taken on them for their misdeeds by justice, but they waited a greater punishment by the sentence of Gods, which was now given, to wit, to die of that same pestilence. Whereupon, sithence it was so, they thought that it was best, to employ the small time that they had to live, in making good cheer and at their pleasure. In this calamity than were the athenians, that died within the city of the same pestilence, and without, the enemies put all to fire and blood. Hereupon they brought many prognostications unto their memory and also answers of the Gods, that had been made before. Which they adapted and compared unto this chance. But among other a verse, that the ancients said, to have hard song in their youth, which had been pronounced by an answer or oracle of the gods in this substance. There shall come into Dorye, war with the lemon, whereof was altercation, before that this chance happened. For some said, that by this word lemon, famine should be understanded, the other said, that it would signify pestilence, but after that the chance was chanced of the pestilence, every one applied the word of the oracle unto that, And in my fantasy, if there yet came any other war in the country of Dorye with famine, men would apply it, aswell to the same there, as they did unto this here. They set fourth likewise the answer, that had been made by the oracle of Apollo to the interrogation of the Lacedemonyans, touching that same war. For having demanded who should have therein the victory, the answer of the God had been, that those that should make the war with all their strength, and that he would be their aid. And upon that same answer, they made likewise their judgements and interpretations. For that same pestilence began forthwith, as the peloponesians were entered that same year, into the land of athenians. And also it did no evil to the said peloponesians, at the least, whereby it should be caused to be esteemed. And furst it took in the city of Athens, and after spread to other towns of the country, as the same were peopled. And this is as touching the things that happened by the said pestilence. But as concerning the warre● the peloponesians, after that they had all burned and wasted the plain country, they came into the land, that is called Parolos, that is to say, nigh unto the sea. and wasted it likewise, unto the mount Laurus, 
Lauriusmons  where there be mines of silver. and first they wasted the region, which is on the cost of Peloponese, and after that same, that is on the cost of E●bee and of Andre. And yet Pericles persevered still in the opinion, whereof he had been the year preceding. that no man should go fourth against the enemies. But after that they were entered into the land of Athenes, he caused to prepare a hundred ships for to pillage and waste likewise in their country. Into which he caused to be put four thousand footmen, and upon other ships for to carry horses, he caused to be set three houndred warryours horsemen with their horses. which ships were than furst made at Athens of wood of old ships, and in their company went those of Chio and of Lesbos with thirty other ships. And Pericles departed from Athens with the said army by sea than, when the peloponesians were in the region nigh the sea of Athenes. So they came furst to descend into the land of Epydaure, which is in Peloponese, the which they pillaged overall, and assieged the city, in hope to take it. But saying that they lost time, they departed from thence, and went into the regions of Troizenide, 
Troezenis.  of Halyde & Hermyonide, in the which, they did the like as they had done in that same of Epydaure. All which places be in the country of Peloponese on the sea coast. From thence, they went to descend in the country of Prasie, which is in the region, nigh to the sea, in the country of Laconye. which country they pillaged togedres with the town, which they took by force. And that done they returned into their country of Athenes, fronwhence, the peloponesians were than departed for fear of the pestilence, which had always continued in the city, and without, over the athenians, so long, as they were in the sea, and that the Pelyponesyans were in their land. Whereupon, those same peloponesians, understanding by the prisoners the infection & danger of the same pestilence, and perceiving also the burying of the dead, departed hastily from the said land, after that they had tarried there, forty days. During which time, they wasted all the same country. In the same summer, Agnon, 
Agnon●  son of Nycias, and Cleopompus, 
Cleopompus.  son of Clynyas, that were Colleagues and compaygnions' of Pericles in the leading or governance of the army, departed by sea with that self same host, that Perycles had carried fourth, and brought again for to go against the Chalcydes, that be in Thrace. And finding in their way the city of Potydee, yet assieged with their people, they caused the enginings of Artillery to approach to the walls. So they battered them, & did all their best to take it. But all that new succour, & the other army that was there before, could do nothing, because of the pestilence, that was entered among them. The which, they that came with Agnon, had brought. For the other had not before parceived, nor felt it. which Agnon, understanding that Phormyon that was with in Chalcyde with a thousand & six houndred men, 
P●ormio.  was departed fronthence, left them, that he had found at the siege of Potydee, & returned unto Athenes, having lost a thousand & forty footmen of the four thousand, that he had charged at Athenes. All dead of the pestilence. The self same summer, the peloponesians came again yet an other time into the country of Athenes. And atteigned to waste y●, which was abiding there of the furst voyage. Whereupon, the Athenians seeing themselves so oppressed, with out by war, & within by pestilence, began to change opinion, & tos●●aunder & speak evil of Pericles, saying that he had been author of the war, & that he was cause of all their mischiefs. So they bent themself & agreed to require peace of the Lacedæmonians, but after that there were many messengers sent of the one side & of tother, they could not take any resolution. By occasion whereof, not knowing what more to do in their case, they yet again charged more sore, Pericles, who perceiving that they were astonished of the estate, wherein their affairs were (for that time very evil) & that they did all that, which he had foreseen from beginning, being yet in his office of captain & praetor or chief of the army, caused them all to assemble, & exhorted them to hope better, parforcing himself to reduce their anger unto contentation, and their fear unto confidence. So he speaketh unto them, in this manner.   

The narration and proposition of Pericles to the people of Athenes, for to appease and to exhort them, to poursue and follow the war, and to endure the present incommodyties. ☞ The ninth Chapter.  
THe anger and desplaysir that you have against me at this present, is not otherwise chanced, than I have thought before. For I do well understand the causes, whereof it proceedeth. And therefore I am well willing to cause you here to assemble, for to reduce some things to your remembrance, and also to complain of you, if you (wrongfully and without 'cause be angry against me, or if you do lose your hearts and courage in adversities. And as concerning myself, I esteem and judge that the citizens be better in particular, when all the city is in good estate: than when, all the citizens particularly be well, and the common welt he is lost. For that, that when the common estate is destroyed, he that is well in his particular, is no less destroyed, than the other. And by the contrary, if he have any evil in his particularite, he saveth himself with the common prosperity. And forsomuch (as when it happeneth) that the public wealth may suffer thadversities of particulars, but the particulars can not remedy them of the commonalty: Is it not more reasonable all together to help it, than to abandon and leave it by failing of heart, and by impatience in particular adversities, like as you presently do? And if you blame me, saying that I gave you counsel to enter into this war: that doing, you blame likewise yourself, that have followed my counsel. Be not therefore angry again one, such a man as I am. before whom in my conceit, you ought not to prefer any other. Be it for to know that, which is needful, or for to execute it, nor also that hath more love unto the city, and that can be less corrupt with money. All which things, be requisite for a good cytezeine. For he, that understandeth things, and doth them not, that is asmuch, as if he did not vnde●stande them. And though that he have both, yet if he be not affectioned to the common wealth, he shall say nothing, that generally may profit. And be it that he have the third, yet if he will be corrupt, there is nothing that he selleth not. Wherefore my Lords, if you, knowing all these things to be meanly in my parson, have trusted in me before all other for this war: you blame me now wrongfully. For as it is f●lly to desire war when men be in prosperity: even likewise, when they be forced ayther to subject themselves incontinently to their neighbours, or to do that, that they command them, or else to take the hazard of war for to keep their liberty, in hoping the victory: they that in this case, lose their courage & virtue, be much more to be blaymedde. And as touching myself, I am always of the opinion, that I have been, and I will not change it. And though that you do waver, yet it is full certain, that at beginning ye were all of my advise. But sithence the evils be come upon you, ye do repent. And measuring and judging my reason after your imbecillite and weakness, ye find it now evil. For that, that hitherto every one hath feeled the troubles and incommodities of the war, and that the common utility is not yet apparent. By occasion whereof, you be so greatly changed, for things of small importance, that your heart now beginneth to shrink and to fail you. And you have not virtue and power, to endure the things, that you have determined to endure. Also that chanceth commonly, that the things, which happen suddenly & unthought on, do abate men's courage. Like as it hath chanced us in our adversities, & specially as touching the pestilence. And yet nevertheless, having one so great & so noble city, in the which we have been so well nourished and indoctryned, we ought not to lose our courage for incommodities that might happen, how great soever they were, neither yet lose, our reputation and renome. For like as men do hate the man, that affecteth or purchaseth by ambition and presumption the honour and glory that apperteygneth not unto him: right so, they blame him the loseth the honour and the glory that he had. Wherefore Lords we ought, forgetting the particular dolours and passions, to defend the general liberty. And notwithstanding this, that I have oftentimes before declared unto you, that they, which fear, that this war should be long and dangerous, & that we should have the worse at the end, be in error: yet I will gladly at this present declare unto you a thing, of the which, me thinketh, you have never thought, although that you have it. I mean, touching the greatness ●f your empire and seignyory, whereof I have not been willing to speak in my former proposytions and narrations, neither I would have spoken it now, for that, that it seemeth to contain some spice or kind of boasting, if that I had not seen you astonied against reason. It is that you think that your empire & seygniory, doth not extend itself, but over your allies. But I advertise you, that of two parts of the land and of the sea that be in the use of men, you have fully the half in your power. I mean, so far as you be willing to use it. And if you would enterprise further, you should have it at your pleasure. For there is not at this day king nor nation upon the earth, that can impeach and let your navygatyon, into what part you will, having the army by sea, such as you have. Likewise knowing that your puissance doth not show itself in the usage of houses and of lands, which you make a great matter to have lost, as though it were a great thing, it is not comely and sitting for you to take sorrow, for that they are marred, but judging and reputing, that it is but a small garden overturned, and a small ornament of goods lost (to the value of this great puissance, whereof I do speak) to esteem it, nothing at all. And furthermore to know, that by mean of your liberty, if that you holy and entirely keep it, you shall recover easily, all these things. But if that we come into servitude & bondage of other people, we shall both lose all that, which we did hold in times past, and also we shall show ourselves, people of less heart, than our fathers have been. who have not had them of their ancestors', but have gottonne and kept them with their labours, and afterwards, left them unto us. For it is much greater shame to a man to suffer a thing to be taken from him, which he holdeth, than to fail to get that, which he coveteth. Wherefore, Lords, it is meet for us to go against our enemies, not only in good hope and confidence: but also in despising them. For that, that the confidence, which cometh oftentimes by a prosperity, unthought on, more than by good providence, may chance unto a man, that were not very wise. But he, that by good raysone hath esperance & hope to vaynquish his enemies, like as you have, hath not only confidence to do it, but moreover he condemneth and despiseth them. And also when that fortune and puissance are equal, the diligence and industry that come of a courageous heart, maketh a man more assured in his audacity. For that, that he groundeth not himself so much upon hope of the virtue, which showeth himself in necessity, as upon the provision and abundance of things that he saith, by which, men know the better the providence. Also it is convenient for all with one accord, to provide for the surety of his estate & seignyorye (which is very playsante to all) without refusing of any labour or travail, except you will likewise refuse the honours. And know, that there is not question only to lo●e the general liberty, but also to lose all your sygnyory and to be in danger to lose and to have to suffer through evil wills and grudges, which you have incurred in establishing and conserving it. By mean whereof, those among you, which for fear of things present, under colour of virtue and providence make their reckoning to live in rest, without meddling with the common affairs, do abuse themselves very greatly. For we be not the more sure of our own, by departing of ourselves, for that, that we have already used our empire and s●ignyory in form of tyranny, which seemeth a violent thing, and injurious even from the beginning, when it is first taken. But there is great danger to forsake and leave it. And those manner of people, that for fear of the war, do persuade to cease it: by so doing they should lose both the city and themselves, and also should leave those in liberty, over whom th●y do rule. For without any fail, rest cannot give surety, if it be not moderated and tempered by travail. And also it is not convenient for a city that will rule and govern. Wherefore Lords athenians, you should not suffer yourselves to be seduced by such manner of people, neither be angry against me that have enterprised the war by your consent. And though the army of enemies hath done that, that was to be believed that they would do to you, not willing to consent and obey unto them: and also though this pestilence is moreover come upon you, which is the only thing that we lest looked for, and for the which, I am the more hated by the most part of you, truly it is a great unright, that you should will me evil. except, that at all times, when any prosperity shall happene, which you shall not have thought on, that you would like wise attribute it unto me. For of necessity, those things must be endured, that chance by the will of Gods: and those that come by enemies, by virtue. And sense that it is the ancient custom of this city so to do, take heed, that it fail not in you, chief understanding that this our city hath a very great renomee among all people, for that, that it abasheth not at adversities, but hath endured great labours and travails and loss of many good citizens in war. By mean whereof, it hath acquired and conserved until this present day, this great puissance and seignyory. from which, if we now do haband●ne us, considered, that by the course of nature all things discreace, the memory shallbe for ever lost, towards them, that shall come hereafter, not of Athenes all only, but of the Empire of Greeks. For that, that we be those among the other Greeks, that have had greatest Empire, and susteigned more of wars, not only against tother in particular, but also against all them togethers, and that have had the richest and most peopled city of all Grece. yet nevertheless I know that they, that be fearful and faint hearted, will desprayse and blame this, that I do say. But they that have good will and desire to do virtuous things, shall find it good. And if those, that shall not be capable and understand my raisins and declarations, conceive hate and envy against me, that shallbe no new thing. For that is always happened to all them that be reputed worthy to presyde, govern, and to command other. But he that endureth such envy and evil will in great affairs, is that same that provideth well therefore, and in contemning the hatred, acquireth honour and reputation in time present, and perpetual glory for time to come. The which two things, to wit, the present reputation and the glory to come, have will, lords athenians, joyfully to embrace, and not to send any more, herald nor messenger towards the enemies, neither to lose your courage for the present damages. For they that least trouble themselves, and have the better courage in aduers●tes, and that resisteth there against most in effect, being in common or partylar affairs, be those, that be reputed most virtuous and most honest people.   

¶ Of the virtues and laudable conditions of Pericles. ☞ The tenth Chapter.  
BY such talk and words, Pericles enforced himself to appease the anger of the athenians, and to cause them to forget the evils and dommages, that they had. And for effect, they all in general agreed unto him. In such sort, that afterwards they sent none Ambassadors towards the Lacedemonyans, but disposed themself to the war. Nevertheless in particular, they were sore aggrieved to endure all the dyffycultyes. to wit, the common people, for that, that the little goods which they had, was consumed by the war: and the rich and noble men, for that they had lost the fair possessions and the sumptuous houses, that they had in the fields. And this was the most grief: that they had war, in stead of peace. By reason of which things, they remitted not the hatred that they had against Pericles, but condemned him in a some of money. And nevertheless, within a small time after (like as is the custom of the people to be variable) did chose● him again to be their Duke, and gave him full puissance and authority in all things. For although that they were now weakened by the evils and damages that they had suffered in particular: yet in things, that concerned the weal and government of the common wealth, they knew that they had need of him, and that he was the most sufficient man, that they had. Also for truth, so long as he had the governance, during the peace, he administered moderately and defended it entirely, and also augmented and amplefyed it greatly. And afterwards, when there was question of the war, he knew and understood right well the strength and puissance of the city, like as it appeareth by that, which therein hath be done. But sithence his death, which was two years and a half after the war begun, men know much more his prudence and providence. For he had always showed them, that they should have the victory of that war, if they kept themself from fayghting against the enemies on land, and did execute their feat by sea. without always to search to get a new seignyory, and without putting the city in danger. wherein, after his death, they did the whole contrary. And moreover, touching the other things, that concerned not the war: they, which had the administratyon, did every one after his ambition and particular covetise, both to the great prejudice of the common wealth, and also of themself. For their enterprises were such, that when it than came to their intent, it redounded to the honour and profit of particulars, more than of the commone. But chancing to the contrary, it was the perdition and loss of the common wealth. And the cause of this disorder, was for that, that during the time, that the same Pericles was in authority, he had the reputation, the minds and affections, and assured fealty and trust. Also with out all doubt, he was right wise, and would not be corrupt. For this cause he easily refrained and appaysed the people. For that also he showed himself towards them, rather a compaignyon, than a duke and governor. Furthermore he got not the authority by unlawful means, neither did speak any thing for to please, but in keeping his gravity, when men proponed and set fourth any thing inutile and v●profytable, he spoke frankly against it, though that, in that doing, he incurred the indignatyon of the people. And so often, as he understood, that they Imagined to do any thing before that it were time, or by cruelty, rather, than by reason: he reprehended and resrayned them by his grave speaking, and by his authority. And also, when he saw them afraid for any inconvenient, he put them again in courage. In such sort, that in appearance the governance of the town was in the name of the people, but in effect, all the authority was in him. Wherethroughe, after that he was dead, it chanced that those which succeeded in his place, being equal in authority, did search every one of them to obtain the principality, over the other. And to bring that to pass, they enforced themselves, for to please the will of the people. Which doing, they committed very many great faults, like as it chanceth in such cases in a great city, which hath empire and seignyory, but among other, the greatest was, that they made a navigation into Sycile. For they offended, not only against them, whom they went to outrage (beginning to war, upon them which thing they should not have done) but also against them, whom they had sent thither, for that, that they provided not well in their case by means of the troubles and questions that happened in the city, by occasion of th'administration, & of the auctorytye● for the which, the princyyall did strive and debate, through injuries and through accusatyons. And by that mean, the said army was defeated in Sycile. And also afterwards, was lost a great part of the army by sea with the apparel which they had set fourth again. And notwithstanding the said loss, and that they were travailed in the city by civil seditions and questions, and that they had gottone the Syciliens for enemies besides the other, and also that the more part of the allies had abandoned and forsaken them, & finally the Cyrus seen of the king of pierce was allied with the peloponnesians, and had given them money for to make an army by sea: yet did they resist three years, and could not be vanquished. until such time, as they being oppressed & troubled by their civil dissensyons, were constrained to render themself. wherefore it is clearly apparent, that when Pericles failed them, they had yet such puissance, that with his conduct, they might easily have had the victory of the same war.   

Of some other exploictes of war, that wree done that same summer aswell on the one part as on the other, and how the city of Potyde was rendered by composition unto the athenians. The xi Chapter.  
ANd for to return to the narration of the said war of the Lacedæmonians and their allies, that self same summer, they raised up an army by sea, with an hundred ships, which they sent under the conduct of Cnemus Spartian, 
Cnemus.  into the Isle of zeacynthe, which was right against Elyde, and was inhabited by the achaians, that be in Peloponese, but it took party with the athenians, and there pillaged it all over, and went about to take the city, but saying that they could not, they returned. In that self same summer, 
Aristeus.  Aristeus of Corinthe and Polys Argyan in their particular name, 
Polis.  and Anteristes, 
Anteristus.  Nicolaus, 
Nicolaus.  Pratodemus, 
Pratodemus.  and Tymagoras, 
Tymagoras.  as Ambassadors of Lacedemonyens went into Asia, towards the king Artaxerxes, for to induce him to be of their alliance in that same war. and to lend them money to raise an army by sea. But before their going thither, they came into Thrace towards Sitalces, son of Terreus, for to persuade him if it were possible to leave the alliance of the athenians, and to take theirs. and in that doing to lead and conduct his horsemen with their footmen, for to raise their, s●ege that the athenians did hold before Potyde. And so as they were entered into the royalme of Sytalces for to go to pass the sea into Hellesponte, willing to go to find Pharnaces, son of Pharnabasus, which should bring them unto the king, they found with Sytalces, Learchus, son of Callymachus & Ameniedes son of Philemon, Ambassadors from the athenians. who persuaded Sadocus, son of Sitalces, who had been made cytezein of Athens, that he ought to take the said Ambassadors & other above named, & to render them unto them, for that, that they went to the king, for to treat something against the said city. At whose persuasion, the said Ladocus did send his men after them. Who found them at the sea side where they were willing to embark themselves from thence, & took them. Afterwards, they brought them back to the said Sadocus, who delivered them unto the Ambassadors of Athenes, and they carried them unto Athens. And soon after the Athenians, fearing that Aristeus, who had been cause & author of all the affairs that they had had at Potyde & in Thrace, should yet imagine moreover some thing against them, if he escaped, they caused him & all the other to die the same day without any process, & without hearing the thing, which they would declare. And afterwards, did cast them from the height of the walls down into the dyches. For by that mean they thought with good cause that they did vengeance for their citizens & other their allies merchants, which the Lacedemonyans had taken upon the sea, & after that they had caused them to die, had likewise cast them into their ditches. For from the beginning of the war, those Lacedæmonians did hold for enemies all those, that they did take upon the sea, whereout they held the party of Athenians, or that they were neuter. & caused them to die without remission. About the end of that same summer, the Ambrasiens' having taken with them one good bend of strangers, went against the Argyens, which be in the country of Amphilochie, 
Amphilochicum.  & against all the said country, for a question, which they had newly had with them. And by this occasion Amphilochus son of Amphiarus, 
Amphilocus.  who was of the city of Argos in Grece, at his return from the war of Troy would not return into his country for the trouble & sorrow that he had there, & so went to the gulf of Ambracie, which is in the country of Epire, & there made a city, which he named Argos, in remembrance of the same, whereof he was, and he added unto it for surname, Amphilotique, & he named the whole country Amphilochie, which was right puissant of people among all the other cities of the country of Ambracie. But by succession of time, having many questions with their voisins & neighbours they were constrained to retire and take the Ambracy●ns their neighbours into their city, & company. Which brought them than furst, the greekish language. In such sort, that they all did speak that same language. For afore, they were strangers as the other Amphylocyens yet be, the city excepted. afterward by succession of time the Ambratians chased the Argives out of the city, & kept it alone. who being expulsed went towards the acarnanians, and gave themself unto them, and altogether, to wit, the Acarnanians and the Amphilochiens came to demand aid of the Athenians, for to recover the said city, who sent them Phormio with xxx ships, 
Phormio.  which took the city, and pillaged it, and after left it to the acarnanians and to the Amphilochiens togethers. By occasion whereof, the alliance did than first begin between the athenians and the acarnanians, and the question and enemytye between the Ambracyens and the Amphilochiens of Argos, for that, that the same Amphilochiens reteigned at that prize many prisoners of the said Ambratiens. who in time of this war, whereof we speak, assembled a great army, aswell of their own people, as also of Chaonyens and of other strangers their neighbours, and went thither to descend before the city. And they pillaged all the territory thereof. But they could not take it, and so returned into their houses. These things were done that same summer. At beginning of winter, the athenians sent twenty ships into the country of Peloponese, under the conduct of Phormio, who departing from the port of Naupacte, watched, that no ship might pass nor enter, nor also depart fro Corinthe nor from Crissee. other six they sent under conduct of Melessander into Carie and into Lycie, 
Melesander.  for to recover money of them. and to defend, that the merchants ships of the said athenians should not be spoiled and outraged, by them of Plaselide and of Phenice. Melessander, now being landed in the country of Lycie, he was by this enemies vainquished and slain, togedres with one part of his people. In the self same summer, the Potydyens seeing that they could no longer hold and keep their town against the athenians that had so long kept it assieged, for the necessity of darthe & famine wherein they were, which was so extreme, that among other filthy and abominable things that they did eat, there were that did eat the one the other, and saying also that for all the war that was made against the said athenians, that they did not retire from the said siege: they came to speak with the capitains of the said siege, for the Athenians. which were Xenophon, 

Xenophon.  
Hestrodorus.   son of Eurypedes, Eristiodus, son of Aristocles, and Phynomachus son of Callymachus, 
Phenomachus.  and rendered themselves upon these conditions. that they of the said town, togethers with their men of war strangers should depart and come fourth, every of the men with one garment and the women with twain, and moreover. every one had a certain some of money to go fromthence. the which composytyon, the said capitains did accept, considering the incommodity wherein their host was, by reason of the winter, and also the great some of money which that same siege had now cost, which amounted to more, than two thousand talentes. Thus the Potydyens departed from thence under saulue conduct into the country of Chalcyde, every one the best that he might. wherewith the Athenians were right evil contented, saying that they might have had it at their will, and if they would. And yet nevertheless, they sent thither of their citezeyns for to people and inhabit it. All which things were done in that same winter, which was the end of the second year of that war which Thucydides hath written.   

How the city of Platce was by the Peloponesians assieged battered and assailed, and by the citizens declared. ☞ The xii Chapter.  
THe summer ensuing, the Lacedemonyans and their allies came again, no more into Attic, but they went before the city of Platee, under the conduct of Archidamus king of Lacedrmonians. And they, having now planted their siege before the town, and willing for to pillage and waste the country, the citizens sent their ambassadors unto them, 
The oration of the Plateans.  which did speak in this manner. Archidamns, and you other Lacedemonyans, you do evil and against your honour, and the honour of your fathers, to come enemylyke into our land, and to assiege our city. For Pausanyas Lacedemonyan, son of Cleombrotus, who delivered Grece from the domynation of the Medes, with the Greeks that took the adnenture of the battle in our land, having made his sacrifice in the midst of our marquet place to the God jupiter the deliverer, in the presence of all the host, gave to the Plateans their city and their territory: to the end that they might live in their liberty according unto their laws, and that no man should make war nor do them violence unjustly, through covetise to rule them. And he conjured and swore all the allies and confederates that were there, to defend them with their power against all men, that would attempt the contrary. This is the ●werdōme and reward that your fathers gave us, for the virtue, which we s●ewed in that danger. But you do holy the contrary, that come hither with the Thedayns, our capital enemies for to subdue and bring us into servitude and bondage. Wherefore, we call to witness, them among you that were present at that act, and also our domestical Gods, and yours against you, if you do any harm in our land. and also if coming against your oath, you suffer us not to live in our liberty, so as Pausanias ordained. and more they said not. Whereunto Archidamus answered in this manner. 
The aū●swer of Archidamus.  you say right well Plateans, if the deeds were like unto the words. For as Pausanyas than granted you, that you should live in your liberty, and after your laws, even ●o you should have aided yourselves with your power, to have kept & set again into the self liberty, the other Greeks, that were present at the act, whereof you speak, and parttakers of the dangers of the war, aswell as you. who have been subdued and brought into servitude, by the athenians. By occasion whereof. all this army is assembled, and this war begun. Wherefore so much the better you shall keep your oath, as you shall the more aid to restore them into liberty. And if you will not do it, at the least, live as you have lived, heretofore. And labour your land in peace without taking part with the one nor with the other. But receive them all as friends, and help not to the war of one, more than of the other. with this answer the Ambassadors returned into the city, and made their report before all the people. By whose ordinance, they came again unto Archidamus, and said unto him, that, that which he had demanded of them was impossible for them to do without consent of the athenians, for that, that they had their wives and children with the athenians, and on the other part, that they feared to put the city in great danger. & after that the host should be departed fromthence the Athenians, not content with that, that had been done, should come upon them. And also that the Thebayns, who had not been comprised in the oath, under colour, that the city ought to receive them with th'one party, & the other, would at an other time subdue them. Whereunto Archidamus answered them, that they should have good hope, and for to eschew all dangers, they should put their houses, and all the city with his territory into their keeping, & give them by account all the trees that were there, & all the other things, that might be numbered togethers with the limits of their said territory by declaration. And they with their wives and children to go to dwell, where they should think good during the war. And licence us saith he, to hold them in deposet in your name, and incontinent after the war ended, we promise to render them entirely unto you, and nevertheless this during, to labour your lands, and to give you of the fruits that, which shallbe necessary for your living. upon this demand the Ambassadors returned into the city, and there proponed & declared it unto the people, who for resolution, made answer, that they so far, as lay in them, accepted the offer, if the athenians were therewith contented. But without furst commoning with them, they would in no wise do nor agree unto it. And so they demanded a certain term, for to send unto Athenes, and that in the mean time there should no damage be done in their land. which thing was accorded and performed unto them. But when the Ambassadors, which they sent to Athenes, were come again, they made reaporte unto the people, of the resolution that the Athenians had made unto them, after all the declarations and raisins of the one side & of the other, which was of this substance. The athenians do declare unto you, that sense that they have made alliance with you, they have not suffered you to be outraged nor wronged, and they admonish you, that ye ought to have remē●braunce of the oath, that your fathers made unto them. For they be not minded now to forsake you, but will aid you with their power, and therefore require you, to be faithful unto them. For as for them, they intend not to innovate nor charge you with any new impost. which answer being understand by the Plateans, they determined not to abandon nor forsake the athenians, but to resist the enemies, although they should see them bourn and waste before their eyes, all the goods, that they had in the country, and should suffer all the other evils, that might be done unto them. And therefore they would no more send again their messengers towards the peloponesians, but from the walls made their answer, that it was not possible for them to do that, which they had required of them. Than Archidamus came before the wall, and protested against them in this manner. 
The protestation of Archidamus against the Plateens.  you Gods and saints, that keep the city & land of Plateans, I call you to witness, that these here, be they, that furst break their oath, & that the outrage cometh, not by our fault, if we come ennemilike into their land, in the which our ancestors having made their vows & sacrifices, had the victory against the Medes, by your help & favour. And that this, that shallbe fromhencefourth done against them, it shallbe through their wrong & not through ours. For that, that whatsoever declarations & exhortations that we could reasonably make unto them, we could not profit in any thing, nor allure them with raysone. Wherefore vouchesaulf that they, which have first done the outrage, may have the pain. And that they, that prepare themself for to punish them justly, may do it. 
The form of the dove or mount  After that he had made this protest and request unto the Gods, he suffredde and licensed his men at arms to begin the war. And furst, with the trees that were incontinently cut down, he caused the town to be enclosed with great bars and skins, to the intent that none should issue out nor enter therein. Afterwards, they began to raise up a bank, and a mount, hoping in small time to achieve it, seeing the great number of people that helped to the work, and by that mean, to take the town. And the form of that same dove or mount was such. first, they made it with branches of trees, with grates in form of baskets, and they set them of each side of the mount, fastened and susteigned with skins for to keep the earth and other matter, that was put into it. And after they cast in, stones, wood, earth and every other thing, that might serve to fill it. In which work, they continued lxx days continually, day and night, without ceasing from their business. For when they one departed for to go to eat or sleep, they other came thither, every one in his turn. And for to sollycite and cause the said work to be advanced & set forwards, were deputed and appointed, the Lacedemonyans, which had charge of the huyred soldiers, and with them the Dukes and capitains of all the cities. When they of the town saw the mount so to heighing and arise, they began directly against it in the inner side within their wall, to make an other wall with stones with brecque, which they did take of the next houses, that they plucked down for to do it with, and for to susteygne and uphold it, they meddled it with pieces of wood, and withoutefourthe they armed and fenced it with hides, to the intent that in working they should not be hurt, and also that if any fire were cast against it, it should not take in the wood. In such manner, that the working arose greatly on both sides. And nevertheless they of the town, for to retard and slack the working of th'enemies, they devised one such meet practic and mean: that is. That they pierced the wall at one part right anempste the mount, whereunto the enemies had from the same forged an other rampire with wood and with earth, which came to join to the wall, for to come in covert, and secretly unto the foot of the same wall, after that the said mount had been achieved. And through that same hole, that they had made, they drew and conveyed away the earth underneath, which the other did cast into it. Whereupon, after that the Lacedæmonians had perceived it, they made great panyars, and filled them with soft and moist earth, and afterwards did cast it in stead of that, which was drawn away, in manner, that men could not easily draw more away. Also when the Plateans saw the remedy, they studied no further in that party, but they made great mines and conducts within the earth through under the wall that went to answer unto the mount. Through which mines, they drew without ceasing, the earth from the mount, & did it long before the enemies perceived it, though that they were all abashed to see that their mount did not greatly heyghenne, for the marvelous quantity of earth, that they did cast into it, and that it did fall and sink in the myddelle. yet the citizens, considering that at length they could not draw away so much of the earth, as the other, that were in greater number without comparysonne, might cast therein: and therefore considering that they travailed in vain, they devised an other remedy for to resist. that is, that at the same part of their wall, where the enemies had approached with their rampire for to assault, they raised & erected within wards, an other wall, in manner of increasing or adjoining, one unto the other. For the two ends came to join unto the wall, directly anempste the two ends of the mount of the enemies & went fromthence, enlarging inwards, into the town. To the intent that if the enemies did take the quarter of the wall, they should yet there find an other, against which, they should of necessity make an other mount, which should be their double travail. & also should be in greater danger. On the otherside, the Peloponesians had erected two engines upon their mount, where with they battered in two parts to wit, with the one the wall, that they of the town did make within, which decayed it greatly, whereof the citizens were greatly astonied: and the other did batter the principal wall. Against which engines the citizens used two remedies. The one was that they had great snares of big cords, with the which they did break them. The other was that they had great rollers of wood, which they fastened at two ends to chains of yronne, which kept the said rollers at the top of the wall, hanged overthwart. And when they saw the stroke of the engine coming, they let slip the ends of the chains, that were fastened to certain engines, in such sort, that suddenly the said rollers came to fall upon the end of the engine that battered, and did break his stroke. Whereupon, the peloponnesians, seeing that after all attemptates, they could not by that mean easily batter the wall, and yet though that it were battered, that there was an other wall within, & by that mean, they should with pain take the town by battery: they determined to enclose it round about with a wall. But afore they did that, they would assay if they might do it by fire, which thing seemed easy enough unto them, if that the wind served them, considering that it was very small. For they studied all things, whereby they might have it without great expense & without long sieage. And therefore they filled with fagotts & with wood all the dyche, that was between the mount & the wall in a very short time, through the great multitude of people, that were at doing of it. And caused it to be carried and extended, so far, as they might within the town, & afterwards in the height did put in fire with soulfer and with powder. Whereby there issued forthwith one so great a flame, as had never been there seen afore, that had been kindled by man's hand. For sometime the fire took by itself in the woods by the mountains, through the vehement confrication, freatinge and gathering of the trees, which happened by force of wind, whereby arose a greater fire & flame. And that same fire was so great and so sharp, that it failed very little, that it had not burned all the town, with them that were within, for there remained but one small part thereof, where as the fire had no course. And if the fire had chased, as the enemies thought, it had been done. but it chanced clean contrary. For there soubdainly came a great rain with great thunders, as it is said, that quenched it. The Peloponesians, than seeing that they were frustrated & disapoineted of that their enterprise after the other, they determined to leave one part of their people at the siege bifore the town, & that the other should return, but furst they would environ & compass about all the sides of the walls. And for to have it the sooner achieved, they departed it amongst them by quartiers, giving to all the bends of every city, his quarter, & also made dyches, all along the said wall, aswell within as without, & with the earth, that they drew out & cast up, they made bricque. After that they had achieved the same work, they left a sufficient number of their people for to keep the half of that same wall, & they left the other half, to be kept by the beotians, and after, the other departed about the saison that the star named Acturus doth appear, & every man returned from thence unto his house. As touching the Plateans, they had now afore, sent away their wives thou aged people, the children, & all those, that were not meet to serve for the war. In such sort, that there were abiding in the town, but four houndred and four score athenians, and ten women alonely for to make them their bread, and more there were not of any estate nor condition. The which determined for to defend the town. Such was the preparation of the siege of Platee.   

¶ How the Athenians had an overthrow bifore the town of Spartole in the country of Bottians. And the Peloponesians an other bifore the city of Stratie in the country of Acarnanie. ☞ The xiii Chapter.  

Xenophon.  THat same summer, in the beginning of the said siege, the Athenians sent Xenophon, son of Euripides, & ii other captains with two thousand footmen citizens, & two hundred horsemen estrangers in harvest season, for to make war against the Chalcydyans & Bottians, which be in the country of Thrace. who, being descended bifore the town of Spartole, 
Spartolus.  which is in the quarter of Bottians, they wasted all their corn, & yet had intelligence & confederation with some of them of the town. that should have let them in. But thoder that were not of the confederation, caused a bend of horsemen to come from the town of Olinthe. who, being arrived, went fourth with the people of the town for to fight against the Athenians. In which battle the footmen Chalcydyens, being well armed, were repulsed & driven back even unto the gates. But the horsemen Olynthians & the footmen light armed, 
Olynthus.  with a certain small number of other footmen, bearing Pavesses or Targots, that were of the country, that is called Crusyde, 
C●usis.  repulsed the horsemen of the athenians. And as they retired on the one side & on the other from that same battle, there came soubdainly certain fresh bends of footmen well armed, which the Olynthiens sent to increase the aid of them of the town. who, seeing the said succour coming, took heart unto them again, specially the footmen light armed & the horsemen Chalcydyens, & a fresh, with the succour of the Olynthyans', that was come unto them, they set upon the athenians & so did repulse & force them to retire unto two compaignies, which they had left te keep their baguaige & their artillrie. And yet nevertheless, those Athenians defended themselves manfully, & always, as they came lively upon their ennemis, they repulsed them. But after that they were returned to their said baguaige, the other did chase than back again, to wit the footmen with shot, & the horse men with hand strocks, in such sort, that at last they put them to flight, & had them long in the chase. In which chase, there died many, beside those that were there slain at the battle, which were in all four hundred & thirty, togidres with the three Capytains'. The morrow following, the athenians after that they had recovered their dead men of them of the town, they returned with the remanant of the army to Athenes. For the same victory, the Chalcydiens & Bottiens after that they had chosen out & buried them that were dead on their party, they erected & set up an trophy or token of triumph bifore the town. Anon after this battle, the Ambracyens & the Chaoniens, 
Ambraciote. Chaones.  desiring to subdue all the country of Acarnanie, 
Acarnania.  & to draw it from the alliance of the athenians, they signefied unto the lacedemonians, that if they would send them any number of ships, which they might cause the cities confederated to furnish, they might easily, with a thousand of their soldiers, subdue all the country of Acarnanie, for that, that the one might not secure the other. And the done, they might, wrout any great difficulty, conquerre the Isle of zacynte & that same of zephalanie, 
Zachintus. Cephalenia.  & moreover they had esperance, & trusted the rather to take Naupacte. which doing the athenians could no more discourse & sail abouts Peloponese, 
Naupactum.  as they had accustomed to do. whereunto the Lacedæmonians did agree, & immediately sent Cnemus, who yet was their capytaine general by sea, with those few ships that they had, & the footmen, & did write unto the confederated cities on the sea side that they should with all diligence send their ships well furnished into Leucade. 
Leucadia.  Now those of Corinthe, among the other confedered cities were most affectioned to the Ambracyens, for that they were their burgeoses, & therefore they made extreme diligence to tacle their ships & to send them unto them. likewise did the Sycioniens, 
Sicyonu.  & the other nigh neighbours. But those of the Anactorians & of the Ambratians, 
Anactoru. Ambraciote.  and also of the Leucadyans were sonnest ready at the poarte of Leucade. Cnemus and the thousand soldiers that he conducted, used so good diligence that they passed bifore Naupacte without that Phormyo capytaine of the athenians, 
Phormyo.  who had their abowtes twenty ships to keep the passage & the country, did perceive them. So they descended incontinently in the land, nigh unto Corinthe & they being there, soon after came unto them the succours of the said Ambracyens, Leucadyens and Anactoryens, and besides them that were all Greeks, there came thither a great bend of strangers, to wit, a thousand Chaonyans, 
Chaones.  which is a nation, that is not subject unto kings, but do live under Dukes, whom they do every year chose of a blood Royal. Of whom were Capytaines' photion and Nycanor, 
Phorius. Nycanor.  and with them, were the Thesprotiens, 
Thesproti.  which lived likewise without king. And the Molosses and Athytains', 
Molosses Antitanoe.  of whom was captain Sabylinchus that than was tutor of Tharipus, 
Sabylinthus. Tharipis.  king of the said Molosses, being in mynorytie of age. There was also Orydus, 
Oroedus.  king of Paranee, which had under his bend with his men, a thousand Orestyans, subjects of the king Anthiochus, 
Anthiochus.  which were come thither by his knowledge and consent. Likewise Perdiccas king of Macedon sent thither a thousand macedonians without knowledge of the athenians, 
Perdiccas.  which yet arrived not at the beginning, when the furst did. With this army Cnemus departed from corinth by land, without will to tarry for the other that came by sea, & passing through the country of the Argives he pillaged the country of Lymnea, 
Argivi. Limne●  which was not closed with walls. Afterwards he came against the city of Stratie, 
Stratus.  which is the greatest of all the country of Acarnanie, hoping, that if he migte have taken that same, that he should afterwards right easily take the other. When the acarnanians knew that there was come a great army upon them by land, and that they atteded yet, for a more strength by sea: they sent no succours the one to the other, but every one prepared himself to defend his city and his land, and all they together, sent to Phormyo that he should come to succour them. But he made them annswere that it was not lawful for him to abandon and depart from the poorte of Naupacte, understanding that the army by sea of the enemies should depart from corinth. The peloponesians than came with three bends bifore the said city of Stratie, being determined to assail it, if those within would not render or yield it. Of which three bends, ●pe Chaonyens and other strangers were in that same of the midst, and in the right hand were the Leucadyens with the Anactoriens & other of their bend, and in the last bend was Cnemus with the peloponesians and the Ambrasyens. An● the said bends went marching by `dyvers ways so far distant the one from the other, that sometime they of the one bend did not see the other. And the Greeks went in battle, keeping their order, for to advise bisore all things, when they should be afore the town, to choose some meteplace to lodge their camp. But the Chaonyans trusting in their force, for that, that they were holden and reputed most valiant of all the other strangers in that quarter of the main land, they would not have patience to lodge themselves, but taking it for shame so much to cocker themselves, and hoping with the aid of other strangers that were in their bend, to fear the people of the town with their arrival, and by that mean to take it, bifore that the other should there arrive, & so to have the hole hounour of that same enterprinse: they advaunsedde themself in their most, that they might, in such sort, that they arrived in the sight of the town, a good space of time enough, bifore the other. which seeing, the Stratyans deu●sed among themself, that if they could discomfytte and overthrow that bend: the other would fear afterwards to come thither, they set embushementes without the town on that part thereof. And after that the Chaonyans were between the town and the ambushes, they set upon them on both sides so strongly, that they did put them out of Array and unto flight. And so did slay many and a great number. when the other strangers that came after, did see them fly, they did the like, and so did all fly, bifore that the Greeks did perceive it, who thought not that they should have fought, but only have chosen the place to have lodged them. But when they saw them so to fly, they retired into their bend. And afterwards, they locked themselves together, and tarried there that same day, waiting if those of the town would issue fourth against them. which thing they would not do, for that, that thoder Arcananyans had sent them no succour. But only they did throw against them with casts of slings, where with all those of the country of Acarnanie do throw better, than the other people. Also they were not armed, and therefore it had not been good for them to have issued fourth. Than Cnemus, seeing that they came not fourth, when it did draw nigh upon night, he withdrew himself in great fear, to the river of Anapus, 
Anapus fluuius.  which is distant from the city, abouts four skoore stades. And the morrow following, having recovered the dead men of the Stratyans, he retired with his army into the land of the Eniades. 
Oemniades.  who received him willingly, for the amity that they had with the peloponesians and fromthences they departed all, for to return into their houses without tarrying the succour, that should come unto them. And the Stratians did set up their Trophy in remembrance of the victory, that they had had against the Barbarous or strangers.   

¶ How the athenians had a victory by sea against the Peloponesians, and how the one party, and the other prepared themself for to combattre and fight, one other time upon the sea. ☞ The xiiii Chapter.  
ON the other side, the army by sea that the Corynthians and other confederates should have sent out of the gulf of Crissee, to the succours of Cnemus against the Acarnanyens if they would come to secure them of Stratia, came not. But were constrained, that self same time, that the battle was bifore Stratia, to fight against the twenty ships that Phormyo held and kept to defend Naupacte, who spied when they departed from the said gulf of Crissee, for to assail them in the high or main sea. whereof, the athenians, who were not furnished to fight, but only had charged the men of war for to pass with them into Acarnanie, doubted not. thinking that Phormyo, that had but twenty ships, durst not assail theirs, which were seven and forty. But as they sailed alongeste the cost of Epire, for to traverse into Acarnanye, which is opposite or direct against it, saw the Athenyens come fourth from Chalcide and out of the flood of Euenus. 
The flood of Euenus.  Who came directly against them, for though in the night they were hid in a place, yet always they were in the moarning, at break of day, apparceyvedde. And by this mean, the corinthians were constraynedde to fight in the midst of the destracite. Now the people of every city had their capitains. And of them of corinth were capitains, Machon, 
Machon.  Isocrates, 
Isocrates.  and Agatharcydas. 
Agatharchidas.  and so the Peloponesians did bring their ships all into a roundel, locked together, the fore parts forwards, and the powpes inwards, keeping as much space, as they might in the sea. for to empeshe & let the issue of enemies, and within that same roundel they bestowed the smallest and lightest ships, for to cause them to go fourth in short space upon those of th'enemies when they should see it to be meet. As touching the athenians, they brought their ships all in a renge. And sailed closing abouts those of thennemies, feigning to be willing forthwith to begin the battle, and in passing beyond them, they approached so strongly, that well nigh they hurkeled together. By mean whereof, the other joined themself & retired always more suerlyer locked in their order. But Phormyo had defended or forbidden his men, that they should not begin the battle, until that he had given them a sign or token. And this he did for that, that he thought well that the said Peloponesyans could not maigntayne or continue that same order with their ships, as they would have done, with their foot men, on land. And also that the ships would hurkle together and would impeach th'one the other. Specially, when the wind of the land should arise, which began commonly at the break of the day, which he attended, making in the mean seasonne a brag or threatening to be willing to strike upon them. For he took it to be full certain, that after that the wind was rysenne, they could not be a moment of one hour firm or sure together, & that he might then assail them, more at this pleasure, for that, that his ships were lightest, like as it chanced. For after that the wind began to blow, the ships that were enclosed in the middle of the oder of th'enemies, and the other that were lightest began to hurkle against the other, and successively the disorder came the one from the other. so that the people that were within, was the more part occupied to lay fourth planks of wood, or their glaives specially bifore, for to defend, that the ships should not hurkle against them, where they were. Whereby arose a great cry of one sort, that cried and said vylaynye to other, in such sort, that they could not hear nor understand the thing that was commanded them. And yet they that understood it, could not turn nor conduct their ships, so, as they were commanded, they were so greatly oppressed and coustrayned. Also they were not yet instructed perfaictely in the ●eate by sea. Than Phormyo, seeing the disorder, gave the sign or token of the battle unto his people, who charged lively upon the enemies, and at the arrival, they did overrun one of the Pretoryans' galleys, to wit, upon which was one of the Capytaines, and so drowned it. And consequently all those, that they encountered, at that the first charge, they frushed or sunk them, with such strength, that they gave not the enemies leisure to joinne themself again together, neither to recover their courage, but they forthwith fled towards Patras & Dymen in the quartier of Achaie. 
Patre. urbs. Dyme oppidum.  And the athenians followed them so nigh, that in chasing them, they did take twelve of their ships and also did slay a great number of their people. Afterwards, they returned into Mylocryte. 
Molycricum.  And after that they had erected and set up their throphee upon the promontory or highest place, and consecrated a ship to the god Neptunus, they returned unto Naupacte. Also the peloponesians with the ships, that were escaped from Patras and from Dymen, returned to Cyllene, where the athenians have their haven, to the which place Cnemus also came at his departure from Leucade after the battle of Stratie with the other ships that should have joined with them there. And they being there arrived, Tymocrates, 
Tymocrates.  Brasidas and Lycophron, 
Brasidas. Lycophron.  whom the Lacedemonyans had sent for to assist Cnemus, and had willed him to use their counsel in feat of the sea, and chief, that he enterprised again a battle upon the sea, to the intent that the enemies, who had the lesser number of ships, should not continue masters. For they thought well that that same battle was lost, through fault of their people, by many reasons. And chief for that, that it was the furst time that they had fought in the sea. wherefore they could not have had the art and industry to conduct themselves so well, as the athenians, who therein were all accustomed. And likewise that the victory was not for that, that the athenians were more puissant with ships nor with apparaille, but through the ignorance of their people, which was the cause that they sent the three personaiges above named, through disdaigne and anger for to give Cnemus & his people knowledge of their fault. the which parsonnaiges, after that they were arrived, demanded certain number of ships of the cities, and caused them, that were there, to be repaired, like as they thought good. On the other side, Phormyo sent his messengers to Athens for to signify the victory unto the athenians, and also to advertise them of of the apparaille and preparation, that the enemies did make afresh, and that it was needful that they should send forthwith renforte and more power of people, and of ships. which the Athenya●s did. and sent him twenty ships with good number of people. By the conductor whet of, they commanded him that he should incontinently and bifore all thing, come with all the army into Crete. And this did they, for that, that a citizen of Crete, named Nycias Gertynyus, 
Nycias.  that was their friend, had advertised them, that if they would send thither their army he would cause them to win the city of Cydonie, who took the contrary part. But he willed that this were done by mean of the Polichnytes, 
Polichnyte.  who were neighbours of the said Cydonyans. Phormyo than, ensuing the commandment of the athenians, came into Crete, and from thence into Cydonye, and with the Polichnytes he pillaiged and wasted all the territory of Cydonians, and also was constrained by force of contrary winds to tarry there longer, than he was willing. During this time, the peloponesians, that were in Cyllene, having prepared all that which they thought good for to come against their enemies, they came to Panorme, 
Panhormus.  which is in Achaye, at which place, was the host of land that the peloponesians had sent thither for to secure & aid that same by sea. On the other side, Phormyo, with the twenty ships that he had the day o● the date of the battle came directly unto the promountory of Milocryte. And lodged themselves all round about, without that same, for that, that it did take their part and strait against it of the same coast of Peloponese, there was one other, distant or being a sunder the space of seven stades or thereabouts by sea, which caused the mouth and the entry of the Gulf of Erissee. The Peloponesians also came to an other promountorie of Achaie, which was not so far distant from the city of Panorme. where they had their army by land. And they had the number of lxxvii ships armed. Than the two armies, being in sight the one of the other, they kept themselves six or seven days in their fort, for to make their preparations, and to advise of the manner of the battle. For the Peloponesians, by reason of the fear, and remembrance that they had of the former discomfiture, durst not issue fourth at large into the main sea. Also the athenians would not enter into the distroicte, knowing that it was for their disadvantage. And in the mean time, Cnemus & Brasidas and the other capitains of the Peloponesians, seeing that their soldiers were astonied and afraid by means of the former overthrow, they caused them all to assemble and did speak unto them in this manner.   

¶ The exhortation of the dukes Lacedemonyens to their soldiers. ☞ The xu Chapter.  
IF there be any of you, lords Peloponesyans, that feareth to come unto this battle by reason of the other, which we lost: he groundeth his fear neither well, nor upon good cause. For our preparation and apparaille was not than such, as apperteigned. For that men thought not to come to fight by sea. But rather that voyage was only to carry and transport our army into the land. wherein, inconveniences chanced unto us, which were not small, by misfortune, and it might be partly by ignorance, being the first time that you had fought by sea. wherefore, knowing and considering that we were not vainquished by the force and virtue of our enemies, but rather that there be raisins to the contrary: It is not raisonable, that we should now be destitute of courage. But we ought to consider, that albeit that oftimes men of estimation do fail and lose by fortune of war: yet nevertheless they have and retain their virtue and hardiness of heart. the which they judge not to have lost by the former fault and imprudentie. & likewise they be never descouraiged nor tired. And as touching your part, truly, though you have not so much knowledge in this business by sea, as our enemies have, yet have you asmuch and more hardiness and virtue. And as touching the industry of them here, whom you fear, if the same be accompaigned with hardiness, it shall know well how to execute in great dangers, that, which it shall have learned by excercise. But if that be lacking, the art shall serve nothing at all. For fear taketh away the memory. And the art, without the virtue of heart and courage, profiteth nothing in dangers. wherefore it behoveth you, for so much as they have more experience: to have against it, more audacity. And for the fear, which you have, for that, that ye were vainquished, ye ought to call to remembrance, that you were not prepared nor disposed for to fight. And besides this, consider, that we have many more ships than our ennemis, & that you shall fight in the sight of our army, that is here on land, for to do us pleasure & that by reason, those, that be in greatest number & best appointed, should have the better. Also we perceive not one only raisone, whereby we should have any fear, but the fault, that we heretofore have done, maketh us by the experience the better instructed. Have you all than good courage, aswell capytaines & souldyars, as mariners, and do every one his office, without habandoninge and forsaking the places, wherinto you be ordained. For also we, that be your dukes & heads, will not give you less commodity to fight, than those, that should conduct you to the other battles nor also any occasion or example to be weary & fainthearted. And if there be any, that shall show himself such, he shallbe punished according to his desert. Likewise those, that shall show themselves to be valiant, shallbe recompensed & reputed according to the merytt of their virtue. By such words & declarations, they did animate & encourage the peloponnesians, their soldiers. On the other side, Phormio, seeing that his soldiers were also afraid for the great number of ships that they saw against them, caused them likewise to assemble, & comforted them, for that, that always he had assured them, that there could not come against them one so great an army by sea, that they were not able to resist. And they themselves, for that they were athenians, had conceived this presumption in their mind, that they never would recueile bifore any army by sea, that they should see of the Peloponesians, how great so ever it were. But perceiving them to be afraid, he deliberated to put them again in courayge, and so spoke unto them in this manner.   

¶ The Exhortation of Phormio, to the soldiers athenians. ☞ The xvi Chapter.  
I Have devised to call you here together, seeing you somewhat afraid for the great number of enemies. which I find to be an evil thing, to fear the same, which is not to be feared. For those here, have assembled this number of ships much more great, than ours: for fear, that they have of us, having remembrance of the victory, that we had last against them: and knowing that they be not able, so many for so many, to compare with us. And also they come with th'only thing, wherein they have their affiance, that is, with great number of footmen (for that, that they have often had victory in battle by their mean) thinking that they will do asmuch in the fight by sea. which is an abuse. For this, that if they have any industry & perseverance or power in that same manner of fighting, we have much more great, in this same here. For of courage, we therein have the one as the other, but in that, that we be experimented the one in the sea and the other by land, it maketh every of us for his part more bold & audacyous, in that thing, wherein we have most experience. On the other part, the Lacedemonyans, for somuch as they be heads and princes of other confederates, for to recover their honour, do constrain them against their will, to come afresh to prove the fortune of battle, which thing they would not do willingly, being vainquished. wherefore you ought not by any means of the world, to fear the audacity and hardy●es of them, unto whom you have given greatest and most certain fear. aswell for that, that you have one time vainquished them, as also for this, that they have this same opinion of us, that in resisting them, we will do some thing, worthy of memory. And on the other part, they that be in greatest number, come to battle, trusting more in their force, than in their conduct. where they, that perceive themselves to be weakest and feeblest of people and preparation (if they be not forced to fight) ●uttinge their surety in their understanding and prudency, proceed most valiantly in their business. which thing considered by them here, they be more afraid of that, and not without cause, than they be of our preparation. For also it hath been often seen, that the greatest puissance hath been vainquished by the less, sometime through ignorance and lack of knowledge, sometime for lack of courage and of conduct. The which two things be not in us. And yet nevertheless I will never be of opinion to fight within the distraict, and that we should go thither to assail them. For I know very well, that that, is not for th'advantage of them that have light ships and small under conduct of good patrons and mariners, for to go to assail in a straight place them, that be in greater number under conduct of new & inexpert people. insomuch as a man should not go in such case to assail them, but when he saith afar of, his advauntaige. And also when he is in such narrow and strait place, he may not retire when he is in danger, and for effect a man may not go and come again at his pleasure, which is the industry & fashion of light ships & of good mariners. But rather a man is constrained to ●ight, as in main land amongst foot men, in which case, they that have greater number of ships, have the greatest advantage. But as touching that, I will thereunto have eye, somuch as I may. And as concerning you, it is convenient, that every of you hold and keep him in this place, that hath been appointed him within your ships. And to obey readily unto that, that shallbe commanded. For this chief, that thoccasion of victory consisteth and resteth in the readiness and diligence to assail, when time is. And moreover in fighting take good heed to your takle, and to keep silence. which things be very requysitte and sitting, in all battles, but above all, in the sea. Charge therefore upon these here, in keeping the honour that you have acquired against them. And consider, that it is a question at this conflict of a very great matter, to wit, whider you shall deprive the Peloponesians of hope to sail from thence forwards, or that you shall put the athenians in great fear to go to the sea. And to end reasoning, remember you for one thing, that we have vainquished a great part of them here in battle, and that they that have been once vainquished, have not the heart, so soon assured in like dangers. In this manner did Phormyo instruct and encourage his soldiers.   

¶ how in that same second battle by sea, aither of the parties reputed himself to have had the victory. ☞ The xvii Chapter.  
THe Peloponesians, than seeing that the athenians would not enter into the destraict: for to bring them thereunto, whider they wou●d or not, assoon as the day began to peep out, they committed their ships to the sail all in battle, in thickness of four ships, to wit, four ships ioygninge to the hinder part of the other, and they began to march inwards within the dest●oicte towards their land. Now there were twenty of the most light ships, that marchedde bi●ore in that same order, that were in within the poorte, to this end, that if Phormio, thinking that they would go against Naupacte, should march in that part for to go to secure the town, he should be enclosed among the said twenty ships, and the other, which sail●edde more at large from the sea on the left hand. like as it chanced. For Phormyo seeing that they made towards the ●owne, & knowing that it was unprovided of people, was constrained to cause his people to be soubdenly embarked, and to sail alongst by the land, trusting in the foot men of the Messeniens, which were already for to secure him by land. But when the Peloponesians did see them to march by from the shore to land, and that they were now with in the destroicte, which was the thing that they demanded, they returned all at ones against them. And giving token of battle, they took their course against them with the greatest diligence that they could, hoping to enclose them and to take them all. But lxx ships of the athenians that went bifore escaped, & saved themself in the main sea. The other, that thought to save themself by land, were taken by the peloponnesians & destroyed. And the people, that could not swim to land, were slain. And afterwards they carried away the void ships with theirs. For there was but one only taken with the people that it carried, and nevertheless of the other that remaigned void, there were some saved by the Messenyens, that were on land. who entered into the sea so far on foot, that they fought hand to hand with them that would carry away the said void ships, and did take away one part thereof. In such manner the Peloponesians had victory & wasted the ships of the athenians, and moreover the twenty light ships, which they had put on their right wing, gave chase unto. x● which were escaped after the beginning, into the main sea, which they got a●, reserved one, and came to join themself again together foranempste the temple of Apollo, turning the eight parts of their ships against their enemies, to the intent to defend themselves, if they came to assail them. The Peloponesians came after, singing the songs of victory, as people that had vainquished. Amongst the which one ship of Leucadyans came a great space bifore all the other, giving the chase to one of them of the athenians, which abodde behind. So it chanced by fortune, that there was one small carrecte at ancre, very nigh the poorte, whereunto the Athens ship, that was chased, came to join for to save himself. And as the same of Leucadyans, with force of sails and with oores did pursue it, he happened between them both and so was incontinently sunken, whereby the peloponesians that had no doubt thereof, were somewhat astonied, and for that, that they were not in battle but followed at the bait, as people that had the victory, and gave the chase, they stayed a little and cessed to sail, tarrying the other that followed them with fear, that if they approached more nigh, the athenians would issue fourth upon them to their advantage. And so going fair and properly with the sail, they entered into certain banks for that, that they knew not well the place. which perceiving the athenians they took courage again, and the one, encouraging the other, they came to charge upon them, who knowing the fault that they had done and that they were in disorder susteignedde the brunt, a little at the beginning, but soon after they turned the back and gave themselves to flight towards the place, fromwhence they were departed. Yet always there remained six, which the athenians did take, and also recovered their empty ships that the self athenians had that same hour fastened on ground, and of the enemies they did slay one party, and the other part, they reteigned ●risonners. amongst the which Tymocrates, 
Tymocrates.  who was within the ship of Leu●adie that was sunk, seeing that there was no remedy to save him, did kill himself with his own sword. And was cast by the waves, into the port of Naupacte. The athenians, being returned to the place fromwhence they were departed, did set up there their trophy on land, and recovered the broken pieces of ships and the dead bodies that they found thereabouts, and having chosen out theirs, they rendered to the peloponesians by appointment, those of their people. who on the other side did erect and set up an other trophic upon the promontory of achaia, reputing themselves to have had the victory, by cause of the ships of enemies, which they had taken and chased nigh the land, and of that same that they had sunk, the which they consecrated and sacrefyced, nigh unto the said trophy. And that done fearing that some new succours should come to their enemies, they took sail in the night, and went all (reserved the Leucadyans) to the gulf of Crysee. And into Corinthe, and so right shortly after, arrived at the poorte of Naupacte, twenty ships, which the athenians sent from Crete unto Phormyo for to strengthen them, the which should have arrived bifore the battle. And this dependinge, it came to the end of the summer.   

How the Peloponesians failed to take the poorte of Pyreus secretly or by stealth. ☞ The xviii Chapter.  
BUt bifore that the ships of the peloponesians departed from Corinthe and out of the gulf of Crisee, Cnemus and the other rulers, through the request & incouraigement of the Megariens, would assay to take the port of Athens, named Pireus. which was not kept nor also closed. For that, that the athenians that were much more puissant by sea, than all the other, feared not that any would come to assail them in their port. And so they ordained, that every of the mariners with an oar, and a line wherewith men bind them, and a skin of that same, whereupon, they lie within the ship, should go by land from Corinthe, until the sea that is foranempste Athens. And fromthence they should go all together to Megare with most diligence that they might. And out of the place of Nysee, where is the havenne of Megarians, they should toawe forty galleys, in the which they should go suddenly against the said poorte of Pyreus, wherein were no ships, and there was also no great watch, for that, that the athenians never doubted thereof. For it never chanced that any ship did aboard there openly or secretly that was not parceyvedde. Having than the peloponesians well preparedde their case, they took their journey. And being by night arrived at Nysee, they embarked themselves upon the ships, that they found there, and raised up their sails for to sail towards Pyreus. Without having any more fear of any manner of thing. But they had (as it is said) the wind somewhat contrary. Now was there upon the promontory, which is against salamine, on the cost of Megare, a bastillion which certain soldiers athenians did keep, and in the sea beneath them three galleys, which was there to impeach and let, that nothing should enter nor issue fourth from the town of Megare, The which bastillion, the peloponesians assaulted, and at the arrival, did take the three galeys which they found empty, and caryedde them away. Afterwards, all at one time, one party amongst them entered into salamine, bifore that it was perceived and did pillage it. But in the mean time, they, that were within the bastillion, which yet defendedde themself, did kindle liars for to make signs to them of Athenes, that the enemies were come. whereof the athenians were so much or more afraid, than of any other thing, that happenedde unto them in all this war. For they that were in the city, thought that Pyreus had been already taken. And they, that were in Pyreus, reckoned the Salamyne being taken, there rested nothing, but that thenemies would come also to take them, which thing they might easily have done, if they had not been impeached by the wind, and kept back by fear. But during this, at the dawning of the day, all the people of Athens issued fourth on a heap, and took their ships, that were at Pireus, & after that they were embarked, they sailed towards salamine with the most diligence that they could, leaving a good number of footmen within Pyreus. When the Peloponesians perceived their coming, they advanced themself to withdraw their butyne, pray, and the prisoners of salamine into their ships. And that done, with the three ships that they had taken in the poorte of the castle of Budore, they returned to Nysee. For they did not assure themselves well in their ships for that, that they had been long on dry ground in the haven. wherefore they thought that they were not for to endure well the sea. And after that they were descended at Nysee, they returned by land to Megare. And fromthence, to corinth. On the other side, when the athenians were arrived at salamine, seeing that the enemies were now departed, they returned likewise unto Athenes. And fromthence fourthwardes, they fournished better their poorte of Pyreus, aswell with closure, as with defence or watch.   

How Sitalces king of Odrisiens' entered the country of Macedon for to conquerre it from the king Perdiccas, and how he came again without doing any great feat. ☞ The xix Chapter.  
IN that same saisonne, abouts beginning of winter, Sitalces Odrisien, son of Tereus, king of Thracyens, enterprised war against Perdiccas, son of Alexander, king of Macedon, and against the Chalcydyans, that be in Thrace, by occasion of two promises, that the said Perdiccas had made unto him, which he did not observe. The one for his name & proffytt, and the other in favour of the Athenians. For the same Perdiccas, being in great extremity, for that, that on the one side, Philippe his brother would have chased him out of his roiaulme with the help of the said Sitalces, and on the other, the athenians were minded to move war against him, he promised to Sitalces many things if he made the appointment between him and the said Athenians, & gave no aid to Philip his brother against him. And moreover in making of the said appointment with the athenians, the said Sitalces had promised them, that the said Perdiccas should make war against the Chalcidians. which thing Perdiccas had ratified, & yet had not done it. For these two quarrels than, Sitalces enterprised the war. And led with him Amyntas' son of Philippe, for to restore him to the roiaulme, togethers with Thambassadors of the Athenians. Of whom, 
Agnon.  Agnon is chief that were sent thiderfor this cause. For also they had agreed with Sitalces, to send immediately their army by sea, 
The mount of Aemus.  and by land agayste the Chalcydyans. For to execute than this enterprise, Sitalces assembled, with the Odrisians, all the Thracyens. Over whom he ruled, which be between the mount Emon and the mount of Rhodope, 
The mount of Rodophe.  of the cost of the land. And the bridge of Euxin, and Helles bridge on the sea cost. And afterwards, the Getes and the other, that be beyond the said moun● Emon and on thisside the river of Ister drawing towards the bridge Euxin, 
The river of Ister  which border unto the Scytes, and live as they, the more part Archers on horseback, which we call Hippotoxotes or Stradiotes. Besides this he assembled the people of the mountains of Thrace, which live in liberty, & do were their swords at their girdle, and cause themselves to be called gods, togethers with many of thinhabitantes of Rhodope, which followed him, partly for wages, & partly for curiosity & desire to see the war. He caused moreover to come, the Agrians, the Leens and the other Peoniens, which be at the further end of his empire & signiory until the Greene's, & to the river of Strymone, 
The mount of Rodophe.  which descendeth from the mount Scomie, 
The mount of Somius.  through the country of Leens and of Greene's. which river maketh the lymytt of his roioulme. And fromthence, he took some other free people, which inhabytte nigh the said mount Scomie on the North side, drawing towards the west until the river of Ostius, 
The river of Ostium  which issueth out of the same mountain. Fromwhence run Nestus and Ebrus. 

The river of Nes●us  
The river of Ebrus  
Abdeci.   the which mountain is untilled, barren & not inhabited, nigh enough unto Rhodope. And for to determine the greatness of the empire and royalme of Odrysyans it extendeth from the city of Abderyans, 
The greatness and puissance of the royalme of the Odrysians.  which is nigh the bridge Euxin, unto the river of Ister. And in that same part, where was the most straicte on the sea side, in a ship, having always a good wind, in four days and four nights, and by land in the most straight, which is from the Abderyans until the river of Ister, A man may easily and well deliver his charge. But he must have xi days, for to traverse or go ovecthwarte it. This is the largeness of the royalme on the sea cost, but on the main land side, and of the places mediterrayne in the most length, which is from Bizance until the Leens, and through above the mount Strymon a man delivered as is before said, he may go it in xiii days. And touching the revenue of the same royalme, the increase, which Senthes son of Sytalces levied, aswell upon the strangers, as upon the Greeks, that inhabited the said royalme, aswell in gold as in silver, amounted well nigh to four houndred talents of silver every year besides the guistes that were given him. which amounted not to much less, and besides the other things, as clothes of silk and of wool and other movables, which the paysans Greeks and strangers did give, not only unto him, but also unto Princes and Barons Odrysians for annuelle rent. For men may see in that same royalme of Odrysyans, and also in all the remmenaunte of the country of Thrase, an other sort than is used in the royalme of Persee. That is, that the Lords be accustomed more to take, than to give. And it is more shame for him, of whom a thing is demanded, to refuse to give i●, than for him that demanded it, for to be denied. And also the princes, oftentimes used that same custom imperially and by constraincte, for unto them that refused to give them, they denied all traffic and merchandise. And by these means, that same royalme was come to a marvelous greatness. For it was the greaste that than was in Europe, from the gulf of the sea jonium unto the bridge Euxin. that is to wit of revenue and of riches. But of number of people and of good warryours, it was much less, than the same of the Scythians. unto whom when they were both joined and agreeing togethers, neither the Thracyens, whereof we speak, nor any other one nation, that was in Europe or in Asia, could not resist. Also they have a prudency and diligence in their form of living, all of an other sort, than all the other have. Sytalces than having so great & so puissant a royalme, as we have declared, after that he had assembled all his army and his preparation, he took his way for to go into Macedon, furst through his country, and after by the mount Cercyne, 
The mount of Circine  which is overall inhabited. and departeth the country of Synthyans', from the same of Peonyens, and he followeth the way that he before time had made, when he made war against the said Peonyans, cutting the wood overthwarth the mountaygne, leaving on the right hand the said Peonyans, & on the left, the Synthyens & Medes. Having than ascended again that same mountaygne, he came to Dobere, 
Doberus.  which appertaineth to the said Peonyans, without that, that his host did in any thing dymynysh it, though that many of the people were diseased, by mean that many Thracyens followed the army without wages and without having hope to gaygne, in such manner, that he had (as it is said) few less, than a houndred and thirty thousand men. whereof, about the third part, were horsemen, of whom the more part and the better, were the Odrisians, and the rest, Getes, and of the footmen, the Matheriferyans, which be one of the nations, that inhabit in the mount of Rhodope, living in liberty, were the best warryours. But the number that followed of all nations, was so great, that, at the sight only, it was fearful. Being than all arrived at Dobere, they sojourned there certain few days, and made provision for that, which was necessary for them, for to assail the country of macedony, that was beneath that mountaygne, 
The beginning of the royalme of Macedonye.  which did obey unto Perdiccas. For all the Macedonyans were not in his obeisance. But the Lyncestes and the Eluniores, all which be Macedonyans, although that they had alliance with him, and also did him some service, yet they had their particular Kings. For that, that Alexander, father of Perdiccas and their progenitors, surnamedde Temenides, departed first from the city of Argos, and came to the country of Macedon. And at the beginning, took that part, that presently is called, macedony marytimate, by force. And chased out of the country, that is named Pyerie, the Pyeryans. Who afterwards came to inhabit beyond the mount Strymone under the mount Pangeus in the town of Phagrete, 

Pangeus.  
Phagres.   and some other. Whereby, yet at this present, the country, that is under the said mount Pangeus, drawing against the sea, is called Pyerienne. They chased also out of the country of Bottiee, the Bottiens. who presently inhabit the borders of Chalcydyans, and also occupied a small portyon of the country of Peonyans, nigh to the flood, Azius. 
The flood of Agius.  to wit, from the mountaygnes, unto Pelle, and so unto the sea side. And also beyond the said flood they took the region that ioygneth to the mount Strymone, which is called, Migdonye, 
Migdonia.  from whence they chased the Edonyans. And out of the country of Eordie, the Eordyans. Of whom they did slay a very great part, the other withdrew themself, about the city of Phiste, 
Phista.  where they yet, at this present, do inhabit. Also they chased the Almopyans from their land, named Almop●e, 
Almopia.  and beside those there, they subdued and brought into their obeissance and subjection many other people of Macedonyens, which, yet at this present, obey unto Perdiccas, to wit, those of Anthemont, of Grestonie, of Bisaltye and other many countries, which all be called macedony. And all obeyed to Perdiccas, son of Alexander, when Sytalces went to make against him the war, whereof we speak. The Macedonyans, understanding his coming, and knowing that they were not mighty enough for to resist him, withdrew themself into their places and towns walled. Whereof, there was not than any great number. For those that men do see there at this present, were enclosed by Archilaus, 
Archilaus.  son of Perdiccas, that reigned after him. And he caused the ways to be repaired. And furnished the royalme with horse, with harnoys, and all other apparel of war, more than the eight kings, that reigned afore him, all togethers had done. The host of the Thracians then at their departing from Dobere, entered at the arrival into the country which had been Philipps, brother of Perdiccas. And took by force the town of Idomene and them of Gortynie, 

Idomene.  
Gortynia.  
Atalanta.   of Atlante and some other by composyty on, for the amity that he had with Amyntas, son of philip, who was with him. After he came to the town of Europe, 
Europus.  thinking to have taken it by force, but he could not. And so he departed from thence, overthwart the country of Macedon, which is of the right hand of Pelle & of Cyrre. But he never entered deep into the country, to wit, into Bottiee nor Pierie. but he overronned & pillaged the countries of Grestome, of Migdonie & of Anthemont. The Macedonyans, saying that they had not foot men to match with the Thracians, they assembled, certain good number of horsemen of their neighbours, which dwelled in the mountains. And although that they were in much less number, than the enemies, yet they came to assail them. And on that side where they charged upon them, nothing abodde them. For they were good warryours, and well armed. But being soon environed by the great number, although that they for a certain space defended themselves, yet, seeing that a● length they could not resist against so great a number, they retired, and in that conflict Sytalces did speak unto Perdiccas, and showed him the causes for which he made war against him. After that, Sytalces, saying that the athenians were not come with their army by sea, like as they had promised, but only had sent towards him their Ambassadors with certain guistes, thinking that he should not have enterprised nor executed that same war, sent one part of his army into the quarter of Bottiens, and one other, into the same of Chalcydians. who, perceiving the coming of th'enemies, were retired into their towns. and suffered them to waste and pillage their country. And he, being in the same quarter, the Thessalyans, that inhabit on the south side, the Magnetes and the other, that be under the Empire of the said Thracians, joining to Thermopyles, fearing that he would come upon them, put themselves in armure. And likewise they, that inhabited in the plat country beyond the mount Strymon on the south side, and also the Panyans, the Odonians, the Droyans and the Dersians, all which, be people living in liberty. And of the other part, the bruit was among the Greeks, enemies of athenians, that the same Sytalces for the alliance that he had with the same athenians, had under colour of that war of Macedon, assembled that army for to come against them in favour of the said athenians. Whereupon the said Sytalces, perceiving that he came not to the end of that, which he had enterprised, and did nothing but waste the country without conquering it, also that victuals failed him, and that winter drew nigh, by the counsel and perswatyon of Senthes, son of Spardocus, who was his cousynne Germayne, and the chief and most puissant of his army next himself, determined to return assonne, as he could. Now had Perdiccas gotten secretly the said Senthes to be his friend, by mean that he had promised to give his sister unto him in marriage, togethers with a great sum of monneye. By this mean than, Sitalces, after that he had tarried xxx days, and no more, in the country of the enemies (whereof he had consumed viii whole & entire days in the country of Chalcyde) he returned into his royalme with his army. A●d anon after, Perdiccas, ensuing his promise did give Stratonice his sister unto Senthes in marriage. 
Stratonice.  The enterprise of Sytalces did take such issue, and effect.   

Of certain exploits of war that Phormyo did in the country of Acarnanie, and of the beginning of the same country. ☞ The twenty Chapter.  
IN that self same winter, whereof we speak, after th'army by sea of the Peloponesians was retired and dissevered, Phormyo, with the people, that he had at Naupacte in arms, sailed towards Astace. 
Astacum.  & being there arrived, set on land three hundred of his mariners all armed, with asmany Messenians. with whom, he entered into the country mediterraine of Acarnanie. And out of the towns of Strate, of Coronte, and out of many other, he chased the inhabitants, that seemed unto him to be affectioned, or parties with the peloponesians. And after that he had set again Cynetes, son of Theolyte within Coronte,, he returned into his ships with his people, and durst not go against the Oeniades, who only amongst the acarnanians, had always been enemies of the athenians. For fear, that he had to demoure and tarry there in winter seasonne. For that, that the river of Achilous', 
The river of Achelous.  which descendeth out of the mount Pyndus, 
The mount o● Pindus  and passeth by the Dolopyans, by the Amphilochiens, by the plat country of Acarnanie, and through the city of Strate, and after, by the country of Oeniades, and than cometh to descend into the sea: returneth right against the town of the said Deniades. In such sort, that the country there is almost not habitable in winter, for men of war. By cause of the continual creaks and washings away of the earth, that it causeth. And also there be directly against the region of Oeniades certain of the Isles Eschinadians. which be very little dyfferente from the overflowings of Achelous. 
Achelous.  For by the earth that the river, which cometh from the mountaygnes as it were a flood, doth carry thither, some of the same, do ioygne unto the main land, and the people of the country do believe, that by succession of time, they so shall join together. For that, that it oftentimes reigneth there, whereby the river groweth very gross, which carrieth always a great quantity of sand. Also the Isles there, be very thick or nigh joined together, so that well nigh, the one maigneteygneth the other together, by means of the refuse, that the river bringeth thither, not by order & in a range. For than the force of the river would break it. But one time in one place & an other time in an other, so that men could scarcely depart from the same Isles into the sea, and also they be small, rude and desert. And it is said, that when Alcmeon son of Amphiaraus, had slain his mother, being by continual torment of horrible visions, constrained to wander through the world, and could not arrest in any part, he was admonished by the oracle & answer of the God Apollo, to go to inhabit in that land. For the said oracle answered him in this manner. that he should never be delivered from those fearful visions, until that time, that he had found for to inhabit, the region, that had not been seen of the son, & that had not been land, before the death of his mother. For that, that all other land was profane unto him, & accursed for the misdeed of murder, that he had committed in the parson of his mother. Who, after that he had long studied, how that he might find this land, advised with himself, that i●● was the overflowings of Achelous. In which place after the death of his mother, was increased by the allwyons or overwashynges, land enough for his habitation, besides that, which was there before, by means that he had now erred & wandered abouts a long time after the death of his mother. And so he inhabited & reigned there, nigh unto the quarter, where be at this present the Oeniades. And by cause of his son, named Acarnanus, he called that region Acarnanie. This is that, which we have understanded of Alcmeon. And for to return to our history, Phormion, being with the Athenians, that he brought again out of the country of Acarnanie unto Naupacte, went in the beginning of the first spring time to Athens by sea. And carried away the prisoners, that they had taken in that war, which were frank, & free, & not bond men. The which all were bought again or redeemed. Also they led with them the wastes of the ships, that they had taken. And thus passed the winter, which was the end of the third year of the war, whereof Thucydides hath wryttonne.   
☞ Here endeth the second book of Thucydides, & beginneth the third.   


¶ How the city of Mythilene, willing to rebel against the athenians, was by them assieged, and how they sent unto the peloponesians for to have succours, and of an overthrow, that the said athenians had in Noricque. ☞ The first Chapter.  
IN the beginning of the summer, when the corn was already great, the peloponesians entered again into the Attic war, under the conduct of Archidamus their king, pyllaging and wasting so, as they had accustomed, the other years. Howbeit the horsemen, that were in the city, came fourth oftentimes upon the footmen of the enemies lightly armed, which came there the more part to run for to watch, that they should do no evil to the places, nigh to the city. And the said peloponesians demoured in that land, so long as they had victuayles, and after, every man returned into his quarter. But at the beginning when they were entredde: all the inhabitants of the Isle of Lesbos, (excepted them of Methymne) were rebelled against the athenians. and turned unto the peloponesians, which thing they were minded to have done, before the beginning of the war. But the Lacedemonyans were not willing to receive them, and yet at that time did declare, that they were not therein determined. For if they should do it, they were of force constrained to fortify their poortes, to make again and repair their walls, and to make ships. And also they attended for victuayles, for archers and for other provisions, that they had sent to seek in the country of Ponte. But the Tenedyans, who were their enemies, the Methymnyens, and some particulars of the city of Mytilene, (which for the parttaking that were in the town, were become burgeoses of Athens) advertised the athenians that the citizens of the said town of Mitilene, constrained all the inhabitants of the Isle, to come unto them, and to retire into the city, to th'intent to rebel from the said athenians. And that they made all the preparatyons to them possible, for to do it, through the perswatyon of the Lacedemonyans, and of the Boeotians their parents. In such sort, that if the said athenians did not forthwith provide therefore, they should lose the said Isle of Lesbos. Nevertheless those athenians, considering that it should be a thing very hard after the pestilence, that they had had, so great, and having the enemies in their land, to make a new army and enterprise against them of Lesbos, who were yet in their entire and whole power, and had great number of ships: they would not at beginning believe that it was so, for that they were not willing, that it should be so true. And they rebuked them, which made reaporte thereof unto them, saying that it was nothing, and that they did ill to charge the said Mytilenians. notwithstanding after that the Comissaryes, which they had sent thither for to know the truth, had reaported unto them, that they of Mytilene, would not send away the people of the Isle that they had caused to come into their city, nor also desist and cease from the preparations for war, which they made: fearing that they would rebel, were minded to prevent it. And sent into that party, forty ships, which they had all made ready for to send into Peloponese, under the conduct of Cleipides, 
Cleipides.  son of Dynyn & of two other capitains. For they were advertised, that right shortly should be the feast of Apollo in Malaente, which is nigh unto the city of Mytilene, whereunto all the citizens or the more part of them came yearly. Wherefore if they hasted to go thither, they might take them there so●bdaynely. and if they could not execute that, yet coming upon them with that army, they might command them to deliver all their ships that they had, and to beat down their walls. And in case they refused, to denounce war against them, before that they should be provided and fortified. For this occasion the athenians did send the said forty ships, and moreover reteignedde ten galeys, which the Myt●lenyans had sent unto them, by virtue of the alliance. And all the men that were within them, they put into prison. notwithstanding, one of the country, that was at Athens, departed with diligence by sea, and came into Eubee, and from thence, by land unto Gereston. Where he found a merchants ship, which would depart fromthence to sail unto the said Mytilenyans. Whereinto he entered, and had so good wind, that the third day after his departure from Athens, he arrived at the port of Mytilene. And incontinently advertised them of the town, of the coming of the athenians ships. which understood, they went not fourth the day of the feast for to go to Malaente. & also they caused with all diligence to repair their walls, where they were fallen down, and to fortify their port the best that they might. Anon after, arrived the ships of Athens. Who seeing the apparel and preparatyon that the citizens did make, expounded unto them the charge that they had to command them. That they should deliver their ships, and beat down their walls. And seeing that they did refuse it, they prepared themself to come for to assail them. Whereby they of the town, as people surprinsed and betrapped, although that at beginning they issued to the mouth of poarte, making threatenings to be willing to fight: Yet after that they did see the ships of the athenians coming against them, they retired and came to a parliament with the capitains of the athenians. And finally they said, that they were content to render all their ships, if they might have any good composition and raysonnable appointment of the rest, with the athenians. Whereunto the capitains did agree willingly, fearing also that they were not mighty enough for to subdue all the Isle. And upon this, they took truce. During the which, they of Mytelyne sent in Ambassade unto the athenians, some of their citizens. amongst whom, was one, that had discovered the revolt and rebellion to the said athenians. Who afterward had changed opinion for to see, if they could so well excuse the case and purge the suspytyon unto the athenians, that they would be content to call back their army by sea, which was at Mytilene. And nevertheless on the other side, they sent other messengers upon a gallyon to the Lacedemonyans, without knowelayge of the athenians, which held the port assieged. For that, that their army kept themself on the north side of the said port towards Malee. And this did the said Mytilenyans, for that they had no hope, that they, which they had sent to Athenes, should obtain any thing to their intent. So the said Ambassadors, that went to Lacedemonye, did make marvelous diligence for to persuade the Lacedemonyans to send succour unto them of Mytilene. And in the mean time, came again the Messengers, that were gone unto Athens. who having made reaporte, that they could obtain nothing, the city and all the isle armed themself, for to resist. Reserved Methymne, which took part with the athenian. And so did the Imbryans, the Lymnyens & some other of the Isles, being their next confederates. And having made one assault upon the camp of the athenians, though they had not had the worse, yet durst they not demoure nor abide upon the camp. Nother afterwards they durst issue fourth, but they kept themself within the city, attending and looking, if any succour would come unto them from Peloponese or elsewhere. Certain time after, arrived Meleas Laconyon, 
Meleas.  and Hermeonidas Thebayne. 
Hermeonidas.  Who though they brought them no succour, were dispatched for to come towards the Mytilenyens before their revolt or rebellion, for to impeach and let the coming of the athenians. But saying that they had been prevented, they caused themself to be brought privily upon a Brygantyne into the town, after the battle, that was made at the assault, whereof we have spoken. And they counseled them of the town, that they should send with them some Ambassade upon a light galley. Which they did. Seeing than the athenians, that the Mytylenyens durst no more come fourth, they took the more courage, and cō●maunded their allies to come and to strengthen their army. Who came thither willingly, thinking that without great pain they should overcome the Lesbyens. And so they besieged the city on two sides towards the land, and they fyrmed their two sieges with walls. And moreover they did set a great garnysone with ships at the entry of two ports, so that they of the town could have no usage of the sea. But on the land side they did keep all. For the athenians occupied not but a very little about their camp, forsomuch as they had made, their estaple of victuayles, and the soiurne of their ships at Malee. In such sort were the affairs at Mytylene. In that self same saysone, the athenians sent about thirty ships from Peloponese under the conduct of Asopius, son of Phormyon, at the request of the Acarnanians. Who had prayed them that they would send to that enterprise some one of the children or of the parents of the said Phormyo. 
Asopus  The same Asopius with his ships pyllaged and did fourrage many places by the sea side in the country of Laconie, and after retired unto Naupacte with twelve of the said ships. And the other he sent again unto their houses. Afterwards, having assembled all the puissance of the acarnanians, he went to make war upon the Ene●ades. And he by sea came to rush upon the ships of the Acheloyans. And the said Acarnanyens came by land, to pyllage all the country. But saying, that he could not come to the end of his enterprise, he sent away his army by land, and he with his twelve ships took his course for to sail into Leucadye. Nevertheless, being descended in Noricque, as he would have retired into his ships, he was stain, with one part of his soldiers, by the people of the town, with the aid of certain soldiers, that they had in very small number. And the other, after that they had recovered their dead of the Noricques, 
Nericum.  and by this mean confessed that they had had the victory, they returned fronthence. In these entermedlynges, the Ambassadors, that the Mytylenians, had first sent unto the Lacedemonyans, having by those Lacedæmonians been referred to the next assemble, that should be made of all Grece, in the place of Olympe, to th'intent that they being hard in the presence of all the confederates, the affair should be determined by common advise: they coming together at the time of the feast, when Dorycus athenian won the prize, and after that the feast and plays were achieved and ended, the confederates being assembled to consult of their affairs general, the Ambassadors were called, who did speak in this manner.   

The proposition and speaking of the Mytilenyens unto the assembly of the allies and confederates of Grece. ☞ The ii Chapter.  
WE do well understand, lords Lacedemonyans and you other confederates, that it is accustomed among the Greeks (which is very reasonable) that when they withdraw in time of war, any, from the alliance of their enemies, unto theirs: they entreat them very well, so far, as they serve for their profit. But afterwards, considering that they have betrayed their first and ancient friends, they repute them for to be unhappy or naughty people, and think that they would do worser unto them. which thing were very reasonable, if the things were egalle on the behalf of them, that do rebel, and on the behalf of those, whom they forsake. For if they be equal of force and preparation, as of will and amity there is no reasonable cause why they should abandon nor leave the one, the other. But that hath no place between the Athenians and us. The which thing we will gladly declare, to the intent that you esteem us not for naughty and wicked. And judge, that we do dyssolutely and cowardly, if we forsake them in time of war, having by them been honoured in time of peace. For inasmuch as we come hytherfor to require to be received into your allyaunce, we will gladly before all things both justify our case & also do our virtue to be known. For that that the amity among the particular people, and the confederatyon among the cities cannot be honnorable nor perdurable, if there be not a mutuell opinion of virtue on both parts. And in the rest, a conjunction and a conformity of manners and of will. For where the wills be dyscrepante and disagreeing, the acts and operations be likewise. Wherefore to the intent that you should understand, how we have proceeded with the athenians, we made alliance with them, when you departed from the arms after the wars of Medes, & that they pursued the rest of the war and of the enemies. Which alliance we made not with them for to subdue the Greeks, but for to deliver them from the servitude of the Medes. For this cause, so long as they continued in good company, we have followed them with good and entire will. But when we knew that they had forgotten their enmity against the Medes, and that they went about to reduce and bring their companions and allies into their subjection: we were afraid. Nevertheless for so much, as it was not lawful nor an easy thing to those confederates to really themself togethers, for to withstand the violence, which the said athenians would do unto them, for the multitude and diversity of opinions, that must be had in such case: all the other confederates, except us, and them of Chio, have been by the said athenians subdued and brought into their subjection & obeissance. And though that we have sent of our people to their assemblies and commandments, as their allies and confederates, and be taken and named for such, yet for truth we never did take them for our lawful dukes and heads. For that it was not to be believed, sithence that they had reduced into servitude the other, that were comprised in the self alliance, that we have with them: but that they would do the like unto us, when they should see their opportunity. For if we had been all yet in our liberty, we might have had more faith in them. But having subdued the more part, it is to believe, that they would take it more dyspleasauntlye, that we would repute ourself equal to them in common affairs, and that we alone would accompany ourself with them, where all the other obey them. considered chief, that how much they be become more mighty, we do remain so much the worse accompaignyed. Nother there is any thing that maketh so much the alliance to be faithful and perdurable, as doth the mutuell fear, that one of the allies hath of the other. For he that would violate and break it on his party, when he considereth that the other is as puissant as he, he feareth to assail it. And that they have permitted and suffered us unto this present to live in liberty, it hath not been for any other reason, but for that they went about to establish their princyyalitie, rather under colour of some reason and of counsel, than by manifest force. And also to the end, that if they made war against any of them (that they had subdued for any fault, which they had done against them) they might justify themself, saying that if the same war had not been reasonable, we and the other that were yet in liberty, and had like authority as they: would not have gone thither. For this cause, they have many times assembled a great puissance against people, very weak. To th'intent, that having by a little & little reduced the one after the other, they that remained, should be so much more weak. There, where if they had begun with us (the other, still being in their entire and not subdued) they could not have done it so easily. Also they would have had some fear of our ships, and would have doubted, that y● we had assembled them all together, and would have drawn unto you or any other, that it should have been to their dommayge. And on the other part, we be saulfe from them by flattering and enterteygning their signory by sweet means. And so endure all their governements until this present. But if that this war had not been begun, that could not long have endured, as it may appear by th'example of other. What amity could this than be, or what confidence could we have had of true lybertye● where the one do gratefye the other against their opinion, to wit, they by flattering us in time of war for fear that they have to displease us, & to provoke our anger: and we do the like to them in time of peace, for the self consideration. And so that, which amity and benevolence hath made stable and faithful among other allies: causeth fear between us. And for effect, we have parsevered and continued in this alliance and society for fear, and not for love. In such manner that the same of us, that sonnest had found mean to break it without fear of danger, was ready to declare himself, to be the furst. And if any judge us, to have done evil to prevent and come before, and that we should have tarried until they had declared their ill will, which we thought that they had had, considering that yet they had not showed it: he taketh it not well. ●or that might have had appearance, if we had had the faculty and power to espy and tarry our turn, as they: and that in that case, there had been no danger to be under them, being as puissant, as they be. But considered that they had always the mean and power to enterprise upon us, when they should have willed, it was reasonable that we should first take it, when we did see opportunity. these be than the causes Lords Lacedemonyans and confederates) for the which we depart ourselves from the athenians, which we think clear & reasonable to all men, that understand them, & sufficient on our behalf for to put us in dread & fear. And to give us occasion to seek some succour. which thing we had now determined to do before the war began, and for that cause did send our messengers towards you, for to demand your alliance. But being by you rejected & denied, we could not obtain nor execute it. Whereunto now having been moved by the Beotians, we have done it readily and without delay. Persuading ourselves that our revolt and turning from them is justified by two great reasons. The one to the intent, that not persevering on the party of the athenians, we should not be aiding to subdue Grece, but rather with you the other, we should help to defend his liberty: the other, for to defend our liberty specially, & that in time to come, we be not subdued, as the other. And yet nevertheless we be declared to be to swift or to hasty. Wherefore it is needful, that you use the more diligence to succour us, and that you show in effect at this point, that you will both defend them, that you ought. & also that you will noye your enemies, in all sorts that you can. which thing to do, you have now greater opportunity, than ever men had. For that, that the athenians be unprovided, of men, by means of the pestilence: and of monneye, by means of the war. And also their ships be dysparsed, some of them into your quarter of Peloponese, and the other into ours, for to watch us. In such manner, that it is not to believe, that they can raise any great number, if you go to assail them presently at beginning of this summer by sea● and by land. But rather it is to believe, that ayther you shal●e more mighty than they by sea, or at the least that they cannot resist your puissance joinned with ours. And if there be any that will say, that you should not put your land in danger, for to defend ours, that is far from you: I say unto you, that the same man, that esteemeth the Isle of Lesbos to be far of, shall know by effect, that the profit, that he shall have thereby, shallbe nigh. For the war shallbe made by this mean not after the sort that they think for. But it shallbe made in the place, from whence, Athens itself taketh & raiseth the money and profit. For their revenues is taken upon their allies. which yet wolbe greater, when they shall have brought us to their subjection. For none of the other shall than be bold to rebel more against them. And of the other part our goods shallbe theirs. And also we shallbe worse entreated than they, that have been before time subdued. But if you succour us readily, ye shall have in your power a city habundante with great ships, whereof you have need. And also you may more easily destroy the athenians, in retiring and withdrawing their allies. For the other, by our example, shall have more audacity to do the like. And also you shall take away the evil opinion, that the people have of you, that you will not receive them, that come for to offer themself to your alliance. Be abashedde than Lords, to defraud & frustrate the hope, that the Greeks have of you, and also the religion of the God Apollo. In whose temple we be here, as people that require mercy and franchise. receive us into your alliance, and suffer us not to be a pray unto the athenians, to the particular dangi●r of our parsons. For in receiving us, shall follow the general profit of the league of Grece. And if you hahand one and forsake us, there will follow a dysaduauntage, yet more general. Therefore show yourself, Lords, such men, as the Greeks esteem you to be, & as our necessity requireth. After that the Mytylenyens had thus spoken, the Lacedemonyans and the other allies concluded to receive them into their alliance. And those same Lacedemonyans, taking the charge to enter again that same year into the land of Athens, commanded the other allies, that they should be ready, assoon is they might, for to fournys● both parties of the army.   

Thucydides. Of certain great preparations and some small exploictes, that were done the same year, on the one side and of the other. ☞ The iii Chapter.  
IN ensuing this resolution taken at Olympe, the lacedemonians nigh the dystreate of Peloponese, made their preparation of the footmen, for to bestow them in their ships. And afterwards to cause them to assemble at corinth. And from thence to send them by sea to the cost of Athens, for to assail the athenians both by sea and by land. And used great diligence to make their said preparations. But thallies of the country, used great negligence, aswell for that, that they were occupied to gather in their fruits, as also for that, that the war began to noye them. When the athenians did understand the preparatyons of the peloponesians, and that by that, they therein did, it seemed, that they thought, that the puissance of Thathenyans was greatly debilitated and weakened: they armed an hundred ships, for to show that they were yet more puissant than th'enemies did think. And that without retyringe and calling back the army by sea, that they had in Lesbos, they had ships and power enough for to resist them of Peloponese, if they ●ame to assail them. And within the said ships, they shipped all the citizens and inhabitants of the town, reserved the knights and the principal governors. Who, going against the country of Peloponese, passed by before the destreate, to the intent that the enemies might see them. And also landed in the said country, where as they thought good. Whereby the Lacedemonyans that were in the same distreate, saying the number of the ships much more great, than they did think: Imagined that the mytylenians had feigned with them, with that, that they had said, and they thought that they had enterprised to great a matter, considered, that the allies did not come. Wherefore, and understanding moreover, that the ships of Thathenyans, that were on the cost of Peloponese, did ●yllage the country about their city, they returned unto their houses. And after, they caused ships to be made fourth, for to send into Lesbos, and commanded the confederates and allies that they should furnish to the number of thirty ships for the said voyage. whereof they gave the conduct unto Alcydas. On the other side, the hundred ships of the athenians, when they understood that the Lacedemonyans were retired, they returned likewise. And the same army was the fairest and the best appointed, that the athenians had ever had. Although that about the beginning of the war, they had well as great number of ships or more. For they therein had one houndredde to defend Athens, Eubee and salamine, and they had asmanye that went in and out about Peloponese, besides those, that they had at Potydee and in other places, which they kept upon the sea, during all one summer. Also the expenses of the same army by sea, & the same that they made at Potidee, consumed greatly their money. For the men of mar that defended Potidee, which were at beginning iii thousand (& so many were they, the besieged it) & besides them. the xvi hundred, that went with Phormion: had ii groats of sold every man by day, to wit the one for their living, and the other for the living of their servant, and so much all they had that were in the ships. In this manner the A●henyans were first at great expenses, and also provided of such and so great number of ships, at the self time, when the Lacedemonyans were in the dystreate. The mytylenians, with certain soldiers of their allies, made war against them of Mythymne, hoping to have it by treason of some of the town. But when they had done their best on the side where they thought to have their intelligence and purpose, and saying that they were deceived, they went into Antysse, 
Antissa.  into Pyre and into Eresse, 
Pyra. Eressus  which cities they fortified in the best manner that they could, aswell in repairing the walls, as otherwise. Afterwards they returned with great diligence to Mytylene. Soon after their departure, the Methymnyens came with their power against Antysse, thinking to take it by force, but they were repulsed by them of the town and by certain soldiers strangers, that they had, with great loss of their people, and returned with shame. Of which things the athenians being advertised, and also how that the mytylenians did hold the Isle of Lesbos at their will, so that the people, that were at the siege, could not impeach them: they sent about the beginning of autumn, Paches, 
Pachetes.  the son of Epicurus, with a thousand men of their people. Who being enbarqued, they sailed until they were landed at Mytylene. Being at which place, they enclosed the city with a simple wall. And in many places thereof, they set up towers in manner, as it were assieged aswell on the land side, as of the same of the sea very straightly. And so winter drew nigh. But for so much as the expenses were very great, and that the common money now failed the athenians, they began than (for to furnish the said siege) to set a tax upon them, unto the some of two hundred talents. And so they sent Lysicles, 
Lisicles  and certain other commissaries, with twelve ships towards their, confederates, for to levye on them a new aid. which Lysicles, having exacted of many cities marytyme or nigh the sea, a s●ffycyente great somme, as he traversed the country of Carry, through the land of Meandre, at departure from Mount, being now come to the mountain of Sandia, 
Sandicollis.  he was by the Caryens and Antylys assaulted and slain, with one party of his people.   

¶ How the Athenians, that were assieged within Platee, and one part of the citizens, did salve themself by great travail and virtue, and passed all the walls, dyches, and forts of the peloponesians, that kept them assieged. ☞ The four Chapter.  
IN the self winter, the Plateans, being continually assieged, & greatly oppressed by the Peloponesians, and by the Boeotians, and not having any hope of succours of the athenians, nor to save themself by other mean: advised with the athenians, that were in the town assieged with them, to save them all togethers over the walls of th'enemies, if they might do it by force of arms. Of the which enterprise, the said Athenians were the inventors, chief Theenetus, 
The●enetus.  son of Timidas, which took upon him to deu●●e, and Eupoldyda, 
E●polpidas.  son of Dymalchus. But for that, that it seemed unto them to be to difficile and hard, the more half withdrew themself, so that there remained not, but about two houndred & twenty, that did execute it in the manner as followeth. They made ladders of the heigh of the said wall, which heith they took by seeing & calculating the greatness and thickness of the bricks, wherewith the wall was made. numbering the ranks thereof, from the top to the bottom, which thing they might easily do by succession of time, there, where the wall was uncovered on their side. And likewise they did calcuculate that which might transcend and be over the jointers or binding togethers of the said bricques. And forsomuch as in that point one only man might well fail, many enterprised to do it at sundry times. In such sort that they made their ladders of that same highness. Now the said wall was double, to wit, the one towards the town to keep them that they should not issue out, and the other toward the field to defend, that the succours of the athenians should not thereinto enter, Distant the space of xvi foot, the one from the other. wherein between both were the lodgings and sheds of them that kept it, separated the one from the other, but so thick and so nigh, that the two walls seemed to be but one, resarued that they had creveaulx all along, and from ten into ten Crevaulx, there was a great tower, which held the one wall with the other, so that one could not pass between the walls, but through the midof the said towers, wherein, they that kept watch in the night, withdrew themself, when it reigned or was fowl wether. For that they were there covered, and also they were not far from the Creveux or Looupe hooles. Than they of the town, knowing the manner of the watch, espied a night when it greatly did rain and blow, and that there was no moon shine. And under the conduct of those same, that had been inventors of th'enterprise, they passed furst the dyche that was on their side, and came unto the foot of the wall, without being perceived of the enemies, by reason that the obsturite and darkness of the night did let them to see, and the noise or brute of the wind and rain, to hear. Also they went along, and separated the one from the other, that their harnois should make no noise by touching together. And also they were light armed, and they had but the left foot hoased for to keep them from sticking in the mud. Now when they had raised up their ladders against the Creveux, where they perceived that no body was, they that had brought those ladders did first clime up. After, a dousenne other did amount armed only of their bodies with harness and with a dagger in their hand. Of the which xii the furst and the chief was Amneas, 
Amnea.  son of Corebus. And six of the said xii that came after him, amounted to the top of the two towers, between the which, were the Creveux right against the ladders, that were raired up. After these twelve, other did amount being armed as aforesaid, and did moreover carry with them, darts fastened behind their backs, that they should not impeach, nor hinder them to climb up. Some other, carried after them, targets or shields to deliver them, when they should be with th'enemies hand to hand. But after that many were mounted up, they that watchedde within the towers perceived them, by means that one of the Plateans in skailinge, did cast down a tile from one of the crevices, with the noise whereof, the watch did cry. At which their cry, the camp was so afraid, that they came all to the wall not knowing what it was, by means of the night, or of the fowl whether. And on the other side, the Plateans that remained in the town, issued fourth and came to assault the wall, in other places, clean contrary to the other where they skailed, for to deceive thennnemies, in such manner, that they were all abashed what it might be, and did not remove themselves. Also they that watched within the towers dust not issue fourth, studying and debating amongst themself what it might be. Yet the three hundred that had the charge to secure the watch, did light fire on the cost of Thebes for to signify the coming of th'enemies. But they that remained within the town, preuentinge the same, did likewise light a great quantity thereof upon their wall, which they had prepared to the end, that th'enemies should not know, wherefore these fierce were made. And that their companions might by this mean save themself bifore that any succour came unto the watch. During this time they that were furst mounted, did win the two towers and did kill them, that they found within, for to keep them, to th'intent that none of thennemies should not come there. afterwards they caused the other to amount, which yet were not mounted, & so repulsed with strokes of darts, and of stones, them, that came to secure the wall, aswell by low as at the top. By mean whereof, they that were not yet amounted had leisure and occasion to rayre up a greater number of ladders. And moreover they that had gaigned and gotten the height of the wall, did beat down the crevices withinfourth, to th'intent that they, that mounted, might more easily leap up. And every of them after that they were above, did cast stones and other darts against th'enemies, that came upon the ditch side on the outside, for to secure their people, that were upon the wall. In such manner, that all they, that should pass fourth, did amount. though that the last had therein great pain. Afterwards they all went down from the towers to the dyche wythoutfourth, where they found on the other side the three houndred that had charge to secure the watch, & that had lighted the bekens. By mean whereof they were in plain sight, by light of the said bekens, & also it did let them to see the other that were on the other side: whereupon being by occasion hereof in fair sight, and also that they were upon the side of the ditch in discovert: they that were within, did repulse them with force of darts & so did hurt many. Thus they all did pass the diche, though with great difficulty, for that the water was half frozen so that there were great flakes of Isse. And also it could not bear them, & that was by mean of the south wind that had thawed it. It rained also, by reason whereof, the water was so increased that it came in a manner unto their chin. And they pourpously had chosen the same time. After that they had passed the dyche, locking or ioygninge themself togethers, they took the way, that leadeth to Thebes, leaving on the side of the right hand the sepulchre of Andocratus. And this they did, considering that the Peloponesians would never think that they would take that same way, that did lead unto their enemies, and also for that they did see that the said Peloponesians had light with fierce and beakens, all full upon the way towards Athens. But after that they had gone six or seven stades towards Thebes they left that way, and took on the side the way, that goithe to the mountain of Erithre and of Nysie, and through that country of mountaignes, they came unto Athenes and were two hundred and twelve in all. For the other, seeing the difficulty, retired into the town of Platee, except one, that was slain in the dyche. The peloponesians, after that the bruit was passed, retired every one unto his lodging in the camp. And as touching them of the town, they knew not if their companions were in saulftie, or not. And for that, that they of their bend that were returned, had said that they were all dead, they sent when it was day, their herald towards them of the siege for to have the dead bodies, but understanding that they were saulfe, they made no further poursute. In this manner, part of them, that were within the town of Platee, did pass all the forts and rampires of the enemies, and saved themselves.   

How the Mytilenians for fault of not being succoured in time, as the Pelopooesians had promised, did render themselves to the Athenians. and the determination that was made by those athenians to kill them all together, with certain other things, that were done in the same time, by the people of the one party and of the other. ☞ The .v. Chapter.  
About the end of that same winter, the Lacedemonyans did send in a light galley one Salethus unto Mytylene. 
Salethus.  who being landed at Pyreus, came a foot well nigh unto the camp. and entered by night into the town through the shallow of a stream, which passed overthwart the rampers of th'enemies, whereof he was advertised. And he did signify unto the princypaleste and chiefest of the town, that he was come to advertise them, how the Lacedemonyans and other confederates should shortly enter in arms into the land of Athens, and to send them foorty ships to their succours, as it was ordeynedde, and moreover to provide in the mean time with them in that, that was to be done in the city. By mean whereof, the Mytilenyans were slack or retarded to make any appointment with the athenians. And so passed the fourth year of this war. In the beginning of the summer following the Peloponesians, sending Alcidas their capitain general by sea with forty ships for to secure the mytylenians, 
Alcidas.  they, with their confederates, entered a fresh into the land of Athens, to th'intent, that Thathenyans, seeing themself assailed and thronged on both sides, should have less occasion to send renforte or new strength by sea to the siege of Mytylene. And of that army by land, Cleomenes was chief, 
Cleomenes.  in the name and as tutor of Pausantas son of Plistenactus, his younger brother in years, than king of the Lacedemonyans. In which coming, they destroyed afressh y●, that was increased again & newly sprung in the countries that they had wasted, the years preceadinge. And moreover all the quartiers, where they never had touched bifore. By means whereof the same entry was more grievous to the athenians, than all the other bifore, except the second. For so much as the enemies, attending news, that their army by sea had done some great exploicte in the Isle of Lesbos, where they thought it was than arrived, they did pillage and destroy all, asmuch, as they found before them. But understanding afterwards, that their enterprise of Lesbos failed, having also lack of victuals, they returned every one into his quartier. In this mean time, the Mytileniens, seeing that the succours of the peloponnesians came not, and that the victuals failed them, they were constrained to take appointment with the Athenians. whereof Salethus himself was the cause. who looking no more for the said succours, caused the armure to be delivered to the people of the town, which had not yet bifore borne them. to the intent to cause them to issue fourth upon Thathenyans. And when they had received the armure, they would no longer obey the officers, but they made great assemblies & came to the governors and rich people of the town, saying, that they would that all the goods and victuals should be put in common and parted by the head, and that if they so did not, they would deliver the town unto the athenians. which seen by the said governors, and principallest: and fearing that the common people should make an appointment a part, without including them therein (which thing they might do at their will for that they were the stronger) they made all togethers their appointment with Paches and the athenians. upon this condition that they should receive th'army into the city, and send their Ambassadors unto the athenians, to require grace, commyttinge into their will and discretion the satisfaction and amends, that those Mytylenyens had to make for their offence. And this during, & until thanswer were come from Athens, it should not be lawful to the said Paches to kill, bind nor take prysonner, any of the citizens. which appointment notwithstanding, they that had been the principallest conductors of the revolt or rebellion, after that the host was entered into the town, they withdrew themself into the temples for franchise & sanctuary. whom Paches did find a manner to cause to come fromthence and sent them into the Isle of Tenedon, until that he had thanswer from Athenes. And after, he sent a certain number of galleys unto Antisse, which rendered itself unto his will. And further he ordained touching the host, as he thought good. In these entrefa●ctes, the forty ships with the Peloponesians, that should come to the succours of the said Mytyleniens, kept themself long in secret about Peloponese, & also used very small diligence. Yet they arrived at Delos before that the athenians perceived them, & fromthence they came to Clarus & to Myconus, 

Clarus.  
Myconus.   where they furst did understand that the town of Mytylene was rendered and gevenne over, and yet nevertheless the better to know the troth of the matter, they came unto Embatus, 
Embatus.  in the country of Erythreus. Being in which place, and understanding for troth that it was than vii days passed since the said city of Mytylene rendered itself, they held counsel among themself for to determine what they had to do. whereupon Teuciaplus the Helyen, 
Thespe king of Te●ciaplus.  did speak in this manner. Alcide & you other my companions and colleagues, which be here Capytaines' of this army for the Peloponesians, this is my advise, that we go straight to Mytylene bifore that the athenians be advertised of our coming. For it is to believe that we shall find many things ill warded and kept, as it commonly chanceth in a town newly taken, and specially on the sea side, whereby they doubted not that any succours should come, and we be very strong. It is also to believe that their soldiers be dispersed and run out of order through the lodgings, as men have accustomed, when they have the victory. wherefore I think and have good hope that if we go to land there by night, & assail them soubdainly, with the aid of them of the town (if there be any that be affectioned to our party) we shall have honour of our enterprise. And we ought not to fear the danger. But ought to remember that, that is commonly said of the feats of war, which is that they be variable. There is no other matter, but by those means, as I do show you. For if the Capytaine do keep himself at his defence, and espieth his enemy and can assail him with his advauntaige, he cometh oftentimes to the best of his enterprises. Thus did speak Teuciaplus. But yet nevertheless, he could not draw Alcidus to his opinion. Some other banished from Ionum and from Lesbos, which were in that army, shewedde the said Alcidus, that sithence he feared the danger to go to Mytylene, he should go to take one of the Cities of Ionum, orels the city of Cumes in the country of Eolide, 
Cuma  from whence they might go and cause the ionians to rebel against the athenians, for they thought, that they should go into none place, where they should not be received at their will and pleasure. And by this means, that they should take fro the athenians a great revenue, that they levied upon that country, and also should reco●er unto them, that, which should be sufficient for to entertain and pay their army, if they tarried there any time. And also they said, that they had esperance, the Pissuthnes would turn to their part. 
Pissuthne.  But Alcidus was not of this opinion, nor yet of the other bifore. And unto his, the greatest part of them, that were in that same counsel, did agree. which was, that sithence they had failed of the enterprise at Mytilene they should without longer tarrying, return into their country. which thing they did. Being than departed from the port of Embatus, they came to arrive at the Isle of Myonesus, 
Myonesus.  which is bilonginge to the Teyens. At which place he caused to be slain many prisoners that he had taken in that same sailing on the sea. By reason whereof, when he was arrived at Ephesus, the Ambassadors of the Enyens, 
Even.  that be in the Isle of Samos, came unto him, and showed him that the liberty of Grece was not well maigteigned to kill them, that were not enemies, and had not taken armure against them, but were allied only with the athenians through necessity. And that if he continued so to do, he should never withdraw the confederates from the athenians to the alliance of the Peloponesians, but rather their friends would become their enemies. Through which declaration, Alcidus gave licence to many prisoners, that he yet had of Chio and of other places, which he had taken right easily and without resistance. For that, that when they did see the ships upon the sea, they fled not away bifore them, but came towards them, thinking that they had been athenians. For they never thought that the athenians keeping the sea, the ships of the Peloponesians ever durst pass Ionum. After that, Alcidus departed in haste, and as flying from Ephesus. For he was advertised, that he, yet being at anchor at Clarus, was seen and discovered by two ships coming from Athenes. To wit, by that same of salamine and by that other of Parale. 
Parala.  wherefore, fearing to be pursued by the army of sea of the athenians, he went into the depth of the sea, to the intent not to approach to any land with his good will, until he arrived in Peloponese. Hereof were advertised Paches and the athenians on all sides. And specially, by one certain messenger, that was sent by them of Ethreus. For the cities of Ionum, that were not closed with walls, were in great fear that the army by sea of the Peloponesians, passing a long their country, though they were not willing to arrest or tarry there, that yet they would land for to pillage the towns, that they found in their way. Likewise the ship of salamine and that same of Parale affirmed to have seen the army of th'enemies at Clarus. For this cause, Paches sailed for to pursue Alcidus, and followed him with the greatest diligence, that he might unto the Isle of Latmos. 
Latmos.  But seeing that there was no hope to tarry him there, he returned back. And he thought that he had got on enough that he found them not in the mean sea, for than he should have been forcedde to have assaulted them, and to keep great watch over them. And in returning, he went unto the city of Notion in the country of the Colophoniens by this occasion. 
Notion.  The Colophoniens holding that same city, Itamenes and certain strangers with him, 
Itamenes.  had by means of one debate that was among the citizens occupied the fortress of the town, which was in form of one Castelle, separated from the walls of tother body of the town. And afterwards, about that same time, that the Peloponesians was last entered into the country of Athens a great noise was afresh moved, between them, that were come newly to inhabit in the city, and the ancient citizens. Through occasion whereof, they that kept the town forte●ied themself upon the walls, that departed the town from the castle, and having with them souldyars strangers, which Pissuthnes and the Acardyans had sent them, they accorded with them that were in the Castle. holding the party of the Medes, in manner, that all together should govern the estate of the town, and the other, that would not hold that party, they fled out of the city and sent unto Paches● requiring of him succours. who, being arrived bifore the town caused Hippias to be called unto him, who was capytaine of them that kept the castle, that he should come to speak with him upon such surety, that if he would not do that, which the said Paches should will him, he would send him ayaine hole and saulfe within the wall. like as he did. But when that he was arrived bifore him, he caused him incontinently to be warded and kept without binding or chayninge him otherwise. afterward right suddenly he caused his people to march against the walls and rampires of the fort, where the Acardyans and the strangers were. who doubted nothing. And so they were taken by the assault, and all put to death. After he caused Hippyas to be brought within the town, 
Hippias  without doing him hurt. But when he was within, he caused him to be slain with arrows, and rendered the city to the Colophonyens, they being put fourth, that had taken part with the Medes. Afterwards, Thathenyans that were founders of that same city, caused all the Colophonyans that were found in their obeisance to assemble themselves together. And sent them to inhabitte there according and ensuing their laws. At departure from Notion, Paches returned unto Mytylene, & brought again to the obeissance of the athenians, the cities of Pyreus and Eresse. And found Salethus, who had hid himself in the town of Mytylene. And sent him to the Athenians with the Mytylenyans, that he had sent to Thenedon, with all the other, that he could understand to have been the authors of the rebellion. Afterwards he sent away the greatest part of his army, that he had brought thither, and with the rest tarried there to give order to the city of Mytilene, and to all the Isle of Lesbos. when they, that Paches had sent, were arrived at Athens, the athenians caused Salethus incontinently to die, though that he promised to do many things. And among other, that the siege which the peloponesians did hold yet bifore Platee, should be raised. For the other prisoners, the matter being put in deliberation of the counsel, it was with great anger determined to cause to die not only them that were thither brought, but also all the Mytylenyens, except the women and children, from foortene years downward, which should be slaves and bond men. For they esteemed the fault of the said mytylenians, to be inremissible and not to be forgevenne. For that that they rebelled, though that they were not entreated as subjects, as the other were. And yet they had greater despite, for that the ships of the Peloponesians had had the audacity for to come to succour the said mytylenians, to pass the sea Ionum with greater danger. which was a tokenne that the said Mytylenyens had purposed, and by long circumstance provided afore, for that same rebellion. So they dispatched a galley to signefy to Paches the decree of the Senate, of Athenes, and to command him to execute it. Yet the morrow after, they abhorred and repent themselves, considering the cruelty of the decree. And they thought it to heinous to destroy and kill all the people of a city, and not to extinquishe them, that had been authors of the evil of other. which thing, being knowing by th'ambassadors of the Mytylenyens and by the athenians that favoured them, they went with all diligence to the chiefest of the city, and with great weepings and lamentations, perswadedde them gently to put the matter ones again into deliberation. For those principallest were well advertised, that the most part of the people desired that it might be speak of again. So they caused the counsel to assemble, whereat were spokenne many opinions, but among other (Cleon, 
Cleon.  son of Cleuntus whose opinion was consented to the day bifore. That all the Mytylenyans should die) a man rough and violent and that had great authority among the people, did speak in this manner.   

¶ The narration and proposition of Cleon unto the counsel of the athenians. ☞ The vi Chapter.  
I Have of tentymes knowing, that the mean estate ought not to rule. But yet I have knowing more in their variation. which I will show you in this matter of the mytylenians. For yone think, that our allies go as frankly and without deceit in business towards you, as you go towards them. And ye perceive not, that the faults that you commit, do suffer you to be seduced by their speakings and persuasions, orels by great pity do put you in danger. And also you get not, for all that, their good will. And ye consider not that the empire, that you have, is but very tyranny, and that they that obey you, do it against their will, and also they wool not be longer obedient, for that you pardon the taultes that they have done against you. And that your force and the fear that they have of you, do make them obeissant, and not the goodness and mercy that you use towards them. But the worst that I see in our affair is this, that in matters determynedde and concludedde, there is no fyrmenes nor stability. And we understand not, that there is better government in a city that useth his laws firmly and without revocation (yea though they be evil) than in that same, that hath good laws and doth not keep them inviolably. And that ignorance with soberness and gravity is more worth, than knowledge with inconstancy and rashness. And that the people, that be somewhat gross & more slack of understanding, do admynistre well and conduct better an estate, than they that be more able and sharper witted. For these will always be wiser than the laws, and show in all matters, whereof is question, by force of eloquence and of well speaking, that they know more, than the other. knowing that in no other matter they can so much show the excellency of their wyste, as in those that be of great importance. whereby many inconveniences have oftentimes chanced to cities. where as they, that trust not somuch to their knowledge, will not be wyler than the law, and also knowing that they be not eloquent enough to answer, & to stir to all reasons with fair words: study more to judge by reason, and to come to the effect, than to debate the matters by arguments & communication. whereby matters have been the better governed for the more part. In this manner it is convenient lords not trusting in our eloquence & ability, not to persuade our people otherwise, than we know for the truth. And as for myself, I am in the same opinion, touching this matter, as I was yesterday. And I am abashedde of them, that have causedde this matter to be put again into deliberation, and by this mean suffer the time to be lost and run to the profit of them, that have offendedde you, and not to yours. For in delaying of the punishment, he that hath received the offence, doth assuage his anger, and is not afterwards so sharp to revenge it. where as when men take vengeance in their heat, they execute it the better according to the demeritte. And also, I am ambasshedde, that there may be any that will say the contrary to that, that hath been concluded. And will parforce themselves to show, that the injuries and offences of the Mytylenyens, be proftita table unto us, and that our wealth redoundeth to the Calamity of our allies. For certainly, whosoever will maigntaigne that, shall show openly, aither that he will (for the great confidence that he hath in his wits and in his speech) cause other to believe, that they understand not the things, that be clear and manifest: or else that by mean of some corruption, he will deceive you by his eloquence and fair speech. By such means and dilations the city doth proffitt other, but she putteth herself in danger. whereof you the other are the cause, that naughtily introduced and brought in, these disputations, and have been accustomed to be regarders of words and harkeners of deeds, persuading yourself, that the matters must chance, like as he persuadeth you, that speaketh best. And you hold for more certain that, which you hear speak, than that you have seen. For you suffer yourself to be led & deceived by artificial speakings. And likewise you are easy to be deceived by new words, & hard to execute y●, which hath been once approved & concluded. And by this mean, you be subjects to vain things, and tarry to long in your ancient customs. By means whereof, every of you parforceth himself and studieth to know to preach well. And those that have not this eloquence, will follow them that have it, for to show, that they understand no less the matters, than they. And moreover if there be any one that speaketh any thing subtle and apparent, you are ready to praise him, and to say, that you had thought asmuch, bifore that he had spokenne it. where you be slow and nice to provide for things, that might chance in that, whereof is speak. searching by a manner to speak an other thing than that, whereof ye entreat. and understand not sufficiently the matters present. Suffering yourselves to be deceived through the volupte and delectation of your ears, as they do, that amuse themself sooner to hear the sophists and logycyans to dispute, than to hear speak of the affairs of the city. from which error, I will take pain to withdraw you, in causing it to appear unto you, that the city of Mytylene is that same, that hath done you a singular outrage and displeasure. For if there be any city, that for that he could not endure your Empire, or that were constrained by your enemies, that doth rebel against you, I am of opinion that it should be pardonned. But if they, that hold an Isle and a city very strong with walls, which feareth nothing but on the sea side, and also may well defend itself, having good number of ships tacledde, and that be not our subjects, (but be by us honnored beyond and above all our confederates) have done it: what may a man judge any other thing, but that it is a very imagination against us. And that it may be better said that they have moved war, than to saith that they be rebelledde against us. For those may be said to be rebels, that were constrained by any violence. And that, which more is to be detestedde and abhorred, it sufficed not them to make us war with their own force, but they have attempted utterly to destroy us, by the mean of our mortal enemies. without having fear, or considering the great calamytees that be chanced unto other, that rebelled against us in times passed, after that we had reduced them to our subjection. And also not fearing to put themself into new dangers, where they were in rest and in great felicity. And the audacity, that they have had to enterprise this war, declareth that they have greater hope, than power, and less power than will, willing to prefer their puissance bifore reasonne. For without being in any thing offendedde by us, they have taken armure against us, for no other reason, but for the hope, that they have had to vanquish and overtreade us. So chanceable it oftentimes (chief in cities, that in short time do come, unlooked ●or● unto great felicity) that they become insolent and proud. And that the prosperyties, that happen to men, by reason and after the common course 〈◊〉 things, be more firm and stable, than those, that chance by fortune and beyond thopinion of the people. And by manner of speaking, it is more dyfficile and hard for men to conserve and keep themself in prosperyties, than to defend and ward themself in adversities. For this cause, it had been good for the mytylenians, that we had not more honnoured nor estemedde them, than our other allies and confederates. For than, they should not have fallen into so great oultrecuidance and presumption. Also it is a natural thing to contemn them, to whom a man is bound, and to have in admyratyon them, with whom they be not bound Let us procure than that these here be punished according to the greatness of their misdeeds, and let us not pardon all the people, by ymputing the fault unto a small number. For they have all with one accord taken armure against us. For so much as if any particulars would have constrained them to do it, they might have fled and have had recourse ●nto us. And if they so had done, they might, now have returned into their city. But they lovedde more, to put themself in danger and prove fortune, at the appetite of the lesser number, and by this mean rebelledde altogiders. you ought likewise, as touching the surplusage, to have regard to the consequence of our other confederatees and allies. For if we punish not ●han more, that rebel against us willingly, than those, that do it by force and constraynete, there shallbe no city nor town, that for the lea●●e occasion in the world, will not enterprise to do it. Understanding, that if it take good effect, they shall abide in liberty, and if it take ill, they shallbe acquitedde good cheap. By means whereof, we shallbe in danger to lose, in all the cities, that we have, both the revenue, and also the parsons. For though we shall well take again a city, that rebellethe: yet shall we lose our revenue for a long time. during which our forces shallbe one against the other. And if we can not reco●er it, we shall have them there for enemies, besides the other, that we now have. And moreover the time, that we should use for to war against our enemies, we must employ and occupy to reduce and refourme our subjects. wherefore it is not expedi●̄te to give them hope, that they may obtain grace or remission of us by fair persuasions, neither for money and corruption, under colour that they have offendedde by man's frailty. For they have not endommaiged us against their wills: but rather willingly have conspired against us. And that fault is worthy of marcy and grace, that is not committed of a determined will. By which raisins, I have from the beginning resisted this way, and also now do speak against it to my power. That you revoke not that, which you have once concluded, and that you offend not even at ones in three things, which all three be commonly right dangerous and pernicious in a common wealth. to wit, in mercy, in voluptuousness and in facility or gentleness. For mercy should be used to them, that do the like, and not to them that have it not, but rather have brought themself in necessite to be your perpetual enemies. And our Orators & spekers, that take so great pleasure ●o know well to persuade: shall have licence to show the force of their eloquence in other matters of less importance, and not in these, where the city (for a small delectation, that it shall have to hear fair speakings & disputations) may incur a great danger. And yet shallbe nevertheless reputed to have spoken well. And as concerning the use of equity and gentleness, that should be done to them, whom we may trust to be in time coming, good and of a good will. And not to them, who, after we shall have pardonnedde them, shall continue still our enemies. And to conclude my speaking in few words, if you will believe me, you shall do to the mytylenians, that, which justice requireth. And that shallbe profitable unto you. And if you do it not, you condemn yourself, and yet do not gratify them. For if they here have had just cause for to rebel, it must be confessed, that we rule unjustly. And though it so were, yet must you, sithence you will rule, take punishment of them here injustly for your proffitt, orells depart yourself from your dominion. And being escaped the danger, live as wise men and just people. But if you will persever in your signory, ye must recompense them according to their desert. And make them to understand, that you have the heart no less offended and pricked to revenge you, being escaped the daungere, than they have had to stir you, and to conspire against you. calling to your remembrance, what you have to believe of yourselves. considering what they would have done unto you, if they might have had the victory. specially that they have begun to offend you. And they, that without cause do injury and offend other, do their best therein unto the last point, and go about to destroy them utterly. Fearing the danger, wherein they should be, if they, that they offend, might escape. Insomuch as every man that perceiveth himself to be wronged by him, that had no cause thereto, if he may scape it, he revengeth himself more angrily against him, than he would do against his mortal enemy. Be not than traitors unto yourself. But considering the inconveniences that have very nigh chanced unto you by this matter, even as you have above all things desired to take these here: since that you have taken them, render unto them like punishment And suffer not yourself so much to relent and wax gentle, for the estate and surety wherein the things now be, that you forget the wrongs that have been done you. But punish well these here, according to their desert, for to give perpetual example to other your allies, that if there be any one, that rebelleth, it shall cost him his life. For when they shall know it, you shall take no more pain to fight against them, where you ought to defend your friends. Thus spoke Cleon. After whom Dioditus son of Eucrates stood up, 
Diodotus.  who, at the consultation the day bifore, had chief spokenne against them, that would that all the Mytylenians should be slain, and did speak in the manner that followeth.   

¶ The proposition and opinion of Diodotus, contrary to that same of Cleon. ☞ The vii Chapter.  
I Praise not the opinion of them, that reprove this, that men put again into deliberation the matter of Mytylene, and that think it not good, that men consult many times upon weighty affairs. But me thinketh that there be two things much contrary to good connsaille. To wit, hedynes or haste, and wrath or anger. For the one doth things foolishly, and the other furiously and rashly. And also me thinketh, that he that will impeach and let men to show things by words, is without understanding. Or that he hath some conceits and devices, that be not well knowing. for if he think that the things to come, which be not yet parceved, may be otherwise understand than by words, he hath no understanding. And if he will persuade any dishonest and evil matter, & for that, that he thinketh, that he cannot make it good by words, will astony and choke with injuries and villenies those, that will say the contrary, it is a great sign, that he affectith or favoureth the matter. But yet they be more to blame that charge the againesayers, with corruption. For if a man object against him, whose opinion the greatest part of the counsel have not allowed, that he understandeth not well the causes, he shallbe reputed only ignorant, and not a naughty parson. but when it is objected, that he is corrupted and bribed, though men allow his opinion, yet shall he be nevertheless suspected. And if it be not holden, he shallbe not only reputed ignorant but also an naughty parson. whereby, the public wealth shall sustain dommaige, for that the people dare not speak nor counsel freely for fear thereof. And it seemeth, that it should be better for the wealth of the common weal, that there were no man in the city that had the understanding and knowledge to speak well, than that there were any, as if by this, the people had less occasions to offend, which is whole contrary. for a good cytezeine that speaketh his opinion, ought not to impeach nor fear the other, that they should not speak against him, but in all equality and modesty show by reason that his opinion is the better. And moreover me thinketh that a city that governeth itself by reason, ought not, neither to do more honour to him that counsaillethe well above all the other, nor yet lessen him of that, which he had bifore. And likewise should do no shame to him, whose opinion was not allowed, and yet less to punish him. For by that mean, he, whose judgement shallbe found good shall not care to say any thing, but that, which he thinketh to serve him to get the honour or favour of the people. And by like raisins he, whose opinion is not approvedde, shall not be moved to change it for to gratefye the multitude. wherein we do clean contrary. For if there be any that may be charged to have been subournedde or bribed by gift or by promise, though that he have good opinion and counsailleth the wealth of the city: yet through suspicion of the said corruption (whereof there is none appearance) we will reject and forsake it. And whatsoever thing he saith, be it good or evil, it is suspected. wherefore it is necessary that he, that will persuade any thing to the communalty, aswell good as evil, use lies and cautels, whereby it followith, that because of these disguysings & challenges, no man may proffytt him, that should speak of an open and manifest matter, except he deceive. For if any give him any thing openly he shallbe suspectedde that he was willing to gain it. which is not raisonne. For it is expedient that we that be in this office, and that have the charge for to delyberate and determine great and waightieste affairs, should perceive further, than you other, that mind not but things present and at hand. Consyderedde specially, that for that, which, we say, we must show raysonne, where as you that hear us, do render no account of that you hear. And if it were ordeynedde that he that heareth and suffereth himself to be persuaded, should be as much punyshedde, as he that speaketh and perswadethe, cetaynelye you should judge with the more modesty and more raysonne. But when the matters be desperate unto you, you punish through anger and wrath, him only, that hath given the counsel, & not you the other, that have followed it And yet in that doing you trespass asmuch, as he that hath spokenne it. As touching me I intent not to speak in the favour of Mytyleniens for to speak against or for to accuse any parson. And if we be in our good wits, there resteth no question of their misdeed, but alonely, to consult well for ourselves. For albeit, that it appeareth unto us that they have trespassed, yet will I not counsel that they shallbe put to death, except it be expedient for us. And likewise, if they merytte to have grace, I would not be of the opinion that it should be extended unto them, except it might be profitable unto us. And forsomuch, as our consultation is more to have regard unto the time to come, than to the time passed, & Cleon hath said that it is requisitt, for to withstand the rebellyons fromthesfourth to follow, that these here should be punyshedde by death, I am of a contrary opinion & that it shallbe better for us to do otherwise. And therefore I pray you, that for the coloured raisins of this man here, proponed in his opinion, for to induce and persuade you to follow it, that you will not to reject the utility of mine. For I perceive well, that all his reasons, being consonant to rigour of justice, they may more move your hearts and thoughts (which be now full of wrath and anger) than mine. But it must be considered, that we be not here for to debate judicially with them, & for to know what reason and justice willeth, but we be for to advise among ourselves, what shallbe most to our profit. Now you know, that in many cities, pain of life is ordained, not only for so great offences, but also for much lesser. And yet nevertheless there are people that put themselves in danger of that pain, trusting that they shall escape it. And there was never man enterprised such pretences and rebellions, that thought not that he might achieve them. And there was never city that rebelled, that thought not to have greater force and greater preparation, than it had of itself, or of his friends and allies. But it is a natural thing to men for to offend, and there was never law so rigoroux, that could let it. Although that new pains and punishments have daily been made & added for offences, to see, if by fear thereof, the people might be withdrawin from trespassinge. And also it was not without reason that in the beginning, the pains were more light and easy, than they now be. Which, through the continual transgression of the people, been in a manner at this present all brought to the extremest punishment. And yet notwithstanding, we keep not ourselves from offending. wherefore there must aither be yet found some pain more fearful, orels this here, will not keep men from trespassinge. For to some, poverty giveth audacity to do ill. some other, by means of their riches, become insolent, ambitious and covetous, and the other have other passions and occasions, which stir & induce them to offend. And in effect every one is drawin by his inclination and disordered appetite, so v●hemently: that scarcely he may refrain nor moderate himself for fear of any danger, that may chance. There be on the other part two things, which greatly do hurt men, to wit, hope and love. whereof the one leadeth them, and the other accompaigneth them. th'one searcheth means for to execute their imaginations, and the other perswadethe the prosperity of fortune. And though these two things be not seen with the eye, yet they be more puissant, than the pain that is seen. There is yet an other thing, which helpeth and serveth marvelously, to incite and provoke the affections and wits to wit, fortune. which by representing some occasion unlooked for, although it be not sufficient, bringeth oft-times the people into great danger. And yet more the cities, than the particular parsonnes. forsomuch, as there is question of greater things, to wit, of liberty or to increase their empire. And moreover every man, perceiving himself to have the confederatyon and company of one people, hath greater hope of himself. And for conclusion it is a thing impossible and without raysone to think, that when human nature is pricked and stirred by a vehement inclination to do any thing, he can be withdrawn from it by force of laws or by any other difficulty. Wherefore it is not meet, that we ordain pain of death for offenders, upon confidence, y● that giveth security and assurance for time to come. Also it is not meet, that we take from them, that hereafter shall rebel, hope of mercy, and licence to repent themself, and to purge them incontinently of their misdeed. And that it may be so, presuppose that there may now be some other city, that may be turned against you, and that knoweth well that it can not resist you. But hath sufficient, wherewith he may satisfy the expenses, that we shall make to recover it, and to pay us the tribute for the time to come, if we take it by composytyon. And if the same do understand that there is no hope of marcy of you to be had, will it not prepare itself yet more strength to resist you & determine to endure all extremity of assiege, rather than to render and yield it self? Now than remember, why der it be all one that a town rendereth itself unto your will incontinently, or a very long time after his rebellion. And what charge and what damage it shallbe unto us, when they shall forsake to be reduced to our obeisance, to have them by length of siege, and yet when we shall have taken them, that we destroy them, and by that mean lose our revenue, by mean whereof we shall be equal to our enemies. Truly we ought not to proceed here to the punishment of offences, as judges to our own damage, but we ought to remember for the time to come, how we may draw and recover the revenue and tribute of our cities, in mulcting them moderately, and to keep and conserve them, more by gentleness and good entreating, than by rigour of laws. Whereunto we do now intend to do the clean contrary. For if any people, that were frank and free, hath been by force brought into our servitude and subjection, and minding to recover their liberty do rebel, as reasonably they may do, and afterwards hath been recovered and brought again, you will that all severity be used against him. Certainly I am of contrary opinion, and think that the free people, that do rebel, should not be sharply punished, but be well kept by good means, that they do not rebel, and to entreat them in such sort, that they may have no occasion to have such will. And consider moreover what fault you shall commit, in following the opinion of Cleon. you perceive that the people, of all the confederate cities, be affectyoned to your estate, and that they turn not to your enemies, although they be puissant. Or if any of the said cities do turn from you, the common people hateth them, that have been the cause thereof. And with this confidence of the love of the people, you go about to make your war. Now if you kill all the people of Mytylene, which have not consented unto the rebellion (but when they might have taken armure, and found themselves most strong, have received you into their town: first you shallbe in grateful and oultragious unto them that have well acquitted themself towards you, and afterwards you shall do that, that your enemies desire. For when they shall have drawn one city of ours unto their party, all the people shallbe theirs. understanding, that if they come into your hands, as much shall they be punished that shall not have offended, as they that shall have done the worst that they might. Where, though they had offended, you should have dissimuled and winked at it, to the intent that that, which we yet retain under the form o● a fellowlike living, should not be turned into host ylytie and enmity. And in my opinion it should be more profitable for us, for the conseruatyon of our empire, to endure to be outraged and injuried with our knowledge, than to cause our people to die, when it is not expedient. Although we might do it by justice. And it shall not be found veritable and true that Cleon hath said, that one self vengeance may be both injust and profitable. And sithence that ye perc●yue, that that, which I have speak is for the best. I am of advise that without grounding you upon any sweetness or benignity (where unto I will not that ye have regard for the thing that I persuaded you but for the weal of the ●ytye only) that ye keep yet this people here, that Paches hath sent prisoners, for to ordain hereafter thereupon all at leisure. And touching the other, that you suffer them, to inhabit the city of Mytylene. For that shall serve you in time to come, and now fear your enemies. forsomuch as he, that giveth reasonable counsel, is more feared and more esteemed of his enemies, than he, that by a rash cruelty doth and committeth insolent and oultragyous things. Thus spoke Diodotus.   

How the city of Mitilene was in danger to be utterly destroyed, and the punishment which it received for his rebellion. And how the Plateans rendered themself to the will of the Lacedemonyans, with some other exploit of war, that was done in that same year. ☞ The viii Chapter.  
AFter these contrary opinions, there were many altercatyons among the athenians, so that when it came to give their voices, they were found equal and parted, asmuch as th'one side, as on the other, but yet at the end, that same of Diodotus was allowed. And so they dispatched incontinently one other galley for to go with all diligence to Mytylene, doubting that if she used not diligence, the other, that was departed a day and a night before this, should prevent it. In such manner, that when this last arrived, she should find now the city extinguished. For which fear this latter galley was wayged and victuaylled by the ambassadors Mytylenyens. Who made great promises to the mariners, if they arrived sooner, than the first. Which by this mean, for to make extreme diligence, ceased not day nor night to sail. And in their sailing, they did eat their bread, sopped in wine and in oil, and also they slept by course, so that the shyyp went without ceasing. And it chanced them so well, that they never had one only contrary wind, which was a great fortune. By mean whereof, joinned also, that the f●rste, that carried the evil news, did not make very great diligence, that same galley arrived very soon after, that the other was arrived. And even at the hour when Paches red the furst commandment, & prepared himself for to execute it, the later was presented, which empesched the execution. In this manner the city of Mytylene was very nigh to utter destruction. And as touching them, the Paches had sent as chief offenders, which where more than a thousand, they were all judged to death, according to the opinion of Cleon. And also the walls of the city of Mytylene, were beaten down, & all their ships were taken from them, & moreover there was no tribute imposed or set through all the Isle of Lesbos, but it was all (except the city of Methymne) divided into three. M. parts. Whereof they did give and dedicate to the temples of the Gods, three houndred for the tenth, and to other they sent of their citizens by lot for to inhabit there. And did ordain that the Lesbiens should pay them for every of the said parties, two pound weight of silver. And for that some, they were permitted to labour the said land. Moreover there was taken, from the said mytylenians, all the towns and lands that they had in the main land. Which afterward remained in obedience of the athenians. Such was the issue of the rebellion of Lesbos. In that same summer Nycyas son of Nyceratus went by sea with a good bend of Athenyens into the Isle of Mynover. 
Nycias M●noa●  Which is right against and hard by Megare. And there was a castle, that the Megaryens did keep for a fort, which Nicias minded to take, for to have there a defence and recourse more nigh, than that, which they had at Budore and at salamine, and to the intent, that, when the peloponesians should issue into the sea, they should not hide their galeys there, as the Corsaireens had many times done. And also to the end, that the Megaryens should have no more any mean to enter into the sea. And so he came first, departing from Niseus to set his ships before the apostle. Whereof he did beat down with artyllerye, two towers, which were higher than the dungeon of the said castle. And by this mean he made, that the ships might pass without danger between the Isle and the said place of Nyseus. 
Nisea●  And moreover he made a wall overthwart the dystreate, from the main land that came to answer to the Isle nigh enough unto it. Through which men sent succour to the said Castle, for that they were marishes. And after that he had made his rampires and munytyons, within a very short time he left his garnisons at the defence of the wall, and returned with the remnant of his people. In that same summer, the Plateans, being in great necessity of victuayles, and saying that they could not resist the assault of the peloponesians, they made appointment with them. For also the capitain and Lieutenant of the peloponesians, being approached nigh unto the wall, and saying that they were so feeble that they could not defend themself, would not take them by assault, for that, that he was commanded by the Lacedemonyans to take it by composytyon, rather than by assault, if he might. To the intent, that if any appointment were made between the peloponesians and the athenians, by the which it should be ordained that the towns and cities that should have been taken by war of the one side and of the other, should be rendered: those Lacedæmonians might excuse themself, for none rendering of this, under colour, that they got it not by war, but that it was rendered unto them with their good will. And so he sent an haraulte unto them, by whom he demanded, whereout they would tender the town & the people that were within to be at the will of the Lacedemonyans, and commit unto their discretion, the punishment of them, that should be found coulpable, so that none should be punished, but that first his cause should be known and judged. Which thing they agreed unto, saying themself in such extremity, that they could no longer resist. And by this mean the peloponesians did take the city, and nourished the people that were within it with victuayles for certain days, and until the five judges which the Lacedæmonians had sent for this matter, were there arrived. who without making any other particular process, caused all them to assemble that were within the town. Afterwards they demanded of of them only, if sense the war begun, they had in any thing well merited towards the Lacedemonyans and their allies. To which demand they required that it might be lawful for them to answer more amply by common deliberation. Which thing was granted them. And so they did chose Astimachus, 
Astimachus.  sone of Asopolaus and Lacon, 
Lacon.  son of Aimnestus, 
Aimnestus.  who was burgeois of the Lacedemonyans, and they did speak in this manner.   

The proposition and defence of the Plateans before the Lacedemonyans. ☞ The ix Chapter.  
FOr the faith and confidence, that we have had in you, Lords Lacedemonyans, we have committed our city and our parsons into your power. Not looking, for such judgement of you, as we perceive, that m●n would do unto us, but some other more civil and more gentle. And also we looked to have other judges than you. And specially we hoped, that it should have been liefull for us to dispute & debate our reason & our cause. But we doubt greatly that we have been deceived of both our thoughts. For we fear & not without cause, that this disceptation & debating be upon our life. And that you come not to judge of our case by reason. Whereof we see an evident tokenne, by this, that there is no accusation proponed against us, wherein we may defend us. But at our request, licence is granted us to speak, and your interrogation hath been very brief. Whereunto, if we would answer according to the truth, our answer shallbe contrary and enemy to our cause. And if we answer contrary to truth, it may be condemned, as faulse. And notwithstanding that we see our ●ase in danger and perplexity on a● sides, yet be we constrained to speak. And also it seemeth unto us better to incur the danger by saying some thing, than utterly to keep silence, and to speak nothing. For if they, that be in such case, speak not that they might say, they have always the heart disposed, and they thy●ke, that if they had spoken, i● should have been cause of their wealth. But now it is to us (over and above all the other dyffyculties) a thing right difficile and hard to persuade you that, which we will speak. For that, that if we did not know the one the other, we could cause things to be witness unto you whereof you had not not know layge. But we speak before you, that know the troth of the hole. And we fear not that you will impute it unto us for offence, that our virtues be less than yours, insomuch as you know us, but we greatly fear, lest for to please other, a subda●ne judgement shall be pronounced against us, which is already determined. This notwithstanding, yet will we parforce ourselves, to show you the reason and the right, that we have against the ennemitie of the Thebayns and against you and the other Greeks, putting you in remembrance of our services and good deeds. And for to answer unto the right brief interrogacy●, that is made unto us, whither during this war we have in any thing merited well towards the Lacedemonyans and their confederates, we answer you, that if you demand us as enemies, we have done you no injury though we have done you no pleasure. But if you ask us, as friends, we think that you have more offended us, than we have offended you. For that, that we have not begun the war, although that we have ●ot in any thing yet broken peace with you. And in time of the war with the Medes, we alone of all the beotians came to assault the said Medes with the other Greeks for to defend the liberty of Grece. And notwithstanding that we were people of main land, yet did we fight with them nigh to Artenusus by sea. And afterwards when they did fight in our land, we were there with Pausanias. And of all the other things, that were done by the Greeks in great danger, we were parttakers further than ower puissance stretched. And in particular, to you other Lacedemonyans, your city of Sparte, being in great dread and fear, after the earthquake, when the bond men did fly from Ithomus, we did send the third part of our people to your succour. Of which saruices to have none remembrance, should be a thing to difficile. Such were our works in the beginning. And if sense, we have been enemies, that hath been through your default. For when we were invaded by the Thebayns, persevering in amity and alliance, we had furst recours unto you, and you repulsed us, saying that you were to far from us, and showed us that we should have recourse to the Athenians, which were our nigh neighbours. Like as never by war you suffered any outrage, so be you not to suffer for us. And if we had not been willing to have departed from the athenians, yet had we not done you injury. For considered, that they had aided us against the Thebayns, there where it was not your commodity to do it, it had not been honnestye for us, to cast them up and forsake them, saying chief, that they at our request had received us into their alliance. And also we have received great benefits of them, and they received us as their burgeoses. Wherefore it was reasonable that we should obey them with our power. And if you and they (which be dukes & captains of your parties, have done any evil thing) having your allies in your company, the same ought not to be imputed to them, that have followed you, but to the capitains, that have conducted them to do it. And as touching the Thebayns, besides many outrages, that they had done before, they did commit the last against us, which hath been cause of all these evils, as you do know. For they came in time of peace, upon the day of the solemn feast, for to invade our city. Whereby they received such punishment, as they deserved. Like as it was lawful for us, and permitted by the common law and general safeguard, used among all people. By which it is lawful for every man to slay him, that cometh to assault him, as enemy. Wherefore if you will punish us for that cause, that should be against all justice. And you should declare yourself evil judges, if that to make your profit of them, because yt. they be your allies in this war, you will do justice at their pleasure. And have more regard unto your profit, than to reason. And howsoever that ye will have regard unto your utility, and consider these here, to have been profitable unto you in this affair, yet have we been much more. And that not only unto you, but to all Grece, when that you were in much greater danger. For at this present, you have both heart and puissance for to assault the other, but than, the stranger king did lay the yoke of bondage to all the Greeks, having these here on his party. Whereby, reason would well, that you should lay to the contrary of this our misdeed (if there be any thing misdone) the service that our citizens did for you. And the affection that they may show unto you, which you shall find much greater than the misdeed. And so much the more, that at that same time there were few Greeks found, that would put their virtue in danger against the forces of Xerxes. And they were highly praised, who being assawlted a●d assieged, had no regard to their wealth, not her to conserve their parsons and their goods, but delighted more with great danger to enterprise things worthy of memory, among whom we were reputed and honnored as the principallest. whereby we have great fear to be destroyed and to perish at this present, for having willed to do the like, to wit, for following the Athenians justly and according to reason, rather than you cautelously and by deceitte. And nevertheless it is convenient that one self judgement be always given upon one self cause. And not to place nor establish proffytt in any other thing, but only in faith the & loiaultie of friends & allies. For in knowing always their virtue, that they have showed in things passed, you may establish yours proffitablie, being present. Consider moreover that a great part of Greeks do at this present day, esteem and repute you to be the true example and the mirror of virtue & wisdom. wherefore you ought well to fear to give an wrongful sentence against us. For in that doing (which cannot be hid) ye shall purchase great blame, having determined and judged of us, that be good people, otherwise than according to reason. even you that be reputed the best, and to have set in your temples the spoils of them, that have so well merited towards all Grece. And also it shallbe always greatly imputed unto you, to have at the appetite and pleasure of the thebans, utterly destroyed the city of Platee. The name whereof, and for great honour and in remembrance of his citizens: your fathers did grave at the altar of Apollo Delphicus. For we be come to such calamity and perplexity, that if the Medes had vanquished, we had been destroyed: and having had the victory against them, we be at this present vainquished towards you, that be our great friends, through the thebans. And so we have incurredde two extreme dangers and calamities, to wit, to die for hunger than, in resisting to yield us at the will of the strangers, and now to defend our life in judgement. And we that have more heartily tendredde the honour of Grece, than our force might sustain, be abandoned, despised and for sakenne of all. And there is not one only of all the Greeks, that were than present, our allies, that may aid us. And specially we fear greatly, that you other lords Lacedemonyans, in whom we have put our principal trust, be not stable and constant enough in this matter. Therefore we pray you for the honour and reverence of the Gods, which were than favourers of our society and fellishipp, and in remembrance of all the services and merits towards all the Greeks: that you will appease and mitigate your hearts towards us. And if you have at the persuasion of the thebans, determined any thing against us, to revoke it. And the pleasure, that you have granted them, to slay us all, repeal it for to saulue us. In which doing, you shall purchase an glorious and honnorable grace, in stead of an cruel naughtiness. And also it shall not be your shame, for to give joy and pleasure to an other. For it is right easy for you to slay us, but it shallbe very hard afterwards, to abolish the infamy, that you shall incur by that deed, for to slay us unjustly, that be your friends, & not your enemies, but through necessity. And in effect, if you deliver us out of the danger and from the fear wherein we be, you shall judge justly. forsomuch specially, as we be yeldedde willingly into your power, coming unto you, our hands holdenne up (in which case the laws of Grece defend that men should be slain) and also that we have always and at all times, desarued well towards you. And that it so is, biholde in our land the tombs of your citizens, that were slain by the Medes, which be by us honnored every year openly. And that not only with vulgar and common honours, but with n●we habillementes and with all the fruits of our land, which we offer unto them, as people, that be of one land, that is your friend, & hath been your confederate and some time accompaignedde too the war. whereunto you shall do the hole contrary through evil counsel, if you will slay us. For you ought to consider that Pausanias buried them in this land, as in the land of friends, and among his allies. wherefore if you slay us and give our land to the Thebayns, what other thing shall you do, but deprive us, your ancestors & parents of the honnors that they have, and leave them in the land of their enemies that have slain them? And moreover bring into servitude that land, in the which the Greeks have recovered their liberty. And also you shall leave the temples of the god's desert and not inhabited, wherein they have made the vows, by virtue whereof, they have vanquished the Medes. And you shall take the first altars from them, that have founded and edified them. which shallbe certainly (lords Lacedemonyans) a thing abatinge and far inconvenient unto your glory, to manners, and common laws of Grece. For the memory of your progenitors and our saruyces and merytes● to have slain us, without being by us offended, through the hatred of other. And it should be much more convenable for you to pardon us, and aswaginge your anger and displeasure, to suffer yourself to overcome by a modestuous mercy. Considering and setting bifore your eyes, what evils you shall do and to what sort of people. And that such calamyttes do very often chance to people, that have not deserved them. wherefore we pray you (like as bicommeth us and as necessity constraineth us) calling to our aid the gods of our particular temples and those that be common to all Grece: that you vouchesaulfe to receive us friendly and to cease your displeasure at our requests and declaratyons and have remembrance of your ancestors. For whose memory and sepulchres, we require you, calling them unto our aid, evenne dead, as they be that you will not to put us into the subjection of the Thebayns, nor deliver your ancyente friends into the hands of your natural enemies. Aduertysinge you, that the self day, wherein we were in danger to suffer extreme evil, is that same only, wherein we did so many fair acts with your ancestor's. But forsomuch, as, to a people that be in such misery and necessity as we be, it is a miserable thing to make an end of their speaking, though that it prevaileth not to use it by necessity, insomuch as afterwards, when they have done, they attend and look for the extremity of death: yet in ceasing too speak, we say to you, that we have not rendredde our city unto the Thebayns. For rather we would have enduredde to die by famine, or by other shameful death. But it is to you (lords Lacedemonyans) for truth, to whom we be rendredde, putting our trust in your faith. Wherefore if we cannot obtain our request, reasonne will, that ye serte us again in that state, wherein we were, to wit, in danger of that, which might chance us, putting you again in remembrance, that from your hands you do, not commit into the same of the Thebayns, our mortal enemies, us the Plateens, which have been always affectyonedde to all the Greeks and that have rendredde themself under your part, and to your mercy. Butt rather to be authors of our weal, to the end that men may not say, that you that pretend to put all the Greeks in liberty, have utterly abolyshedde and extinguishedde us. In such manner spoke the Plateens. Than the Thebayns, fearing lest the Lacedemonyans should be moved with their speaking to grant them some thing, demaundedde to be likewise heard. For so much, that in their opynyonne, to much audience and too long delay was grauntedde to the said Plateens for to answer to the interrogation, that was made unto them. And after that licence was grauntedde them to speak, they began in this manner.   

¶ The oration and speaking of the Thebayns, against the Plateens, and how they were destroyed and slain. ☞ The ten Chapter.  
WE had not required this audience (lords lacedemonians) if this people here, had aunsweredde briefly to the interrogation made unto them, and if they had not turned their talk against us by charging and blaming us, and excusing themself without purpose, where no man accusedde them, and highly praising themself, where no man blamed them. But now we be constrained partly to deny and partly to faulsefie that, which they have said. To the end that their oultrecuidance and presumption profit not them: and our silence and patience hurt us. And afterwards you shall judge, who shall have said the truth. And furst the cause of our enmity must be consyderedde. which is for that, that having foundedde and peopled the city of Platee, the last of all the other, that be in our country of Beoce, with certain other towns, which we had won out of our said country, and peopledde with our people, chasing fromthence those, that were there before: these here only from the beginning disdaigned to be under our empire, and would not obsarue ou●e laws and ordinances, which all the other Beotians did hold and keep. And perceiving, that we would constrain them thereunto, they rendered themself to the athenians. through whose help, they have done us very many dommages, whereof they have been well recompensed. But touching this, that they say, that when the Medes entered into Grece, they only, among all the Boeotians, would not take their party, which is the matter, whereof they advaunte themself, and that they reproach us the more: we confess truly that they did not take part with the Medes, forsomuch, as the Athenians did not take it. But by the same reason we say, that when the athenians have holden against all the Greeks, they only among all the Greeks, have been on their part. And also it is to be consideredde, how we did that than, and how they have at this present, done this. For our city, at that same time, was not governed by a lawful pryncipalite of a small number of lords, nor yet by the common state: but by an other form of living. which is right odious, both to all laws and to all cities. And differeth not much from tyranny, to wit, by the puissance of certain particulars, who, trusting to enrich themself, if the Medes had obtained the victory: constrained us to take their party. which thing nevertheless the city for troth did not universally. wherefore it should have no reproach, not being than in her liberty. But since that it took again and recovered her liberty, & her ancient laws, after departure of the strangers: It is to be consideredde that when the athenians had assaulted Grece, & would have subdued our country unto their dominion, & in deed, when they occupied one part thereof through occasion of civil dissensions: we after the victory, that we had against them at Cheroneus, have not only delivered all the land of Beoce out of their servitude, but also now of a frank courage, we be joined with you to deliver the remnant of Grece from servitude. In contrybutinge as great number of people aswell footmen as horsemen, as any other city of Grece. And this is sufficient for to purge and clear us of the crime, that they object against us to have takene part with the Medes. But we will pain ourselves to show, that you Plateans have more greatly offended Grece, and be worthy of grievous punishment. you say that for to revenge you of us, ye became allies and burgeoses of the athenians. Than were it convenient, that you should have aydedde the said athenians against us only, and not against all Grece, considering that if they would have constrained you to it, ye might have had the Lacedemonyans, that would have defended and saved you, for the alliance chief, that was made between you against the Medes, whereof you make so great a buckler and defence. which also had been sufficient to defend you against us, if we would have wronged you. wherefore without any doubt, you have willingly chosen the part of the athenians. And after ye excuse yourself, saying that it had been shame for you to habandonne them, that merited well towards you. But it was much more shame to you, to forsake for them, all the other Greeks (with whom you had made oath and alliance) than the athenians alone. And them, that would have delivered Grece from servitude, than those, that would bring it into bondage. wherein ye have not rendredde service equally, neither without your shame. forsomuch, as if they come to your aid, being by you required, it was to defend you, like as you yourself confess. But ye arue come to theirs, for to wrong other. And yet nevertheless, it is less dishonneste, not to render service and pleasure in like case, where one ought to do it by good reason and justice, then only, to will, to acquit it with an evil and unjust quareile. Than, having done the contrary, you have sufficiently declared, that the same, which you only, among all the Beotieus, did in resisting against the Medes, was not only for love of the Greeks, butt rather for that, that the athenians did take the contrary part. favouring always that, which they have done against all the other Greeks. And now you will that those (against whom ye have been with all your power at the desire and for the quarrel of other) should do you good. which is a thing unreasonable. But rather it is convenient, that sense you have chosen the athenians part, that they aid you, if they may. And it availeth not that you allege the confederation, that was made in that same time of the Medes, for to help you with. Consyderedde that you have vyolatedde and brokenne it, by giving aid and succours to the Eginetes. And to certain other, that should have been subdewedde at the league of Grece. And this you did not, for any constrayncte, as we did, taking part with the Medes: butt you have done it with your good will, being always in your liberty, and living after your laws, like as you do at this present day. And also you have not regardedde the last request and summons that was made unto you before ye were assyegedde. to will you to be neuter, and to live in rest and peace. then, what be all those among all the Greeks that may be more worthy to be hayted than you, that would show your valiantness and employ all your power to their damage. Declaring by this clearly, that if you have at any time been good (as you have said) it was not of nature. For the true inclination of people is knowing when it is permane●te by nature: as yours hath been, to persever with the athenians in this unjust and dampened quarrel. And it is enough for to show, that we followedde the party of the Medes, against our will, & that you have folowedde that same of the athenians, willingly. As touching that which you have said afterwards, that we have wrongedde and assaulted you and your city unjustly, on your festival day and during the treaty of peace, we answer you that evenne in this, we judge that you have more failledde and offended● than we. For if when we came unto your city we had gevenne it assaulte● or had destroyed your lands and houses being in the fields, it might well have been said, that we did you injury. But if any your citezenis that were most noble and richest of the city (for that they desired to withdraw you from the alliance of strangers and to come to the comen laws of the Boeotians) came to require us to go thither, what injury have we done? for if injury be therein committed, it ought to be rather imputed to them, that led our people, and not to them that were led, though that in our opinion there was no offence naither on th'one side nor of the other. Considered that they that were citizens, as well as you, and had more to lose than you, did openne us the gates, and did let us into the City (and that not ennemylyke, but peasablie) for ●o give order, that those among you, that were worst, should not be more evil, and they that were good should be honnored according to their desert. And so we came more for to moderate your wills, then to extermyne & hurt your parsons. And in reducing you to the furst and ancient fraternity that we had togethers, we would that you should not have had enmity to any parson of the world, but that ye should have lived in good peace & amity with all men. And we show well that it was our mind, for when we were within your town, we did not any act of enmity, neither of violence to any parson, but we caused to be published with the sound of trumpet, that all they, which would live after the common laws of the Boeotians, should retire unto us, whereunto ye agreed willingly, and came to treat and common with us. But afterwards, seeing that we were in small number, you entreated us not after that sort, yea, though ye than should & might have had colour to pretend that we had oultragyouslye used you to enter into your City, without knowledge and consent of the people. For you did not persuade us by words and exhortations to depart out of your City, and not there to innovate or establish any custom, without setting upon us ennemylyke, as you have done. But contrary to the apoynctement and convenant that we had concluded togethers, ye came to assault us furiously, & yet notwithstanding, we ask none amends for them that were slain at that same conflict, for it may be said, that they in some manner were slain by right of war. But for them that yielded themself unto you, and that ye did take living, promising to save their lives, we maynteygne, that you caused them to die ungraciously and naughtily, and that you did without any doubt, an unjust & ungentle act, in three manners within a very small space of time. To wit in breaking your promise and apoynctement, afterwards in killing them with whom you had made it, & thirdly by promising us deceitefully not to slay them: seeing that we did no damage in your land. And yet nevertheless you have audacity to say, that we do you wrong, and that men would punish you against reason. Truly ye shallbe declared innocentes and absolved of pain, if these judges here will judge unjustly. But if they be good judges, you shall receive punishment for your misdeeds. which things we have called to remembrance, lords Lacedemonyans, aswell for your interests, as for ours, to wit for yours, to the end that condemning them, you understand to have done justice. And for ours, to the intent that men may know, that demandinge & requiring that they be punished, we have in nothing conspired nor done any thing worthy of reprehension. And you ought not to be moved unto pity, for the virtues and ancyent glories of these people here, if they have had any. For such things ought to help them, to whom men would do wrong. But unto them that have done any villainous thing, that same should double their pain, as to these here, which now have offended, without any reasonable occasion. Also the lamentations and pitiful rehersalles that they make, in requiring to their aid, the sepoulcres of your ancestors, and bewailing the lack of their friends, ought not to move you to pity. For we do you to understand, that our young citizens were much more cruelly entreated by these here that slew them. The fathers of whom, were partly slain, in Coronie, bringing unto you succour from Beoce. And the other that remain in their age, depryvedde of their childrenne, desolate in their houses, require thereof much more reasonably vengeance, than these here require grace. For they be above all other worthy of mercy, that have sufferedde wrong against reason. But they that have done it, do merytt, that they, which have suffredde it, should rejoice themself by saying their calamities. Like as these be here, who, for their fault, be thus habandonned, they being willingly departed from their best friends and allies. And having iniuriedde us more through hatredde and evil will, than by reason, without having been by us in any thing offendedde. And yette they shall not suffer all the pain, that they deserve though they shallbe at the present punyshedde right sharply. And this is not true that they allege that they yeldedde themselves with their good wills, holding up their hands against us in fayghting, butt they be by express covenant remyttedde to your judgement. wherefore the matters being such as we have said, we require you (lords Lacedæmonians) that you would sustain and help the law, which these here have offended, and to render unto us, that have been unjustly wroungedde, grace and reward, according to our demerytte, for the saruyces that we have done through our industry and travail. In such manner that it be not said, that we have had the repulse of you, through the words of this people here And to show example unto all Grece, that you ground not yourself upon words, but upon deeds. For truly when matters be good of themselves, there needeth not many words. But to colour and mitigate a misdeed, it is very requysitt to use artificial and stirring words. And if those, that have the authority to judge, as it is with you at this present, having somarely knowing the difficulties and doubtful causes, would thereupon ordain at ones, without putting again the matters into disputatyon: men should not study so much to forge fair words in villainous things. Thus spoke the Thebayns. After that the judges Lacedemonyans, had heard both the parties, they determynedde to persist in their interrogation, to wit, if they had merytedde any grace of the said Lacedemonyans, during the war. forsomuch as it seemed unto them that in the time passedde, they were governed reasonably after the laws and conventyons of Pausanyas, until they refusedde the part to remain neuter, afore they were assiegedde. And that sense they had refused it, the same Lacedemonyans were not bound by the said convenants. And also the said Plateens had by that mean, ill acquytedde themself towards them. So they caused them all to come one after the other. And demanded of them, as above. And seeing that they answered nothing, they caused them to be carried fronthens into an other place. where they all were slain without that any one escaped. which were found of Plateens more than two hundred, and of athenians, that were come to their aid, twenty and five, and the women carried away prisoners. As touching the city, the thebans did give it to the Megaryans' who were driven from their city, through the divisions among them, and unto other Plateens, that had taken their part: for to inhabit there. But the year gone about, they plucked it down from the bottom up by the foundations, and builded it new again nigh unto the temple of juno, next the which, they made a palais, the largeness whereof, was two houndred foot, of all sides, in form of a cloister, having houses and habytations of all sides above and beneath, wherein they did bestow, all the planks, the ports and the other fair ornaments of the houses, that they had plucked down. And also furnished them with couches and beds, and did dedicate all unto the said goddess, to whom moreover they edified a new temple, all of stone entailled or karued, conteigninge an hundred foot of length. touching the territory of the said city of Platee, it was let to farm & to labour for ten years, to wit, to the thebans, one small portione, & to the Lacedemonyans the greatest part. which they did take for to do pleasure to the said Thebayns. For also by this same cause, they were so contrary to the said Plateens. thinking that the said thebans might help them greatly and do them great service in that war, which they had begun against the athenians. Such end, took the siege of Platee, foore skoore and thirteen years, after, that the Plateens had made alliance with the athenians.   

How the Peloponesians had an victory by sea against the athenians and Corcyrians that took their part, by means of the division, that was moved among the said Corciriens. ☞ The xi Chapter.  
IN these enterfeates and business, the forty ships, that the Peloponesians had sent unto the succours of Lesbos, perceiving the coming of the army by sea of the athenians, that came against them: they enforced themself to retire with the most diligence, that they could. Being chased by fortune of the sea into Creta, & fromthens without order, making towards Peloponese, they encountered in their way nigh unto Cyremus, thirteen galleys, which were of the Leucadyans and Ambrasyans. whereof Brasidas, 
Brasidas.  son of Tallides, 
Tellides.  was Capytaine, and for his counseillour he had Alcidas who was come thither to him. For the Lacedemonyans, having failed th'enterprise of Lesbos, renewed and strengthenedde again their army by sea, and sent them into Corcyre, understanding, that the town was in division, & knowing, that the Athenians had in all, but twelve ships in that quartier, which they kept at Naupacte. For this cause they ordoned to the said Alcidas & Brasidas, that they should depart from the said place, bifore the Athenians should perceive it, thinking that the matter should come to good effect, through the dissension, that was among the corcyrians. By occasion of this, that those among them, that were takennes by the Corynthians in the battle by the sea, that was at Epidanne, being by the same corinthians scent again unto their houses under colour to go to seek the ransom that their friends of Corinthe had answered for them, which. amountedd to eight skoore talents: but for the troth, to practise the other Corciri●ns and to bring again the City into the obeisance of the Corciriens, they did the best that they could towards the other Citizens for to cause them to depart from the alliance of the athenians. So it chanced that during this time, arrived two ships at the port of Corsyre, the one sent by the corinthians and the other by the Athenians. And in both of them were Ambassadors from the said two Cities for to practise and get the Corciriens, which were heard, and had audience the one after the other. And the conclusion and answer of the said Corciriens was that they would remain allies and confederates of thathenians according to their pac●es and conuenauntes, and with the Lacedæmonians they would continue friends, as they had accustomed. Which answer & deliberation was so made through the persuasion of Pythias. Who than had greatest authority in the town, and had made himself a burgeose of Athens. By occasion whereof, the other that laboured to the contrary as we have showed, caused him to be called into judgement charging him that he would bring the City into subjection of the Athenians, But he was absolved and discharged of that accusation. And anon after, he accused five of the said adversaries, the richest of all, charging them that they had razed down the pales that were at the closture of the temple of jupiter and Alcinas, in which case the penalty was ordained by their law, to be one s●ater, for every pale, which was to much for them to pay, for this cause being condemned, they withdrew themself into franchise within the temple, for to obtain a moderation of the said penalty. B●t Pythias did impeach the moderation, and exhorted the other Citezenis to cause them to pay it with the uttermost. Than those that were persetuted, considering that he had the authority in the senate and that so long as he had it, tother would take no other part but that same, ●hat the Athenians did take, they assembled together in good number, & with their daggers entered impytuously within the senate, and so did slay Pythias and of the other aswell senators, as private Citizens, to the number of threescore. The other, that took part with Pythias, saved themself in right small number and rendered them into the ship of the Athenians, which yet was within the port. After that the coniuratours and conspicers had done this execution, they assembled and showed them that the, which they had done was for the weal of the City, and that they should not be reduced to the servitude of the athenians, and in the remnant they ought to show themself neuter between the Athenians and the Peloponescians, and to signify them and make answer to them both, that they should not come into their port, but peasablie and with one shine only, and that they, that should bring any more, should be holden and reputed for enemies, which decree being by them so published, and the people constryned to confirm it, they sent certain Citizens to the Athenians to signify unto them what was done and to show unto them that it was covenanted that they should so do and also to persuade unto the Corciriens that had withdrawn themself thyder, that they should not purchase or procure any inconvenient, whereby trouble might chance unto the City. But they being arrived in the City, were incontinently taken as sedecious people, to guiders with them, that had subourned and provoked them thereunto, and were sent prisoners unto Egine. In the mean time, the principal citizens of Corcyre, that took part with the corinthians, the galley and the Ambassadors of the said Corinthians being arrived, rushed and furiously did set upon the communalty of the City, which defended itself, for ascertain time, but at the end, they were vanquished and driven back, to the nigh to night, they were constrained to retire into the fortress, and to the high highest places of the city, in which places, they being fortified, seized themselves of the gate hillaicquus. The other that had had victory seized themselves of the markete place, round about the which, they had the more part their houses, and of the gate, that is of the land side at the descent and going down from the said market place. On the morrow they had an eskarmiche with strokes of stones and darts only. And every of the parties did send into the fields to practise and get the slaves on his party, promising to ge●e them liberty, who more readily did chose the part of the commonalty. B●t unto the other, there came eight houndred men with succours out of the quarter of main land. And so they came again to battille, one only day, between two the first. In the which, the commonalty had the victory, aswell for that, that the place, wherein they did fight, was most to their advantage. As also for that they were more people in number. And moreover the women of the town, who took their part, aided them marvelously by an hardenes● more great, than their condition did suffer, in susteigning the sturdiness and strength of the enemies, and casting tiles and stones from the tops of the houses down upon them. The principal Citezinis, being than put into disorder and flight, upon thentering of the night, and fearing lest forthwith the communalty wi●h great cry & force would come to get the port & the ships which they had, & that doing should slay them all, they set fire in the houses that were upon the market place and about it, aswell in their own, as in the same of others for to impeach that the comunaltye should not pass that way. By mean of which fire, merchandises, of a right great price and valour, were burned. And if the wind had blown against the city, it had been in great danger to have been utterly and holy burned, a●d, by this mean the strife cessed for that night. And they kept themselves in armure, aswell on the one side as on the other, every man in his quarter. But the ship Corinthyan, that was in the port, vnderstā●dynge that the commonalty had had the victory departed secretly, and likewise many of those, that came out of the main land to the succours of the principal Citezenis, returned privily into their houses. The morrow after, Nicostratus, Duke of the athenians, arrived in the port of Corcy●e with twelve ships, and five hundredth men. Messenians, coming from Naupac●e, who, for to reduce all the City into concord, entreated and travailed among them, that they should agree and be friends, and that ten, only of them that had been the principallest of the sedition, should be punished, and that they nevertheless should not abide judgement, but save themself. And as for the rest that all the other should tarry in the City, as before and that all with one accord should confirm again the alliance with the athenians, to wit, to be friends of friends, and enemies of enemies. After that this appointment was so concluded and agreed, the principallest and chiefest of the people, treated with Nicostratus, that he should leave them five of the ships to defend, that the other party should not rise nor stir. And moreover that he should charge and take into his other ships, those that they should advertise to be of the contrary part, and carry them away with him, to th'intent that they might not make any mutine and insurrection, which thing he granted them. But so as they made the roll of them, whom they would have charged upon the said ships, they fearing to be carried into Athenes withdrew themself into franchise and sanctuary, into the temple of Castor, and Pullur. And though that Nicostratus did put them in comforce and exhorted them to come with him, yet could he not persuade them. By occasion whereof the people went into there houses, & took all the harness that they had, and had slain some, that they encountered, if that Nicostratus had not impeached & letted them, which perseaved by the other, that were of that bend, they withdrew themselves into the temple of juno, to the number of eight hundred, whereby the people, fearing, lest they would make some innovation and novelty, he persuaded them so, that they were content to be sent into a Isle that was foranempste the said temple in the which, they should be furnished of that, that was necessary for their living. The things being in such estate, four or five days, after that the said Citezenis were carried into the said Island, the ships of the Peloponesians that remained in Cyllene, after their return from jovium, whereof Alcidos was Capytanie and his counsellor Brasidas which were in number Liii. arrived in the port of Sybota, which is a City in the main land, and at the break of the day, they took their way towards Corcyre, which perceived by the Citezenis, they were much astonied, aswell through cause of their Civylle dessentions as also for the coming of the enemies. And so they armed three skoore ships with their people and sent them the one after the other to meet with the enemies, so as they were charged. How be it the athenians prayed them that they would suffer them to go for most in the battle & that they would come afteral together. Now the Corcirians saillinge thus dispersed and out of order, after that they bygonne to approach and draw nigh unto the Peloponesians, two of the same Corcyrians ships came to joigne with them and they that were within the other did fight togethers among themselves without any order, which parcey●ed by the Peloponesians they sent twenty of their ships against them, and the other made toward the twelve of the athenians, among whom there was one of salamine and an other of Parale. The Corcyrians, through the disorder that was among them, cast themself into a wheel or rou●denes. But the athenians fearing to be enclosed by the multitude of th'enemies ships, came not directly against the main ●lete but charged upon one of the Corners and so did sink one of their ships, and afterwards they did cast themself into a roundness, and sailed turning about the enemies trusting to put them in disorder, which perceived by the twenty ships that were gone against the corcyrians, & fearing lest it should happene, like as it chanced unto them at Naupacte, they came to the succours of their companions, and all joignned togethers, they made directly against the athenians, who retired fair and easily. But as the peloponesyans charged lively upon them, the Corcirians did put themselves in flight, & after that the conflict and battle had continued until night, the Peloponesians had the victory●. Than the Corcirians fearing that the enemies having the victory would come to assail them in the City, or that they would take with them the Citizens that were sent into the Isle, or do some other enterprise with them, they did charge and take in, the said Citezenis, and carried them again fro the Isle into the temple of juno, and afterwards they did set watches in the town. Neverthelas the enemies, though they had the victory, durst not come against the town, but with thirteen ships which they had taken with corcyrians, they retired into the port, fromewhence they were departed, nor also the day following they durst remove, although the City was in great trouble, and that Brasidas was of opinion, that they should have gone thither. For Alcid●s that was of greater authority was of a contrary mind, and they went fromethence to land at the promontory of Leucynne, at which place being landed, they did many evils in the land of Corcyre. During this time, the Corcyrians fearing their coming, had a parliament with them that were retired into the temple of juno how they might defend the City and with some of them they had so much persuaded, that they had caused them to enter into the ships, whereof they had armed thirty, the best that they might haue● for to withstand th'enemies if they had come. But they after that they had pyllaged & wasted the territory unto the south, returned into the ships and so sailed away. And the night following, sign was made unto them by his lights, that there was departed three skoore ships athenians from Leucade, which made against them, like as it for troth was. For the athenians understanding the dessention and mutyne, that was in the city of Corcyre, and the arrival of the ships that Alcydas conducted, they sent Eurymedone, son of Thucleas' with the said lx, ships into that party, whereof Alcidas & the Peloponesians being advertised, they took their way costing the land, for to go into their country with the most diligence, that they could. And to th'intent that it should not be perceived, that they took their course by the main sea, travessed, by the distreate of Leucade, directly upon the other side. The Corcyrians being advertised, as well of the departure of the Peloponesians, as of the coming of the athenians, set again within the city of Myssena the citezenis, that were driven fromthence. And afterward caused their ships to depart, which they had charged with their people, a●d they sailed unto the port Hyllaiquus, and in sailing alongst the land, they did put to death all th'enemies that they found, which thing they perceiving, that abodde afterwards, they constraygned the Cytezenis which they had caused to enter into their ships, to go out of them, and they went unto the temple of juno and persuaded them so much that were wythdrawin thither, that there were fifty, that were content to put their case to justice, & to come to defend their cause in judgement, the which all were condemned to death. Which thing they understanding that abodde in the temple, did every one kill themselves. Some hanged themself upon trees, other did slay the one the other among themself, other by other means, in such manner, that there escaped not one, & moreover during the space of seven days, that Euremedon tarried there with the three skoore ships, the Corcyryans caused all them of the City to die, that they took for their enemies under colour that they would subvert and destroy the common estate. Some there were, which were slain for particular ennymyties, some other by reason of money that was owing them, by theyr● own debtors. And in effect there happened in that same town, all the cruelties and inhumanyties, that are wont to be seen in like case, yea and yet worser. For it was found, that the father did kill the son, and also men were slain within the temple it self, and also they drew men out of the temples for to slay them. Some there were which were chained with irons in the Chapel of the god Bathus, wher● they died with a violente death. So much cruel was that sedition and mutyne.   

The conspiraties and partialyties that arose, aswell in the City of Corcyre, as in all other cities of Grece, by means of the war that was between the athenians and the Peloponesians, & the execrable evils that thereby chanced. ¶ The xii. Chapter.  
THat seditious and civil dissension seemed so much more cruel, for that it was the furst, that chanced in that same quartier, but afterwards, it reigned in manner, through all the Cities of Grece. For the more part of the people took party with Thatheniens: and the most honest, the same with the Lacedemonyans, which parcialitte and occasion of civil dessention, they had not had afore that war. But during the same they ceased not to call to their aid, those of the one part, for to annoy the other For they that desired to have mutation and change were well aysedde to have that colour and occasion whereby many great and heinous evils chanced in the Cities, and shall happen always as long as the people shallbe of such nature and inclination, whither they be the greatest, meaner, or of the other sort, after that the cases of the mutations and chances shall happen, which, thing chanceth not in time of peace. For that, that the people have better opinion & will, aswell in public matters, as in particular, not being constrained to come to these forced ennemyties. But war, by bringing of lack and necessity of victuals, a●d wythdrawinge the abundance of all things, maketh herself masters by force, and also easily draweth unto her, the violence and evil will of many, for to pursue and follow the condition of the time. Through such means than, were, in that time vexed and troubled, the estates and governors of the Cities of Grece, by reason of the civil seditions. And when it was knowing that an Insolency had been done and committed in one place, the other took courage, yet to do worse, for to make some new matter, or to show that they were more diligent and inventive, than the other, orels more insolent and desirous to revenge themself. And all the evils which they committed, they disguised and named by new and unaccustomed names. For temerity and rashness, they named magnanymytie and nobleness of courage, so that the rash were named virtuous defenders of their friends. And slackness and faintness, they named an honest fear. And modesty, they named covered pusillanimytie or cowardness. A hedlinge indignation, manhood and hardynesr. Prudente cosultation and deliberatinge in causes, a sensed and clokedde deceit. And in effect he that showed himself always furious, was reputed a faithful friend, and he that spoke against him, was holden for suspect. He, that well executed his enterprises and vengeance, was reputed wise and of knowledge, and yet more the same, which prevented such like mischief of his enemy, or that provided, that on his part not one man should shrink from the faction and deed, or else that should once fear the enemies. And in a total some, he that was most prompt and ready to hurt an other, was most praised. And yet more. he, that instructed other to do that to an other, that he thought not on. And also this company and consederation was greater among the strange people, than among parents, for that they were most ready to do any enterprise without any refusal and excuse. ●or also they made not these assembles and conspirations by authority of laws, nor for the wealth of the common weal, but for a covetousness against all reason. And the faith which they kept among themself, was not for any religion that th●y had, but for to continue that pestilence, and that same crime, in the common weal, If any of the company said any good and honest thing to the contrary, they would not accept it for such, neither as coming of a noble courage. But if they might defend it with deed, they loved much better to revenge themself than not to be outraged. If they made any appointment with solemn oath: it endured, until one of the parties found itself strongest. But for the least occasion that he could find his compayguion at his advantage, he was more joyful to apprehend him under colour of that appointment, than if he had defied him before, aswell for that, that it was more sure, as also that it seemed unto him a great prudency to have overcomed that strife, through malice. For also this thing is more comone, that the unhappy and evil (whereof the number is infinitt) may be rather called industrious, than the simple and innocent, be named good. And also commonly the people be ashamed to be so simple, and rejoice to be ungracious. All which things proceeded of avarice and covetise of other men's goods. And there upon arose the conspiraties and partaking. For they that were Capitanes of the bends for the cities, did take every one an honest occasion of their partiality, to wit, they that susteigned the common estate, said that it was a civil Equality. And they that maignteigned the governance of a small number of particular people, said, that the rule of the richest men, was that same, that aught to be preferred. And thus did every one debate to maigteigne the common wealer as in words: but the end of their debate and question, & of the effect of their victory, was to enterprise all cruel things, the one against the other, by violence or by form of justice, and with punishment, not having regard to the common weal, nor to that, which justice required. But for pleasure that they had to see the evil, happene the one to the other, it was compassed by false condemnations and violent oppressions being always ready and disposed to execute soubdamely, their evil intent with out having any regard, to the religion of gods, in thing that they had done nor what they had contracted. But he tha● underconlour of deceitful and crafty words, could best deceive the other, was most esteemed. And if there were any that would be neuter without taking the one part or the other, he was overtrodene by both parts, the cause was for that, that he took not their part, or for envy that they had to see him in rest, and exempted from evils, that tother susteigned. And in such manner, by mean of the factions and bends, all the country of Grece endured all sorts of evils. And the simplicity (whereof the nobleness was chief partaker) was extermyned & persecuted with great derision. And it was taken for an excellent thing, to prevent the assaults and enterprises the one of the other. And if at any time they reconciled themself together, there was no surety in words, nor fear & reverence to the oath, that they had made. But rather for the diffidence and mistrust that they had, the one of the other: they loved better to stand at their defence, fearing to be circumvented, than to give faith to the promesses of their enemies. And chief the rudest and lesser able people did very often provide better, for their case: than the more able. For knowing the inbicilitye of the other and by that mean, fearing to be abused with their words and surprised and circumvented by their subtle wits they came furst rashly to the works of the deed. Where the more wise and more hable● for the small estimation that they had of the other, trusting that by their wit and malice they would provide for things afar of, and also willing to execute their enterprises, rather by counsel and knolage, than by force, were very often circumvented and overcome. Many such examples of audacity and rashness were seen at Corcyre. And moreover they that were ruled and governed did all things, more by violence and by outrage, than by reason and by modesty. Taking vengeance of the unjust punishments that had been done unto them or unto their friends. And likewise that, which the poor did that would have enriched themselves, or they which coveted the goods of their neighbour. which they hoped to obtain by exact and unlawful means (which was one of the principal causes of the said evils) & also those, that were not moved by covetise, but rather by indignation and ignorance: thinking that that was lawful, did all those things cruelly and without any bridle of reason. For that manner of insolent & troublesome living, did tread down and vanquish all laws, and the common and accustomed nature of men. And declared well t●at they did transgress & violate them willingly, inasmuch as it showed itself more debile and weak, than angry and wrathful, and more puissant, than all the laws, enemy of them that had most goods, preferring vengeance before justice, and rapine bifore innocenty, and envying the power, there as in nothing they could hurt it, corrupting and violating for desire of vengeance, the disposition of the laws. wherein all men ought to have hope of health and comfort, without resaruinge to themselves any other mean to help themselves in any affayr or danger that might chance. Such things were done, & perpetrated among the Corcyrians, first & bifore that it was in the other cities, Eury medon with his people, being within the same. who afterwards departed fromthence. And after his departure, those, of the city that were saved, which were to the number of five hundred, took the walls, that were in the main land. And by that mean enjoyed their lands. And moreover they went to overrun the Isle, and did much hurt & had great bowties and prays of the inhabitants thereof, whereby the city came into great necessity of victual. Afterwards, they sent Ambassadors to the Lacedemonyans and to the Corinthians, demanding of them succour for to re-enter into the city, but seeing that they could have none fromthence, within a time after, they assembled a certain number of ships and soldiers strangers, with the which they entered into the Isle, and were there in all about six houndred. And after that they were landed, they did burn their ships, to the end that they should not hope to return. Afterwarded, they went to win the mount of Histonus. wherein they fortified themself with walls, so that they governed the territory, and did great damage to them that were within the city.   

How the Athenians sent their Army into Sicily, and of that they did. and what happened unto them aswell in the end of that same summer, as also during the winter, and about beginning of the summer ensuing, aswell in the said country of Sycill, as in Grece, and in their own land. And how the Lacedemonyans did build the city of Heracleus. ☞ The xiii Chapter.  
About the end of that same summer, the athenians sent twenty ships into Sycille, under the conduct of Laches, son of Menalopus, & of Coriaphades, son of Euphiletus, for that, that the syracusans had war against the Leotins. which Syracusyans were a●●yed in Grece, with all the cities of the country of Dorya, excepted the Camerins. And the same dorians had made alliance with the Lacedemonyans, bifore that the war began, though they came not thereunto. And in Italy they had the Locrians for their allies. As touching the leontin's, they had in Grece, the Chalcydes and the Camerins, and in Italy, those of Rhege which were of their nation. who, as allies of the said leontin's, sent to the athenians, aswell for thancient amity, that they had with them: as also for that, that they were Ionians, praying them that they would send some number of ships for to defend them against the Siracusians. which did keep them from the usuage both of the sea and also of the land which thing the athenians granted, and sent them shypps vnd●● colour frendeshipp and affynytie, that they had together. But for the troth, it was only for to defend, that no victuales should be brought from th●t quarter into Peloponese, and for to espy if they had any mean, to subdue the Isle of Sycile. The ships of Athenyens being than arrived at Rhege, they begun to make war, in company of the Rhegins. But soon after, the winter came upon them, which caused it to cease. At beginning whereof biggane again the pestilence in the city and country of Athens. which was never clearly cessed but only for certain seasons. But at that time, it continued all the hole year. And bifore, it had endured in one course, two years long, which was the thing that most enfeabled and destroyed the power of the athenians. For their died of that pestilence more than fore thousand and eight hundred fighters with ordinance, and three houndred horsemen, besides the remanant of the people, that was innumerable. There was also great earhquakes at many times, aswell in Athens, as in Eubee, and likewise in the country of Beoce, but above all in Or●homenia. In that self winter, the athenians, that were yet in Sycile, & the Rhegins with their thirty ships, invaded the Isles, that be called the Isles of Aeolus, 
The Islands of Acoly.  for that, that in summer time men might not pass there, for that there was no fresh water. And the same Isles be inhabited with Liparians, that were of the country of Cnydus. But principally they kept themselves in one of the same that is called Lipare, 
L●para.  which is not very great. And fronthence they passed to the other, to wit, Dydymus, 
Didima  Strongilus and Hierus, 

Strongile.  
Hiera.   for to labour and sow them. In which Isle of Hierus, the people of the country bilevedde that Uulcanus dwelled and used his forge. 
Uulcanus.  forsomuch as in the night, me● might see a great flame of fire to arise, and in the day, a great smoke. All which Isles be situated in the cost of Sycile, and of the land Missena, and they did than take part with the Siracusains. By reason whereof, the said athenians and Rhegins went to overcome them. And seeing, that they would not give up, they destroyed all their lands. Afterwards, they returned unto Rhege. And it was the fifth year of the war, that Thucydides hath wryttonne. At beginning of the summer following, the Peloponesians & their allies made a freshhe, their assembly for to enter into the country of the athenians, & came unto the destreate of Peloponese, under the conduct of Agide, 
Agis.  son of Archidamus, king of Lacedemonyans. But perceiving the earthquakes that daily chanced, they retired, without entering into the said country. which earthquakes were so great, that in the country of Eubeus, the sea did so strongly check and beat about the town of Orobie, 
Orobie.  that it overflowedde all the low part of the town. And although that it withdrew afterwards from one part thereof, yet it remained in an other part, and eversens hath remained there. By which overflowing, all the inhabitants of that same town were drownedde and perished. Those resaruedde, that found the mean to withdraw themselves into the height of the city, and the like allwion and overflowing happened in the Isle of Atalantus, 
Atalanta.  nigh unto the land of Locriens. In the which a castle, that the athenians there had, was in part overflowed & beaten down. And of two ships, that were there in the poorte, the one was clearly frushedde in pieceas And likewise unto the town of Paperethus, 
Peparethum.  there came a gulf of the sea, (& yet without any Earthquake and overflowing) that did beat down one part of the wall, together with the paiaiss and many other houses. Of the which al●●●yons and overflowings the Eearthquakes (as I think) were the cause. For on that side, where it most troubledde and quaked, it chasedde and repulsed the sea from it. which, returning again with great force and violence, caused the allnuyons and overflowings. In the same summer many exploictes of war were done in Sycille, aswell by the strangers as by them of the country, and chief by the athenians and their allies. whereof the mos●e notable and those, that I have had knowledge of, were, that Chariades, 
Chareda.  duke of athenians being slain in battle by the Syracusians, Laches, who was capytaine of the ships, went with his people against the town of Mylus in the country of Messanyens, 
Myloe.  in which, he had two companies of Messanyens, which having made two embushementes against the said athenians and their allies, were repoulsedde and put to flight. And many of them slain. wherewith they of the town were so afraid, that the said athenians and their allies, coming bifore that same town, they fell to a composition. By which they rendredde the Castle. And promysedde to serve and aid against them of Messane. which Messanyens, perceiving that power to come against them, rendredde themself likewise by composition, giving hostages and all other manner of surety. In the same summer, the athenians sent xxx ships about the country of Peloponese, under conduct of Demosthenes, 
Demosthenes.  son of Alcisteins', and of Procles, 
Procles  son of Theodorus. And three skoore other they sent against the Isle of Melus with two thousand soldiers under conduct of Nycias, son of Nyceratus, for that the melians refusedde to obey to those athenians, and to contribute to their wars. And so they constraignedde them to come thither by composytion, after that they had destroyed their lands. And fromthence they passedde into Orope which is appositt and foranempste the said Isle in main land. 
Oropus  In which place being arrived, at the entering of the night, they came all in armure out of their ships and went against the city of Tanagre in the country of Beoce. 
Tanagra.  Into which place came o● thoder side (evenne at one time) all the people of Athenes under conduct of Hipponicus, 
Hipponicus.  son of Callias and of Eurymedon, 
Eurimedon.  son of Thucles● who being all joinned together, planted their camp bifore the town, where they did abide that same day, and did all kinds of evils in the country and round about it. And the morrow after, they of the town, issuing fourth with certain succour that was come to them from Theme, they repulsed them shamefully and slew a great number of them. And of the harness, that they took from them, they raised up a token of victory bifore the town. Afterwards they returned thither fromwhens they came, to wit, the one, to the ships & the other to the city. And they that returned to the ships, after that they had pyllaged the sea coasts in the country of Locryans, they returned into their quarter. In that same time, the lacedemonians did build the city of Heracleus, 
The foū●datiō of the city of Heraclea.  in the country of Trachinie● and peopled it with their people for this occasion. The Mylyens be divided into three parts. 
Milienses●  whereof the one be the Paralyens, the other the Hyeryens and the third the Thrachynyens. Against which Thrachynynes, the Oetes their neighbours having war they were from the beginning of opinion, 
Oetei.  to call the athenians to their aid. But not trusting assuredly unto them, they sent likewise to the Lacedemonyans, Tisamenus, 
Tisamenus●  their ambassador. with whom, they of Dorie, which is the Metripolytain city of the Lacedæmonians sent asso their Ambassade, for that they also were vexed, and troubled by the said Oetys'. The Lacedemonyans having than hard that same Ambassade, determined to send of their people for to build the said habitation, aswell for defence of the said Trachiniens & dorians, as also for that it seemed to them, that it should be much commodious for the war that they had against the athenians, for there is but a very small sea to pass from thence, into Eubee, and also they may easily make there, their Army by sea against the Eubeens, and also it should be a recours unto them, when they would go into Thrace. For which reasons, they set all their study for to build the said habitation. And after that they had demanded counsel of the god Apollo in the temple of Delphos, they sent thither a great number of labourers, aswell of the country, as of the places nigh adjoining. And also they caused it to be published through all Grece, that it should be lawful to all them that would go theder● for to inhabytt there, except the Ionians, and the Acheens. And they gave the charge & commission, for to build the said colony & habitation, unto three of their citizens to wit Leontes, 
Leon.  Alcidas and Damagontes. 

Aladas.  
Damagon.   Who having, departed the quarters among them: that were come, enclosed the town with wall on all sides, which at this present is called Heracleus, distant from the mounts Thermopyles, forty stades, and within half a stade nigh to the sea, And also they prepared and begun to make pierrs for to keep ships nigh to the Thermopyles and the deltreate thereof, 
Thermopyle  for to be in greater surety. The athenians from the beginning had some fear of that same new city, understanding that it had been builded foranempst the Isle of Eubee, for that that there was a right small space of the sea, to travers fromthence, unto the town of Cenee, 
Coenium,  which is the said Isle of Eubee. But yet it chanced otherwise, than they looked for. For they had no damage by mean that the Thessalenyens, that ruled in that same country, and they of the territory, for whom the city was builded, fearing to have neighbours more puissant than themself, begun to vex and trouble the new citizens, so that in continuance the more part were constrained to abandon the place. And where as in the beginning the city was strongly peopled for that, that the people were gone thither from all costs very willingly, thinking that it should be a ●ure & stable place being fonnded and builded by the Lacedemonyans, yet in small time there remained but a small number of them, where of the chiefest, that those Lacedæmonians had sent thither was greatly in fault, aswell for that, that they discouraged many of them, as also for that they entreated them rudely in many things whereby they were more easily vavyquisshed by their neighbours.   

How Demosthenes Duke of Athenians, being bifore Leucade departed from thence to come to make war against the Etholians. And how he was by them overcome, and some other things that were done by the athenians. in Sycille. ☞ The xiiii Chapter.  
IN that same summer, and during the time that the athenians were bifore Melus: thirty ships, that went saylling about the country of Peloponese, came first to land nigh to Ellomene in the country of Leucade. 
Ellomenus.  And there laid a little embusthement, by means whereof they did take certain of the men of war, that were there in garnison, and afterwards with all their army, came bifore the city of Leucade, having all the acarnanians in their company, reserved those of Eniade, 
Oeniades.  those of zacynthe, 
zachinthii.  and those of zephalenie. 
Cephalē●ses.  And they had moreover fifteen ships with Corcirians. which altogider being in so great puissance wasted and pillaged all the country and all the land of Leucade, aswell nigh, as a far of, and chiefly the temple of Apollo, which was ioygninge to the city. And yet notwithstanding, the citizens, for the evil that was done in their land, would not issue fourth, but kept themselves sure within their city. which saying the acarnanians, made great instance to Demosthenes, duke of the athenians, that he would assiege & lock them in with walls. Hoping that the town might easily be takene. And by that mean, they should be in surety, for that the Leucadyans were their ancient enemies. But Demosthenes, who for that time gave more credit to the messenians, was by them persuaded to leave the enterprise & to go to make war against the Etholiens, having so great an army, aswell for that, that they were mortal enemies of Naupacte, as also for that, that they said, that in vainquisshinge and subduing the said Etholyens, they should after reduce and bring easily all the remnant of the country of Epire, to the obeisance of the athenians. And although that the said Etholians were a great number of people & good warryours, yet it seemed to the said Messenians, that they might easily be vainquished, aswell for that their towns were not closed with walls, and also were far distant the one from the other, whereby they might not easily secure the one the other: as also for that they were all ill armed and after the slightest manner. And their advise was, that the Apadotes should be furst assailed, afterwards the Ophioniens, and consequently the Eurytanyens.. 
Eurytanes  which is the greatest party of Etholyens. which be people, in manner savaige and wild of manners, and of language. And they be commonly called, Omophages which is asmuch to say, 
Omophagi.  as eating raw flesh. For having subdued them there, it seemed well, that the other might afterwards be easily subdued. To this counsel Demosthenes consented, aswell for the credytte, that he gave to the messenians: as also for that it seemed well to him, that having the Epirates with him and the Etholyens, he might without other army of the athenians, come by land to war against the Boeotians, taking his way through the countries of Locres, of Ozoles & of Cytynyans● 
Cytinei.  and by the quarter of Dorie, which is on the left hand of the mount Parnasus, 
Parnassus.  and descending fromthence into the country of Phocyens, who be ioygninge to the country of Beoce, the which he hoped to induce & entreat to give him passage and aid, for the ancient amity, that they had with the athenians, or else to constraigne them thereunto, by force. Upon this enterprise, he than withdrew all his army from bifore Leucade, and went fromthence by sea in to solely, 
Solion.  maulgre and against the will of the Acarnanyens. Unto whom, having communycated and rehearsed his enterprise, and seeing that they allowed it not to be good, but rather were angry against him, for that, that he had not assieged Leucade: he went without them to his said enterprise with the rest of his army, wherein were only the Cephalenicus and the Messenyens with three hundred athenians marronners, the he had in his ships. For the xu shipies with the Corcyrians were already departed. And he went from Oenone, 
Oenoe.  which is in the country of Locriens, who were confedered with Ozoles, & were obliged and bound to the athenians to serve them with their power, when they should make war in the countries Mediterranie. which succours seemed to be much utile and profitable to that enterprise, for that, that they were neighbours of the Etholyans, and armed themself all in one fashion. And moreover they knew all their country and their manner of fight. A●d Demosthenes made his assembly in the temple of jupiter Nemeus, 
jupiter nemeus  in the which as men say, Hestodus the poet was slain by the paisans, 
Hestodus  whereof he had no boubt. For that, that it had been showed him afore, that, that should happene unto him in Nemea, whereby, he thought that the Oracle mente and understood of the city of Nemea. But experience showeth that it was in that same place that was surnamed Nemyan. From that self place departed Demosthenes at the break of the day with all his Army, for to enter into Etholye. And the furst day he did take the town of Potydanie, 
Potidanya  the second, that same of Crossilyon, 
Crossylyan.  and the third, that of Tithyon, 
Tichion  in the which he sojourned a certain small time, and fromethence sent the bowtye that he had taken unto the City of Eupolion, 
Eupolion  in the country of Locres, having in will, after that he had subdued all the rest of the country and that he should be returned to Naupacte, to go fromethence also to subdue the Ophionyens, if they would not yield with their good will. But of that same preparation, the Etholiens were sufficiently advertised, and that from the time chief that he had enterprised for to overrun them. Where upon incontinently, as they were entered into their country, they assembled together from all parts, and chief came thither, those of Ophionie, which be in the uttermost part of the country nigh the Gulf of the sea, 
The gulf  that is called Maliaquus. 
Malycu●.  And likewise the Bomiens and the Galliens during this time that they assembled themself, the Messeniens, following the counsel, that they had given to Demosthenes, persuading him that the said Etholiens were easy to vaniquishe, they counseled him to go as soon as he might, to win the towns and villages of the country, before the enemies were all assembled. Ensuing which counsel, and trusting in his good fortune (forsomuch as hitherto nothing had chanced him to the contrary) without tarrying succours of the Locriens, which might have been very necessary for him, for that they were people of trect, lightly armed, he went against the town of Egytie, 
Agitum  the which he did take without resisting, for that that the inhabytance had forsaken it and were retired into the mountaignes, that be about the town, which is situated in a high place, about sore stades, from the sea. Now there was arrived the other Etholiens and were lodged in divers quarters of the said mountains, all the which, at one front, came to assail the Athenians and their allies on all sides with great strokes of shot and casting with the hand. And when the same Athenians, charged upon them, they retired. Afrerwardes when they withdrew themself, they followed them, and this manner of feigh●inge endured a long time, wherein the Athenians had always the worst aswell in assayllinge: as in defending. yet so long as their people of shot, had wherewith to shoot, they defended themself indifferently well. For the Etholiens, that were ill armed, when they perceived the said people with shot to draw nigh, they retired. A●d after that the captain of those people with shoot were slayne● the other that now were travailed and wearied, being also overcome by the enemies, they returned and put themself in flight, together with the remanant of the athenians and of their allies. And in flying they came to rest and pass through thee roockes, where no way was. For Crenon Messenyan, 
Chromon.  that was their guide, was slain. By mean whereof there was many dead in the flight. For that that the Etholyens, which were lightly armed incontinently overtook them specially those that knew not whythere to flyee. And for that, that one part was savyde by passing thwart a wood, they put fire within it, and were all burnedde. So that there was no manner of flying and of death, that was not than seen in the host of athenians, And with great pain, a very small number of them, that escaped from that battle, might save themself in the place of Eneone, in the country of Locres, from whence they were departed. And there died of the confederates a very great number, and of the athenians six skoore, all young men, and of the best warryours that they had, togethers with procles, one of the best Dukes and Capytains'. After that discomsiture, they, that were vainquished, confessing to the enemies the victory: recovered their dead. And returned (that done) unto Naupacte. And fromthence to Athenes. Reserved Demosthenes, who tarried there and in places nigh adioygninge, for fear that he had of the athenians, by cause of that overthrow, that he had had. In that same summer time the athenians, that sailed abouts Sycile, being come by sea against the Locryens, and having won one conflict against him at the entry of a passage, which they kept, they did take one of their towns that is situated upon the river of Haleces, named Peripolyon. 
The river of Halex Peripolion.    

How Eurylochus duke of the peloponesians, having failed to take the city of Naupacte, at the persuasion of the Ambracians, enterprysedde war against the Amphilochyens and the Acarnanyens. And how the athenians purefyed the Isle of Delos. ☞ The xu Chapter.  
Now had the Etholiens, after that they understood the enterprise of the athenians against them: sent their messengiers to the Lacedemonyans and to the corinthians, to wit, Tolophus of Ophione, 
Tolophus.  Boriades of Eurytanie, 
Boriades.  and Tysander of Apodotie, 
Tysandrus.  for to require and demand their succours against the army of the athenians, that was come to Naupacte. which Lacedemonyens sent them three thousand of their allies, all well armed. amongst whom, there were five hundred of the city of Heracleus, which they had newly builded and peopled. And they gave the principal charge of that army to Eurylochus and appointed to him, for companions, Macarius and Menadatus, all which three were Spartayns. who having assembled their army at Delphos, Eurylochus commanded the Locryens and the Ozoles, 
Euriolochus.  that they should send him their peole, for that, 
Messarius.  that he would take his way fromthence, for to go to Naupacte, and also would gladly withdraw the said Locryens and Ozoles from the amity of athenians: 
Menedatus.  having now already withdrawn to his party, the Amphisses. who, for the hatred and fear, that they had of the Phocyens, were the first that yeldedde, and had given hostages and pledges. And also they had induced and brought the other, that were afraid of the coming of the said army, to do the like. And specially the Myonyens, which were there neighbours on that side, where the land of the Locryans is worst to go unto. And after those there, the Ip●esiās, the Mesapyens, the Tritaniens, the Tholophonians, the Hessees, the Chalees & the Eanthiens. All the which came to that army with the Peloponesians. Some other would not come thither, but did give only hostages and pledges, to wit the Olpiens. And some other would not do the one, nor thoder, to wit, the Hyeniens, until that their town, named Polis, 
Polis.  was takene by force. Having than Eurylochus set in order all his case and sent his hostages and pledges into the town of Cytyme, 
Cytinun.  in the country of Dorie, he marched with his host through the country of Locryans, for to go against Naupacte. And in iourneyinge he took by force in the said country of Locres, the town of Eneone and that same of Eupolion, 

Oeneon  
Eupolion   which would not obey him. Being arrived in the land of Naupacte, entered the succours of the Erholyens. And so they began to pillage and waste all the said land and all the villages, that were not walled. Afterwards they went bifore the city of Molictyon, whsche was a Colony or habitation of the Corinthians, but nevertheless they took part with the Athenians, and so took it by force. Now Demosthenes athenian was yet in that quarter of Naupacte, who kept himself there, after the loss that he had had in Etholie. This same man, understanding the coming of the enemies, went unto the Acarnanyens and persuaded them so far, that they did deliver him a thousand men armed, which he led by sea unto the city of Naupacte, whereof he was in great doubt for that, that it was well walled & of so great defence. But there was not many people within it. Howbeit the acarnanians did this against their will, at the request of the said Demosthenes, for the displeasure that they had against him for that he would not assiege Leucade. when Eurylochus did understand that the succours were entered into the city, & that by that mean he might not take it, he departed fromthence with his army and went not into Peloponese, but into Eolide, which is at this present called, Calydon, 
Calydom.  and into Ple●●●rone and other places nigh adioygninge to the country of Etholie. And being there, the messengers of the Ambraciens came to him, which shewedde him that if he would, he might, with their aid, subdue and get the city of Argos and the remanant of the country of Amphilochie, 
Argos  and afterwards that same of Acarnanie. And that done that he might easily bring to the alliance of the Lacedemonyans, all the country of Epire. For this cause, and under hope of this enterprise, Eurylochus passedde not further into the country of Etholyans, attending the succours of the Ambracyens. And in the mean time the summer passedde. At the entering of winter, the athenians, that were in Sycile with their allies, and all those, that did take their party against the syracusans, came to assail the city of Nyse. 
Nisa.  In the Castle whereof, the syracusans did keep their garnysonne, but seeing that they could not take it, they departedde. And in wythdrawing themself, the people, that were in the Castle, issuedde fourth upon the hyndermoste, and so did put them into disorder and did slay a good number of them. After that, Laches and the other, 
Laches  that were in the ships, issued fourth into the land of Locryens nigh unto the river of Caicinus. 
Caicinus.  At which place, they encountredde the Locryens, which Prorenus, 
Proxenus.  son of Capaton, did conduct. who repulsed them and took three houndredde of them and spoyledde them. And afterwards suffredde theme to depart. In that self same winter, the athenians, ensuing some oracle or answer of the god, did puresie and dedicate the Isle of Delos. Which a long time afore, Pysistratus the Tyrant had purged and purified, 
Pisistratus.  and yet not all. But only that party, that might be seen out of the temple, But than it was holy purged by this manner. 
The manner of the purging of Delos.  For they did take away all the sepulchres, that they there found. And made a decree and forbodde, that fromthence fourth no humayve creature should be suffredde to die nor to be borne in all the Isle. But that they, that should draw nigh to death, should be carried into the Isle of Rhenie. 
Rhenia.  The which is so near to that same of Delos, that Polycrates, Tyrant of Samyens, who governed many Islands of that sea● for that he was puissant with ships, having taken that same Isle, made a chain that traversedde and went thwart over from thence unto the Isle of Delos. And consecrat●dde all the Isle to god Apollo. And after that last purification, the athenians dedicated in the honour of god Apollo, one solemn feast from five years into five years. notwithstanding that anciently it was accustomed there to make great feasts. whereunto came the ionians and the inhabitants of other Isles nigh adioygninge, with their wives and childrenne, like as they now do in Ehesus. And there they used tourneyinge, wrastlinge and other exercises, and also all manner of plays with instruments of music, as it may appear by that, which Homer saith in his Proheme of Apollo, 
Homerus.  wherein he maketh mention of himself, that he was blinded, and that he remained in Chio. 
Chio.  Yet afterwards by succession of time the said tourneynges and exercises cessed, and they went no more thither, but with instruments of music, which the athenians & those of the Isles nigh adjoining, brought thither to the solemn feasts. But than the athenians brought them up again. And also added the coursing with horses, which had been there never bifore.   

How Eurylochus and the Ambrasians were by Demosthenes, by the acarnanians and Amphilochiens discomforted two times in three days, an● of the slothfulness that the said Lacedemonyans used towards the said Ambrasians. ☞ The xvi Chapter.  
IN that same winter, the Ambracians came into the Camp with their army, like as they had promised to Eurylochus. And being entered into the land of Argos in the country of Amphilochie with three thousand faightinge men: they took the town of Olpas, 
Olpe.  which was situated upon a poyncted hill, and had a great wall to the sea side. whereupon the acarnanians, founders of that town, did chose their tribunal, for to judge and know of common matters, for that, that it was not distant fro the city of Argos, but the space of twenty stades. which perceived by the Acarnanyans, they sent part of their people for to secure and keep the city of Argos. And with the other part, they went to lodge themself in a place which is in the country of Amphilochie, named Erenus, for to defend, that the Peloponesians, that were with Eurylochus, should not pass into Ambracie, and ioygne themself with the Ambracians, whom they knew not. And forthwith, they sent to Demosthenes, which was duke of the athenians in the country of Ethiole, that he should come to them to be their capitain. And to Aristoteles, 
Aristoteles.  son of Tymocrates & Hiorophon, 
Hierophon.  son of Arimnestus, that had conduct of twenty galleys with athenians, who than were about the country of Peloponese, that they should come to their succours. On the other side, the Ambracians, that were at Olpas, sent to their city, that all the people should come to their aid, fearing, that Eurylochus with the company, that he had, might not pass through the country of acarnanians and come to join with them. And that by that mean, they should be by force constrained to fight without him, or else to retire with great danger. Being than Eurylochus and the Peloponesians that were with him, advertised of th'enterprise of the said Ambracians they departed from the place of Proschie where he had lodged his camp, for to come & join with them. And leving the way of Argos, he passed the mountain of Achelous and came through the quarter of Acarnania, 
Achelous.  where was no men of arms, having on the right hand, the city of Stratie, 
Stratos.  wherein was a good garnysone, and on the left hand the rest of all the country of Acarnanie. And when he had passed, through Pythius, and through the confins and borders of Medeone, and after through Lymnee (which all were of the land of the said acarnanians) he entrede into the land of the Argaens which were no more of Acarnanie, but were friends of the Ambracians. And having traversed the mount Thyamus (which is all sterile and barone) he came by night into the city fro Argie. 

The mount Thyamus.  
Argia.   And from thence passed between the said city and the country of Acarnanians privily and secretly, in such manner, that at the break of the day he came to join with the Ambracians, and all togethers went to lodge themselves bifore the City that is named, Metropolis. 
Metropolis.  soon after, the twenty galleys with athenians that were in Peloponese, coming to the succours of them of Argos arrived in the poorte of Ambracie. And fourthewithe Demosthenes, with two hundred soldiers messenians all well armed, and three skoore A●chers athenians, together with them, that were for defence of the said galleys, landed, & came to make a cour●e bifore Olpas. And on the otherside, the acarnanians and one part of Amphilochians (for the other part was occupied against the Ambracians) being arrived at Argos, prepared themselves for to go to fight with the enemy. And understanding the coming of Demosthenes, they came to join with him, and made him their Captain, with the captains, that they had of their country. who came to plant his camp nigh enough to Olpas, & to the camp of the enemies, so that there was but one valley between both, that defended & empesched them five days to fight. The sixth day they prepared themself for to give battle on both sides. But for that the peloponnesians were much more mighty in number of people, than the other: Demosthenes fearing to be enclosed with the multitude of enemies, did set, in a low way covered with thick bushes, an embushement of four hundred men all well armed, & also armed lightly. To whom he commanded, that when they should see that the battle was begun, they should issue fourth and come to strike with great force upon the backs of the enemies. And with the rest he ordained his battle as he thought good, and put himself in the right wing with the messenians, and a small number of Athenians that he had. And on the least wing he put the acarnanians even as they were armed togithere with the Amphilochians, which were all people of shot. On the other side the Peloponesians and the Ambracians were all myngledde, the one with the other, resaruedde the mantynians, which were altogider on the left side, not at the extremity and with the point, but more forwards. For in that wing Eurylochus had bestowed himself with the people directly against Demosthenes, who was in the right wing on the other side with the messenians. The battle than being begun, and they that were in the ambushement, perceiving that the Peloponesians that were on the left hand, enuironedde and went about to enclose the athenians that were on the other side on the right wing, came to charge upon them at their backs, so that they caused them to forget their virtue, and did put them into disorder and flight. And so shewedde the way to the greatest part of the other, that were with them in the right wing, to fly as they did. For seeing that same bend that Eurylochus conducted, which was the strongest, in disorder: they lost their courage to defend themself. And yet nevertheless, the Ambracians, that were in the right wing, repulsed their enemies in their part, and chased them to the city of Argos. For also the same Ambracians be better warryours, than any of their neighbours. But as they returned from the chase, seeing their companions almost all destroyed, and th'enemies, that came straight upon them: they retired with great pain and danger into Olpas. And also there were many slain for that, that they kept not order, reserved the mantynians, which kept alway their order, in retiring themself. And the battle cess nigh upon the night. The morrow after, Menedeus, 
Menedeus.  that was that night chosen capitain in stead of Eurylochus that was dead, found himself in great difficulty and perplexity of that, which he had to do. For through the destruction that had been great on his side, he saw not the mean to defend the town being assieged by sea & by land, neither to retire without great danger. For this cause he sent to Demosthenes and Capytains' of the acarnanians, for to demand the corpses of their men that were slain, and also that those, that were in the town, men of war, might departed fromthence with their baguage saved. who rendered unto them their corpses, and caused those to be buried that were slain on their part, which were about three houndred. And afterwards they did set up their Trophy in token of victory, but as touching the licence to departed, they would not grant it openly, but refused and denied it generally to all. notwithstanding they granted it secretly to the Mantynians and to all the Peloponesians that were of any estimation. minding by that mean, to separate the Ambraceans from all the soldiers strangers and also to diffame the Lacedemonyans and Peloponesians unto all the Greeks, as faint hearted & traitors, to make their appointment, without comprehending therein their allies. Than they that were in the town, having engraved and buried their dead, with the most haste that they might, those that had obtained licence to depart, treated togithere secretly the manner of their departure. During this time, Demosthenes and the acarnanians were advertised that the Ambracians, which were departed from their city for to come to the succours of their people, that were at Olpas, according to the commandment given unto them at the beginning, like as hath been bifore said: were upon their journey for to come thither, through the country of Amphilochiens, without that they had knowledge of the news of the destruction of their said people. So he sent part of his men to keep the passages and the strong ways. And the remanant of his people, he ordained for to secure them there, and to set upon the said Ambracians, when they should pass. between both, those, that had treated to go away, issued out of the town in small bends, faigninge to go to gather herbs and wood in the fields, & when they were a little departed from the town, they set themselves to run against the camp of enemies. which seeing the Ambracians, that were likewise come fourth for to gather herbs and wood, followed them, as fast as they might for to overtake them. But the soldiers acarnanians, which knew nothing of the secret appoynctement, that Demosthenes and their Capytains' had made with the peloponesians, thinking that all those, that issued fourth of the town, departed frothence without licence and without appointment: prepared themself to follow them. And for that, that some of the Capytains' that found them there● would have impeached them to run upon the Peloponesians, saying that they had saulfconduict, there were of them that enforced themselves to strike them, and made their weapons ready against them, thinking that they had deceived and betrayed them. Yet understanding, that, the Peloponesians and mantynians alonely, had the saulfconducte, they suffered unto them to pass & killed the Ambracyens. But there was great question & difficulty to discern the one from the other, so that in the same tumult, there were slain about two houndred. The other saved themself with great difficulty within the town of Agride. 
Agrais.  which was next unto them there. whom Salynthius, 
Salynthius.  king of Agriens, did retain as their friend. In this mean time, the other Ambracyens that came to the succours of these here, arrived at one place named Idomene, 
Idomene.  which hath two hills or tops. The greatest whereof, those, that Demosthenes had sent bifore did take and occupy in the night seasonne, without that the Ambracians did apperceive them. who did saise themselves of the lesser, where they kept them all that same day and night following, without doubting any thing. In the mean time, Demosthenes, being advertised of their coming, departed from his camp after supper at the entering of the night with all his host, whereof the one half he led with him. And the other half he caused to go through the mounteignes of Amphilochie, & used so good diligence, that at break of the day he came to rush upon the said Ambracians, whom he found yet all sleeping, as people assured, and that knew nothing of that, which was happened. But thought at the beginning that they had been of their own company. For that, that Demosthenes, the better to deceive them, had caused the messenians to march bifore the other, and had commanded them, that they should speak in languaige Dorique with those, which they found first in the watch, which thing they did. So that the said enemies thought, that they had been their own people, the rather for that, that they could not well see them, insomuch as it was not yet day, until that the bend of enemies were arrived. And they than did strike upon them all at ones, and did slay a great part of them. The other did fly by the mountains, of whom yet the more part was slain. For that they found the Amphilochians that had gottone and kept the passages. And forsomuch as they were lightly armed, and these here well armed, they overtook them incontinently. And those that kept the other paths, climbed up to the high rocks and Cavarns, and cast themselves down, backwards. Some there were that went to the sea side, that was there very nigh, who being followed by their enemies, and seeing the galleys of the Athenians, which sailed, costing the land, they did cast themself into the water, and swimmed to yield them unto the said galleys. For though they did know that they were vessels of the enemies, yet they had rather fall into their hands (albeit that they had desarued to be slain of them) than into the hands of the strangers or of the Amphilochians that were their mortal enemies. The Ambracyan being in this manner in disorder, were as in a manner all slain. And a very small number saved themselves within the town of Olpas. 
Olpa.  after tha● destruction, the acarnanians, having spoiled their dead, and set up their Trophy in token of victory, they returned to Argos, towards whom, came, the morrow following, a herald sent from the Ambracians that were saved within Agryde. For to demand the corpses of their people that had been slain at the furst discomsiture, when they issued out of Olpas, with the Peloponesians without saulfconducte. who, seeing upon the camp, the dead in so great number, was greatly abashed, how it might be that they were so many, not knowing any thing of the last murder, and thought that they were the corpses of their allies. Than one of the enemies, thinking that he was come for them there that had been last destroyed at Idomene demanded of him, wherefore he made so great admyratyon, and how many people he understood to have been slain of his. And he answered, that abouts two houndred. Than the other said unto him, thou seist well that there be in this same trophy the arms not of two hundred, but of a thousand and more that have been slain. Truly said the herald, these be not than of those that were in our bend. But they be truly saith the other, even the same, that were yesterday slain at Idomene. How so said the Herald, we did not fight yesterday, but these here were slain bifore yesterday, issuing out of Olpas without saulfconduct. By my faith said the other, we did fight yesterday against these here, which were come from Ambracie for to come to the succours of them that were at Olpas. Which thing, being understood by the Herald, & knowing the great loss that the Ambracians had had, he was so osto●yed that he returned without pursuing further for the recovery of the dead. For also for truth, this was one of the greatest destructions that chanced in all that same war, specially in one only city and in so few days. And also I am not minded to set the number of the dead, for that, that it seemeth unto me incredible, and greater, than is convenable to the greatness of that same town. One thing I know very well and for mere truth, that if the acarnanians and the Amphilochians had been willing to believe and credytt Demosthenes and the athenians, they had evenne at the same time, takene the city of Ambracie by force. But they fearedde, lest if the athenians should take it, that they should be toomuch hard and straight neighbours for them. After this victory, they departed the bowtie or pray between them. Whereof they did give the th●rde part unto the athenians, and the other two, they distributed among the cities. But that, which the Atchenyans had thereof, was not greatly profitable to them. For in their returning by sea, the most part was taken away from them in their journey. And three houndredd complete harnoys, that be yet seen hanging in the temples of Athens, were those, which Demosthenes alone had for his part, which he did give, after, that he was returned. which thing he did more assuredly by means of that victory, than he durst have done bifore, by cause of the overthrow that he had had in Etholie. After that the twenty galleys of the athenians were returned to Naupacte, and Demosthenes with the bend unto Athens: the acarnanians and the Amphiloch●ās made appointment with the Ambracians, by mean of Salynthius, king of Agriens, for an hundred years to come, and gave surety to the Peloponesians, that were retired into Agride, confusedly or mingled togethers with the Ambracians for to return. And the form of the appoinctment was this● that the said Ambracyan should not be bound to make war with the Acarnanyans against the Peloponesians. Nor the Acarnanyans with the Ambracians against the athenians. But only they were bound to aid themselves, the one, the other, for the defence of their land alonely, & moreover that the Ambracians should render & restore to the Amphilochiens, all the towns and lands, that they held of theirs & that they should not give any aid, supportation or favour to the Anactorians, who were enemies of the acarnanians. Upon this condition they ceased from war, on the one side and on the other. Anon after arrived Xenoclides, son of Entycles with three hundred men, that the Corinthians had sent to secure the said A●bracyans. who with great difficulty had passed through the country of Epyre. Thus passed the things that were done at Ambracie. In that same winter, the athenians that were in Sycille, being landed and entered into Hiemereus on the sea side, and the Sycilyans on the cost of the mountaignes, and having there made some bowtie and pray, and fromthence having passedde by the Isles, Eolydes: they came again to Rhege. In which place they found Pythodorus, whom the athenians had sent for to be capitains of that same their army. in stead of Laches. For the soldiers athenians, that were in that same army and also the Sicilians that were with them, had demanded of the Athenians, greater succours, for that, that the syracusans being mightier than they by land, it were necessary that they should be so mighty by sea, that they might defend themself, from being ou●traged. For this cause, the athenians had charged foortyshipps with men for to send thither, thinking that that same war should be the sooner finished. Whereof they had only sent, one lesser part bifore by Pythodorus, for to see and understand the estate of causes, & after they should send him Syphocles, son of Sestratides with the remnant. Being than Pythodorus arrived and having takene the charge of the army, he went from thence to secure the city of Locres, which Laches had taken. But he was encountered and vainquished by the Locryens. & so returned. The furst spring time ensuing, the fire issued out of the mountain of Ethna, which is the greatest, that is in Sycille, like as it had oftentimes done in times passedde, and it burnedde a little of the territory of Catagna, which is situated under the said mountain. And by that that the people of the country did say, it was fifty years passedde, since the fire came fourth in that same sort. And it was the third time in all, that that had chanced in Sycille, since that the Greeks were come thither for to inhabit furst. these be the things that were done that same year, which was the sixth year of that war, that Thucydydes hath written.   
☞ Here endeth the third book of the history of Thucydydes, and the fourth beginneth.   


Of certain exploits of war that were done between the athenians and the Lacedemonyans. And specially, how the place and Island of Pylus was assieged by the Peloponesians, and how the truce was made between them that were in the army. ☞ The furst Chapter.  
IN the beginning of the summer following, when the corn beginneth to ear, ten ships of the syracusans and asmanye of the Locryans did take the city of Messine in Sycille, from the athenians. Through conspyratie of the Cytezeins● that had called them thither. which enterprise the said syracusans did, for so much, as seeing that same town to be very propyte & meet for the said athenians for to enter into Sycille, they feared that by mean thereof, they would land there with greater strength, and from thence would come to assail them and the Locriens: to have mean for to assail on both sides them of Rhege, that were their enemies. which thing they did incontinently after, and also to the end, that they should not give succours to the said messenians. And moreover they were thereunto sollicyted by certain citizens of Rhege, who being bannyshedde and fled from their city, were retyredde to Locres. For the said City of Rhege had long● been in great divisions, by means whereof, they could not then defend them against the said Locryens. who, seeing the the opportunity, came then to assail them and after that they had overronned and pyllagedde all their terytorie, they retired with their men on foot by land into their country. For the ships wherein they were come, were gone to Missena for to join with the other, that should be there assembled for to make war on that side. In that self season, bifore that the coarne was ripe, the Peloponesians entered a fresh into the land Atticque, under the conduct of Agis, 
Agis.  son of Archidamus, king of Lacedemonyans and pillaged it after the accustomedde manner. On the other side, the athenians sent foorty ships with new strength into Sycylle, whereof they committed the conduct to Eurimedon and to Sophocles with the other that already were there. 

Eurimedon.  
Sophocles.   Among whom, was Pythodorus, 
Pythodorus.  and commanded them in their way to give comfort and succour to the corcyrians against th'air banished men, which kept themself in the mountains and warredde upon them without, and also against lx. ships that the Pelloponesians had sent against them, that were in the said city, trusting to take it by famine for that, that it now was in great skarcytye of vyctualles. And also grauntedde to Demosthenes, who had since his return from Acarnanie tarryedde at Athens without any charge, and desyeredde greatly to have some, to use the said foorty ships about Peloponese, as he should think good. Being then arrived in the country of Lacaonie, in passing their journey, and understanding that the said Pelloponesians ships were already arrived in the gulf of Corcyre, they were of divers opinions among themselves. For Eurymedon and Sophocles were determined to go fourthwythe to Corcyre. But Demosthenes said that they should first go to take Pylus, and having given order there, to draw unto Corcyre, and yet nevertheless, seeing that the other two persysted and continued in their opinion, he commanded them so to do. In this debate, there came soubdaynly a tempest of the sea, that constrained them to draw to the said place of Pylus. And than Demosthenes shewede unto theme that it was needful to close that place with a wall, saying, that it was the principal cause that he was come with them for, in that voyage. And moreover that it was very easy to do, for there was power, stones and matter for to achieve shortly their work. And that the scite of the place was strong, and also had about it a great desert country. For fromthence unto Spartus, there were well eight hundred slades. And is situated in the territory, which was sometime of the Messenians, and was called Seraphasie. To these reasons, the other two answered him, that if he would ground upon y●, there were about Peloponese many promontoryes, that were desert, which if he would fortify, should be to make the city of Athenes empty of money. But nevertheless he replied unto theme, that the same there was of an other ymportance, than the other, for that, that it had a good havone, and moreover that the messenians, that had some time kept it being set into it again, might do great annoyance and dyspleasueres unto the Lacedemonyans, by cause of their communication of language, and should keep the place diligently and faithfully. And yet notwithstanding, saying that he could not persuade it, neither to the soldiers in gennerall, nor with the capitains, with whom he had debated the matter a part: at length he held his peace and did speak no more. But durnige the time that they tarried their idle and unoccupyede, attending that the sea was appeasedde, the soldiers devysedde a gain among themeself. And desire took them to enclose the said place with wall, and so they determynedde to do it. And having no masons nor iron tools for to cut the stones, they took the stones that they found upon the place, & set them one upon the other, so as they might best hew them, and joined them together with earth in stead of mortar. And for that, that they had no baskets nor other instruments for to carry it, they did bear it upon their back. Holding their visage down towards the ground to the end that they might carry it the better. And for to keep it there, they joined their hands behind upon their backs. and in effect they used all industry & diligence, that they could for to fortify the place with sides, that it might be assailed bifore that the Lacedæmonians could send thither succours. For on some sides it was not to be battered nor to be taken. Now the Lacedæmonians did celebrate a very great solemn feast in the city, when they were advertised of the same chance. through occasion whereof, they did not greatly pass on it. For it seemed well to them that after they had achieved and finished their feast, when they should go to that part, that the enemy would fly from thence: or if they defended themsel●e, that they should take them very easily. And on the other part, their army that was yet in the land of Athenes, did somewhat retard and slack them: in such manner, that the athenians had respite to fortify the place on the land side. And having therein traveled the space of six days, they left Demosthenes there with five galleys for to keep it. And they with the other went their way towards Corcyre and towards Sycille. During this time, the Peloponesians, that were in the land of Athens, understanding the taking of Pylus, came again diligently into their land. aswell for that, that it seemed to the Lacedæmonians and to Agis their king, that they had war even in their house, the enemies being at Pylus as also for that they were entered to soon into the land of Athens, to wit, bifore the corn was ripe. through occasion whereof, they had great lack of victuals. And moreover the tempests had been, during the time that they were there, more great, than the season required. By means whereof, the men of war were all troubled. whereby it happened, that though some other years, they had made no great tarrying in that land, yet that same year they made it more short, for they tarried there, but fifteen days. In that same seasonne, Simonides, Duke of athenians, having assembled a certain small number of their men of war, that were in the garnysonne in the country of Thrace, and a good number of their allies estrangers, took by secret contract, the town of Eone in the country of Thrace. which was a Colony or a town founded by the Medes, but than was their enemy. notwithstanding the Chalcydes and the beotians, being advertysedde of the case, came to the succours of the town, and forthwith did chase him away with great loss of his people. The peloponnesians, being returned out of the country of Athens, the Spartains and their next neighbours assembled togethers incontinently for to go to recover the place of Pylus. But the other Peloponesians went not thither so soon. For that, that they were but newly come out of the country of Athens. And yet nevertheless it was commanded by general decree & proclamation in all the country of Peloponese, that every man should send to the succours of Pylus, and also commanded three skoore ships that were about Corcire, that they should come to that party. Which passing by the distreate of Leucade, used so good diligence, that they arrived at Pylus, bifore that the athenians ships, that were at jacinthus, did perceive them. And on the other side by land the army of the said Peloponesians was there ready. But yet that notwithstanding, bifore that the said ships arrived, Demosthenes had sent two brigantynes to Eurymedone, & to the other that were at the said place of jacynthus, that they should come to succour him, showing him the danger, wherein he was. who, immediately, as they had the news, took their journey for to come thither. During this time, and bifore that they arrived, the Peloponesians prepared themselves to assail the place, aswell on the sea side, as on that same by land, trusting to take it easily. both for that, that the wall was freshly & newly made, and also for that, that there were small number of people to keep it. And yet nevertheless for that they doubted that the ships with athenians, that were at jacinthus should come to succour them, they determynedde, if they could take the place before the succours came, for to enclose the entry of that haven, in such manner that the said athenians ships should not enter therein, which thing seemed unto them very easy to be done, for that, that there was directly against the rock, whereupon was situated the place of Pylus, a small Island named Factoria, which extended all alongst the haven, and by that mean made the haven sure. And nevertheless the enterings thereof was strait, so that on the town side, where the Athenians had made their ramparts, there could enter but two ships on front, and on the other side towards the land, eight or nine. which Island was holy barren, & by that mean not inhabited, and in manner not frequented, conteigning fifteen stades or furlongs about. Than for to impeach and stop the entry of the said havonne from the Athenians, they bestowed such number of ships there, as they thought necessary for to occupy all the front. which had their former part of the havonne and the remanant within. And moreover fearing that the said athenians should land people within the said little Island, they set there one part of theirs. And the other abodde in the land, to the end, that the enemies might not land, neither in the land, nor in the Island. And to the rest it was not possible to secure the place by any other ways. For on the other side, by the which it was environed with the sea, there were no good depths where the ships might arrive surely. And by that mean they thought, that without faightinge and without putting themself into danger and hazart, they might take that same place in short time, being ill furnished of victuals and of people. Now they had ordained, that for to bestow and put within the said Island, a certain number of all the compaignies, should be taken, that should be changed every day. And so it happened, that the last that were sent thither, were to the number of four houndred and twenty, of whom, Epitadas son of Molobee had the charge. Demosthenes, seeing that the Peloponesians prepared themself for to assail aswell by sea, as by land, preparedde himself to defend, And first he caused the galleys that remained with him to retire under his rampires and inclosedde them with pales. And he armedde the mariners that were within them with mischievous targottes or shields made in haste, the more part of wyllos. For in such a desert place, there was no question or hope to have armure. And the same that they had there, had been gottone by force, from a galley and in a brigantine of the messenians, that they had takene, passing that way with forty men of the said Messene, with whom they sarued themself at that need with the other. Having than placedde one part of his people, aswell armed as naked, to the keeping of the places the were assured, by reason that the place, was not to be gottone or gone unto, and the other part, that was greater, to the defence of the quartier that he had fortified towards the land: he commanded them, that if the foot men came to assail them, they should defend themself and repulse them. And he with three skoore of the best armed and a number of people with shot, issued the fourth of the place, and went out on the sea side, where he thought that the enemies would parforce themselves for to land and to pass through the rocks and hard places: on which the wall of the town was most weak and feeble, for to battre and break it, it they could. For it was not greatly forcedde to make a strong wall on that side, not thinking that the enemies should ever have been strongest by sea. And he knew well, that if it were the strongest, so that men might by that cost go into the land, the place should be lost. For this cause he went to that side of the sea for to defend it, with the number of people as afore, whom he orderedde and set battle, the best that he could, and afterwards did speak unto them in this manner. 
The ora●●yon of Demosthenes. to his soldiers.  It is needful for me that you, the other that be put in this danger with me, do show youreself sage and diligent to consult all the difficultees and all the dangers, wherein we be. But it is necessary that we mind to assail valiantely our enemies with a good courage and with a good esperance to repoulse them, and to escape from all the dangers, wherein we be. forsomuch as in all causes of necessity, as this same is at this present, men must not oft-times search after reason, but they must be suddenly hazardedde. And yet I do see in our affair many things that be for our advantage, if we will to stand to them and forsake not, for fear of the great number of our enemies, the commodities, that we have against them. For I esteem one part of the place that we hold to be, not to be come unto, and sufficient for to aid us, if we will defend it. But if we habandonne and forsake it (how difficile and hard soever it be) it shallbe easy to win, not being defendedde. True it is, that we shall have the enemies so much more sharp to fight with, if we set on them when they be landedde, for that they shall perceive that they may not retire without great danger. But consider you, that so long as they abide in their ships without landing, they be easily resistedde. And if they do land, though they be in great number, they be not to be feared. forsomuch as the place is very difficille and uneasy for them, and the platt, where they must fight, shallbe right straight and very little. And by that mean, if they come on land, the number shall in nothing serve them for the incommodity and difficulty of the place. And if they tarry upon their ships, of force they must fight in the sea in which fight there be many difficulties. Wherefore I compense and esteem to be equal as much, the difficulties & dangers that they have, as our small number. For this cause I pray you (my friends) that bringing to your remembrance, that you be athenians, & likewise that you be people all experymentedde to fight with ships and on land: you will consider that he that removeth not for fear of a wawe or sourge of the sea that may come, neither of ship, that maketh unto him: shall never be repoulsedde from one such a place as this. And likewise that you will stand by it and repulse your enemies in these rocks and hard passages, and defend and keep this place, togethers with your parsons. The athenians discouraged, being recomforted by these short encouraigings and declarations, disposed themself to defend every one in his quarter. On the other side the Lacedemonyans, that were in camp on the land side, came to assail the rampires, and on the sea side, those that conducted the ships, which were xliii in nombere, whereof Thrasymelides, 
Thrasimelidas  son of Cratesicles Spertayne was capitain, came to invade the quarter, where Demosthenes was with his men. The athenians also defended themselves very manfully on both sides. And as touching the quarter by sea, the Peloponesians came with small number of ships by turns or courses, one after the other for that, that it was not possible to bring thither a great number for to land in the place, where Demosthenes & his people were for to repulse them, if it were possible. And among other Brasidas, who was capitain of one of the galleys, saying that the place was difficile and dangerous to aboard, and that for that cause the patrons of the galleys durst not approach, fearing to bruise the vessels: cried with a loud voice. It is great shame to spare your vessels, where you see bifore your eyes those, which have fortified yours, even your land with walls. And commanded them that they should rush to land, & in breaking their said vessels, they should set on their enemies & not to be aggrieved to lose their ships for to do service to the Lacedæmonians, who had done them so many playsirs. But rather that they should fasten them on some part that they might aboard & going a land might win the place and the enemies. Insayinge these words, Brasydas constrained the patron of the galley, whertin he was, to rush against the land. But parforcing himself to land by a plank of a ship, he was by the athenians hurt in many places of his body, so that he fell backward amongst the rowers, stark dead. But his shield did fall into the sea, and afterwards was cast by the waves on land. Which afterwards the athenians did hang in the trophy or token, that they set up for that same victory. The other Lacedemonyans had a right good will to land, but it was toomuch dangerous, aswell for the difficulty of the place, as for the great defence that the athenians made, without fear of any dangers. And fortune was so far led on both sides, that the athenians impeached or lettedde the Lacedemonyans to enter into their land, or into that same, specially of Laconia: and that those Lacedemonyans forced themself to land in their proper land, which was than in the hands of enemies, though that in that season by the common report, the Lacedemonyans were more puissant and more exercysedde in fighting by land, and the athenians in the same by sea. And the same endured all that same day and on part of the day following, not continually, but at divers times. The third day the Peloponesians sent one part of their ships into Asinus for to fatche wood and stuff for to make and raise up a wall against that same, that had been made by the athenians about the poorte, trusting, that they might by that mean beat it down with engines or instruments, though it were than high, for that, that it might be battredde on all sides. But this enduring, arryvedde the succours with ships of the athenians, that were at zachinthus, to the number of lx by mean that there were come to the succurs some from Naupacte, and four from Chio. which seeing the land and the Island shut or locked up with foot men of the enemies and their ships, being within the poorte, not willing to issue fourth, were in doubt what they should do. Yet they went to anchor nigh unto the desert Island, and there remaynedde that same day. The morrow following they issued into the main sea with all their ships in battle for to fight, if the enemies would have yssuedde out of the poorte, and for to set upon and assail them within that poorte, if they would not issue fourth. But those enemies, neither yssuedde fourth at large into the sea, nor also fournyshedde the entering of the poorte, so, as they had determined at the beginning. But without removing from land, replenishedde their ships that were by the sea side, and kept themselves all ready to fight with them that entredde into the port, which was sufficiently great. Which knowing, the athenians came with force of oores directly against them from sides of the enterings of the poorte for to charge upon the galleys of the said enemies that were formest in the sea, & so did put them to flight. And for that, that the place was straight and narrow, they did break one great part thereof & did take five, whereof one was taken with the people in it. And moreover they pursued the other that were retired towards the land, where of they did break some that were empty, and fastened them, and carried them away with theirs in the sight of the Peloponesians. who, seeing that, and having to great sorrow for that same loss, & specially that their people that were in the Island, should be lost, did cast themself on their feet, all armed, as they were, into the sea and came to withdraw their ships for to keep them that the athenians should not carry them away, with so great courage, that it seemed to every one of them that all was lost, through his fault, if he went not thither. And so the tumult was great on both sides. And in all parts new and contrary to the accustomed manner, both on the one part and on the other. For the Lacedæmonians through the fear that they had to lose their people, did in manner, as to say, fight from the land in the sea. And the Athenians for the desire that they had to ensue their victory, did fight out of their ships hand to hand, as though they had been on land. And finally after a long fight, wherein there was a great number of dead & hurt men on both sides, they retired and departed. And yet the Lacedemonyens saved all their ships, except the five, that were taken at the beginning. And every man being returned into his camp, the Athenians did restore unto the other, their dead. And after set up a Trophy in sign of victory. And that done they environed and compassed about all the Island with their ships, where in the four houndred & twenty lacedemonians were. whom they kept and did hold, as captive and taken. On the other side, the Peloponesians that were from all parts arrived for to succour Pylus: kept the town assieged in the quarter towards land, when the news of this overthrow were understanded and declared at Sparte, it was determined by the counsel, that the officers of the city should go unto the places for to view and describe, and afterwards to advise what was to be done, like as they were accustomed to do, when they had received any great loss. who having viewed the whole, and considering that there was no remedy to secure their people that were in the Island, and that there was danger lest that they should be aither takene, or dead through famine, or by force: consyderedde the great number of people that were against them they concluded to treat a peace with the capitain of the athenians. During the which, those Lacedemonyans should send unto Athens, for to treat the appointment. hoping by that mean to recover theirs. And so the truce was accepted by the athenians upon such conditions, that the Lacedemonyans should give and deliver them all the ships, wherewith they had fought at Pylus, and all those that had been there assembled out of all the country of Laconie, and that they should neither assail nor do any damage unto the walls and ram●ares, which the said athenians had made at the said Pylus, by sea, nor by land. And by this mean that the Lacedemonyans should suffer them to carry by sea unto their people, that were in the Island, dailly, a certain quantity of bread, of wine and of flesh. To wit, somuch for every free man, and the half for the slaves, and as touching the flesh to be at the discretion of the athenians. Without that, that it was liefull unto them to carry thither, nor any ship to pass thither, secretly. And yet nevertheless that the athenians should keep watch about the Island, that none man should depart fromthence. But this notwithstanding it should not be lawful for them to innovate any thing, nor to attempt against the camp of the said Peloponesians by land nor by sea. And in case, that of the one side or of the other by any manner, there chanced any breach or contravention, great or little: the truce should not be towards them understanded to be broken. The which should continue unto the rest, until the Ambassadors of the Lacedemonyans should be returned from Athenes. whom those same athenians should carry and bring again with one of their galleys. And at their return, the truce should be understanded to cease. In which case, the athenians should restore to the lacedemonians the ships that they had delivered and gevenne them, in that self form, that they had received them. In this manner, the truce was concluded, and in execution thereof, the Lacedemonyans delivered to the athenians about lx galleys. And afterwards the Ambassadors of the Lacedemonyans were sent unto Athens. who being there arrived did speak unto the athenians in the manner, as followeth.   

¶ The Oration of the Lacedemonyans to the athenians, and the answer that they had, and how, the truce failing, they began war again. ☞ The ii Chapter.  
THe Lacedemonyans have sent us hither (lords athenians) for to appoint & treacte of their people, that be in the Island. Persuading themself that that, which shall redound to their profit in this matter, shall also redound to your honour. And we will not make unto you longer oration, than we have accustomed. For our manner of proceeding is, not to use many words, whereas is no great matter. And also when the case and the time requireth it, we speak longer. to wit, when it is needful to show by words, what is to be done. wherefore we pray you, that if we speak a little more long, ye take it not to evil intent, & think not, that in showing you, that you should mind to advise & consult well of the matter, whereof is question: that we go about to teach you what you have to do, as though we repute you ignorant people. And for to come unto the matter, it is in your power to make your great proffitt of that good adventure and prosperity, that is chanced you by having our people in your power. For you may thereby acquire and get great glory & great honour, if you have regard, not to do, as many do, that have not experimented, what is of goodness & of evil. For when a good adventure had chanced unto them● unlooked for: they set their fantasy to greater things, trusting that fortune should always continue. But those, that have oftentimes experimented the varyation and change of human chances, think most reasonably thereof. And trust not somuch to the present prosperyties. which thing is very convenient for your city, & also for ours, for the long experyences of things, that they have had. And although that you understand it sufficiently, yet ye see the experience thereof in this present case. For we that obtain & have presently the prync●pall authority & dignity in all Grece, come hither for to demand of you that, which lately was more in our power to give: as it seemed unto us. And also we be not come to this inconvenient, through fault of men of arms, neither through presumption of our power. But (like as it happeneth in worldly chances) we have been frustrated & deceived of our opinion, in that, wherein all living creatures be egalle, to wit, in things depending of fortune. wherefore it is not now needful, that for the present prosperity and for the increase of the puissance, that hath chanced you at this present: you conceive opinion, that it ought to endure perpetually. For all saige and advised men do hold it for most certain that there is nothing so uncertain, as worldly felicity. and by this mean be always more constant and determined to bear and endure all sinister chances and all evils. And so no man should persuade himself, that it may be in his power, to make war at his pleasure when he thinketh good: but so as fortune permitteth him. And such people, as take not greater courage for the prosperity that happeneth unto them, fail not very often. For that, that in the great felicity they be always in fear. And if you at this present do so unto us, truly ye shall find goodness thereby. But if you do it not, but ra●ther refuse the parties that we do offer you, and afterwards any inconvenient do happene unto you, such as may daily chance, think not, that you can keep that, which you have at this present gotten. Where as you may, if you will, leave a perpetual memory of your puissance and of your prudency. For you see that the Lacedemonyans provoke you to make appointment and end of war, offering you peace, alliance, amity and all other manner of familiarity and benevolence. In recompense of which things, they demand of you their people, that be in the Island, and it seemeth to them that the same is profittable to both parties. To wit, to you for to eschew the hazard by that mean, that may follow, whether that they save themselves, aither by any occasion and adventure that may happene: or if they be takene by force, to incur a perpetual enmity, which cannot so easily be quenched. For that, that when one of the parties, that maketh war, is constrained, by the other, that hath had the better, and is found to be strongest, to promise and swear any appointment for his advantage: such appointment is not so firm and so durable, as it should be, when he, that hath had the victory, being in his power of such appointment, would grant and agree to make it honest, and more modest, than he, that had been vanquished, did hope of. For he, that perceiveth curtoisie, will not study to break his promise, as made for fear and constrayncte. But having knowledge of the courtesy, that the other hath used, he will parforce himself to keep that well, which he shall have promysede, and shall have shame to fail thereof. And this same courtoisie used commonly the courageous men to them, that were most puissant, raythere than towards them that were meaner or egalle with them. For it is a naturelle thing to pardon him easily, that renderethe and yieldeth himself with his good will, and to persecute those, that be rebels and oulteragyous, though that it were not purposed, and that there might be dannger therein. Now, as touching this present chance, certainly: it shall be a good and honnourable thing, aswell for you, as for us, if we make now a good pea●e, better, than ever was in any time before, rather than we should receive such outrage of you, as by mean whereof, we be constrained to bear unto you perpetuelle hatred and rancour, aswell in common, as in particular, and that before that you lose the faculty to please us with things, that we do require of you. Wherefore in the mean season whilst the issue of the war is doubtful, let us make, appointment. you, with your great glory and our perpetual benevolences: we in excheving a small shame, with an tolerable and mean loss. And since that we have chosen to have peace, in steed of war, we shall be cause to make an end of all the great evils and travails in all Grece. Whereof they shall give you the charge and the blame, if you refuse this same. For unto this hour present, they make war without knowing, who hath been the author or promoter thereof. Likewise, when the appointment shall be made (which is now for the moor part in your power) they shall repute theym●elfe to be therefore bounden unto you. If you knowing that it is in your faculty and power to make the Lacedemonyans (who require you thereof) yoore entire and perpetual friends, would choose to do unto them curtoisie, rather than rudeness. And consider, what goodness may come thereof, for as you know, when this same been accordedde by you, all Grece, that is inferior to you and to us, shall approve and ratify it. Thus spoke the Lacedemonyans, thinking, that the athenians had been before desirous of peace, if they might have obtained it of them. And by this mean that they should be all aised to have it, by delivering the people, that were in the Island in their power. But the athenians, persuading themself, that by receiving of the said people assieged, they might always have a better appointment with the said Lacedemonyans: they would have greater parties of them, chief through persuasion of Cleon, son of Cleenetus, who had at that time great authority among the people, and a great grace to speak. By whose opinion, it was answered to the said Ambassadors, that furst & bifore all things, they, that were in the Island, must render themselves with their armure, & should be brought prisoners unto Athens, And that done, when the Lacedemonyans had rendered unto the athenians, Nyse, Pege, Trezene and the country of Achaie, which, they had not lost by war, but by the former appointment, that they had made with the said Lacedemonyans, when they were very low: had been constrained to leave and forsake them: the said prisoners might be restored, and some reasonable appointment made to the contentation of both parties. The Lacedemonyans said nothing against this answer, but they wylled certain notable parsons to be deputed, with whom, they might debate upon the hole matter. And afterwards therein to be done, so, as should be advised by them to be reasonable. Whereunto Cleon did holy reply, saying, that he knew well that they had not had neither than, nor bifore, any good quarrel, sithence that they mistrusted to debate bifore all the people, but would speak thereof in small company. wherefore he was of opinion that if they had any thing to speak (which they iudgedde to be reasonable) they ought to speak it bifore all men. which the said Ambassadors would not do. For they did know well, that it was not liefull nor convenient for them, for to speak bifore all the people. And also for thate that in so doing, if having regard to their necessity, and to the danger wherein their people were, they would ha●e consentedde to any thing disaduantagious unto them, they perceived well, that coming to the knowledge of their allies, it should engender great displeasure unto them. wherefore, knowing that they could not obtain of the said athenians any reasonable thing, they departed from Athens, without any conclusion. After their departure, the truce were incontinently expired that were made at Pylus. By reason whereof, the Lacedemonyans demanded that the athenians should render to them the ships, that they had delivered by the treaty of the truce according to that, which thereby was appointed. But the said athenians refused that to do, saying, that the said Lacedemonyans had done against the said treaty, forsomuch as they had made assaults upon the garnisons of the said Athenians. And charged them with some things, where there was no appearance of raysonne, but all their foundation and ground was for that, that in the said treaty it was concluded, that if one of the parties did fail or do against any thing therein, how little soever it was, that they should not help themselves with the said treaty. And whatsoever declaration or doleaunce that the said Lacedemonyans could make for to show that it was against all reason, and against the faith, which they had promised, yet they could obtain none other thing. And so they prepared themself to war, on both sides. And made all their strength for the feat and affair of Pylus. In which place the athenians kept two galleys for ordinary watch, about the Island both day and night, compassing it about at all times, when the wind was not vehement and high, for than they kept themselves on the shore of the sea. And also there was sent afresh, to thei● succours and strength, twenty other galleys, so that they were in all lxx On the other side the Peloponesians had their camp in the firm land, and assailled oftentimes the walls of the town, and also espied and waited continually, if they might have any mean to save their people, that were in the Island.   

Of things that were done after that time in Sycile, aswell by the Athenynyans and their allies, as by them of the contrary part. ☞ The iii Chapter.  
AFter the time that the things were so done at Pylus, as we have wryttonne: the syracusans and their allies in Sycille, having afresh strengthened their army by sea with ships (which they had made all new) and also with those, that the messenians had sent them, made them war from the same place of Mysena against the Regians, at the sollicitinge and pursuit of the Locryans. who, for the ennymytie that they had against them, were now entered into their country with all their puissance by land. And it seemed to the said syracusans that it was expedient to assay and prove the fortune of the battle by sea, for that, that the athenians had not at that time any great number of ships in Sycille. But it was to believe that after that they understood, that those syracusans did enforce themselves again, to subdue all the Island, they would send thither a greater number. wherefore they thought, that if they had the victory by sea (as they hoped) they might easily get the town of Rhege, afore that the succours of the athenians should be come, assailing it by sea, and by land. And that done, holding the said city of Rhege, which standeth upon a rock or promontory on the sea, from the cost of Italy, and keeping Myssena, which is directly against it on the other side of the sea, in the Island of Sycile: they might easily defend, that the Athenians should not pass through the distreate of Far: that separateth Italy, from Sycile, which is called Charybdis. And it is said that Ulysses passed that same way, coming from Troy. And not without cause it is so named, forsomuch as it falleth ympetuously and furiously, through the straits, that be between the sea of Sycille, and the sea named Thirrene. And the syracusans came thither about night, with their allies, having in all a few more, than thirty shippes● for to give the battle, to the athenians, who had xvi of theirs and eight of the Rhegyans. But the athenians had the victory. And did put the syracusans to flight. Who saved themselves every man the best that he could at Myssena. And yet nevertheless there was no loss, but of one only ship, by reason that the night departed them. And after that same victory the Locrians, that kept their camp bifore the city of Rhege, did raise it up, & returned into their country. But soon after, the syracusans and their allies assembled again their ships and went into Pelloride, which is in the territory of Myssena, having there their footmen. At which place, being also arrived the athenians and Rhegyans, and seeing the said ships of the syracusians void, th●y came to assail them. But having entered one of the same, and fastened it to one of theirs with grasps of iron they lost theirs, howbeit the people that were within it did save themselves by swiming. And although that as the syracusans that were now entered within it, did make towards Myssena, the athenians came a fresh to assail them, thinking to recover the ship, yet they were bea●en of and repulsed, and also lost one other of their ships. And by this mean the syracusans, though that they had been vainquished at the other battle, withdrew themselves with their honour unto Myssena, without having more loss, than the enemies. And the athenians retired unto Camerin, being advertised that a burgeois of the town, named Archias, 
Archias  with his accomplices, would tender that same town fro the syracusans. In these countrechaunces all the people of Messena issued fourth, aswell by sea● as by land for to go against the city of Naxe, in the country of Chalcyde, which is in the territory o● the said Messanyens. And the Naxians, 
Naxus.  being the furst day issued to meet them by land, they were repulsed until within their ports. And the syracusans did give themselves to pillage their lands about the town, afterwards, they assieged it. And on the other side, the morrow following, those that were in the sea, sailed for to aryve, at the river of Acesine, 
Acesine.  where they landed, and made a great pray in that same quarter. which ●arceyued, the Sycilians, that kept themselves in the mounteignes, assembled together and came to descend into the country of Mamertayns: and frothence they came for to secure the said Naxians. who, after that they perceived them coming, recovered their courage, & they, exhorting the one the other, thinking that it had been the Leontyns and other Greeks dwelling in Sycille that were come to secure them, they issued afresh out of the town with such strength, that they caused the Mamertayns to fly & did slay of them, more than a thousand, and the other had much pain for to save themself. For the strangers and paysans, that kept the ways & passages, did kill many of them. And the ships, that were retired unto Messene, saylledde every one into his quarter. through occasion whereof, the Leontyns and their allies with the athenians, enterprised to assiege Messena. For that, that they well perceived, that it was sore decayed. And so the athenians came by the one side of the sea to assiege the walls. But the Messenians, with a bend of Locryans, that was remaining there, for to keep the city under the conduct of Demoteles, 
Demoteles.  set upon them, as they were in the lande● put them to flight, and so did slay many of them. which saying, the athenians issued out of their ships for to come to secure them. And charged upon the Mamertyns, in such sort, that they repulsed, and did drive them back even into the the town. Afterwards, leaving their trophy for a sign of victory, they returned to Rhege. After that, the Greeks, that inhabited Sycille, without any aid of the athenians, prepared and gave themselves to make war, th'one against thoder.   

How the Athenians had the victory at Pylus. ☞ The four Chapter.  
THe Lacedemonyans than holding their siege bifore Pylus, and their people within the Island being assieged by the athenians, like as hath been above declaredde, the army of the athenians was in great perplexytie and necessity of victuals, and of fresh water. for there was but one only well, which was in the top and height of the town of Pylus, which was also very small. In such manner, that they were constrained to dig at the ebbing of the sea, within the sand. Whereout they did draw such water, as might be drawin out of such a place. and as for the rest, the place where they kept their camp on land, was very small. and the ships were not seure in the road. By mean whereof, some of them kept along the land for to recover vyctua●les, and the other did ancre in the mean sea. And moreover they had great displeasure and weariness, for that that the affair endured longer, than they thought, from the beginning that it should have done. For they thought earnestly that those that were within the Island, not having vyctua●les nor fresh water, could not so long defend it, as they did, by the provision that the Lacedemonyans did ordain for to secure them. Who did it to be knowing by public and open proclamation, that whosoever would carry to them that were within the Island, meat, bread, wyne● flesh, or other victuayles, should have a certain great some of money. And y● he were a bondman he should have liberty. By mean whereof, many did put themself in danger to carry it thither. And chiefly the slaves, for the desire that they had to acquire and get liberty. And they passed by the sea of Peloponese, into the said Island by all means that they might. and the more part by night, and by the cost of the mean sea, and principally when the wind came from the sea against the land. For by the same, they came easily without being perceived by the galleys of the enemies, that kept the wacche, for that that they could not well keep about the Island, when that same wind reigned. And for them, that came unto the Island, it was advantagyous on that side, for that that it chased them unto it. And moreover they, that were within the Island, reyceyved them in armure. But all they, that adventured themselves to go thyder when the sea was peaceable and calm, were taken. There were also cormarant● of the sea, that passed under the water from the poorte, unto within the Island. And they took them with a cord, made within of goat skins & paper grinded with honey and stamped with line sede. wherewythe they o● the Island repastedde themself and did so, long before the athenians perceived it. But at length perceiving it, they set there watches. And for effect, every one for his part used the best diligence, that he might, to wit, the one to b●ynge vyctuailes into the Island, and the other for to impeach it. In this mean time the athenians that were in the city, understanding that their people which were asseged at the said place of Pylus, were in great necessity, a●d that those, that were in the Island had vyctuailes, they were in great care. For they doubted, that by the winter, that came upon them, their people should suffer much, being in a desert place, for that, that in that time it should be very hard to compass about all Peloponese for to vyctuaile them. And it was not posseble in that time of summer that remained and was to come, to furnyshe theme of all that, that was necessary for their suffisance. Also their ships had neither port nor abiding place, where they might be in surety. On the other side, they perceived well that when they should dyscontynue and cease the watch about the Island, they that were within it, would save themselves in the same ships that carried them vyctuailes, espying the time, when the sea should be rough. And the thing most that they feared, was that they thought that the Lacedæmonians, perceiving themself to have the advantage, would send unto theme no more to demand peace. Wherefore they repented themselves right sore, not to have accepted yt● when they required it. And forsomuch as Cleon perceived well that they had opinion that he had been cause of empesching it, he said that the affairs of th'army was not in such sort, as they were done to be understanded. And for that, that they, that had made reaporte, demanded that men might be sent thither to perceive the troth, it was determined that he & Theogenes should go. 
Theogenes.  But Cleon, parceving that if they so did, they should be forced aither to say, as the furst: or that saying the contrary, they should afterwards be found liars: he persuaded the people, whom he saw well animated to that battle, to send some strength of people, above the number, that they had determined. Saying that it was better to do so, than to lose time by tarrying for them, that should be sent, until they were returned. For in the mean time if it were so as the other did say, the fresh strength, that should be sent thither, might be arrived. And forsomuch as Nycyas, son of Nyceratus, who had the conduct & the charge of that army that was at Pylus, was his enemy: he said that if, sending that same succours, they that had the charge of that affair, were men of courage, they might easily take them, that were in the Island, & that if he were there, he doubted not, but that he would ●one do it. Than Nycias, perceiving that the people had now conceived some displeasure with the said Cleon, for that, that if he did know the thing so easy as he said, they thought that he should not refuse to go thither: and also seeing that the said Cleon charged him, he said unto him. That insomuch as he found the thing to be easy, it were good, that he took the charge to lead the renforte or fresh strength ●hider. And he remitted unto him his place & his puissance right willingly. And Cleon, thinking at the beginning that he did it not with good heart & earnestly, but judging, that he would not do it, did not refuse it. But after that he perceived, that the other persevered, he excused himself, saying that the other was chosen Capytaine for that, and not he. notwithstanding when the people did see, that Nycyas would without any feigning leave his charge to the said Cleon & provoked him to take it, 
Nycyas  (as every commonalty is joyful of a novation & change) they commanded the said Cleon to accept it. who seeing that there was no remedy to forsake it, since that it was so offredde: he finally accepted it. And said right gloriously, that he feared not the Lacedemonyans, and that he would go thither without taking one man of Athens. But he would carry the soldiers of Lemne and Imbricie, which were than in the city, all well armed, and some other armed with targets, which were sent from Even, with a certain number of Archers, whom he would take in other places, to the number of four hundred. With the which, and those that were already at Pylus, he avaunted himself that within twenty days, he would bring the Lacedemonyans that were in the Island, prisoners into Athens, or else would slay them. At which so glorious speaking, the athenians did laugh: and yet they were glad thereof, thinking that one of two things should happene: aither that they should by that mean be delivered from the importunity of Cleon, who was tedious unto them already, if he failed to do the thing, whereof he avaunted himself (as the most part thought, that it should so be) or else if he did it, that he should bring the Lacedemonyans into their power. Being than the things so deliberated and concluded in the assembly of the common people, Cleon was by the voice & opinions of them chosen, made and created Empereur and captain of the army, in stead of Nycyas. And he named Demosthenes to be his adjoined compaignyon, who was in the camp, for that, that he perceived that he was of opinion to go to assail, within the Island, those, that were there. Also the soldiers, seeing the incommodytie of the place, and that they were more assieged, than those, which they did assiege, desired to hazard the matter. And this also gave them courage thereunto, that they perceived the Island to be already discovered in many places, where the woods were burned. which at the beginning, when the siege was there laid, it was so thick with wood, by reason that no man had haunted it, that it was in a manner impossible to pass through it. which was the cause why Demosthenes feared at the beginning to enter into it. For it seemed unto him, that it was the advantage of them, that were within. for so much as when he had landed there with great puissance those, that were within hid & in covert in divers places might do great dommaiges to his people, which he could not do unto them that were hid through the wood, and did know the passages & paths thereof. And by that mean the faults that his people should commit, should be discovered. In such manner, that it should be in the faculty & power of the enemies to issue fourth of their embushment & come to assail them when they did see their advantage. And though that they were repulsed into the thick wood & being but a small number, yet should they have the advantage, for the knowledge, which they they had of the place. And moreover a certain number of the people that he had, could not come there, where the greatest business should be. neither there, where succours should be set, for thimpeschement of the wood. And besides all these reasons, that moved Demosthenes, yet the overthrow, which he had at Ethiole, which chanced him partly by like occasion of wood, caused him most to fear. But it was happened, that some of of them that were within the I●lande, being come to the shore for to watch: did kindle a fire for to seethe their meat, & that the wind so arysed, that it kindled the same fire, in such sort, that it did burn very far into the Island. By mean whereof, Demosthenes perceived that there was a greater number of people, than he thought. And seeing also, that th'entry should be more easy by mean of the said fire, he thought it best to assail them, as soon as he might, and so he prepared to do it, & had already commanded them that were next the Island, to come to his aid. And in the mean time he was advertised, by Cleon, that he had the charge of the army, & so he attended for him. And when he was come, after that they had advised togethers, they sent an herald to the lacedemonians that were in the camp bifore the town, for to know of them, if they would be content, to cause ●hose, that were in the Island, to render themselves with their armure, under condition, that they should be well & suer●y kept, until the time that it were determined upon thappoictement for all the war. And understanding by report of the herald, that they would not accept the said party they seiourned & tarried thereupon, one whole day. And afterwards coming the night, they bestowed the most part of their people within a ●mall number of ships. whom, they did set within the Island about dawning of the day on both sides to wit, on the side of the havone, & of the same of the main sea. One part of which number, unto eight hundred or thereabout incontinently as they were landed, did run with most diligence that they could, against the chiefest that kept watch that same night, which were about thirty. For the other were the m●st part in a place discovered, which was in a manner, in the midst of the Island environed with water & Epitadas their captain with them. One other part was at the other end of the Island on the side from Pylus, which could not be assailed by the sea side, for that, that the Island was on that side high & steep up, in such manner, that no man could skalen or enter there. And on the town side it was uneasy to assail, by cause of an old castle that had sometime been there made with a raw wall. which they within the Island resarued for their fort. if they were constrained to habandone & forsake the rest. The affairs than being in this estate, as above, those that came to charge upon the watch, came soubdainlp upon them & found them sleeping, so that bifore they could arm themself, they were all slain by mean that they feared not their landing. And though that they had parceved the galleys to compass about the banks & coasts of the Island, yet they thought that it had been those, that kept the watch, as they had nightly accustomed. After that, when the day began to be clear, the rest of the army, that was yet the in the ships which were arrived at the Island, that were to the number of eight skoore or thereabout, landed all in the Island. To wit, those which were at the first siege, and those, that Cleon had brought, those resarued, that were left to keep the camp and the munityons. Among whom, there was about eight houndred Archers and as many carrying targets lightly armed, which Demosthenes did appoint all in that same sort. For he did set them in divers bends, the one distant from the other, at two houndred men for the bend, & in some part less according to the capacity of the places. And he caused them to get every where the highest of the place for to do the most displeasure to the enemies. Compassing them on many sides, to the end, that they should not know on what part to turn themselves for the great multitude of people, that they should see charged upon them on all parties. For if they tournedde against them, that assailed them at their back: they that were afore them, would run upon them. And the like thing did those that were behind, if they marchedde against them that were afore. And when they tournedde upon them that were on the sides, they were assailled both by those from afore, and also by those, that were behind. And by that mean on every part where they turned, they were always compassed behind with those that were lightly armed. who did attainct and set upon them incontynetly. And the Archers did hurt them afar of with arrows, with darts, with stones, cast with hand, and with slings. And also they kept not their standing when men charged on them. For it is their custom to vanquish by flying, for that, that they did shoot and cast without cessinge. And when the enemies did return, they were at their back. Such order did Demostenes keep, aswell at the entry into the Island, as also after that he was entered, in all that same fight. when Epitadas and those that were with him in mids of the Island, which was the greatest number, perceived that their watch, and those that were in the former strength were discomfited, and that all the company came hastily against them, they did put themself in battle, and would have marched against the athenians that came in the front bifore them. But they could not come hand to hand, neither show their valiantness against them. For the Archers & throwers, and those that were lightly armed, who came on the sides and wings, did impeach them. whereby, they perceiving that, marched not against the said athenians. But kept themself in their order and removed not, but when the said light armed did approach nigh unto them. For than they repulsed them, but in their flying they always defended them, and so were driven to save themselves through the rocks and strait places, and the Lacedemonyans that were strongly armed, could not follow them. In such sort they did fight a certain space of time, in manner of a escharmushe. And afterwards the light armed, perceiving that the Lacedemonyans were already weary and slow to follow them so often, did take more courage and a●dacytie, and showed themselves in greater number, for that, that they found not the Lacedemonyans so sharp neither so vaillyant, as they thought them to be at beginning, when they were entered into the Island. For than they went much in great fear against them, for the great renome of their hardiness, and so they rushed with great cries, all at ones upon them, casting arrows stones and other shot, such as they had every one in his hand. At which cry and manner of combat and fight, the Lacedemonyans, who had not been thereunto accustomed, were all astonished. And on thoder part, the powder of the ashes, that came from the places where the fire had been, was so great in the air, that they could neither see, nor by any mean avoid the shot that was cast against them. In manner that they were in great perplexity. For their sallettes and caps of iron could not cover them fro the shot, their spears were brokene and frushed with stones that were cast against them, and moreover they being environed and assailed on all sides, did not see those, that assailed them, neither they could hear what thing they were commanded to do, for the great cry that thenemies did make. So that they knew not what to do, and also did not see any mean to save themself. Finally the more part of them being already hurt, they retired all togethers towards the castle, which was in the end of the Island, where there was one part of their people. which perceived by the light armed, they approached yet more boldly with great cries and strokes of shot, and those that departed fro the troop, were slain incontinently. But one great part saved themself through the woods, and came to join with them, that were at keeping of the castle. And all together prepared themself for to defend that side thereof, that was assaultable. The athenians followed them veary nigh. And nevertheless seeing that they could not assiege the place on all sides, for the nature & dyficultie thereof, bestowed themself in a place more higher. Fromewhence with force of shot, and by all means that they could, they parforced themselves to chase the other out of the castle. But they defended themselves very hardly. In such sort that the combat endured the greater part of one day. Through occasion whereof, they were all overcomed of the one part and of the other, with heat, drough and trayvaile. For the Lacedemonyans, had mean and power to defend themself, for that, that they could not be environed nor assailed by the sides. The matters, being in these terms, and the duke of messenians, seeing that there was no end, came unto Cleon and to Demosthenes and said unto them that they trayvailed themselves in vain to think to take thenemies in that same sort. But if they delivered him a certain number of footmen lightly armed and of Archers, he would take pain to enter secretly upon the enemies at their back in some manner. Which thing they did grant him. Who, having the people that he had demanded, led them the most secretly that he could through the rocks and through the brokene places of the Island, turning until he came to the quarter, which was not kept nor defended, for that, that it seemed to the Lacedemovyans, that it defended it self, by it self, & with the most pain of the world, he mounted & scaled up to the height. Whereby, the Lacedemonyans, seeing them to be taken behind them, were greatly astonyd & in manner without hope. And the Athenians, that assailed them afore, did all rejoice, as certain of the victory. In this estate the Lacedemonyans found themself enclosed & slain on all sides, as those, which did fight against Perses at Thermopiles, if comparison may be made of great things, unto small. For as those, being there surprised by small passages & paths of the mounteigne on all sides, were all slain: so these, being here hurt on all parts, defended themselves no longer. But perceiving themselves in so small number against so great number of enemis, & being moreover faint & overcome with famine, droughe and with travail: left and abandoned the defences. In such manner, that the athenians had now already gottone all the enterings of the place. which seen by Cleon & Demosthenes, & that, howmuch the less they defended themself, so much the greater number of them was slain: they caused their people to retire, desiring rather to carry than, that were yet living prisoners unto Athens, if they would render themselves to their will, than to slay them. And so they caused them to be summoned by the herald with a loud voice to do it. And when one party did cast on the ground their shield clapping their hands, which was a token, that they accepted the party. And so made truce for a small space. During the which, they came to parliament, to wit, Cleon & Demosthenes for the athenians, and Styphon of Pharacie for the lacedemonians, for that, that Epidatas, that had been their captain was dead, and Hippagretus, who was chosen in his stead, was hurt and lay on the ground among the dead, though that he was yet livings For this cause had the same Hippagretus been chosen after the law and custom of the Lacedemonyans for to ordain and command according to the chance and as need should require. who, being come to the parliament with the said Cleon and Demosthenes, said unto them on the bihalf of them that were with him and of his, that bifore accepting the party, they would therein have the advise of their captains & companions, that were in the main land. And seeing that the athenians would not agree unto it, they called with a loud voice, the heralds that were with their said Capytains' in the main land. And after that they had called three times, one of the said heralds came unto them upon a ladder, who showed them from the other, that they shuld● denyse and take party in their affair themselves, so always that they should not make any shameful appointment. And thereupon having consulted among them what they had to do, they rendered themself with their armure to the pleasure of the enemies. & were all that night & the day following, kept as prisoners. The other day after, the athenians having set up their trophy in the Island in token of victory, departed the said prisoners among the bends, delivering them in keeping unto the capitains of that same bends. And afterwards preparedde themself to return unto Athens. And rendered to the Lacedemonyans (who for that cause had sent their herald) the corpses of the dead. And of all the number o● four hundred & twenty that were passed into the Island, there were found but two houndred & four score, whereof there were six skoore of Sparte, all the other were dead. Of the athenians there was no great number slain, for that, that there was no ranged battle. The time, that the said lacedemonians had been in the Island, from the same by sea, until this the last battle: were three score & twelve days. where they had provision of victuals during the twenty days, that the Ambassadors went to Athens for the appoictment. The rest of the time, they lived with that, that was brought them secretly. And so there was found in their camp wheat & other victuals, which they had yet in store. For Epitadas departed them so, as was requisitt for the necessity. In this manner departed the athenians and the Lacedemonyans from Pylus, and every one went to his house● And the promise, that Cleon had made that to Athenians at his departure (though it were foolish & glorious) was performed & accomplished. For he brought the enemies prisoners to Athens within the space of twenty days, like as he had promised. which was the first thing that happened in that war against the opinion of all the Greeks. For they never thought, that the lacedemonians, neither for famine nor for other necessity, that they might have: would have rendered their armure. But rather than they would do that, to fight until the death. And if those that yielded themselves had been like unto them that had been slain, they had not been so rendredde. whereby it thereupon chauncedde after that they were brought to Athens, that one among them being asked by an athenian, in manner of derision and mockage, if those that were slain of their company, were people of estimation: he aunsweredde him in this manner. That the distaff was much to be made of, if it knew men of honesty, willing by the distaff to signify the arrow and shot. And to say, that those that were dead of their companions, were slain by strokes of shot so as they came at adventure. wherefore it could not be judged if they died villaynously or no. Being than the said prisoners brought to Athens, it was ordained that they should be kept in good prisons until that some appointment were takene with the Peloponesians. And if in the mean season, they came to overrun their land, that they should be all slain. To the rest the athenians did leave their garnison at Pylus. And moreover the Messenyens sent thither from Naupacte, some of their people, such, as they thought most convenient and meet for to be in that same place. For that, that when Messena was in his entire, that same place, was of his territory. And they that kept it, were robbars and thieves, and went pilling and robbing the country of Laconie, and did there many other mischiefs, so much more easy, for that they did speak one self language. Of this war, the Lacedemonyans were astonished, for that they they were not accustomed to make it of like sort. And also of this, that their sk●aues rendered themselves to the enemies. So they sent secretly Ambassadors to the athenians for to understand and know if ●hey might recover Pylus and their prisoners. But the athenians, who desired and affected greater things, after mamy goings and commynges, sent them again without doing any thing. This end had the affairs at Pylus.   

¶ Of a victory that the athenians had against the Corynthians in their land. ☞ The .v. Chapter.  
INcontynetly after that victory, that same summer, the athenians went against the country of corinthians with eight skoore galleys, carrying a thousand footmen, all Athenians. And in the other plat ships, they carried two houndred warryours, being hoorsemen. And besides this, they had in their company the succours of Milesyans, of Andryens and of Caristians. 
Andrii.  Of the which army, Nycias, 
Nicias.  son of Nyceratus, with two other companions, was capytain. So they kept along the land between Cherronese and Rhite. 
Cherronesus.  And perceived themselves at dawning of the day to be foranempste one small mountain, named, Soligius. 
Solygius.  Which, having in times passed been fortified, by the Doryens, made there from war against the Eolyans, that were within the city of Corinthe. And there is at this present day a Castelle, that hath the self name of the mounteigne, which is distant from the sea side, whereby the galleys did pass, about twelve stades. from the city of Corinthe, abouts three score, and from the distraict, twenty. To which distreate, the Corynthians that were advertised of the coming of the athenians, were all gone, resarued those, that inhabited without the said destroycte, on the cost of the firm land. Whereof six hundred were gone into Ambracya and into Leucade for to defend them. The other were all gatheredde togethers to deskrie, in what quarter the athenians would land. But those same athenians, being in the night passed by, without perceiving, and understanding (by the signs that they, which were in the watch did make, that they were landed on the other side of Soligius) they parted themselves into two bends, whereof they did leave the one in Centhrea for to secure Crommyon, if the said athenians did come to assail it, and the other half went to the succours of the other● upon the cost, where the said athenians were landed. Now had the Corinthians made two Captains of that war. Whereof they did name the one Battus, who was gone with one bend for to enter into the castle, which was not strong of walls, for to defend it: and tother, named Lycophron, went against the athenians that were landed. And marched at the arrival, against the right point and wing of the athenians, with whom were the Caristiens in the last bend. and so he assailed them lively, and the battle was very sharp even hand for hand. But finally, the Corinthians were repulsed unto the mountain, where there was plenty of heaps of stones, of the walls beaten down. from which place, having the advantage, they repulsed th'enemies with great strokes of stones. And after that the said enemies had retired and recovered their breath, they caused their trumpets to sound, and descended afresh against them. And so began again the battle hand to hand more sharp than the furst. But they being in the most heat thereof, came to the succours of the said Corinthians, one company of their people. By whose help, they repulsed the athenians until the sea, where the athenians afresh joined themself togethers and repulsed the Corinthians. In the mean time, the rest of the people did combate● and fight incessantly without resting, th'one against the other, to wit, the right wing of the Corinthians, wherein was lycophron, against the left point of the athenians, fearing that it woolde● go to assail the castle of Soligius. Thus the battle long endured, with out knowledge had, who had the bet●er. But finally, through the horsemen, which came to the help of the athenians, the Corinthians were repulsed and retired to the mountain. And there not being pur●ued● t●ey unarmed themself for to rest, and refresh them. In this retreict many of the Corynthians were slain, and among them, Lycophron. The othe●e, being retyredde to the heigh●e of the mountain: did fortify theyms●lfe who the place. Also the enemies did not follow them. but gave themself to spoil the deade● and afterwards, they raised up their trophy, in sign of victory. Of all this battle the Corinthians, that were abiding in Cenchrea, could see nothing. For that, that the mount Oneus did impeach their ●ighte. 
Oneus●  But nevertheless seeing the dust in the air very thick, and by that knowing that they did fight, they came with all diligence to their succours, and likewise the old people that remained in the city. whom, when the athenians did see coming all against them, they thought that they were the neighbours of those Corinthians that came to their succours out of the country of Peloponese. So they retired into their ships with the spoil of their enemies and the corpses of their people, that were slain: except two, which they could not find nor know. Whom they recovered afterwards by appointment of the corinthians. Of whom were slain in the first battaylle, two houndred and twenty, and of the athenians abouts fifty. At departure from the said nigh Islands, the athenians went from thence into that same of Cron●yon, the which appertained to the Corinthians, distant from Corinthe, the space of six score stades. and there they tarried one night & a day. During which time they pillaged it holy. And afterwards they went fronthence, to Epidau●●, 
Epidaurus.  & fronthence they came to Methon, 
Methone.  which is between Epidaure & Trezene, 
Troezena.  & did take the distreate of Cherronese, where as Methon is. which they enclosed with a wall, and 〈◊〉 therein of their people in garnison. who a long time afterwards commytredde robberies and pillages in the land of the said Trezenians and Epydaurians & also of the Halyens. And that done, the said athenians retournedde into their country.   

How they that were expoulsed out of Corinthe were taken by them of the town with the help of the athenians and afterwards cruelly slain. ☞ The vi Chapter.  
IN that self saysone, Eurymedon and Sophocles, being departed fro Pylus with the army by sea, for to pass into Sycil●e, they came to land at Corcyre. Being at which place, they issued fourth with them of the town against the other citizens, that were driven and chased fromthence. who, being fortified in the mount Isthone, 
Isthone  had gottone all the country about the town, and did unto them that were within, many dammaiges and displeasures. So they repulsed them and did take the rampires and strong places that they had made, and constrained them to retire to a strait place in the hieghest of the mountain. Being wherein, they rendredde themselves upon this condition. that they should render all the strangers that were come to their aid to the will of the said athenians and Corcyryans. And as touching those, that were of the town, they should be surely kept, until that the said athenians had determined what they should will to be done with them. So, that if one alonely among them were found to have done against the said treaty, than it was brokene, as concerning all the rest. Ensuing the which appointment, being led into the Island of Ptichia, 
Ptychia  and the chief and principal of the town, fearing that the athenians would have no pity, and lest they would condemn them to death: did imagine this trumpery and deceit. For they sent into the said Island some of the friends of those, that were there. who did them to understand, that the athenians had determined to render them to the Corcyryans, that were in the city. wherefore they should do well and wisely to save themself. promising to fournyshe ships for to do it. whereunto they accorded. And so as they were entered into a ship, thinking to save themself, they were takene by the Corcyrians. And for that, that in so doing they had brokene the appointment, they were by the dukes and captains of the athenians remitted to the will of the said Corcyrians, although that they were advertised of the trumpery and deceit. But they did it to the end, that they should have the better occasion to deliver them. For so much as willing to depart fronthence into Sycille, they were angry, that other people should have the honour to have carried to Athens, those prisoners, which they had conquered & vanquished. Being than the said prisoners rendered to them of the city, they were altogether put within a great edyfice. And afterwards they caused them to be drawn out by twenties, all bound: and passed through the men of arms which were ranged on both sides. And as they passed through the street, bifore they arrived at the place, where the said men at arms were: those that had any particular hatred against any of them, did prick him, passing by, with their glaives. And specially the sergeants did bounce and beat them, when they went to softly. And finally, when they were arrived in the midst of the men at arms, they were hackedde in pieces. In this manner were slain at three times, to the number of threskore, bifore that the other, that were within the prison, did know thereof. For they thought that they were caused to issue fourth, for to be carried into some other prysone. But when they were advertised of the troth, they began to cry and call to the athenians, that they should slay them themselves, if it were their will, that they should die. saying that they would not suffer other, but them, to enter into the prison, wherein they were, so long as they had life and body. which seeing the Corcirians they would not break up the gate. But they skailed upon the house and uncovered it on all sides, and after with strokes of arrows did slay them within. But the prisoners did defend themself the best, tha● they could. And many among them did slay themselves with their own hands, some with the arrows, that were cast at them, which they thrust into their throtts, and the other did strangle themselves with the clothes of their beds, and wy●h cords and lines, which they had made of their habillementes. In such manner, that aswell by day as by night (which came upon them in these counterchaunces) they were all dead. partly with strokes of arrows, and partly with their own hands. And the morrow after, when it was day their corpses were carried upon veins out of the city and all their wives that were found within that same edyfice, were brought into saruitude & bondage. In this manner those, that had made the mutine & sedition in the city of Corcyre, were slain. And that same sedition was by that mean finished so far as touched this war, whereof we speak. For of the other, that had been there bifore, there remained not one jote, whereby any suspicion might then be conceived.   

¶ Of many victories and prosperities, that the athenians had in that same saisone against the Peloponesians, and chief in the Island of Cythere and in Thyree. and of some other ma●ters. ☞ The vii Chapter.  
AFter that, the athenians being arrived in Sycille, and joined with their allies, they began war against their general enemies. In ●hat same summer, the athenians and Acarnanians that were at Naupacte, did take by trahisone & stealth the town of Anactorye. 
Anactorium.  which was situated at the entry of the gulf of Ambracie, belonging to the Corinthyans', which the said acarnanians did afterwards keep, and chased fromthence all the corinthians, and this enduring the summer ended. At beginning of winter, Arestides, son of Archippus, one of the captains by sea of the athenians, who was sent to their allies, for to recover of them aid of money, whereat they were ta●ed: encountered upon the sea nigh unto Eione, which is in the quarter of Strymone, a galley, wherein was a Persian, that the king Artaxerxes had sent in Ambassade towards the Lacedemonyans, namedde Artapharnes. 
Artaphernes  And so he did take him, togethers with the letters, that he carried from the said king, addressed to the Lacedemonyans, and carried him to Athens. And the said letters were than translated out of the languaige Persian, into Greek. which among many other things contained, that the king maruailled greatly of the said Lacedemonyans and knew not what they mente. For they had sent many messengers, whereof the the one had never spokene, as the other. wherefore if they would speak plainly and clearly, they should send some with the said Artaphernes, that should do him to understand, their mind and will. Certain days after, the said athenians sent the same Artaphernes to Ephese with their Ambassadors, which they sent towards the said Artaxerxes. B●t being there, they had news of the death of the said Artaxerxes, and so they returned him to Athens. In that self winter, they of Chio were constrained by the Athenians, to beat down a wall, which they had newly made about the town. For suspicion that the Athenians had, that they imagined some revolt & rebellion. Although that the said Chyans were thereof sufficiently dilcharged, & offered to give such surety as they might, in nothing to do against the said Athenians. And in these counterchauses the winter passed, which was the se●enth year of the war, that the Chucidides hath writtone. In beginning of the summer ensuing, there was an eclipse of the son & in the same moveth chanced in Grece, a great Earthquake. And the outlaws of Mytilene and of the Island of Lesbos, having togethers a great number of people of the main land, whereunto they were retired, & also of Peloponese did take the city of Rhetoe, 
Roethium.  & anon after without doying there any damage, did restore it, receiving two thousand Phocians stoters. And from thence they we●te to the City of Antandros, 
Antandros.  which they did take by treason of some that were in it. And their intent was to set again at liberty the other cities, that be called Actees, which were sometime founded by the Mytylenians and was then ruled & governed by the Athenians: but principally they would keep the city of Antandros, for that, it was propice for them to make ships, because of the wood and other matter that was found there: and also in the Island of Ida, which was there nigh unto it. And moreover from that same, war might be easily made against the Island of Le●bos, which was also nigh, and likewise Pillage and get the villages of Eoliens, that were in the main land. this was there intent. In that same summer, the Athenians did send lx ships, and in them two thousand footmen, & certain number of horsemen and a number of Mylesiens' and of some other their allies, under the conduct of Nycias, 
Nicias.  son of Niceratus, Nicostratus, 
Nichostratus.  son of Diotraphus, and of Antocles, 
Antocles.  son of Tolmeus, for to make war against those of Cythere, 
Cychereis.  which is an Island situated fora●●●pste the country of Laconie, on the cost of Malea, 
Malea.  and was inhabited with lacedæmonians, who every year sent thither th'officers of the city of Sparte, togethers with a garnisone for the keeping of it. For they sorrowed greatly for it, for that, that it was there retraicre and their estaple for their ships, that came out of Lybia and out of egypt, and also impeached, that no robberies were done in the country of Laconie by sea on the cost, where it was in most danger. For that, that it lay open and was subject to the sea of Sycille, and to that same of Crete. Being than the athenians arrived at the said Island, with ten ships and two thousand Millesians: they took at the arrival one city of the said Island which was on the sea side, named Scandea, 
Scandia  and the rest of the army went through the Island against the quarter, wherein was the city of Malea. And first they came to the masters town, which is nigh the sea, named Cythere, where they found the Cythereans, who attended for them, all in armure without the town. So they assailed them, & after that they had defended themself a very small time, they constraigned them to retire into the upper part of the town, and soon after, they yielded themself unto Nycias, and to the other Captains Athenians, their lives saved, & already before that they yielded themself, some among them had parlemented and spoken with Nicias for to advise what thing should be done, to the end that thappointment should be made more surely and the more readily. And in effect the Athenians transported all the Cythereans into other places, aswell for that they were Lacedemonyans, as also for that, that the same their Island is directly opposytt and foranempst the country of Laconia. Having than the athenians takenne Scandea, which is in the poort of the sea, and ●urnyshedde Cythere with their people: they went into Asina, 
Asina.  into Helos and other places by the sea side, 
Helos.  where they landedde, and did great damages, for the space of seven days, that they did tarry there. The Lacedemonyans, saying that the athenians did keep Cythere, and fearing lest men should come to assail them, they were not of opinion to send into any part a main army, for to fight against the enemies, but to depart their people into divers places, so, as they thought to be necessary for to defend them, and also into some of them, for fear, that they should not revolt and rebel. considering the loss that they had made of their people in the Island next unto Pylus, and also of the town of Pylus, and of the city of Cythere, and the war, which was moved against them, to be contrary to the●re opinion and unprovidedde for. By reason whereof, they huyredde and souldedde three houndred men at arms and certain number of Archers, which thing they were not accustomed to do. And yet nevertheless, if ever, in any other time, they were slack and slow to make war: yet were they at that time, more slothful (resaruedde the preparation for the army by sea which they had) though that they had to do against the athenians, who reputedde nothing to be difficille, and hard for them to overcome, but that thing which they would not enterprise. And besides that they were strykene with great fear by many things, that my shappenedde unto them against all reason. whereby they were in fear to incur one other such loss, as they had made at Pylus. For this reason, they durst not enterprise any combat or fighting, thinking that fortune was so contrary unto them, that all their doings should take evil success. And that same fantasy came upon them for that, that they were not accustomed to have misfortune. In this manner they suffredde the athenians to waste and destroy their countries by the sea side, without ones removing themself, and also without sending thither succours of other people, but only those, that they had sent thither for to defend them. judging themself to be weaker than the said athenians, aswell in number of people, as also by practic in the sea notwithstanding, one company or bend of their people, which was in garnison at Corcyre, and Aphrodisia, 
Aphrodisia.  seeing a compaygnie of the enemies lightly armed in disorder, they chargedde upon them, and did slay them all. But soon after they were rechasedde, by them that were armed and lost some of their people, togethers with their armure. The athenians, after that they had set up their Trophy in Cytheree, they went into Epidaure, and fromthence, having wastedde a great part of the land of the Epidauriens, they went into Thyree, 
Thirea.  which is in the country, that men call Cymurya. 
Cymeria.  which departeth the country of Laconie and that same of Argos, and was by the Lacedemonyans given to labour unto the Egenetes, which were chasedde from their country, aswell for the saruyces that they had done unto them in time of the Eartquacke, as also for this, that albeit, that they were subjects of the athenians, yet had they always takene their part. Those Egenetes than understanding that the athenians were coming towards them and arrived at their port, they habandonned and did forsake the wall, which they had made by the sea side, and retired up to the height of their town which is distant from the sea about ten stades. And with them retired one bend of Lacedemonie, which was sent to defend them, and also to help to make the wall. But when it came to the point to enter into the town, they would not enter therein. whatsoever instance, that the Egenetes made unto them. For that they thought it dangerous to enclose themself. But seeing that they were not able to resist their enemies, they retired into the highest places in the mounteigne. soon after, the athenians came with all their strength bifore the town of Thyree, so did take it peaceably and burnedde it. And all the Egynetes, that they found living, they chargedde in their ships, for to carry them to Athens, together with Tantalus, 
Tantalus.  son of Patrocles, whom the Lacedemonyans had sent unto them, for to govern, howbeit he was sore hurt. And likewise they carried thither, some of the prisoners, that they had takene at Cytheree. which Cithereans were afterwards by the athenians sent into divers Islands. And upon those that remaynedde in the town of Cytheree, was imposedde and set a tribute, yearly of four talentes. As touching the Egenetes, for the ancyente hatred, that the athenians had against them, they caused them all to die. And they did put Ta●talus into prison with the other Lacedemonyans, that had been takene in t●e Island.   

¶ How the Sycilians at the persuasion of Hermocrates, made peace among themselves and sent again frothence the athenians. ☞ The viii Chapter.  
IN that same summer, in the country of Sycile, truce were made. first between the Camerins and the Gelians. And soon after, out of all the cities of the country, Ambassadors were sent to Gele, for to treat of thappointment between them. And after that many opinions had been speak, divers and contrary the one to the other, which every one did speak for his particular interest: making their doleaunces of the wrongs, which they pretendedde to have been done in the city of Gele, Hermocrates, 
Hermocrates.  son of Harmon Syracusaine, which was the same parson, that most sturredde and provokedde them to the appointment, did speak unto them, in this manner.  

The Oration of Hermocrates.  
I Am of a city (lords Sycilians) which is not of the least of the country: and also is not much traveled with war. wherefore that, which I shall say, is not for that, that I do owe to have more fear of the war, than the other. But only is to show you what seemeth unto me to be the common wealth of all the country. And albeit that, to recite unto you here, what displeasure and what torment, the war is: and all the things that thereby arne wont to happene, there is no man that can well express though that he used a very long talk: yet somuch there is, that as no man, for lack of understanding and knowledge, is constrained to enter headlong into it: so also is there none that wool refrain to make it, if he thinketh thereby to get: for fear of any ill that may come thereof. But it chanceth right often, that those, which enterprise it, do hope thereby more winnings, than they wool regard the difficulty and dangers thereof. And those, that do consider most the inconveniences, love better to be in hazard of that, which may happene, than presently, to susteygne, any pain or damage. And yet neither the one, nor the other can obtain the same, which they hope: but through the benefit and aid of the time. wherelore I think that to speak of the appointment, is a thing convenyente for all men, and specially for us in this saysonne, if we be well advysedde. For if heretofore we every one have enterpretysedde, the war, thinking thereby to make his profit, and to provide for his affair: we ought now, which be all in war and strives: to assay, to come again to the peace, wherein we were. And if we cannot by that mean recover every one that, which appertaineth unto him: we may afterwards return to the war, if we think good. But we must understand if we be discreet and prudent, that this assembly is not made principally for to know of our particular questions: but rather to devise (if we may) to save and withdraw all the country of Sycille out of the hands of the athenians, who in my fantasy deceive us all, and go about to subdue us. And consider and think, that they ought to be arbitrours and necessary sequesters and procurers of our peace, more than my words and talk. For that, that they have an army all pressed more puissant, than all the other Greeks, which they may transport right easily hither by sea with a small number of ships, when they shall know your faults. which they do hope of and dailly do lay wait for. And though that they do come hither as of a good fellaushipp and alliance, yet for a truth, they do entreat us ennemylike: and go about nothing, but their particular proffytt. And if we do chose and accept the war, and call to our aid these people here (which do come with out being called) for to conduct it: when they shall see that we shallbe well traveled and have empoveryshedde, the one the other, they will repute it to be the profit of their estate and seignyorye. And than, when they shall see us brought low and decayedde, they shall come with a greater puyssance● and shall bring us all into their obeissance. wherefore if we be sage, it is much better for every one of us to call his friends and confederates, for to invade the lands of an other, than to destroy our own, which we now possess, and so, take the dangers and parels upon us. And we ought to consider, that the particular seditions of the cities of Sycille, be not only dangerous to the same, but also unto all the country, and to all us that be therein. For so long, as they do fight the one against the other, there be that lay wait to do us all displeasure. Having than regard to these respects and consyderatyons● we should reconcile ourselves every one particularly with his enemy, and the one city with the other, and all togidre take pain, to save and deliver all our country of Sycille. And we should not have fantasy, that some of us be descendedde and come of the Doryens, which be enemies of athenians, and that the Chalcides, for the ancient parentage, which they have with the ionians, be their good friends. For the athenians have not enterpretysedde this war, for any parttaking of our facts: but for covetise of the goods, which we all have in Sycille. Like as we may well know by them amongst us, which be Chalcydiens. who calling them to their aid, although they never had service of them, nor amity with them, yet be they come readelye unto their succours, and have made alliance with them more willingly, than with the other. And yet nevertheless the said athenians be to be pardonned, and be not to be blamed, if they go about to increase their estate and seignyorie. But they be to blame, which be toomuch prone and ready to obey and submit themselves unto them. For it is a natural thing for every man, to will to be over and govern those, that wool submit themselves unto him, & to defend themselves from them, that will invade and oppress them. And there is not he amongst us, that understandeth not these things. And whosoever shall not know that a common fear, ought to be eschewedde by a general and common provision, he deceiveth himself greatly. And if we agree ourselves all together, we shall very easily bring ourselves out of this fear. For the athenians do not assail us out of their land, but out of our own, to wit, by those, that have called them. And by this mean we shall not appease one war, by an other war: but by a general peace, we shall appease all our discords, without any difficulty. And they, that have been called by us, being honestly come for an evil intent: shall return reasonably frustrated of their purpose. And this which I say unto you, as touching the athenians, (all those, that have will to counsel well) will find it good. But as concerning the peace, which all honest people esteem the best thing in the world: wherefore should not we desire it? Think ye not, that if any of us hath any goods, yea or any thing contrary unto him: that rest and peace be not better for him than the war? and that it be not better for us, aswell of the one part, as of the other, to depart from armure and strife, so to use of our goods in rest, and to enjoy peace without daungere of our honours, of our dignyties and of all the other goods, that can be numbered and received by a very long talk, far better, than, as it may be done, with the incommodyties of the war? All which things consyderedde, ye ought not, lords, to dispraise my sayings. But by the same, every one ought to provide for his own wealth. And if there be any man, that hopeth to get any thing by the war, by right or by wrong: he ought well to fear to be thereof deceived. knowing, that to many, which thought to revenge their injuries and wrongs: or under confidence of puissance, hoped to increase their faculties and power: the whole contrary hath chanced. which is, that some lost their health, and some their goods. For it is not said, that vengeance should always take effect, although it were enterprised for a just cause. Force also with a good hope and esperance, is not a thing establyshedde, alway to continue. But oftentimes temerytie & rashness taketh better effect, than profound wit. And though this temerytie, be the thing, whereby the people have most often been deceived, yet when it happeneth well, it is iudgedde to be right good. For this, that when there is asmuch fear in them that assail, as in those that be assayledde, aythere party proceedeth therein, more warrely and circumspectly. And so should we do, lords: aswell for fear of things to come, as also of the athenians, who be already fearefulle unto us, and provide in our affairs for the time to come. And every one of us, presupposing that the thing which he purposedde to do, may be empeschedde by those two means, to send out of our land the enemy, which is already uponne our shoulders. And to bring that to pass, we ought bifore all things to conclude amongst us, a perpetual alliance, or at the least a long truce, in deferring our particular discords and differences. And hold it for most certain, that if ye will give faith and believe my words: by this mean every of us shall have his city in liberty. By occasion whereof, it shallbe in our faculty and power to render to those, that shall do us good or evil, according to their desaruing. And by the contrary, if you believe me not: but rather willbe in the obeissance of strangers, there shall be no question to make our revenge. But those that shall obtain the victory at their will, shallbe by necessity friends of them, that be greatly their enemies. And adversaries to those, unto whom it is not convenient, that you be. And I, who (as I have shewedde you at the beginning) am of a city, which is the greatest and most puissant of the country, and make the war more by assailing, than in defending: am he, which counsaylleth, that we agree and accord altogiders, having regard to the dangers, that be for to come. And that neither we go about to do hurt so much every one of us to his adversaries as thereby we procure unto oureselfe a greater: neither that we should be so furious through our domestical contentyons, that we should persuade ourselves to be masters of our own counsel and of fortune (whom we rule not, but as raysonne shall require, ayther that we vanquish, orels that we be vanquished) that we rather do it amongst oureselfe, than to suffer it of enemies. For it is no shame for one Doryens to be vanquished by an other Doryen, nor for one Chalcydian by an other Chalcydian, being all neighbours, the one of the other, and inhabytinge one self land, and one self Island. And we be all named by one name Syciliens, and so we shall make war among ourself, when it shallbe requisitte, And after, when we shall have parlamented togyder● we shall fall to agreement. And if we be wise, we shallbe nevertheless of one opinion to chase the strangers out of our country. For truly, when we shallbe forcedde and oppressedde partycularlye: we be all in danger universally. And we ought not at any time hereafter to call our allies strangers, for to aid us, nor for to make appointment and agree us. In which doing, we shall furnish Sycille with two great benefits: the one for the time present: and the other for the time to come. For we shall deliver it from the athenians, and out of the intestyne and inward war, wherein it is at this present: and for the time to come, we shall possess it frank and free, much less subject to all espials and to all privy waytinge than it now is. Thus did Hermocrates speak. At whose persuasion the Syciliens made appointment togethers. In such manner, that they forsook the war on all sides, and that every man did keep that which he possedde: resaruedde, that the city of Morgance was rendered by the syracusans unto the Camerins, 
Morgantena.  paying a certain some of money. And that done, those, which had called the athenians, declared to the capitains and pryncypalleste of them, that they had comprised them within the appointment. And by that mean, they contended them, and returned fromthence with their ships unto Athens. where with the athenians were so dyspleasedde: that they comdempnedde the captains, to wit, Pthiodorus and Sophocles, into bannyshment: and Eurymedon, in money, having opinion that it was their fault, that they had not subduedde the Island of Sycille, and that they had been induced and huyred by gifts to return fromthence. For the athenians did then assure themselves, so much in the prosperity, that they had had: that nothing semedde impossible unto them. For they thought that they might attain, aswell difficile and hard enterprises, as the light and easy, and with a small army, aswell, as with a great. And of this their presumption, the felicity was cause, which had chauncedde unto them in many things, beyond all reason. And that had brought them, into this vain glory.    

How the athenians failed to take the city of Megare by intelligence and confederation of some of the citizens, and how it was succoured by the Lacedemonyans. ☞ The ix Chapter.  
THat same summer, those of Megare, ennoyed aswell with the war of the athenians, which came upon them every year for to spoil & make waste in their land: as also by the robberies and pillages that were committed and done by some of thei● citizens, which were banished for the sedition of the people, and kept themselves at Pegne: 
Pegne.  they entredde into communication and purposed amongst themselves to retain and receive again the said banished men, for to avoid and eschew, that the city should not be lost through their differences and varyances. And the friends of the exiles & bannyssed men, perceiving that the matter began to wax cold, they made a new request, that the said exiles might be spoken with. Than the chiefest of the town, considering that the people could not long endure the evils that happened unto them● by means of the said dissensions: they came to parliament with the dukes of the athenians, to wit, Hypocrates, 
Hypocrates.  son of Ariphron, and Demosthenes son of Alcisthenes, 
Demosthenes.  for to tender the town unto them: thinking that there should be less danger unto them in so doing, than if they should set again and receive the exiles into it. And so they accorded with them, that they should first take the long walls, which extended from the city unto Nysee, 
Nysea.  where their port was. which walls conteigned about eight houndred stades of length: for to impeach, that the Peloponesians should give no succours to them of the town, from the place, where they had their garnisonne, for saulfgarde of the city. And that afterwards, they should get the Castle, which was on the highest place of the town upon a rock. which thing they thought to be easy enough to do. And when they had ordained all their treaty, they made preparation, every one for his part, for to execute it. And the athenians came that night to the Island, which is next of the city, named Mynonue with six houndred men well armed, 
Minoa.  under the conduct of Hypocrates. And fromthence they came in the time of night unto a dyche, nigh unto the which, was a brick keel, wherein the brick was brunt, for to build & repair the walls of the town. On the other side, Demosthenes was in embushement, nigh to the temple of Mars, which was a little further of, with the Plateens lightly armed, & some other adventurers, without, that any parson had knowledge thereof, but those, that were of the treaty. And bifore that it was day, the said Plateens came fourth for to execute their enterprise at the opening of the gates, which thing they had used there a long time before, in this manner. The citizens were accustomed (as people, which lived by pillages and by robberies) to draw in the night time (by consent of the officer of the said long wall) a brigantyne in a charet, the which they did cast afterwards into the dyche and fromethence conveyed it into the sea. And when it came to the break of the day, after that they had in the night time upon the sea, done what they might: they returned with the brygantyne fromthence, and bestowedde it again bifore it was day, in the charrett within the said walls, through the poorte itself, to th'end, that the athenians, who had their guard and garnisons in the Isle of Minove, should not perceive their thefts and robberies, not seeing any ship within their poorte. The said brygantyne, than being brought again, and the gate opened for to bestow it within: as it was in the bestowing of it, the athenians issued fourth of their embushement for to saise and take the gate, bifore that it might be shut again, by cause of the stowage of the said brygantyne, like as it was appointed with them of the town, that were of the intelligence and confederation. who were there ready & did slay those, that were at the keeping of the said gate. And the Plateens and adventurers which were with Demosthenes, were the furst that came to seize and possess the poorte and entered into it by the quartier, where as presently is seen a trophy or victory addressed & set up. And they repulsed the garnison of Peloponesians. which having heard the bruit, was come unto the succours. And this enduring the athenians well armed, arrived. who were let in by those Plateans, and as they entered, they mounted upon the walls. Against whom the peloponesians resistedde with their power. But they were much less people, and thereby many of them were there slain. And the other retired feringe to be circumvented: chief for that, that it was not yet day. And also perceiving that some of those of the city did fight against them, To wit, those, that were consenting to the trahisone: they thought that all were of like mind. But yet they thought it the rather, for that, that the trumpet of the athenians made of his proper authority a cry, that all the Megaryans' that would come to render themself to the athenians and render their armure, should be saved and not have any hurt. For when the said Peloponesyans understood that cry, they returned all to Nysee, in flight. Anon after, about dawning of the day, the said wall being takene, which extended unto the port, the tumult was great in the town, for those, that were partakers of the trahisone, said that men should open the gates and issue fourth against the athenians. whereunto the people agreed. But they said it● to the intent that the said athenians should enter after that they were openedde. For so they convenaunted with them, and to the end that they might be known among the other, and that at the entry, no man should do them evil and harm: they had given for a token, that they should be oyncted with oil, for a difference from the other. And they thought that it should be greater surety for them, that the gates should be opened, for that, that there were eight thousand foot men well armed and six houndred horsemen athenians, which were come that same night from Eleusyne, ready for to enter into the town. Being than those that were oiled come to the gates for to cause them to be opened: one among them discovered the trahisone unto the other, that knew nothing thereof. whereby the tumult and the fray was great among the people. And in effect they assembledde for all sides there, and were of opinion that the gates should not be opened. saying that they durst not do it at other times when the athenians were come bifore their town, all though that they were more puissant, than they than were, and that the town should not be put into so evident a danger. And if any would do the contrary, that men should begin to fight against them. And this said they, without making any semblant that they had perceived the trahysone, but by manner of advise and of good counsel, for to eschew the dangers. And finally those of the people were strongest at the gates, so that they would not suffer them to be openedde. In such sort, that the conspirators could not execute their trahisone. Than the athenians, parceyning that the gates were not opened unto them: thought that there was some empeschement. wherefore, considering that they were to few people for to assiege the city, they went all against Nysee, and enclosed it with walls. For they thought, that if they could take it bifore any succours came thither, they might afterwards very easily take the city by composition. And so caused with all diligence workmen to come from Athens, togethers with Ironne and other necessary matter, with such expedition that within a very small time they achieved the wall. Which they began at the end of that same, which they had takene from the side of Megare. And from thence, they wrought it on both sides of Nysee, into the sea, and forthwith did close it with dyches. For when the one was busied at the wall, thoder were occupied at the dyches. And did take the stone, the brick, and the wood in the suburbs. Also they did cut down the trees, that were there about. And where there lacked matter, they rampired in, earth with pins of wood. And also the houses, that were without the town, their tops being bet down, did serve them for towers and bullworkes. All which work, they parfaicted and ended within that self day and the day following at the night. Which perceived by them that were within Nisee, and also that they had no vittailles, for they made no provision, but as it was brought them out of the town day by day: considering also that there was no hope to be succoured by the Peloponesians so readily: and moreover thinking that all the Magariens were against them, they made composition with the Athenians, to wit, that they should render their armure, and every man depart with a small some of money. And that the Lacedæmonians and other strangers thate were there within, should be at the will of the Athenians. In such manner, those of the town departed fromthence. And the Athenians, having won Nisee, and broken the long wall, that came from the city unto Nisee, they prepared themselves for to assiege and assail the city of Megare. Now it chanced that in that same season, Brasidas, son of Tellides Lacedemonien, was in the quartier of Corinthe and of Sicione for to assemble people of the country of Thrace. who understanding the taking of the walls of Megare, and doubting that the Peloponesians, that were at Nisee, were in danger: he sent unto the Beotians with all diligence and commanded, that they should come towards him incontinently, with the greatest bend that they could unto Tripodisque. Which is a burgage in the territory of Megare, under the mountain of Gerania. From which place, he himself came with two thousand seven houndred Corinthians well armed, eight hundred Philasiens', and seven houndred Sycioniens, beside the other, that he had already assembled, not knowing yet of the taking of Nisee, the which he understood there. And forthwith, bifore that the enemies were advertised of his coming, for that, that he was arrived by night, he went with eight hundred of the best of his company, strait to the city of Megare, feigning, that he would take Nysee by stealth. But for trougth, his principal intent was to enter into the city, if he had could, and to have furnished it. And when he was come unto the gates, he demanded of the Megarians that they should let him in, giving them good hope to take incontinently Nysee. But both the bends, fearing his coming, to wit, the one for doubt, lest he should bring again the banished into the town, and chase them from thence: and the friends of the banished, lest the other for fear thereof, should fight against them, and that through occasion of their difference, the athenians that were nigh, there unto them, should take the City: they were of opinion not to receive the said Brasidas, but rather to see, who should have the victory, of the Athenians or of the Peloponesians. For the partakers, of aither of the parties, did attend to declare themselves to favour that part, that shall have had the better. Brasidas than seeing, that by no mean he could enter: returned towards the other people of his army. And the same day bifore that it was clear, the Beotians arrived, who, bifore that they had received the letters from Brasidas, understanding the coming of the Athenians, were come fourth with all their strength, for to succour the Megarians. For that, that they esteemed the danger to be common unto them. But when they were in the land of Platee, having there received the letters from Brasidas: they were much more assured. And so did send twelve houndred foot men and six houndred horsemennes, unto Brasidas, and the other returned every man unto his house. After that they were all ioigned together with Brasidas, they were about six thousand. On the other side, the Athenians kept themself in battle abouts Nisee, resarued the footmen lightly armed, who being dispersed & scattered abroad in the fields, were assailled and repulsed by the horsemen Beotians even unto the sea, bifore that the Athenians did know the coming of the said Beotians. For they came never bifore, to the succours of Megare. Wherefore they doubted them not. But anon as they saw them, they issued against them, and there was a very long fight among the horsemen, so that it could not be well judged who had the better thereof. And although that on the Beotians part, the captain & some other were slain, which adventured themfelf, even unto the walls of Nisee, by occasion whereof, the Athenians having rendered the carcases by appoin●●mente, did set up a Trophy in sign of victory: yet the battle was not pursued by the one part nor the other. So and in such wise, that one could not attribute the victory more to the one, than to the other. And so the Beotians retired to their company, and the Athenians to Nysee. After that, Brasidas having chosen a commodious place by the sea side and nigh enough to Megare, lodged there his camp, and removed not, attending that the Athenians should come to assail them. For he thought that they of the city would regard and mark who should have the better, and that being there ready to fight without assailling the enemies or putting any thing in hazard, he should have the victory. And as touching the city he thought to have done enough. forsomuch as if he had not come, the Citizens durst not have assayed the fortune of the battle against the Athenians, and by the mean should have lost the city. But seeing the succours to become, & that those Athenians durst not fight, it seemed unto him, that they would accept him and his bend into the city, and by that mean without effusion of blood, & without danger, he should have that, that he was come for. Like as it happened afterwards. For the Athenians did rank themselves in battle nigh to the long walls, having the self opinion that the Athenians had: to wit, not to fight, except he came to assault them, for that, that they thought, that there was greater appearance and raisonne for them not to begin the battle, than for the other, considered, that they had had already many victories. Wherefore, if at that hour being in lesser number they had hazarded it and the other had had the victory, he would so have followed it, that the city should have been lost thorough them, or that they should lose one great part of their army. And also they persuaded themself that the other should rather begin. For that, that they were of divers cities, whereby they presumed that they should not have patience to refrain, as they that were all Athenians. In this manner, having long attended on the one side and on the other, they retired and did withdraw themselves to wit, the Athenians to Nisee, and the Peloponesians to the place, from whence they were departed. Than the Magarians those that were friends of the exiles, perceiving that the Athenians durst not assail thoder, they did take courage, and with the pryncipallest of the town, opened the gates unto Brasidas: and received him into the town, as having the victory. And came to parliament with him, whereby those of the other bend, were in great fear. And anon after, the people that were come at commandment of Brasidas retourded every man into his quarter. And he went fromthence unto Corinthe, fromwhence he departed for to assemble his army in Thrace. The Athenians also returned fronethence into their country. By occasion whereof, those, that had been of the conjuration and conspiracy and of the treaty, for to cause them to come: parceiving that they were discovered, withdrew themselves secretly out of the city. And the other, having spoken with the parents of the exiles, called again those, that were at Pegne, with great oaths never more to remember the innuries passed. But rather to give themselves with one accord to the common weal of the city. But within a certain time after: they being chosen to offices and governance of the town: when the musters of the people were made, knowing the armure of them that had been the chief of thintelligence with the Athenians, they apprehended of them to the number of a houndred, whom they caused to die by judgement of the said people. Whom they induced to condemn them. And by this mean, the governance of the city was reduced & brought, to the will of a small number of Citizens, having the favour of the people, which state, though it begun, by sedition and mutynerye, yet afterwards it endured a long ●asone.   

Of a loss that the Athenians had of their ships. And how Brasidas passed through the country of Thrace by the help of Perdiccas king of Macedon and of certain his friends of the said country, for to come to the aid of the Chalcidians. ☞ The ten Chapter.  
THat self same summer the Mytylenians, having purposed for to fortify and repayer the city of Antandre: 
Antandrus.  the two captains of the three, which the Athenians had sent to receive and gather money through the lands of their party: Demedocus and Aristides, 

Demedocus.  
Aristides.   who were than in Hellesponte in th'absence of Lamachus (which was the third, 
Lamachus.  and was gone into the sea of Pontus with ten ships) had consultation between them of that matter. And it seemed unto them, a dangerous matter, to suffer. Fearing lest it should happene, as it had bifore time in the city of Sanmie whether, the exiles, that had been driven fromthence: had retired and joined themselves altogiders. And with the aid of the Peloponesians, who had sent them mariners, they did great hurt to them of the city, & great saruices to the said Peloponesians. For this cause, they went with their ships and men of war against the said city of Antandre. And having repulsed and overcome, those, which were come again and returned thither, who issued fourth against them in battle, they did take it. Son after Lamachus, which was goane into the country of Pontus, being there arrived with his ships, within the flood of Calece, 
Calex.  which passeth through out the land of Heraclien, by a sudden breach and inundation of the said river, that cometh out of the mountains: he lost all his ships, and came fromethence with his people by land, traversing the countries of Bythinie and of Thrace, which is beyond the sea of the cost of Asia: unto the city of Chalcidonie: 
Chalcedan.  which is at the mouth of the sea of Pontus, apperteigning to the Megarians, In that same summer, Demosthenes, Duke of the Athenians, departing from Megare, came with forty ships into Naupacte for to execute the enterprise, which he & Hypocrates had made togethers with certain Beotiens. Which was to reduce the estate of that same country, to the governance of the common people: like as that same of Athens was. Of which conspiracy was principal author & conductor, a citizen of Thebes, that had been banished, named Priodorus. And they had determined to execute it in this manner. That is, that those Beotians should by treason surrendre to the Athenians one town, named Syphas. 
Siphoe  Which is in the territory of the city of Thespie in the gulf of the sea Crissee. 
Thespes.  And on the other side some other should have delivered them one other town, named Chironee, 
Cheronea.  which were subject to the Orchomenians, 
Orchomenia.  by the aid of the banished men of the said city of Orchomenie. Who had soulded & waged certain men of war, being Peloponesians. Now is the said town of Cheronee, in thextremmyties & fourthest part of the country of Beoce. Directly anempst Phanotide, 
Phanotides.  in the country of Phociens, partly inhabited with the said Phocians. On the other side, that the Athenians should occupy & take the temple of Apollo in the town of Delos in the country of Tanagrians, 
Delos,  of the cost of Eubee. All the which enterprises should be executed on one day therefore named. To th'intent that the Beotians, understanding the taking of the other towns and fearing to be in their own houses, should not be so bold to come to succour Delos. And the said Athenians thought, that if their enterprise might come to effect, so that they might enclose the temple of Delos with a wall, they might easily trouble the estate & the governance of the Beotians. If not soubdainly, yet at the least, with the time (keeping garnisones within the said towns) that they would overrun and pillage the country. And further having withdrawn thither all the banished men and other nigh adioyigning, the Athenians might at times send thither succour to them, that were withdrawn thither. And the Boeotians, not having a sufficient army for to resist, might give them law and manner to live at their will and pleasure. And th'enterprise should be executed in such sort. For Hypocrates, that led and conducted the footmen should, at a day named, depart from Athens and enter into the land of the Beotians. And on the other side, Demosthenes was gone to Naupacte with foortye ships for to assemble people of the country of Acarnan●e, and of other, adjoining to them, & should be the self day at Syphas for to enter into it, by the mean of the prattique. Having than Demosthenes assembled a great number of people, aswell of Eniades, as of other Acarnanians, and also of other allies Athenians, that were come to be there from all costs: he went first lo land at Salynthe and at Agree, 

Salynthum.  
Agree.   where they looked and attended also for other people and prepared themselves for to come to his enterprise at Syphas at the day ordained. Now happened it, that in that self rhyme: Brasidas that was gone with a thousand, 
Brasidas.  & five houndred footmen for to give order to the affairs of the country of Thrace being come, into the city of Heraclee in the country of Trachine: 

Heraclea.  
Trachine.   he damaunded of the friends, which he had in the country of Thessale that they should come to accompaignie him, that he might pass surely. So there came to him, Panerus of Dorie, 
Panerus.  Hippolochidas of Thorile. 
Hippolachidas.  Strophacus of Chalcide, and certain other Thessalyans, which were in the town of Melyte in the country of Achaye, 
Meltia.  and conducted him. And likewise Niconidas of Larisse, 
Nicomas.  parent of Perdiccas, 
Perdiccas.  king of Macedon, came to him for that self cause. For otherwise it had not been possible for the said Brasidas to pass through the same country of Thessale, much less, than at any other time (though always bifore that there was danger in it) & so much the more doubt was therein, that he was in armure. For thereby he had brought into suspicion the people of the country, that took part with the Athenians. Whereby, if Brasidas had not had the conduct of the geeatest of the country, which had accustomed to govern the people, more by force, than by authority & justice: he could never have passed. And yet nevertheless he had much business with them. For those that took part with the athenians, met with him at the river of Empee, 
Empeus.  for to impeach & stop his passage, saying that it was oulrage & injury, for him to pass without having saulfconducte of the people of the country. Whereunto those of the country that conducted him, answered them: that the said Bra●idas & the people would not pass by force. But that being there arrived soubdainly, as their friends: they ought to suffer them to pass. And Brasidas himself said, that he was their frende● and passed through their country not for to offend them, but only for to go against the Athenians, enemies of the Lacedæmonians, & knew not that there was any enmity between the Thessalyans & the Lacedemoens, whereby the one might not pass through the country of the other. And that he would not (as in deed he could not) pass through theirs, against their wills. But he prayed them heartily that they would not impeach nor hinder him. And by those words they returned, & he passed at his pleasure. Notwithstanding those that did conduct him, counciled, that he should pass with the most diligence that he could, through the rest of the country: without arresting in any part. To th'intent that he gave no time & leisure to the other paysantes to assemble together, which thing he did. In such sort, that the self day that he was departed from Mylett, 
Pharsalus.  he came unto Pharsale & lodged his camp nigh to the river of Apidane. 
Apidanus.  And fromthence he came into Phacie, 
Phacium.  fro Pharsa, into Perebie. 
Peroebia.  In which place, those that had conducted him thither, left him. And was conducted by the Perebiens (who be of the signiory and empire of the Thessalians) unto Dyon, 
Dion.  which is a town under the mount Olympus in the country of Macedon on the cost of Thrace, in thobeissance of Perdiccas. In this manner Brasidas traversed the country of Thrace, bifore that any time was had for to impeach or let his passage. And he went unto Perdiccas, who was in Chalcide, which Perdiccas & the other Thraciens that were revolted & turned against the Athenians, understanding their prosperity, & fearing to be by them assailled, had required succours of the Peloponesians, principally those of Chalcide, forsomuch as they feared that the Athenians would come first upon them. And also for that they did understand that the other cities, their neighbours, that were not rebelled, did conjure & conspire already against them for to overcome them. And as touching Perdiccas, albeit that he was not their enemy declared, yet he feared the ennemyties, that he had had with them in times passed, & for that cause demanded aid, of the Lacedæmonians against them. And also against the king of Lyncesters, whom he had determined wholly to subdue. another occasion there was for the which that army came out of the country of Peloponese. Which was, that the Lacedæmonians, parceiving the evil chances that were happened to them, and that the Athenians had done many enterprises in their country: they thought that there was nothing more expedient to divert and turn them, than to make some alarm to their allies. And so much the more, that there were people that furnished to the charges of the army, and of other, that attended but their coming, for to rebel against the Athenians. And also it moved them much, the loss, that they had at Pylus. For they feared lest the slaves would make some mutine or sedition. Wherefore they were well eased to send them fourth under this colour. For through the fear, that those Lacedæmonians had, to wit, those that had conducted and had charge of the affaries, aswell of the young, as of the common people, and above all, of the slaves, on whom they laid most watch: they had in times past● caused a cry to be made, that those that had done most vailliantly should stand apart, giving them hope to enfranchise and set them at liberty. But it was to understand their courage. Whereby being chosen out of all them to the number of two thousand, and those brought with procession crowned with flowers unto the temples, so as the custom was of them, to whom liberty was given: soon after, they were lost, and no man knew, where they were become. Of whom also, they for the self fear, did than deliver to Brasidas, the number of two thousand. And the other he had carried out of the country of Peloponese, 
What y● wit understanding and good renome of a captain of war is worth.  for, sold and wages. For he desired greatly to have that charge, for which cause, the Lacedæmonians did send him, and also the Chalcides desired him greatly, for that, that amongs all them of Sparte, he was reputed to be a diligence and industrious parson. Also he obtained a great bruit by that charge. For he showed himself so honest a man and so good a justicer and politic in all things, that many towns and cities by reason thereof, came to render themselves to him. And some he took by diligence and treason, whereby, that chanced to the Lacedæmonians, that they hoped of, to wit, that they recovered many of their lands, and caused some of those of the Athenians, thereby to revolt and rebel. And for a certain time, did put and absent the war out of their quarter of Peloponese. And afterwards, in the war, that was between the Athenians & the peloponnesians in Sicily, his virtue was so known & esteemed, aswell by experience, as by relation of other, that by that reason, many of those that took the party of the Athenians, desired to take that same of the Peloponesians. For, seeing the virtue & goodness that was in him, they presumed & judged, that the other Lacedæmonians should be all like. And for to come again to the purpose, whereof we speak, after, that the Athenians understood the coming of that same Brasidas into Pel●ponese, they declared Perdiccas for their enemy. For so much as it seemed unto them, that he had been cause of his coming. And they were more diligent to watch the people of that same quarter, than they had been bifore. Perdiccas, than havyug the succours of the Peloponesians with Brasidas, brought them with his army against Archibeus son of Bromerus king of Lyncesters Macedoniane, who was his neighbour and his great enemy. Willing to chase and utterly destroy him. But when he was at the entering of his country Brasidas said to him. That bifore that he began the war against the said Archibeus, he would first speak with him. For to know if by words and declarations, he might bring him to the devotion and amity of the Lacedæmonians. For the same Archibeus had caused to be signified by sound of trumpet, 
Archibeus.  that for the differences that were between him and Perdiccas, he would be and stand to the judgement and saying of Brasidas. Also the Chalcydes, that desired to bring the said Brasidas to their affair, showed and persuaded him that he should not busy himself with a long and difficille war, at the appetite and desire of Perdiccas. Considering specially that those men, that Perdiccas had sent to Lacedemonie for to have succous, had proponed & declared, that he would cause that many of his neighbours should be reduced to the amity of the said Lacedæmonians. And therefore with good cause prayed him, that he would be content to appoinet the same difference for the public weal of the Peloponesians, and of himself. Whereunto Perdiccas would not consent saying that he had not called Brasidas, for to be judge of his questions, but for to aid him, to discounfyte his enemies, such, as he should declare, and that the same Brasidas did him great wrong to bear Archibeus against him. Considered, that he susteigned half charges of all that army. This notwithstanding Brasidas, against his will, came to parliament with Archibeus. Whom he persuaded so by words and declarations, that he returned with his army. By reason whereof, Perdiccas fromthence forward, in stead that he paid the moiety of the charges of that same army, paid no more, but the third part. persuading himself that Brasidas had done him wrong thereof.   

How the Athenians at the persuasion of Brasidas, left the party, of the Athenians. And did take the same of the Peloponesians. The xi Chapter.  
Soon after that, a little bifore the vintage, that self summer, Brasidas having the Chalcydes with him, came to make war against the city of Acanthe, 
Acanthus.  which was a colony of the Andrians. And the citizens were in great controversy, whider they should receive him into the city or not. To wirt those, that took part with the Chalcides on the one side, and the common people on the other party. But because of this, that the fruits were yet in the fields, the common people, upon the persuasion, was content that he should enter into the town alone, & speak what he would. And afterwards they would determine what they had to do. Who, being entered and come to the assembly of the people, he spoke very sagely, as he well could do. For that, that he was a Lacedaemonian, and said unto them in this manner.  

The oration of Brasidas to the Acanthyans'.  
THis, that I have been here sent with this army by the Lacedæmonians (lords Acanthiens) declareth sufficiently: that the cause, for the which we have proclaimed and published from the beginning, to have moved the war against the Athenians: is true & veritable: to wit, for to deliver Grece out of servitude. And if we have slacked to come hither, being deceived by the hope, that we have had to have vainquished the Athenians more sooner: we ought not therefore to be reprehended. Considered, that thereby ye be not incurred into any dangier. And we come now when we may, for to defeat the Athenians, with you, through our power. But I am greatly abashed of this, that ye shut me out of the gates, where I thought to be by you receyvedde with great joy, and that ye should have desired greatly my coming. For we other Lacedæmonians, thinking of the occasion and chance of things, that we have made to come hither, as to our good friends, and to those, that should desire our coming: we have enterprised this voyage, without having regard to dangers, wherein we did put ourself, by passing through so long space of land and of strange countries, for to show the good will, that we have towards you. And if you have an other will, or be minded to resist them, that should purchase the liberty of all Grece: ye shall do naughtily. Aswell for that, that ye shall impeach your own liberty, as also for this, that ye shall give ill example unto other, not to obey and receive us. Which shall be a thing vn●yttyng for this city, which is puissant and reputed prudent. That we being first addressed unto the same, ye have not had will to receive us. And also I cannot think that ye have any reasonable cause to do it except it should be said that aither I would persuade you to an vn●ust and unreasonable liberty: or else that we be not puissant enough for to defend you against the Athenians, if they would herefore invade you. Which thing ye ought not to fear. For if I, being come to the succours of Nysee with this army that I have here, they durst not come to fight with me, truly it is is not to be believed, that they will send hither so great an army by land, as they sent thither by sea. And as to the other point, I do advertis you, that I am hider sent by the Lacedæmonians, not for to do hurt neither damage unto Grece: but for to restore it into liberty. And I have made great oaths into the hands of our officers, to suffer: all them, that I shall bring into our alliance to live in liberty, & af●er their laws. Wherefore ye ought well to know, that I am not come for to draw you by force or by deceit & trumpery, unto our alliance: but the contrary, in delivering you from the saruitude of the Athenians, for to join you in this war with us, against them. And therefore I think that ye ought to have confidence in me that make unto you so great faith of that, which I speak. And for to give you courage, I am come puissant enough, for to defend you. And if there be any that doubteth herein, fearing for his particularity, that I will not give & deliver the government of the town to any one particular amongs you, I wou●d that he had more confidence & surety, than thoder. For I do certify you that I am not come to move any sedition, nor mutyne among you. But also me thinketh, that I should not restore you into free and true liberty, if changing your ancient form of living, I should put the common people into the subjection of any particulars, or any particulars to the subjection of the common people. For that, that I understand well, that the same dominion & rule should be more odious and hated unto you, than that same of estrangers. And thereby unto us Lacedæmonians, should not be due any pleasure nor huyer for the pain, that we have taken for your cause. But in stead of the glory and honour, that we attend and look for thereby, we ought to be blaymed, and should be charged of the self vice, that we impute unto the Athenians. Which should be so much more unfitting & more worthy of reprehension unto us than unto them: that we attribute to ourselves this virtue, and praise, to wit, not to use trumpery or deceit. Which thing they do not. For albeit that deceit be unfitting in all men: yet is it more unseemly in them, that be in most dignity. And also it is worse & more d●shonnest than violence itself. For thate that violence overcometh by virtue, & authority of the force, that fortune giveth to the one, over the other: but trumpery and deceit proceedeth and cometh of an unreasonable, mischievous and very malice. To all which things we have a great circumspection and a great regard, in treating and conducting the great affaries. And also I wool not that you trust so much in my oath, as in the experience of things, & to that, whereof you shall see the effects, correspondent to reasons, which is right requisitt for you, as I have showed you. But also understand, that if you having hard this my proposition will excuse yourself, saying that ye cannot do that, which we will: & that ye will require us, as your friends, that we retire without doing any hurt or damage unto you, pretending that you have this liberty without danger and that it ought to be offered and presented to them, that may have it without danger, and that none should be constrained to take it: I will protest bifore the gods and the saints, which have this city in keeping, the being come hider for your wealth, I could nothing proffitt with you by words. And I will essay by wasting and destroying your fields, whider that I may constrain you thereunto. Persuading myself to do it for a good and just cause, and not wrongfully, for two necessary reasons. The one for the wealth of the Lacedæmonians, to the end that they should not suffer damage for your love, permitting you in this sort, paying the money, which you furnish to the Athenians: the other for the weal of all the Greeks, to th'intent that by you, they be not let & empesched to recover their liberty. For if that were not, we should well understand, that no man ought to be constrained by force to set himself again into liberty (and specially we Lacedæmonians) if it be not, for some common and public wealth. And yet nevertheless we wool not have any other governance or rule over you, but to deliver you from the subjection of other. And we should do injury unto many: if by restoring to all other their right of liberty, we should leave you in this estate, & should endure your resistance. wherefore Lords, take good advise herein, & be authors unto all the Greeks. And show them the way to recover their liberty, aswell for to acquire & get this perpetual glory to have been the first: as also for to eschew the damage, that otherways may chance unto you in your particular goods: & moreover to th'end, that ye give to this your city a right honest & glorious name, to be a frank & free city. After that Brasidas had thus spoken unto the people, they debated long, upon this matter. And finally they came to give up their opinions by small bills secretly. And the greatest part were found of opinion to depart from the alliance of the Athenians, aswell for the persuasion of Brasidas, as also for fear to lose their goods, that were in the fields. And having received oath of the same Brasidas, that he had commission of the Lacedæmonians, for to set them again into their liberty, that should render themselves unto him, and to suffer them to live according to their laws: they su●●red his army to enter into the city. And the like thing soon afterwards did those of Stagire, 
Stagirus.  which is an other town and Colony of the Andrians. These be the things that were done the same summer.    

How Hypocrates & Demosthenes, Dukes of the Athenians, made an enterprise upon the country of Beotians. Wherein they always failed to their great loss and disadvantage. ☞ The xii Chapter.  
IN beginning of the winter, Hypocrates and Demosthenes, Dukes of the Athenians, having ordoned and concluded their enterprise, touching the feat of the Beoeians: that th'one, to wit. Demosthenes should meet with the army by sea at Syphas, 
Siphe.  & tother with th'army by land at Delos, 
Delos.  like as is above declared: it happened by error, that they met not at the day named in the said places. But Demosthenes, being first arrived at Syphas with many ships of the Acarnanians and of the other allies: his enterprise was discovered by an Phocian, named Nichomachus, 
Nichomachus  Who advertised the Lacedæmonians thereof, & they advertised the Beocians, which did put themself all in armure. And Hypocrates, not having yet done any thing on the cost of the firm land touching the exploit of war: they all came to the succours of Syphas & of Cheronee. 
Cheronea.  Whereby, those of the cities, that had made treaty with the Athenians, seeing that the thing was discovered: durst make no invocation. Nevertheless, after that the said Beotians were returned into their houses: Hypocrates, having caused all the citizens and inhabitants of Athenians to put them in armure, he came to Delos, & assieged the temple of Apollo, in this manner. For they inclosedde the outward part of the temple with dyches and with a wall, which they made of earth, and thereupon they planted pales with pikes and beyond the wall, they made rampers of bricque & of stone, which they took of the houses nigh unto them, that they had beaten down. And upon the ramparts, they erected also towers & defences in many places. In such manner that there remaigned no part of the temple, that was not enclosed. For also there was no other edifice & building about the same. For that, that an ancient cloistre, that had of ancienty been there: was within a short time bifore fallen down. And that same work, they achieved & finished within two days & a half, after that they were there arrived. And also that they had spent in coming, but three days. And that being thoroughly made, the army departed fromthence, and retired abouts eight stades: as for to return into their houses. And incontinently all the footmen lightly armed, which were in a right great number, went their way. the other unarmed themselves and abodde in a village, for to repose and sojourn there. And Demosthenes, with a small number of people, tarried at Delos for the keeping of the ramparts, & to achieve and finish that, which was to do. Now were the Beotians in these self days, assembled at Tanagra. 
Tanagra.  Being than there assembled out of all the country: they were in doubt whider that they should assail the said Athenians or not. For of ellevene officers and governors of the ●ayd country, ten said that it ought not to be done, for so much as the said Athenians were not yet entered into the country of Beoce. For the place wherein they reposed themselves: was in the limits of Oropie. 
Oropia.  But Pagondas, 
Pagondas.  son of Goladas of Thebes, which was one of the said governors, and Arianthides, 
Arianthides.  son of Lesymachus, who had at that time the charge of that assembly were of contrary opinion. And specially the said Pagondas, who, esteeming and judging that it was for the best, to prove fortune by bartaille, persuaded to the Beotians his opinion, by these words.  

The oration of Pagondas unto the soldiers Beotians.  
IT was not convenable to any of you, that be in office (Lords Beotians) to think that we should not fight against the Athenians, except they were found within our land. For having dressed and appointed their munitions & fortifications within our country of Beoce: and being departed out of their nigh places, to the intent to trouble it: there is no doubt, but that we should take them for enemies, in what part: that we shall find them. For out of whatsoever part that they come: they have declared themselves to be ours. Wherefore if any one among you were heretofore of advise, that they should not be fought with, let him change fromhensfourthe his opinion. For so much as there ought not so much regard to be had to them, that hold their own, and wool trouble an other man's for covetise to have more: as to those, the wool invade men to take their land from them. And if you have learned of your ancestors to repulse your enemies of a strange nation out of your land, both nigh, & a far of: truly you ought much more readily to do it against the Athenians that be your neighbours. For that, that it is more convenable for every man, for to defend & keep his liberty & his right against his neighbours, for to be equal unto them: than against other, being more further of. And therefore if these here do travail to bring into their subjection & servitude, those, that be very far from them, why should not we hazard & adventure to fight unto the last man of us against them that be even their voy●ns & neighbours? having bifore our eyes the example of Eubeens, and one great part of Grece. And seeing how they have brought them into subjection, why should we not consider that the other next adioigning do fight with them for to keep & defend their limits? but if we be vanquished, there shallbe no limit in our territory. But rather it shallbe holy confused. For after that they shallbe entered thereinto by force: we shallbe in dangers lest that they wool possess and occupy it holy much more than the other borderers. For that, that they there have already much land, and also do hold one part thereof. And also it is the custom of chose, which trusting in their forces, be minded to war upon their neighbours as the Athenians now do: to assail sooner those, that be in rest, & go not diligently about to defend & keep their land: than those that wool be ready to meet with them, when they come to assail them, and also to begin the war, if they see occasion, like as we may see by experience. For after that we had vainquished them at Cheronee, when they did possess our land through the sedition and division of our people, we have always holden all our country of Beoce in great surety. Whereof, we ought to have remembrance. And those that be of that time, should parforce themselves to be such, as they than were. And those, that be younger, descended of those vailliante men, should not degenerate from their virtue, nor suffer to perish in them, the glory that their ancestors, have purchased and acquired for them. Having moreover confidence that that same God wolbe helping unto us: whose temple they hold oultragiously assieged. Considering chief that the sacrifices, which we have made, do give us a good signification and hope of the victory Let us think and study therefore, to muster, & cause the Athenians to know, that if they have obtained any one of the things which they coveted, by force, it hath been against people that defended not themselves. But when they enterprised against people, which have accustomed by their virtue and magnanymytie to defend their land and their liberty: not being minded unjustly to enterprise and subdue the liberty of other: they have never returned without being fought with. Through these words Pagondas persuaded the Beotians to go against the Athenians, and incontinently dislodged from their camp, for to meet with them forthwith, though that it was already dark. And they came and lodged themself very nigh, unto them. But there was a certain small mount between both, whereby the one could not see the other, and there he did put his men in battle for to go to fight against the said Athenians. Now had Hypocrates (who remained at Delos) been advertised, how the Beotians were issued fourth with great fury of the people. And so commanded them that were in the camp, that they should keep themselves in armure, & should be at their defence, and soon after, he came thither himself with the people that he had, reserved three hundred only: which he left at Delos, all horsemen, aswell for to keep the fortifications, as also for to come to the succours of the army, if it were needful. The Beotians than having sent avancurrers for to put the enemies in fear and disorder, they came to the high of the mountain and were in the view and sight of the enemies all ready to fight. And they were about seven thousand well armed, and more than ten thousand lightly armed, and abouts a thousand and five houndred horsemen, bearing shields. And they had in this manner ordained their battle. That the footmen, that is, the thebans & their allyes● should keep & be in the right point or wing. In the middle were ●he Haliartians, the Coromonians, the Copens●ans & the other, that inhabited nigh the water. In the left wing or point were the Tanagrians, the Thespyens & the Orchomenians. As touching the horsemen, there were of them in both the points or wings, & likewise of the footmen light armed, to wit, that where they were, that did bear the shields: there was in every of the bends xxv of them, and the rest so, as they were found. Thus was the army of the Beotians ordoned. Concerning the Athenians, as to the footmen well armed, whereby they were as puissant, as th'enemies: they made thereof a thick battle of eight men in a rank. And in the wings they had the horsemen, but they had than no footmen lightly armed, nother there in their at my nor yet in the city For those, that were first come with them in that same enterprise, (which were in greater number than the enemies, though a great number of them were without armure, as people gathered together, aswell of paysans of the fields, as of strangers who had takene their journey for to return to their houses) were not come again to the camp, resaruedde a very small number. Being than all in battle, aswell on the one side as of the other, ready to fight: Hi●pocrates duke of the athenians, who was come unto them even at that same point, did speak to the athenians in this manner.  

The exhortation of Hippocracrates to the soldiers, being at a point and ready to fight.  
Lords, unto people of courage and of virtue: needeth none great admonition, and a short speaking sufficeth, which maketh more to bring you to remembrance, what you have to do: than for to exhort you unto it. And above all, have no imagination that we be come hither to put you in this danger in a foreign land: for an evil quarelle. For the war, that we make in this land, is for the surety of ours. insomuch that if we have the victory against them: the Peloponesians will never come for to assail us in ours, being dissevered & kept from the horsemen, which they do take here. And likewise, by acquyringe and getting this land by one battle: you shall deliver yours from dangers forever. March than forwards like as is convenient, aswell for your party, that every one of you to his glory, may be named to be the masters of all Grece: as also for the virtue of your ancestor's: who having vanquished these people here in a battle nigh unto Enyphyte: 
Oenophyta.  were lords of this land, for a certain time. So went Hip●pocrates encouraiginge his people all in a rank, as they were in battle. But bifore that they were in the mid way: the Beotians, at the exhortation of Pagondas, did begin to give the sign or token of the battle by their trumpets and cornets, and all at ones descended from the mountain in great fury. which seen, Hypocrates caused his people likewise to march fou●the afore them, as fast, as they might run. And so the foremost came to the conflict and strokes And though that the hyndermost did not strike, yet were they asmuch traveled as the other, by cause of the springs, which of necessity they should pass. Being than hand for hand, they repoulsedde the one the other with targets and bucklers. And anon the left point or wing of the beotians, was recuyled and repulsed by the athenians, unto the midst. who did always set on them, for to destroy the other, that were in the same wing. Chief, the Thespyans, which were in that quarter. And all at ones, did slay the other, that had been repulsed & were all in an heap locked, the one against the other. And they did hurt the said Thespyans, who defended themselves galliardly. In which stir and conflict, many of the athenians were there slain by their own people. For that, that minding to enclose their enemies, they brought themself into the midst of them: in such wise, that the one knew not the other, but finally that right point was holy repulsed. And they, that saved themself, went from that wing, to render themself to the right point wherein were the Thebayns. who did fight so manfully: that they did repulse the athenians from that same side, and pursued and chasedde them a small space. In the mean time it chanced, that both the companies of horsemen, which Pagondas had sent for to secure the left wing of his people, were come (in the covert of a small mountain) with all diligence. And so being there within the sight of the Ath●nyans, which chased those of the said left wing: they thinking that it was new succours, that were come to the said beotians: were all astonied, so that they did fly. And so the athenians were put to flight, aswell on the one side, as on the other. The one, towards the sea of the cost of Delos, the other towards Orope, some against the mount Parnethus, 
Parnethus.  and other some into divers placest so as they hoped to save themself. whereby there were many of them slain by the Beotians, chief by the horsemen, aswell of the same country, as of the Locryans, which in this conflict were arrived for their succours But the night, which did draw nigh, saved many of them. On the morrow, they, that were come to Orope and to Delos, left there a certain garnison. and afterwards they went alongeste the sea, unto their houses. The Beotians, in remembrance of that same victory, raised and set up their trophy in place of the battle, after that they had with drawin their corpses and dead bodies, and spoiled those of the enemies. And having there left a certain nom●er of people in garnisonne: they went to Tanagre, where they preparedde themselves for to assail the athenians, that were at Delos. towards whom they sent an herald. who, having encountredde in the way an herald of the athenians, which came to demand their dead men, said unto him that he should pass no further, but return with him. ●or he should do nothing, until he was retournedde. which thing he did. And the said herald Beotian, being come to the athenians, declared unto them the charge to him committed by the beotians. which was such, that those athenians had transgressedde greatly man's laws. By the which it was defended to all those, those should invade the land of an other, not to enter into the temples. And that notwithstanding, the same athenians had enuyr onnedde the temple of Delos and therein kept their people, which did violate it and did there all profane things. And specially, the water: the which it was lawful for no man to touch, but only the priests for to make their sacrifice: they imploy●dde to other uses. wherefore they publyshedde and declaredde it unto them, aswell on the behalf of the god as of theirs. Calling furthermore and invoking all the holy spirits, which had the keeping of the place: and specially Apollo● unto witness: that they should depart out of the said temple with their baguage. whereunto the athenians answered that they would make au●swere to the beotians by the herald, which they sent towards them. who shewedde them in effect and substance, that they did no unlawful nor profane thing in the said temple nor intended to do for the time to come, if they were not thereunto constrained. For also they were not come for that intent, from ●he beginning. But only for to repulse those that did injury unto them. which thing was lawful by the laws, specially of Grece. By the which it was ordained, that those, that have the signiory and dominion of a land, be it small or great: may also have the temples in their pours for to continue there the sacrifices and ceremonies accustomed, asmuch as should be possible. In ensuing which laws, those Beotians and all the other Greeks, when they had taken any land or town by war and chased the inhabitants fromthence: they kept the temples, which were bifore bilonging to the same inhabitants: as their own. And therefore the said athenians intended, if they did get their land, to use the self right and law. And for that cause, being in that same country, they took it to be good and lawful, and were not determynedde to depart fromthence: but to keep it, as their own. As touching the water of the temple, if they had taken thereof for their use: yet it was not done to have ini●●yed or oultragedde the religion of the temple. But being there, for to avenge themself of those, that came to overrun their land, they were of necessity constrained for to take thereof, to their use. In which case, when there is true war: to those that be in necessity, it is convenable that God do pardon them: that which they be constrained to do of necessity. For recours is had to the gods and to the altars, for to obtain remission of sins, which be not committed willingly. And those be esteemed evil and sinners towards them, which sin willingly, and not those, that do any thing of necessity. But those ought much more to be esteemed evil and contempnors of gods: which for rendrynnge of dead corpses, would have the temples: rather than those: which for not rendering of holy things: refuse to take that which raysone would to be rendered unto them. And this they declared that they were not determined to depart out of the land of Beoce. For they pretended to keep the place, wherein they were with good right and not by force. And yet vevertheles, they demanded of the said Beotians, that they should permytt them for to fetch away their dead men according to the custom of Grece. To this demand and proposition the Beotians answered, that if the said athenians did take it to be in the land of the Beotians, they should depart with their baguage. And if they pretendedde to be in theirs, they knew what they had to do. For the land of Oropie, wherein their people were slain, was in the iurisdictyon of the said athenians. wherefore those Beotians, not keeping their dead men against their will, they were not bound to render them unto them, but departing from their land, it was very reasonable, that that thing, which they demanded, should be delivered. In this manner returned the herald of the athenians without doing any thing. And anon after, the Beotians, having caused a certain number of slingers and dart casters to come from Malie with two thousand good soldiers on foot, 
Malea.  which the Corinthians had sent unto them incontinently after the battle, and some other succours, which was come unto them from Peloponese, to wit of those, that were returned fro Nisee with the Megaryans': they departed from thence and went to lay their camp bifore Delos. And they assailed the fortifications & rampires of the athenians with divers engines of Artillery. 
The invention of a new Engine to assault & Bartre.  and among other, by one, which was cause of the taking of it, the which was of this fashion. They did take a great piece of timber and made it hollow all within, in such manner, that it was void and hollow all along. Afterwards they fastened it with iron at both ends. And also alengthe, very artyfyciallye, after manner of a pipe, and to one of the ends they fastened with chains of yronne a great cawdrone of brass, which hanged from the said piece of timber, downwards by the said chains. And at the end of the beam, there was a hollow pipe of yronne which turned and crooked downward against the cawldrone, for to caste right into the cauldron, the wind, that came along out of the engine. the which, being so achevedde and made as is above said they caused it to be drawin and carried with great charettes unto the wall, which the athenians had made, on that side, where the most part was of wood. And in raising it up, they did set the end, whereon the cauldron was, unto the side of the said wall full of cools, brimstone and pitch. And to the other end, which was on their side, they applied great bellows, by blowing whereof, they caused incontinently, through the wind which passed along●ste through the engine into the caudrone, that all the matter, that was within did lighten, and cast a great flame, wherewith the wall was anon fired and burned. By occasion whereof, they, that de●ended themself, were constrained to forsake it. And by this mean, the Beotians did win it. And of those, that were within, there were taken two houndred prisoners. Of the other, one part was slain, and the other saved themself in the ships, that were in the havone of the sea. Thus the temple of Delos was recovered xvii days after the battle. And soon after returned the herald of the athenians (which did know nothing of the said taking or recovery) for to demand again the dead men. To who the beotians did render and deliver them without speaking unto him any more of that, that they had declared at the other time. And there was found, aswell of those, that were slain in the battle, as at the taking of Delos on the part●e of the Beotians nigh to five hundred, and on the other party of the athenians, about a thousand. And amongst other Hypocrates, one of their dukes: besides the forem●n light armed and the victua●liers, which were a great number. On the other side Demosthenes, who was gone to Siphas' by sea, saying that his enterprise had failed him, he issued fourth of his ships with four houndred men, aswell of the Agryans and acarnanians which he had led away, as of the athenians, into the land of Sycionians. But bifore the rest were landed for to follow and to pursue those there: the Sycionyens, who issued fourth for to defend their land: came to assail them, and repulsed and did chase them back, even into their ships, and so did slay one part of them, and many of them were takene prisoners.     

¶ How Brasidas duke of the Lacedemonyans, did take the City of Amphipolis soubdaynly, and some other in the country of Thrace, by treaty and apoynctement. ☞ The xiii Chapter.  
IN that same time, when the things were done at Delos, whereof we have spokene: Sytalces, 
Sitalcis.  king of Odrysyans died in battle against the Tryballes. with whom he began to war. And Seuthes, 
Seuthes  son of Spardocus his brother, succeeded him aswell in the realm of Odrysians, as in other lands and signiories, which he held in the country of Thrace. And in that same winter Brasidas with the allies of the Lacedemonyans in that said country, moved war against the city of Amphipolis, 
Amph●polis. , which was situated upon the river of Strymone. 
Strymon.  For that, that it was a Colony of the athenians. And bifore that, they had peopled with their nation, the place, where the city presently standeth, Aristagoras Milesius, 
Aristagoras.  flying the persecution of the king Darius● had first inhabited it, but he was chased fromthence by the Edonyans. And than the athenians xxxii years after, sent thither ten thousand men, aswell of their people, as of other assembled from all quarters, which were all destroyed by the Thracians nigh unto Dranesque. notwithstanding xxix years after, those same Athenians sent thither again of their people, under the conduct of Agnon, son of Nycias. who chased the Edonyans fromthence, and founded the city, such, as it presently is, which was bifore named, the new ways. And when the said Agnon came thither to make it, he departed from a town, which the athenians had in the mouth of the river, named Eionus. 
Eione.  wherein they made their estaple, and called it Amphipolis, by cause that it was environed on both sides with the river of Strymone, and so enclosed it with a wall that went from one arm of the river, unto the other. And builded it in a place of a convenient height: so that it was fair to see, aswell toward the sea, as to the land. Brasidas, than being at Arnes, 
Arne.  which is a town in the territory of the Agryans: departed fromthence with his army, and arrived about going down of the son in Aulone and in Bromisque, 
Aulon Bromiscus.  on that side where the lake of Bolbus voideth itself into the sea. 
Bolbe  And after that he had supped, he took his journey in the night (which was very dark, and also it did snow, and was very foul whether) so that he arrived bifore the city, without being parceved by them, that were within. Reserved some, with whom he had intelligence, which were partly of the Argylians, that be in the country of Andrie & were come thither, for to inhabit: and partly of other, which had be practised and won, aswell by Pardiccas, as by the Chalcides. But principally the Brasides, which was adioygninge unto them, were of that intelligence and confederacy, and had been always enemies of the athenians: and espied and laid in wait to take privily the said city. Those same than that were inhabitedde there as afore is said: having concluded the treason with Brasydas, by consent of them, which than had the governance of the city, did suffer him to come in. And the same night they, rebelling from the athenians, came to lodge with the army of Brasidas, nigh the bridge, that was on the river, distant a very small space from the city. which was not than closed with walls: as it presently is. And though that there was a number of people, that kept the bridge, yet aswell by cause of the night, as of the foul wether, and also of the sudden arrival, he repulsed them easily and won the bridge, and did take all the citizens, that dwelled without the city in the suburbs, except some small number, which saved themself in the town, whereof, they that were within were greatly afraid, and chief for that, that they greatly doubted among themself, the one, the other. And the saying is, that if Brasidas had aswell approved to take the city, as he suffered his people to pillage the suburbs: he had than takene it. But in the mean time that his people did give themself to pillaige, those of the city assuredde themself, in such manner, that he durst not pursue his enterprise, chief perceiving that they of his intelligence did not discover themself in the town. which thing they could not do, forsomuch as the citizens, who where in the greater number, impeached and did let that the gates were not opened. And sent with all diligence, by the counsel of Eucles, who than was capitain of the athenians, unto Thucydides son of Olerus, the same that hath writtone this history (which at that time had charge for the athenians in the said country of Thrace, with the said Eucles, 
Eucleus.  being nigh the town of Thase, which was a colony of the Paryans', distant from Amphipolis about one journey by sea) that he should come to secure them. which thing he readelye did, and came fromthence with seven ships, which he found by adventure all ready in that part, to secure Amphipolis, if it were not than takene, or if it were takene, for to take Eione. In this mean time Brasidas, who greatly fearedde the succours of Thase by sea, and also least Thucydides, 
Thucydides.  who kept in that quarter many mines of gold and of silver, by mean whereof, he had great frendeshypp and authority with the principallest of the country, should assemble a great number of people by land, he determined to do his best to get the said city by practise & composytion, bifore that the citizens might have the said succour. And for that cause he made it to be cried and published with the sound of a trumpet, that all they, that were in the town, being citizens or athenians, might if they thought good, abide in their estate and liberty. Even so, as the peloponesians. And those, that would not, might depart with their baguaige within five days. which cry being hard, many of the principal citizens changed their opinion, understanding to be by that mean in liberty. whereas the city at the present time was governed, the most part by the athenians. And also they, whose parents and friends were takene in the suburbs, which were in great number, all mean people, fearing, that if they did it not, their said parents and friends should be ill entreated, chy●fly the athenians, which perceived that without danger they might depart with their baguage, & looked for to have no succours readily: and the rest of the people, saying that by this appoynctement, they should bring and deliver themselves out of danger, & should remain in liberty: all with one accord did accept the party at persuasion of them, that had intelligence with Brasidas, although that the governors, which were for the athenians would have persuaded them to the contrary. And by this mean, the city was rendered. That self same day about the evening tide, Thucydides arrived with his ships at Eione. Brasidas, being already within Amphipolis. who had taken the said city of Eione if the night had not come upon him. And also at the break of the day he had taken it, if the succours with the said ships had not arrived. But the same Thucydides, being there arrived as is afore said, ordained his case for to defend the town, if Brasidas would have come to assail it, & also that he might withdraw and receive those of the main land, that were minded to come to join with him. whereby it chanced that Brasidas, who was descended a long the river with a good number of ships, having made his strength to get a rock that was at the mouth of the same, nigh the town, and after to take it by the land side, was repulsed from both sides, and was constrained to return into the city of Amphipolis, for to give order to the affairs thereof. And soon after, the city of Myrtine, 
Myrcinus.  in the country of the Edonians, did render itself to his alliance. For that, that Pittacus, 
Pittacus.  king of the said Edonians was slain by the wife and children of Groa●es● 
Goa●is.  and within few days, Gopselle and Esyne, 

Gopselus.  
Oesuna   which were two Colonies of the Thasiens', did likewise render themselves, and that by the practic of Perdiccas, who arrived in the city of Amphipolis incontinently after that it was takene. when the athenians understood the loss of that same city: they were therefore very sorrowful. For that, that it had been much propice and profitable to them, aswell by reason of the money, that they there levied, and of the wood that they did take fromthence for to make ships: as also for that the Lacedemonyans, having bifore faculty and power to come to invade the allies of the said athenians, unto the river of Strymone, by the conduct of the Thracians, who did take their part, could not pass over the water at the upper part thereof, for that, that it was deep, nor also with boatts, so long as the athenians did keep their watch upon the water at Eyone. But the Lacedemonyans, having gotten the city, and consequently the passage of the river, might pass at their will and pleasure. whereby the athenians were in great fear, that their friends and allies would turn to take part with the said Lacedemonyans. chiefly for this, that Brasidas, beside that, that he declared and showed himself to be a man courteous and reasonable: did also publish generally every where, that he had no charge, but to restore all Grece into liberty. By mean whereof, the other towns and cities, that did take part with the athenians, understanding the good entreating, which the said Brasidas usedde and practysedde towards the Amphilochiens, and that he presented liberty unto every man: they were all inclined to revolt and turn unto him, and to withdraw themselves from the obeisance of the Athenians. And thereupon did secretly send their heralds and messengers towards him, for to make their appoynctement: every man, desiring to be the first, thinking that there was none danger of the athenians, who of long time had not any great garnisons in that country: and thought not that their puissance had been so great, as they perceived it afterwards to be by experience. ●or also these be people, that have accustomed to conduct their affairs more, by an disordered affection, rather than by reason and providence, and putting their esperance in that, which they willed: they followed it without any great purpose to effect. And that thing which they wylledde not, they reprovedde under colour of reason. Also they grounded themselves greatly upon the loss, which the athenians had made frankly in Beoce, through occasion whereof, it seemed to them, that they could not so soon send succours into that quarter, and the more by the persuasions of Brasidas, who did them to understand. that the said athenians durst not fight against him nigh to Nysee, though that he had, but this a●mie, that was there. Through these reasons, and upon these ymagynations, they were all joyous for the present, to be in liberty under the protection of the Lacedemonyans, whom they thought, having newly made the enterprise in that same quarter, to be fully determined to follow it to their power. On the other side the athenians, considering the danger, sent forthwith succours into the said quarter for to keep and defend their land, although it were winter time. Also Brasidas had written unto them of Lacedemonye, that they should send unto him succours. And in the mean time he would cause to be made asmanye ships, as he could, in the river of Strymone. But the Lacedemonyans did send him no succours, aswell through occasion of the discord of the princypallest of the city: as also for that, that the people desired to recover the prisoners, which were takene in the Island, and by that mean, rather to make peace: than to continue the war.   

How Brasidas did take the city of Torone by treaty and intelligence, and the same of Lecithum by force. ☞ The xiiii Chapter.  
IN the same winter, the Megaryans' recoveredde the long wall, which the athenians had gottone from them, and subverted and turned it upsett down. And Brasidas, after the taking of Amphipolis went with his army against a place, named A●te, 
Acta.  which is set on high upon a mountain, named Athos, 
Athos.  which entereth within the kingly dyche, and extendeth unto the sea Egeus. In the length whereof be situated many cities, to wit, Sana, 
Sana.  which is inhabited with the Andrians, ad lieth upon the said dyche on the sea side, foranempst Eubeus. And beyond them, be, Thysus, 
Thissus  Cleone, 
Cleone.  Acrothous, 
Acrothous.  Holophixus & Dius. 
Holophixus.  which be inhabited with people of divers nations estraungers, which use two languages, & in part, the same of the Chalcydians. but principally of Pelasgyans, and of the Thyrenyens, which had sometime inhabited at Lemnus and at Athens, and also of the Bisaltiques, of Crestonians, and of Edonyens, which dwelled and kept themself in some of the villages in the said country: of the which cities the more part rendredde themselves unto the alliance of Brasidas. And forsomuch, as Sanius and Dyus resisted him, he pillaged & wasted their territory. And nevertheless, seeing that he could not turn them, he departed fromthence and went against Torone, 
Torona  in the country of Chalcyde, which did take part with the athenians by the practice and sollycytinge of some of the citizens, that had promysedde to let him into it. And so he journeyed all the night, that about the break of the day, he arrived at the temple of Castor and Pollur, which is distant from the city abouts three stades, without that, that any number of the athenians, which were within the town for to keep it, did perceive any thing thereof in any of the citizens. Those resaruedde that were of the treaty. some of whom, understanding his coming, did take and receive seven of his men only into it: which bore no armure but their swords. and yet feared not to enter without their companions, which were in all to the number of twenty unto whom Brasydas had gevene this charge under the conduct of Lysistratus the Olynthyen. 
Lisistratus.  Those same men, than being mountedde and drawin up by the wall that goethe toward the sea: they clymedde secretly uppe to the top of a high tower: which was scituatedde uponne a hill. and did slay those, that were within for to keep it. And afterwards did break up a little gate that was on the side of Canestre. This enduring, Brasidas with all the army was marchedde, a little more nigh unto the city, and attending and waiting the issue of the thing, he had sent bifore one houndredde foot men well armed for to be ready to enter into it, forthwith as they should perceive any of the gates of the town opened, and the sign, that they from with in the town should give, were showed. which came right secretly almost unto the walls. In the mean time, they of the town that had made the treaty, preparedde themself, with the seven, that were entredde, for to get the city: and that the gate should be openedde for them, which fyrmed and did shut in, the market place. They than perceiving the said hundred their companions to be so nigh: causedde to be shewedde unto some of them the passage, along the walls, and receyvedde them in by the little gate, which was gottone. To the intent, that they, that were in the city and knew nothing of the enterprise: perceiving themself assailed before and behind, should be suddenly the more afrayedde. And after they had made the sign or token with fire which they had given to Brasidas, they receyvedde the other of the said hundred into the city by the gate of the market place. when Brasidas did see the tokenne, he marched with the rest of his people in the greatest haste, that he might, against the city, making a much great noise and cry, for the more, to fear the citizens. And so some entredde at the gates, which they found openne, and the other mountedde up by the beams that were fastenedde in the wall on one of the sides, where it was brokene. And after that they were all entered, Brasidas made straight fourth to the highest of the city, and fronthence came to disturb and overrun it, through all the parts and streets thereof, to the end, that he might be wholly seized of it. And in this doing, the citizens, which had not been consenting to the taking of it, went about to save themself the best that they might. But they that were of the intelligence, came to join themself with the Lacedemonyans. As touching the athenians that were in the market place, for the saulfgarde of the town, to the number of fifty soldiers, there was one part of them taken sleeping and was slain, at the arrival. The other, perceiving the bruit, saved themselves, some by land and the other in two ships: that kept watch upon the river, and went fromthence unto Lecythum. where was one other garnysonne of Athenes. And took at the arrival the Castle of the city Marytimate or next the sea, which was in the most straight or narrowest place of the distreate. with whom, many of the citizens of the said Torone did retire and withdraw themselves, to wit, of those, that were most affectyonedde to the party of the athenians. The day come and the city being wholly in the puissance of Brasidas: he caused it to be cryedde with the sound of a trumpet through the town, that all they, which were retyredde with the athenians, might return in surety, and should recover their goods and continue in the rites of the city, like as they had done before time And on the other side, he commaundedde the athenians, that were within Lecythum, 
Lecithun  that they should void and depart fromthence, for that, that it appertained to the Chalcydians, suffering them to depart fromethence with their baguaige. But they made answer that they would not depart, and yet nevertheless they demaundedde of Brasidas one day of trefues for to withdraw their dead bodies. who grauntedde unto them two days, during the which, he furnished his forts. Likewise did the athenians, theirs. And besides this he did assemble the citizens of Torone, and spoke unto them almost in that same sort, as he had spokene to themof Acanthe in this substance.  

The narration of Brasidas unto the Toronyans.  
THat is, that he shewedde them, that raysonne would not, that they, which had had intelligence with him for to let him into the city, should be reputedde traiters nor evil doers. forsomuch as they had done it neither for money, neither for to bring the city into servitude: but rather for to restore it into liberty, and for the great wealth of the citizens generally. Also it were not raysonne, that they, which were not parttakers of this goodness, should be deprived of their goods and faculties, for he was not come thither for to destroy the city, nor any of the citizens: but for to deliver it out of captivity. And for this cause he had done it to be known to them that were gone with the athenians, that they might come again into their goods, and into the estate, that they were in, in times passed. To the intent that all men might know, that the amity of the Lacedemonyans (when they shall have provedde it) was not worse, than that same of the athenians and should have cause to be so much the moor affectionedde to their partie● as they should find them by experience, more just and more reasonable. Though that at the beginning they had been afraid, not having yet experymented the nature of the said Lacedemonyans. Praying and exhorting them, that they would dispose themselves to be their good and faithful friends & confederates, from that hour, forwards. For if they afterwards committed any fault, they should be coulpable and punishable. which thing bifore time they had not desarued, but rather they, that had by force holden them in subjection, as the more strong. wherefore though they had evenne unto that present hour been adversaries and contrary to the said Lacedemonyans● yet raysone would that it should be pardoned them. With such words Brasidas exhorted & comforted the Toronyans. when the two days of trefues were passed, he came to Lecythus and thought to take it with assault. For that, that the walls were very weak in every place, & in some quarters made of wood. Yet the athenians, that were within, defended themselves valiantly the first day, and repulsed the Lacedemonyans. The morrow following, Brasidas had caused to be set up an instrument for to cast fire into that part, where the walls were of wood. which perceived, the athenians raysedde up a tower of wood upon the said walls in the self same part: and there caused to be set a great number of vessels full with water, with instruments for to cast it fourthe● and also great stones. But through the great number of people that mounted upon the same tower, it did fall suddenly down to the ground. whereby and with the brute that it made in falling: the athenians which were nigh it, were more displaysedde, than afrayedde. But they, which were further of: thinking that the town had been taken, fled away towards the sea into the ships, that were in the poorte. Than Brasidas, parceyuy●ge that they had habandonedde and forsaken the wall, assailed it on that same side, and took the town without great difficulty, by that mean. And they, that were encountered at the arrival, were ●layne. Yet one party of the athenians savedde themself in the ships and saylledde to Pallenes. 
Pellene  Now had Brasidas caused to be cried bifore the assault with sound of trumpet, that he would give xxx pounds in silver to the first that should have mountedde upon the wall. But persuading himself that the town was taken rather by will of the gods, than by force: he did give that some of money to the temple of the goddess Pallas, which was in the same town. with which money, that same temple was reparedde, which had been destroyed at the taking of the same town, with the other edifices. And yet afterwards Brasidas caused it to be builded again. And he was the rest of the winter, in that same quarter, repairing and fortefyinge the places, which he did hold, and laying in wait for them, which did take part with the athenians.    

¶ How the athenians made trefues for one year with the Lacedemonyans. ☞ The xu Chapter.  
IN the beginning of the first vere or spring tide, the athenians made a trefues with the Lacedemonyans for one year. And that the athenians did: thinking that during that season, Brasidas would not have practised to withdraw their lands, and in the mean time to have fortified them, and also hoping to treat during that time a final peace, if they perceived that it should be good for them. The Lacedemonyans also persuaded themself that the said athenians feared the said matters, like as it was true, and that having by mean of trefues, repose and release of travails and pains, wherein they had bene● they would be more inclined to the peace, and that in that doing they would render the prisoners which they kept, which was the thing that the said Lacedemonyans most desired and hoped to obtain it, making the trefues, during the time, that Brasidas prosperedde. But so long as the war continued, and that he did get of the enemies, they hopedde not that their said people should be releasedde and delivered. And so the trefues was concluded in this form, for the athenians did deliver the articles, which they demanded, and the lacedemonians made the answer, such, as followeth.  

The form of the trefues between the athenians and the peloponesians.  
FUrst we will that as touching the temple and the oracle of Apollo Pythicus, that it be lyefull to all them, that will, of aither party to go thither without fraud and without fear, for to have counsel of the god in the manner accustomedde. This article was approved by the Lacedemonyans and by those of their allies, that were there. who promised to do all that they might, that the beotians and Phociens should approve and ratify it, and for that cause they sent their herald unto them. secondarily touching the treasure of that same god, which was pillaged and imbecilled, we will that men proceed against the transgressors for to punish them according to their demerittes, like as hath been accustomed in such case, and that we and you and all other that willbe comprised in the trefues, shall observe the ancient ordonances and customs, as touching that matter. To this, answered the Lacedemonyans and their allies, that they were content that if the peace were made, aither of the parties should be content with his land, like as they presently did hold it. To wit that the lymitts of the Lacedemonyans should be in the quarter of Coryphasius between Bufrades and Tomeus: and the same of the athenians, in Cytheis. And that the one might not make alliance with the other, that those, which be at Nysea and Mynoa should not pass by the way that leadeth from Pylus unto the temple of Neptune, and from the same temple, to the temple, which leadeth to Mynoa. which way also, neither the Megaryans' might pass, nor those, that were within the Island, which the athenians had taken. And that the one should have no communicatyon of merchandise nor of other matter with the others, but that the athenians might use all that, that they had at the present in Trezena, and all the other lands that remained unto them by the treaty, at their pleasure. And also that they might go by sea unto their lands, and to those same of their friends at their pleasure. And as concerning the lacedemonians, that they might sail not with long ships that go with sail, but with galleys and other ships that go with oars, of the portage of five hundred talentes. Item that all heralds & ambassadors might go without any empeschements with such company, as they would, aswell through the land of the Peloponesians, as through the same of the athenians, & that aswell by sea as by land, for to treat thappointment. Item that none should receive any fugetyve, bondman nor fire, of th'one nor other side. And as touching difference that may arise, during the trefues, among them of the one party, against those same of the other: the knowledge & trial thereof apparteigneth to the judge of the defender, like as it was used bifore the war, and that they should be voided and pacified by sentence, and not by war. To this answered the lacedemonians and their allies, that they agreed to all the said articles. Afterwards followed one other of this substance. And if ye perceive that there may be had any thing more honest and more reasonable than this, which is above said, being returned in to Lacedemony ye may advertise us thereof. To this the Lacedemonyans and their allies answered. They that shall go, having power and authority to entreat the matters, may have the charge, and authority hereof, like as you give it them. Afterwards followedde. these trefues shall endure for one year. And the subscription was this. It pleaseth the people and the three magistrates. Pyraneus was then the officier, and Phenippus the Grephier, 
Phenip●pus.  Nyciades capitain of the army. And Laches recited and declared the said trefues. which god grant to be to the goodness, joy and fortune of the athenians. Like as the Lacedemonyans and their allies have accorded and agreed unto it, and have promised to keep it for one year, which shall begin this present xiiii day of the month, Elaphobolion, that is December. During which time the heralds and ambassadors may and shall go from the one side to the other, for to speak and entreat upon means for to end the war. And that the officers & lieutenants at their request, should assemble the counsel and the people for that intent and purpose. And that the athenians should be the furst for to send the Ambassadors for to talk and common of the said means, and to bring at their arrival the ratifycation of the people of Athens, by which they promise to keep and hold the trefues during the said year. This same treaty between the athenians and Lacedemonyans and their allies was afterwards ratified and approvedde at Lacedemonye the xii day of the month Gerastie. And the principal authors thereof, wered of the Lacedemonyans, Thaurus, son of Ech●tymydas. Atheneus son of P●riclides, and Philocharydas son of Erixidaides. On the party of the Corynthians● Aeneas' son of scythe, and Euphanidas, son of Aristonym●s. On the behalf of the Scyonyans, Damotinus, son of Nan●rates and Onasymus, son of Megaces. Of those of Megare, Nicase, son of Lecalus, and Menecrates, son of Amphidotus. For them of Epidaure, Amph●as, son of Epoide. For the athenians, Ny●ostratus, son of Diotrophus, who was magistrate, Niceas, son of Nyceratus, and Autocles, son of Tolmeus. In this manner the said trefues was concluded, and during the same were made many treaties and parlementes of the peace.    

¶ How the trefues between the Peloponesians and the athenians was brokene, through cause of the cities of Scione and of Mende, which Brasidas taketh by rebellion of the citizens, from the said athenians. ☞ The xvi Chapter.  
During the time, that his trefues was entreated, and that the treaty was confirmed (as is above said) the city of Scione, nigh to Pallene, rebelled from the athenians, and rendered itself unto Brasidas, under this colour. Those Scionians did say, 
Sciona  that they were Pallenyans, 
Pallena  borne anciently out of the country of Peloponese, and that their auncestres● returning from the siege of Troy by sea, were by tempest of the sea, which than dispersed the Achives, driven into that same quarter, and there arrested themselves and inhabited. Brasidas, than understanding their rebellion, went towards them by night, and causedde to go a little before him a galley for to discover: and he himself was in a brygantine, to the intent that if he encountered a greater and more puissant than his, the galley might secure him. And if he encountredde one galley, as puissant, as the same, that went bifore he ran that it would rather match itself with the said galley, and by that mean, in the mean time, as the two galleys did fight togethers, he might save himself. So he arrived in this manner without any encountering at Scione. And there assembled the people. And did speak unto them in the self-same form and substance, as he had spoken to them of Acanthe and of Torone. And he praised them so much the more than the other: that albeit the Athenians did than occupy the city of Pallene, which was situated at the distreate of Peloponese, and that they did hold the city of Potydee: and that the same Scionians were all of the self Island: yet nevertheless they had the heart to be restored to liberty and out of the saruytude of the Athenians, of themselves. without varying until necessity should cause them to know and provide for their common wealth. For the which hardiness and magnanymytie, he judged them to be people, for to bear and endure valiantly and virtuously any other great affair, if it happened unto them. And also he took it well, that they should be always good and faithful friends of the Lacedæmonians. And by that mean should be in all things praised and honoured by them. Through which words & declarations, the Scyonians did conceive and take great courage: in such sort, that they all with one accord (aswell those, that took the matter to be evil at the beginning, as also the other) determined to sustain war against the Athenians, if the case chanced. And above many honours which they did to Brasidas, they set a crown of gold upon his head: as to the deliverer of Grece, and as to a man privately their friend and well doer: they did give him a Chapelette or small garland of vigne, and went to visett him in his lodging, as was used to them, that had had the victory of a battle. But he arrested not long there, but having left with them a small garnisone, he returned thither, from whence he came. And son after, he returned thither with a great army. To th'intent to assay, if he might with their aid, get Mende and Potydee, bifore the Athenians should come to their succours, as he doubted, that they would do. But having already made the treaty with certain of the said towns, bifore that he executed it, there came unto him out of a galley Aristonymus. 
Aristonymus.  from the party of the Athenians. And Atheneus from the party of the Lacedæmonians, who notefyed unto him the trefues. By occasion whereof, Brasidas returned fromethence to Torone. At which place the said Ambassadors declared unto him more amply the tenor of the tratie. Which was approved and received by all the allies, that were in Thrace, aswell on the one party, as of the other. But Aristonimus, though that he approved all the said treaty, yet he said, that the Scyonyans were not therein comprised, forsomuch, as they rebelled after the date of the trefues. Whereunto Brasidas did reply, and maignteigned that they rebelled bifore. And for effect said, that he would not render them, so that the matter or thing remained, as broken. And after that Aristonymus had reaported that same at Athens, all the Athenians were of opinion to begin war against the said Scyonians and did prepare themselves, for to make it. Which thing being come to the knowledge of the Lacedæmonians, they sent unto them ambassade, showing them, that they went against the treaty. And that wrongfully they would recover the said ctie of Scyone. upon the reasons that Brasidas did show, and that if they would go thither by force, those Lacedæmonians and their allies would defend the said Scionians. But if they would that the matter were put and referred to knowliage and into judgement, they were there with well contented. whereunto the Athenians made answer, that they would not put their estate in hazard of judgement, but were determined to go against the said Scyonyens, as fast as they could, thinking and holding it for certain, that if they of the Islands would rebel, the succours of the Peloponesians by land, could in nothing serve them. And for truth the Athenians had good quarelle, as touching that. For it was certainly found that the rebellion of the Scioniens was two days after the conclusion of the treaty. This was the decree, of the greater part and opinion of the Athenians made, in following thadvice of Cleon, that men should go to take Scyone, and slay all the Citizens. And thereunto they prepared themselves. But in the mean time the city of Mende rebelled likewise, 
Menda.  which is in the country of Pallene, inhabited and founded by the Ericrians. Which Brasidas received likewise, persuading himself to do nothing against reason, though that it was done during the trefues, forsomuch as the Athenians did likewise the contrary. Which was the reason, whereby those of Mende had takene boldness for to rebel, knowing the will and deliberation of Brasidas, and also seeing the experience of the Scionians, whom he would not forsake. And also considering that though that they: that had brought to pass the treaty of the rebellion were in small number, and had great fear to execute it: yet they left not to essay it, and fearing to be discovered, had won the other, that were the greater party, albeit that it was contrary to their expectation. The Athenians, being advertised of this rebellion, were yet more provoked and stirred, and prepared themselves for to go to destroy the said two rebelled cities. But in the mean time, that they made their preparations and afore that they arrived, Brasidas had withdrawn the women and children out of the same two cities. And had caused them to be carried into the country of Chalcyde. And also sent unto the succours of the citizens, five houndred Peloponesians and so many Chalcidians, all well armed, under the charge of Polydamydas, 
Polidamidas.  who attending the coming of the Athenians, provided for the fortification of the said two towns, by one common accord in the best manner and fashion, that they could.   

How Brasidas and Perdiccas having takene certain lands from Archibeus, understanding, that the Illyrians came to overcome them, departed secretly. And how Brasidas being forsaken by the said Perdiccas and his bend, saved himself from the illyrians, and how Perdiccas and Brasidas became enemies. ☞ The xvii Chapter.  
THis time enduring, Brasidas and Perdiccas went against Archibebeus into Lynceste, 
Linceste  to wit, Perdiccas with a good bend of Macedonians and of other Greeks, inhabiting the said country: and Brasidas with the rest of the peloponnesians, that he had, & with some Chalcydians, Achanthians and other of the confederated cities, so that there were footmen in all, about three thousand, and horsemen, aswell Macedonians, as Chalcydians, abouts a thousand, besides a great number of strangers, that did follow them. Being than entered into the country of Archibeus, and understanding that the Lyncestians were imparked and encamped in the field, they also did the like, and planted their camp directly against the other, aither of them upon an hill, to wit, the footmen on high: and the horsemen allow, which horsemen anon came to elkarmusche in the plain that was between the two hills. And it was not long, till that Brasidas and Perdiccas caused their footmen to descend from the hill. And first came to join themselves with their horesemen ready to fight. Which perceiving the Lyncestians, they did the lyke● so that they came to battle. But those Lnycestians were soon repulsed, and put to flight. Wherein there was a great number of them ●layne. The other retired into the mountain. And that done, Brasidas and Perdiccas, having there raised up their Trophy in sign of victory, they kept the field two or iii days, attending the Illyrians. Whom the said Perdiccas had soulded and waged for to come to his succours. After that term passed, Perdiccas would that they should have marched further into the country: and that they should have taken the towns of Archibeus, But Brasidas, who feared lest the army of the Athenians should come in the mean season: and destroy those of Mende, seeing also that the Illynans came not, he was of opinion to return back. And they, being in this difference, had news how that the Illyrians, which had takene wages of the said Perdiccas, had deceived him, and were gone to the service of Archibeus. By occasion whereof fearing the coming of the Illyrians: who are warlike people, they were both of opinion to return back. But they agreed not of the way that they should keep, so that they departed in the evening privily, without conclusion. And Perdiccas retired fromthence into his camp, which was a little distant from the same of Brasidas. And the night following, the macedonians and the estrangers in Perdiccas' camp, for the fear that they had of the coming of the said Illyrians: for that, that the bruit was greater, than the matter required, alike as it oftentimes chanceth, in great Armies) they departed out of the camp without licence. And returned into their houses. And though that Perdiccas at the beginning knew nothing of their deliberation: yet after that they had concluded it they came to him, and forced him to depart fromethence with them. Without that, that he might speak with Brasidas, which had his camp lodged far enough from him. Who understanding at the break of the day: the departure of the Macedonians, & the coming of the Illyrians and of Archibeus, he ordained his army in a quadrant battle, & enclosed the foot men lightly armed within the myddelmost, and afterwards caused them to march, to th'intent also to have withdrawn himself. And he with three hundred of the youngest and of the most galliard, tarried behind, for to sustain the chocke and charge of the couriers, and of those, that should come to set upon him, for to entertain and slack or keep back the first, until the other marched more forward, & determined to retire and withdraw himself last of all. But before the coming of th●nnemyes, he did speak unto his men of war at few words, in manner following.  

The exhortation of Brasidas unto his men of war.  
IF I did not suspect (Lords Peloponesians) that ye were astonied of this, that our friends have abandoned us, and that the strangers, in right great number, do come for to overcome us: I would not enterprise to exhort you, neither would I teach you, how to use yourself, as now I do. But forsomuch as it seemeth to me, that for these two causes, which be right great ye be somewhat abashed: I will speak unto you by manner of declaration and exhorting, what I think herein. That is, that it is convenient for you to be valiant and hardy in the war, not trusting always in the aid of your friends, and allies, but in your own virtue: and also not to be abashed nor fear the multitude of your enemies. For ye are borne in a citie● wherein a small number of people doth govern a great number, and not the greater number, the less. The which authority and puissance they have acquired by many victories, which they have had in battle. And as touching the estrangers, of whom ye presently be afraid, for that, that ye have not proved them, ye may well know that they be not very sharp or cruel, aswell by those, against whom, ye have fought for the Macedonians, as also by that, that I have learned by common reaporte, and that I conceive of them by conjecture. Now it is so, that those, that think the people, against whom, they have to do, to be more strong and better warryours than that they ar●e, when they have known the truth by experience, they afterward go more boldly against them. And likewise if there be any virtue in the enemies, whereof we be not advertised: let us assail them the more assuredly. Wherefore as touching these here, that come against us, they be to be feared of people, that know them not: for the great number that they be of, which is fearful to behold, and also horrible to here: for the great bruit, that they make, aswell by crying, as also by shaking and clattering of their harness. Which be all but only menaces and threatenings. But when they come to fight against the people, that be not thereof abashed, they show themselves not to be such. For they be not ashamed to recuyle and to abandon their place, when they be straightly charged upon. For that, that they keep no order. And by this cause it is asmuch honour for them to fly, as to assault. Wherefore no man can judge their hardiness. For where it is in the liberty of any one for to fight or for to eschew fighting: truly he may always find some good excuse for to save himself. And even so, these being of this sort, shall find it much more sure and easy for us, to fear us a far of by their cries and great menacynges, without putting themselves in danger: than for to come nigh for to fight with us. And if it were otherwise, they would rather come to the fighting, than to make all these cracks. And for conclusion ye see all the fear that is to be had of them. Which is great to sight, and to the hearing: but in battle it is very small. Wherefore if ye sustain and withstand their power, when they come to charge upon you, and afterwards do retire by little and little in good order, you shall right shortly come in faulftie into a sure place. And shall know for the time to come, that the nature and manner of this people: is to make a far of, very great craakes and menaces, and to show great hardiness to them, that they do perceive to be ready to receive them: and to return and show themselves astonied, when men join near unto them, and that they wool fight hand to hand. For in this case, they show their valiantness, in saving and keeping themselves in surety. After that Brasidas had thus exhorted and animated his people, he caused them to march in battle, retiring and withdrawing himself by little and little. Which perceived by the strangers, they followed them with all diligence, making great cries and great bruit according to their custom, thinking that they should have fled, and by that mean to have cut of their way, and destroyedde them. But when they did perceive that the Greeks did manfully resist the avante courrers, which aboorded them in some parts: and that Brasidas, with the bend which he had chosen, endured and did sustain all the puissance and strength of the other, whcihe came for to charge upon them: they were all astonied. And the Greeks having withstanded the first charge, did afterwards more easily repulse the other. And yet nevertheless after that the strangers ceased to assail them, they retired by little and little towards the mountain, in such wise, that when Brasidas and they that were with him, were come into a large and spacious plain, the bend of the strangers, that were ordained for to pursue them, kept themselves a far of. And as touching the other, they followed and chased the rest of the Greeks, which fled. And those, that they did take out of the troop were slain without mercy. And seeing that Brasidas could not save himself but by an straicte passage, which was at the entering of the land of Archibe●s between two rocks: they came to win it, & bestowed themself in the entering, thinking to have stayed him there, and to have taken him. But he perceiving their enterprise, commanded three houndred men, that were with him that they should with the most diligence that they could without keeping any order, run to one of the said rocks, to the same, that seemed unto them most dangerous, & do their best for to win it, bifore that the enemies should assemble themselves there togethers in a greater number. Which thing they did so virtuously, valiantly and so readily: that at the arrival, they chased the enemies fromthence, which now already had gotten the height and top of it. By mean whereof, the other Greeks came easily to get the passage. For the strangers, seeing their people flying away: which were de●ected and driven down from the said rock, and also that the Greeks had already gottone the passage for to save themselves: they followed them no further. And by that mean Brasidas, keeping the height of the mountains for to pass in more surety, arrived that same day in the town of Armissa. 
Armissa  Which was in the obeisance of Perdiccas. At which place being arrived, the soldiers of Brasidas, for despite and anger that they had, for that, that the Macedonians were the first, that broke of, and went their way and had abandoned and forsaken them: as they found their Oxen yoked or their other baguages that they had left in the way (like as it is to be believed that men do, when they fly, specially in the night) they unyoacked the Oxen and took of their baguages. that, which pleased them. Whereby Perdiccas perceived first that Brasidas was his enemy. Through occasion whereof, he changed fromthensforwardes the affection that he had towards the Peloponesians. And yet nevertheless did not fourthwi●h so declare himself, for fear of the Athenians. But first he searched means for to make his appointment with them.    

How the city of Menda was taken by the Athenians, and that same of Scyona assieged. And certain other things that happened about the end of the year. ☞ The xviii Chapter.  
When Brasidas was returned to Torona, he found that the Athenians had recovered and taken Menda again. Whereupon considering that he was not puissant enough for to defend Pallena, if he had gone thither: he tarried at the said place of Torona, for to defend it. For in the mean time, that he had been with Perdiccas, the Athenians issued for to come to the aid of the Lyncesters, against Menda and against Sciona with fifty ships well appareled. Whereof there was ten of Chio, carrying a thousand men well armed. Of their country six houndred Archers being Thraciens. And a thousand other estrangers, togethers with a certain number of footmen, light armed: whereof were Capitains', Nicyas, 
Nycias.  the son of Nyceratus, and Nycostratus, 
Nicostratus.  son of Dyotrephus Who being departed from Potydea with the said army, when they were foranempste the temple of Neptunus, they went directly against Menda. But those of the city, perceiving them coming, and having three houndred men of Scyona with the garnisone of Peloponesians for their aid: issued fourth of the city all in armure, to the number of seven hundred in all, under the conduct of Polydamydas. 
Polydamydas.  And camped themselves upon a little mountain which seemed unto them to be a place very sure. And though that Nycyas, with six skoore men of Methone and three skoore of the most gentle companions Athenians with all the archers did their best to deject and remove them from the said place, thinking to mount by certain pathways of the said mountain: yet he was so oppressed with shot, that he was constrained to retire. And Nicostratus, that would have mounted by an other side with the rest of the army, was so sturdely repulsed, that it failed very little, but that all the army of the Athenians had been put out of order and destroyed that same day. Whereupon perceiving that they could not have the better against the Mendyans they retired into their camp bifore the town, & the Mendyans in the night time withdrew themselves into it. The morrow following, the athenians went to overcome the land of Sciona: and pillaged all the villages, all the houses, and all the fields, round about the town so long, as the day endured, without that those, that were within durst issue fourth, forsomuch as there was certain dissension amongst them. The night following, the three houndred Scyonyans, that were within Menda returned into their houses. And the day being come, Nycyas, with the moiety of the army: went afresh to overcome the land of the said Scionyans. And Nycostratus with the rest came for to lodge himself bifore the gates of the town on the highest side, which is leading towards Potidea. On the other side Polydamydas, who was within & had the defence of that same quarter with the citizens and a number of estrangers being Peloponesians, animated & encouraged his people and did put them in battle, for to issue fourth against the Athenians. But there was one of the town that did speak against him, saying that it was not meet nor convenient for to issue fourth neither to fight. Wherewith he was so angry that he rushed upon him and rudely used him. Which seen, they of the town, could not endure him. But did take all armure for to charge upon the Peloponesians and them that were with them. Who, seeing the fury, did fly, aswell for fear of the people of the town, as also of the Athenians (unto whom, in these enterchances, the gates were opened,) doubting that it had been arra●ne conspired against them. And they that might, withdrew themselves into the castle, whereof they were seized in times passed. In the mean time, the Athenians entered into the town (for Nycias was already returned for to overcome it) and they did pillage it utterly. Thinking that the gates were not opened unto them, neither by traictie nor by general deliberation, but aither by fortune or else by particular intelligence. And although the captains had enough to do for to defend, that they should not kill all those, that were within, yet nevertheless the bruit being appeased, the self capytaines commanded the citizens, that they should take again the governance of the town, like as in times passed, th●y had been accustomed. And of themselves, that they should do justice on them that had been cause of the revolt & rebellion. And afterwards they enclosed them, that were within the castle with walls that extended unto the sea on all sides, and therein did put guards & soldiers. And afterwards departed fromethence with the rest of th'army against Scyone. Against whom, they of the town issued fourth bifore their coming, with the Peloponesians, which they had, and lodged themselves upon a little hill, which was very nigh unto the wall, for that, that without taking of it, men could not well assiege the town. But the athenians did assail them so lively, that they dislodged them. And by that mean, having raised up their Trophy there in sign of victory: they laid siege unto the towne● and determined to enclose it on all sides. But they being occupied in that work, the Peloponesyans● that were within the castle of Menda issued fourth by night. And in despite of them that held them assieged: they passed by the sea coast, and the more part came through the camp of the athenians so that they entredde into Scyone. In these enterfaictes● Perdiccas for despite of Brasidas, made his appointment with the capitains athenians, which thing he had determined from the return that the said Brasidas made from Lynceste, having a good bend of Thessalyens his friends, by whom he was always bifore time sarued. And for that, that Nycias required him, that in declaring himself that he would do some good service for the Athenians, and also for his own commodity he would well impeach that the Peloponesians should no more enter into his land, he denied passaige unto Isthagoras Lacedemonyan, 
Isthagoras.  who conducted the army by land of the said Peloponesians for to join himself with Brasidas, and furthermore defended him, that he should not take into his service, any of the Thessalyens. But that notwithstanding, that same Isthagoras and Amnenias & Arysteus with him, 

Amenius.  
Aristeus.   who were sent by the Lacedemonyans unto Brasidas for to see in what estate, the cases were: did pass & came unto Brasidas, having in their company certain young parsons. And though that it was defended by th'ordinances of the town, that they, which had charge of any place: should no commit it to any other whatsoever parson: yet nevertheless, they appointed Clearidas, 
Clearidas.  son of Cleonymus to the keeping of Amphipolis, and to Torona Tellidas, 
Telidas.  the son of Hegesander. The same summer, the Thebayns bet down the walls of the Thespians, charging them that they had confederation with the athenians, which thing they were minded in times passedde to have done. But than it was more easy for them, for that, that in the battle, which they had had against the athenians, the more part of their young people were slain. Also in that same summer, the temple of juno, which was at Argos, was burned through fault of Chrysis, 
Chrysis.  that was than Abb●sse. Who, going to light a lamp nigh to the crowns of the goddess, fell a sleep: so that bifore she did awake: all was in fyerre. By reason whereof, fearing that the Argives would do her some displaisir: in the night time, she fled fromethence into Philontus. Whereupon the Argives according to their laws and ordinances did depose her, and in her place did put one Phenides, 
Phayus  notwithstanding that the said Chrysis had been there president eight years and an halfe● as the war had enduredde. Abouts the end of summer, the athenians having enuironedde Scyona with a wall on all sides, they did put within it good garnysonnes, and after retournedde unto Athens. The winter following, was peaceable between the athenians and the Peloponesians, by mean of the trefues. But the Mantynyens and the Tegetes, had battaylle togethers, ayther having the aid of his allies, nigh unto Laodicum which is in the land of Oristide, 
Laodicum.  of the which battle the victory was uncertain. For the right point or wing of ayther party was brokene and put to flight. By occasion whereof, aither of the said parties raised and set up their Trophy in token of victory, and fromthence did send their spoylles, that they had gotten of th'enemies, to be offered at the temple of Delphos. For there was also many dead, aswell on the one part, as of the other. And bifore, that it might be perceived who had the victory or better, the night departedde them. Neverthelas the Tegetes kept the camp all that same night and did set up (even at the same hour) their trophy upon that self place. And the mantynians retired into Bucolion. 
Bucolion.  And within a certain time after, did ●ett up theirs directly against the other. About the end of winter, Brasidas enterprisedde secretly to have taken Potidea. Having some intelligence and confederation of some that were within. And he came by night unto the wall, and raised up his ladders for to mount, bifore that they of the town perceived it. For he had espyeall there that when the watch was changed, he that had the keeping of that same quarter of the wall removed to go to an other place. Which thing Brasidas understood by the sown of a little bell, which he of the watch did ring departing from his place, and carried it into the other quarter. Whereby whilst he was in removing: and bifore that he was come again into his place, the ladders were raised up. But as Brasidas would have mounted, the matter was perceived. Whereby he was constrained to retire that self night with his army. Thus endeth the winter of that same year, which was the nineth of the war, that Thucydides hath written.   
And so endeth the fourth book.   


¶ How the Athenians by the conduct of Cleon did take the city of Torone from the Peloponesians. And of one voyage that Pheax Athenyen made into Italy and into Sycile. ☞ The first Chapter.  
THE summer following ended the first year of the trefues, to wit, the day of the feast of Pithy. During which time, the athenians chased out of the Isle of Delos, those, that therein inhabited, for that, that they thought, for some ancient consideration, that they were not good livers. And that there rested, but only that, for ●accomplyshe the purgation of the place, whereof we have spokene herebifore. And that having taken away the sepulchres and monuments of the dead, they should also chase fromethence the living evil livers, for to please and pacify the gods. And they, that were driven fromethence: repaired into the town Atramyteum, 
Atramittum.  in the country of asia, to whom Pharmaces did give place for to inhabitte, 
Pharnaces.  as they came thither. After that the trefues was ended, Cleon went with thirty ships into Thrace. Having in the same ships, twelve houndredde footmen all well armed, being all athenians, and three houndred horsemen with a great number of allyes● by consent of the athenians, whom the said Cleon had thereunto inducedde and perswadedde. And being aryvedde bifore Scyona: which was yet besieged, he did take a certain number of the garnisone which was at the siege, and went therewith to the port of Colophonians, which was not far distant from the city of Torone. And understanding by certain fugityves, that Brasidas was not there, and that those, that he had left there, could not resist his puislance: he descendedde from the ships and came by land against the city, having left twenty of his ships, for to environ and enclose the port. And he went directly against the new wal●les and ramparts that Brasidas had made, for to enclose the suburbs within the town. And to the intent that it should have been all one fort, he did beat down the old walls that devydedde the town from the suburbs. So the athenians did come at the aryvalle to give the assault to the walls. Against whom Pasilelidas, who was left capitain within for to defend the town, resisted as well as he might with the people that he had. But saying that he could not prevail, and also fearing that those which were in the ships about the port, should enter into the town by that same quarter, which was holy unfurnyshedde: and by that mean lest that he should be takene both bifore and behind: he retired with the most diligence that he might into the oldetowne. But the people of the ships that were landed at the port, had already gottone the said town: and those that did give the assault at the new wall, followed him fyerslye. And entered foot for foot at his tail into the old city, over the rubbys●he of the old wall that was broken down. And so they did slay a great number of Lacedemonyans and of citizens that they encountredde making defence, and did take one part of them prisoners, among whom was Pasitelidas, that was the capitain. Now had Brasidas been advertisedde of the coming of the athenians and came to the succours of Torona with the most diligence that he might. Buc being in the way advertisedde of the taking of the town, he returned. And failed to come in time unto the succours, but the space of journeying of foorty stades or thereabouts. The athenians having gottone the town, did take the women and children into saruy●ude and bondage, and as touching the men aswell Lacedemonyans as those of the town and other of the country of Chalcyde, they sent them all to Athens, which were about seven houndred. Whereof the Lacedemonyans were afterwards rendered by appointment, and the other were delivered unto the Olynthiens for to change with like number of their people, which were prisoners. In the self time the Beotians did take by trahisoune the wall of Panacte, 
Panactum.  which was of the confines and border of the athenians. And Cleon having left a good garnysonne within Torona, went by sea unto Athon nigh unto Amphipolis. 
A●hos.  And Pheax son of Erasistratus being thosene by the athenians captain of an other army by sea, 
Pheax.  with two companions went into italy and into Sycile with two ships only. And the occasion wherefore they were sent thither was this. After that the athenians were departed out of Sycile: by the appointment that the Syciliens had made among themself, like as is bifore rehearsed: the Leonty●s, had withdrawn into their city a great number of people, by occasion whereof, the people perceiving themselves so increased determynedde for to part the lands of the town by the head, whereof the richest and principal men being advertysedde, they chasedde the greatest party of the common people, out of the city. Which went fromethence, some hider, some thither, and left the city as void and desolate. And son after did render themself to the Syracu●ains. who receyvedde them into their city as citizens. But afterwards some among them whom it aggrieved to be there: went into their country: and suddenly did take, one quarter of the city of Leonee named Phoces and one other place without the town in the terrytorry thereof, 
Phoces.  named Bricinias, 
Bricinnias.  which was very strong. And thither many of the exiles did come for to render themselves and did defend themselves within the walls the best that they might, against them of the city. The athenians being thereof advertised, sent the said Pheax and did give him charge, for to practise their allies and other of the said country to dymynishe and abate the puissance of the syracusans, which daily increased, and for to succour the Leontyns. Pheax than being arrived in the country: did by his practic get the Camerins and the Acragantyns. But afterwards being come to Gela and finding the causes disposed contrary to his opinion, 
Gela.  he passed no further, knowing that he should do nothing there. But in his returning along out of Sycile, he comforted them only with words, passing those of Catana & those of Brycinnias', 
Catana.  and afterwards returned fromethence into his country. But bifore, he had aswell at his coming into Sycile, as at his return, practised certain cities of italy for to make alliance with the athenians. And moreover passing along out of Sycile at his return he encountered certain citizens of Locres, who returned by sea from Messana, 
Messana.  fromewhence they were driven by the Messanyans after that they had continued a certain time masters of the city, by means of a sedition and mutynerye, that chansed in the city, soon after the appointment of the Sycilians, by occasion whereof one of the parties perceiving itself to be the more feeble, called the Locryans, unto his aid. Who sent thither a good number of their citizens, which were by this mean masters of the city, for a certain time through the aid of the part, that had called them thither, but specially they were driven from thence and returned home, when Pheax did encounter, 
Pheax.  them, as is above said. Who did them, no displeasure, forsomuch as in passing his journey: he had appointed and made alliance with them of the city of Locres in the name of the Athenians. Although that at the appoincment which had been bifore time made among the Sycilians, they alone had refused the alliance of the said athenians, neither yet at this present had made it, had it not been that they had than war against them o● Itone and meal, 
Itones. Melei.  which were their neighbours and burgeoses. And soon after P●●ax arryvedde at Athens.   

How Brasidas had a victory against Cleon and the athenians nigh unto Amphipolis, wherein both the capitains were slain. ☞ The ii Chapter.  

Torona  CLeon at his departing from Torona, took his journey towards Amphipolis, and passing his journey at his coming fourth of Eione he taketh by assault Stagirus in the country of Andria. 

Eione.  
Stagirus.   And he thought to have takene Galepsus in the country of Thasians, 
Galepsus.  but he failed thereof. And so returned to Eione. Being at which place, he commanded Perdiccas, that ensuing the alliance, which he had lately made with the Athenians, he should come unto him with his puissance. And the like he also commanded in Thrace unto Polles king of Odomantins, who than had a great bend of Thracians to his soldiers, whose coming Cleon attended at the said place of Eione. Which thing being come to the knowledge of Brasidas, he with his army did come for to lodge nigh unto Cerdylium. 
Cerdilium  Which is an high and strong place in the country of Argilians on the other side of the river very nigh Amphipolis. Out from which place all things that his enemies did, might easily been seen: like as they also might see him. Cleon (even as Brasidas thought) marched with his army against Amphipolis, not passing any thing of Brasidas, who had but a thousand five houndredde Thracians, huyred soldiers, togethers with the Edoniens all well armed, and a certain number of horsemennes, aswell Myrcyniens as Chalcydians, besides the thousand that he had sent into Amphipolis, and they might be in all two thousand footmen and three houndredde horsemen, of the which he did take a thousand five hundred and mounted to Cerdylium, and he sent the other into Amphipolis to the succours of Clearydas. As touching Cleon, he kept himself still without enterprising any thing, until that he was constrained by the mean of that which Brasidas thought would happene, that is, that his people should be displeased to tarry there without faighting, and reputed Cleon to be slack and of small knowledge of war, in comparisonne of Brasidas, whom they esteemed to be an hardy man and a good Capatayne. And so much the more, for that that they were unwyllynglye come with him and against their wills. Whereupon Cleon, understanding their murmuration and to th'intent that they should be no further displeased to be there: he led them from the same place wherein they were, all in battle ray, in the self order that he used at Pylus, trusting that he should speed well. For he also thought that the enemies durst not come for to fight against him. But he sayedde that he descendedde with his camp only for to see the place and yet nevertheless he attendedde a great strength, not so much for hope of vaynquishing, in case he were constrained to fight, as for to enuyrone the city and to assail it. Being than come with his army which was fair and puissant very nigh to Amphipolis, he lodgedde himself upon the top of an hill, fromewhence he might see the country round about. And so marked very diligently the Scyte of the city, chief from the cost of Thracie, how the ryue● of Scrym onie kept his course there, which he found for his advanntage: for that, that he thought, that he might return fromthence when he would without fighting. And on the other side, he did see no man within the city, neither those that entered neither that issued or came fourth of the gates. Which were all lockedde and shut in. Wherefore he repentedde himself very soar, and thought that he had committed a great fault: for that, that he had not brought his Engines of artillery for to battre the town. For he conjectured that if he had had them there, he might easily have takene it. When Brasidas understood that the athenians were dislodgedde, he likewise dislodgedde from Cerdylium and entered with all his bend into Amphipolis. Without making any semblant for to be willing ayther to issue fourth or for to fight against the athenians, for that, that he reputedde himself not puissant for to do it. Not only so much for the number of people, whereof he had well nigh as many as they: but also for the preparation and for the sort of the people. For in the army of the athenians, there was all the force of the Lemnyans and of the Imbryans. Wherefore he determined for to put in ure a cautel for to assail them. For, to make a moustre of his people although that they were in sufficient number and well armed, unto the enemies ●he thought that ●t should proffitt him nothing, but rather should give courage to the enemies for to despise and contemp●e them. So he appointed for the guard and defence of the city unto Clearidas one hundred and sy●●●e men, and with the remanante, he deliberated for to assail the Athenians, afore that they should depart fromthence, thinking that they should be more easy to be overcome being separated from their succours, than if he tarried till their said succours did come unto them. But afore the executing of his enterprise, he minded for to declare it well unto his soldiers, and also for to exhort them manfully to do and follow it. And therefore caused them all to assemble togethers. And afterwards did speak unto them in this manner.  

The narration of Brasidas unto his soldiers.  
Lords Peloponesians, forsomuch as ye be come out of a land: and country, which for the hardiness, generosite and nobleness of the inhabitantes● hath always lived in liberty and that ye, which be Doryans have to fight against the ionians, whom ye have always found more feeble than yourself, It is not needful that I use many words, but only to show you, the fashion and manner that I have determined to keep for to issue fourth against my said enemies. To th'intent that considering that I am willing to approve and essay fortune with a small number of people, without taking all our puissance: ye shall not thereof be astonied, fearing to be the weaker. For I conjecture that our enemy, who despiseth us, thinking that we dare not enterprise to come to fight against him, is amounted in that high place only for to see the country: and keepeth himself without any order as is all things assured. And it happeneth oftentimes, that he, which diligently marketh therror and fault of his enemy, and determineth manfully for to assail him, not in ranked battle neither in an appointed journey: but so as he perceiveth his advantage, cometh to the effect of his enterprise both to his honour and proffitt. For also those secret and sudden eskermouches that be made in war, whereby specially a man deceiveth his enemies and doth service and secure to his friends, do give and attribute great glory unto the enterprisers. Wherefore in the mean time that they be thus in disorder and that they be in doubt of nothing, and bifore that they dissodge themselves fromthence (which thing I think that they be willing to do● rather than to tarry, I am determined to give the charge upon them, with this number of people that I have, whilst they be in this wavering. And in doubt what they may do, bifore that they be resolved among themselves, and for to enter if I may: into the middle of their army. And thou Clearidas, when thou shalt see that I shallbe among them, and that thou parceyvest that they be astonied and afraid, opnene thou the gates of the town, and issue fourth suddenly on the other side, with the number of people, that thou shalt then have, aswell of the town as estrangers, and come with the most diligence that thou mayst, to the rescue, for to rush and pass through them. For I do think that in this doing they shall be put in great fear. forsomuch as they which come suddenly afresh unto a conflict, cause always more dread and fear, than they which be in battle afore. Wherefore for thy parte●, show that thou art a man of sparte. And you our allies follow him manfully: and think that the noble fayghting consisteth in having good courage, to fear to receive shame, and in obeying to your capitains. And that if this present day ye show yourself as valiant men, ye shall acquire and get liberty, and shall be from hencefourthewarde called companions and allies of the Lacedæmonians. And that doing otherwise, though you may escape, to be all slain, and your town destroyed. or at the best that may happene, ye shall be in moor grievous servitude than hitherto ye have been. And also shallbe cause for to let, that the other Greeks shall not recover their liberty. Understanding than of what ymportance this battle is, be mindful to show yourself people of virtue, and I will declare for my part, that I can aswell fight being nigh and at hand stroackes, as I can exhort and encourage other being a far of. Brasidas having thus animated his people, he putteth them in order for to issue fourth with him, and likewise those, that should come afterwards with Clearidas out of the gate of Thrace, as is bifore said. But forsomuch as he had been seen by the enemies, when he descended from Cerdylium, and also after that he was entered into the towne● specially in making his sacrifice in the temple of the goddess Pallas, which is without the town very nigh unto the walls, Cleon was advertised that there was some enterprise in hand, as he was in marking the country round about the town, like as hath been before said. Which thing might easily be known aswell for that that it might clearly and plainly be seen that they that were within the town, did arm themselves, as also for that, that a man might see at the yssuinge of the gates the marchinges and the traicte of the people and of horses that issued fourth. whereof the same Cleon was greatly astonished, and suddenly descended from the place wherein he was, for to see, if it were so. And after that he had knowing that it was the verity, having already determined not to fight until his succours, which he attended and looked for, should have been arrived: and considering that if he did retire by the cost that he had marked and devised, he should toomuch clearly been seen, he caused a sig●e of retraytte to be given, and afterwards did command his people, that they should begin to retire from of the side of the left point (for on the other point it was not possible) and that they should make towards Eiona. But saying that those of the said left point did march to slackly, he caused them of the right point wherein he was, to turn into that part, and there he himself went, leaving by that mean the middle of the battle nakedde and discovered, making the most diligence that he might for to retire. During this time Brasydas knowing that it was time to march, perceiving specially the enemies to waver, he said unto them that were with him, and likewise unto the other, these people will not tarry, for ye see how their spears and their heads remove to and from, and never people did that, which were willing to fight, Therefore open the gates, and let us with great courage charge upon them with the most diligence that we may. And forthwith the gates were opened in that quarter, that he had appointed, aswell those same of the town as the same of the rampire and of the long wall, and issued with his people in a great course, keeping the strait way, where a man may presently see the Trophy in token of victory raised up. And so he rushed into the middle of the battle of the enemies, which he found holy astonied for the disorder and sore afraid for the hardiness of their enemies. In such sort, that he did put them incontinently to flight. And soon after, Clearydas issued fourth by the gate of Thrace, like as he had been appointed, who rushed in on the other cider whereof the athenians perceiving themself so suddenly and contrary to their expectation assailed on all parts, were yet more afraid, insomuch that they that were in the left point, who had takene the way of Eione, did fly wyhoute any order. In this mean time Brasydas charging upon the right point, was sore hurt, so that he did fall to the earth, but before that the athenians did perceive it, he was relevedde by his men that were about him. And yet nevertheless the right poyncte of the said athenians kept itself most firm. But when Cleon did perceive, that it was no time to tarry any longer, he fled, and so was encountredde by a footman of the enemies Myrciniens, who did slay him. And yet nevertheless those that were with him stood in their defence against Clearydas at the mounting of the hill, and there they did fight valiantly, until that the horsemen and footmen lightly armed, aswell Marcynians as Chalcydes came upon them, who with strokes of● shot constrained them to forsake the place and to fly. And by that mean all the host of the athenians was brokenne, and fled away some one way and the other on the other side: every one the best that he could towards the mountaignes. And they that could escape retired to Eiona. After that Brasidas was brought again into the city, bifore that he rendredde the sprytte, he knew that he had had the victory and lived not long after. As touching Clearydas he pursued the enemies as far as he could with the rest of the soldiers. After he came again into the place of the battle, and when they had spoylledde the dead, they set up their Trophy in the same place in tokenne of victory. And that done they all accompaygnyedde the body of Brasidas with the habillementes and other furniture and buryedde it within the city bifore the market place, which at this present is there. In which place, the Amphipolit●ins causedde afterwards to be edyfyedde for him a right honnorable sepulchre and a Chapel as for a saint. And decreed & ordained sacrifices unto him as saints had: with tourneys and yearly honnors. And also they attrybuted unto him the title, to have founded and peopled the city. And all thing that was found by writing or by painting and graving, making memory of Agnon, who had been their founder, they took away and defaced, reputing Brasidas to be their deliverer. And they did the rather this thing for to please the Lacedemonyans, for fear that they had afterwards of the athenians. For they also thought it moor their proffitt and their honour for to exhybitte those honours unto Brasidas, than unto Agnon, for the enmity that they had against the athenians. Unto whom nevertheless they did render their dead corpses. which were found abouts six hundred. where of the other were found, but sevenne. By mean that this was not properly a battle, but a sudden onsett, wherein there was no great reesistence. Aftere that the corpses were rendredde, the athenians returned by sea unto Athenes and Clearydas with his people abodde in the City for to give order in the government thereof. This overthrow happened about the end of Summer. In which self time Ramphias and Authocaridas Lacedemonyans conductedde by sea nine houndred men of war into the country of Thrace, 

Ramphias.  
Autocharydas.   for to renforce and strengthen the army of the Peloponesians. And they being arrived in the city of Heraclee in the country of Trachine, 
Thrachinis.  whiles they were giving order for the affairs of the town, had news thereof.    

How the Lacedæmonians made peace for themself and their allies and afterwards how they made alliance among themselves without the other. ☞ The iii chapter.  
IN the beginning of winter those, that were with Ramphias passedde further unto the mount Pierie, which is in Thessale. But they of the country denied them their passage. By occasion whereof & also having understand the death of Brasidas to whom that bend should have been brought, they returned home. For they also thought, that it was no time to renew the war, considering that the athenians were returned and that they were not people for to parfaicte and achieve the enterprises of Brasidas. And on the other side they did know that at their departure from Sparta, the Lacedemonyans were more enclynedde to peace, than unto war. And in effect after the conflict at Amphipolis and the return of Ramphias from Thessale, there was no exploicte of war between the athenians and the Lacedemonyans, for both parties desired rather peace than war. To wit, the athenians by cause of the loss that they had had at Delos furst, and soon after at Amphipolis. By reason whereof they esteemed not their force, somuch as they did at the beginning when it was spoken of the appointment, which they refused, for that that they trusted toomuch in their prosperity, and also greatly feared lest their allies saying their case and chance to decline and decay, should revolt and rebel, and therefore repent themself heartily that they did not make peace forthwith after the victory, that they had at Pylus. On the other side the Lacedemonyans desired it, forsomuch as it chanced otherwise in the war, than fro the beginning they thought it would have done. For they did think that wasting the territory of the athenians, in short time they should have destroyed them and brought them under. And also for the great loss which they had made at Pylus. which was the greatest that they of Sparte had ever had. And so much the more, for that that the enemies that were within Pylus and within Chitera ceased not to overrun and pillage their country there next adioygninge. And besides that, their slaves oftentimes rendredde themselves to the said enemies, and also were continually in fear, lest the other would do the like, by encouraigement of those, that were gone fro them. There was also an other reason, that is, that the trefues which the said Lacedemonyans had made for thirty years with the Argyues should shortly expire, the which they were not minded to continue, except the said Argyues would render to them the land of Cynuria. 
Cinuria  And also they perceived themself not to be puissant enough for to make war both against the athenians and against them, and so much the moor for that they fearedde lest some of the cities that did take their party in the country of Peloponese, would turn from their side, like as afterwards it happened. For these respects and reasons both the one & the other party desired to have peace. And chief the Lacedemonyans for to recover the prisoners which were taken in the Island. who had been the cause, wherefore (even from the beginning that they were taken) the said Lacedemonyans procured and laboured the peace. But the athenians being puffed up & set in pride with their prosperity, would in no wise hear thereof, hoping to do greater things, afore the war should be ended. But after that they were overthrowin at Delos, the Lacedemonyans, thinking that at the self hour, they would have been more tractable, accorded the trefues of one year. mindding, during that same, to entreat the peace orels a longer trefues. And after that, happenedde the overethrowe of Amphipolis, which helpedde well to the peace. And so much more that Brasidas and Cleon were therein slayne● who were the principal and chief that empeschedde the peace on both sides. To wit, Brasidas for that, that he had good fortune in war, whereby he hopedde the increase of honour. And Cleone for that, that he thought that his faults and offences should be more manifest in time of peace, than in time of war, and that men would not give so much faith unto his inventions and evil opinions, if it were peace. Whereupon thoose two being faylledde, remaynedde the two principal men of two Cities, whereof aythere of them greatly desyredde peace, hoping by mean thereof for to obtain the pryncipalytie in the said Cities. To wit, Plistoanax son of Pausanias' king of Lacedemonye, 
Plistoan●x.  and Nycias son of Niceratus Athenian, 
Nycias.  which was the best capitain that they for that time had for the war, and the same that had done the best feats. wherefore he thought it best for to make peace, in this mean time, that the athenians were in good prosperity, to the intent that he had no cause of lose (by any inconvenience) his good fortune, and also that he himself and the citizens might be fromthence fourth in rest and tranquillity. And that he might leave his good renome after him, that he never did nor counsailledde the thing, whereby the City could find him eville. which thing might chance otherewise, if causes were commyttedde to the adventure of war: the dangers whereof be eschuedde by the peace. And as touching Plistoanax he desyredde it, for that, that he was suspectedde from the beginning of the war, that he returned fromthence and had brought again the army of the peloponesians out of the country and territory of the athenians. By mean whereof all the damages that were afterwards happenedde to the Lacedemonyans, were imputedde unto him. And furthermore he was chargedde that he and Aristoteles his brother had entysedde a dyvyneresse that was at Delphos, 
Aristocles.  and pronouncedde the answers of the god Apollo, so that she in the name of that god and as inspyredde by him, had answeredde unto the Messengers which the Lacedemonyans had sent thither for to understand and know the will and opinion of the god touching the war, in this manner and substance. The discente and lineage of jupiter being half gods, should bring again their generation, which is in an other land, into their own: orels should labour the land with coultours of silver. And this did he, forsomuch as he was bannyshedde into Lycea, for the suspicion that was had of him that he had taken money for to return out of the country of Athenes, in which place of Lycea he taryedde a long time. But by mean of the said answer of the god, he was called again and received into the City with the honours that were accustomably made unto kings at their entering. Now for to abolish and take away this infamy, he heartily desired peace, for he thought that c●ssynge the inconveniences of the war, no occasion should be had for to reproach neither to impute the said things unto him: specially the citizens having recovered their prisoners. And that as long as the war enduredde, the murmuratyon should always continue. For it was never otherewyse, but when the people do perceive the incommodytyes and adversities of war, they murmur always against the Princes and Rulers. So this parliament and treaty of peace endured all the winter. And when it came about the end of winter, the Lacedemonyans made semblant for to raise up a great army, and sent through all the confederatedde cities for to warn them that they should make their appare●l & preparation for to begin the war again at the coming in of the spring time, for to put the athenians into greater fear, and to give them occasion for to conde●cende and agree to the peace. By mean whereof, after many talks and disputations, the p●ace was concludedde between them in this substance, that ayther of the parties should render that which he had takene from the other, resarued that the athenians would retain Nysea, which was granted to them for that that they demanded that Platea should have been restored unto them, and the Thebains said to the contrary that they had not taken it by force, but that they of the town did give it to them with their good will. And the athenians did say the like of Platea. ●or this cause all the confederates being assembled by the Lacedemonyans for this matter, they were content that the peace should be concluded, and in making the same, that Platea should remaigne to the thebans, and Nisea to the athenians. Except the said Beotians, the Corynthians, the Elians and the Megarens, which were not content with this peace. But that notwithstanding, by common decree, it was concluded and sworn by the Ambassadors of the athenians at Sparta, and afterwards confirmed by the confedered cities on both parties. which were willing to keep it in the form & substance that followeth.  

The form of the peace between the Lacedemonyans and the athenians.  
first as concerning the public and common temples, that it be liefull to every man to go unto them at his pleasure and without any empeschement, and therein make his requests and consultations unto them that have been accustomed and that men may send thither ●or that purpose all messengers asw●llty sea as by land. And as touching the temple of Apollo, which is in Delphos, that those that have the charge thereof shall enjoys their laws, privileges, customs, lands, rents and revenues, even so as they have accustomed. Item that the peace shallbe firm and sure without deceit, fraud or male engine, bi●wene the athenians and the Lacedemonyans, and their friends, allies and confederates for the space of thirty years. And if there chance any controversy or question between them that it shall be voided and determined by justice, and not by war. And also it shallbe sworn by oath on both parties by such convenant, that though the Lacedemonyans and their confederates do render Amphipolis unto the athenians, yet that the inhabitants of that same city and of the other that shallbe restoredde to the said Athenians, may, if they think good, depart fromthence with their baguage and goods, whider they will, and that those cities which Aristides hath made tributaries shallbe free and frank. Item that it shall not be lawful to the Athenians nor their allies neither to go nor to send in arms to the said cities that shallbe rendered unto them for to do them hurt, as long as they will pay the accustomed tribute. And those shallbe these cities that do follow, Argilus, 
Argilus  Stagirus, 
Stagirus.  Acanthus, 
Acanthus●  Scolus, 
Scolus  Olynthus and Spartalus, 

Olynthus.  
Spartalus.   the which remaynedde neuter without being allied neither con●edered to the athenians neither Lacedemonyans, reserved that if the athenians could induce and persuade them by good means, and without force and constraynte to be their allies, it should be lawful for them to do it. Item that the Cyvernyans, the Sanyens and the Syngyens may abide in their cities, even as the Acanthians and the Olynthians do. Iten that the Lacedemonyans shall render to the athenians Panactum, 
Panactum.  and the athenians to the Lacedemonyans, Coriphasum● 
Coryphasum  Cythera, 
Cythera  Metones, 
Metones.  Pteleus, 
Teleus  & A●alanta● 
A●alata  togethers with all the prisoners that they have of theirs, aswell in the city of Athenes, as elsewhere in their land and power, and also those, which they hold assieged at Scyone, aswell Lacedemonyans as peloponesians, or of their friends of whatsoever part they may be, and generally all those that Brasidas had sent thy der. And moreover that if there were any Lacedemonyan or of their allies in prison for whatsoever matter within the City of Athenes or other place of their power, that he shallbe released. And that the Lacedemonyans and also their confederates shall do the like on their party to the athenians and their allies. And as touching the Scyonyans, the Toronyans: the Sermylians, and the other cities, which the athenians do hold, they shall consult togethers and shall thereupon devise what shallbe done with them, and shall cause them to make oath to the Lacedemonyans, and to the other confederatedde Cities. And both the Cities shall make it the one to the other, like as they have accustomed, to wit the greatest that they may make, conteigning in effect that they shall keep the said chapters and treaties justly and purely. And the same oath shallbe renewed every year, and shallbe put and wryttonne in tables of Stone at Olympus, at pithy in the distreacte and within the City of Athenes, and likewise in the City of Lacedemonye in the place namedde, Amycleus. Item if there be any thing that is not determynedde, which nevertheless shall afterwards be found reasonable for boethe parties: that same may be addedde by the athenians and Lacedemonyans. And this appointment was acceptedde at Sparte, when Plistolas did govern and was chief office of the town, the xxvi day of the month Arthemesius. And it was accepted at Athenes when Alceus did govern the xu day of the month Elaphenolius. And on the behalf of the Lacedæmonians did swear unto it, Plistolas, Domagestus, Ehion, Metagenes, Acanthus, Daithus, Isthagoras, Philocaridas, zeuridas, Antippus, telis, Alcinadus, Empedias, Menus and Lamphias. And for the athenians, Lampon, Istimonius, Nicias, Laches, Enthymedus, Procles, Pythodorus, Agnon, myrtilus, Thrasidas, Theogenes, Aristocetes, Iolcius● Thimocrates, Lion, Lamachus, and Demosthenes. And this appointment was sworn about the end of the winter, and the beginning of the first spring following made ten entire years and some days over after the beginning of the war, which was at the first course and invasion that the confederated Peloponesians made into the land of Athenes. which war me thinketh best, for ●auynge the moor certainty thereof, for to distingue and divide by the time of the year, that is to wyste, by the two seasons of winter and summer, rather than by the name and changing of the officers of the principal Cities. And for to account truly it shall be found that this war from the beginning such as above, until the said appointment, endured ten summers and ten winters, which be ten whole years. Ensuing this appointment the Lacedemonyans rendered incontinently the prisoners, which they had in their power, for it happened to them by lot or chance to render first. And so they sent their ambassadors, to wit, Isthagoras, and Menas, towards Clearydas for to command him that he should render to the athenians the City of Amphipolis, which he did hold, and unto the other cities confederatedde for to make, confirm and execute the said appointment. Which thing many of the said cities refusedde to do pretending that it was not for their proffytt. Clearidas also for to gratelie the Chalcidians re●usedde to render and deliver up the said city, saying that he could not do it without them, but nevertheless he went fromthence with th'ambassadors to Lacedemonie for to excuse himself, if they would have charged him for that he obeyed them not, and also for to essay if th'appointment might be reformed or amendedde in that point. But understanding that it was concorded and concludedde, he forthwith returned to the said place of Amphipolis by the commandment of the Lacedemonyans. Who commandedde him expressly that he should redeliver the city to the athenians, or if the citizens made any difficulty therein, that he should come fromethence withal the Peloponesians that were within it. As touching the other confederated cities, their ambassadors being come to the Lacedemonyans, they showed them that the said appoynctement should be prejudicial unto them, and that they would not keep it, if certain articles thereof were not reformed. Neverthelas after that the said Lacedemonyans had heard them, they would not in any point change that which they had done. But sent them away without other depeacche. And soon after they made alliance with the athenians. forsomuch as the Argives had refusedde to enter into alliance with them. For they thought verily, that without the athenians, they could not do them any great hurt. And that the more part of the Peloponesians would not meddle with the war. But rather if they might they would join with the athenians. Being than for a certain time debated and reasoned of the said alliance in the city of Sparte by th'ambassadors of the Lacedemonyans, it was finally concluded in the manner and form that followeth.   

The form of the alliance.  
THe Lacedemonyans shallbe allied with the athenians in such fourm-that if any one estranger entre into the land of the said Lacedemonyans for to do dammaige therein, the Athenians shall aid them with all their puissance in all the sorts that they may, and if the said estrangers wasted their territory, they should be reputed common enemies aswell of the athenians, as of the Lacedemonyans, and they shall together war against him, & likewise make their appointment or atonement togethers. And they shall do the foresaid things diligently and loyally without fraud or ill meaning. And the Lacedemonyans shall do the like towards the athenians if any stranger do come to assail them in their land. And moreover if the bondmen or slaves of the Lacedemonyans do come to assail the athenians, they shallbe likewise bound for to aid them with their power. which alliance was sworn by the self parsonaiges, which had sworn the peace, and they bound themselves to renew the said oaths yearly as the other, and to write them in two tables of stone, which should be set the one in the other city of Sparte nigh the temple of Apollo, in the Court that is called Amycleus: and the other in the City of Athenes nigh to the same o● Mynerna. And furthermore it was spoken, that if during the said alliance it seemed good to the said parties for to add or change any things in the said articles, they might do it by common accord. This alliance was made right soon after the treaty of peace, and that the athenians had rendered their prisoners that they had taken in the Island. In the beginning of the Summer, which was the end of the tenth summer after the beginning of the war.    

¶ How the peace between the athenians and peloponesians was not kept. And how the corinthians and some other cities of Peloponese made alliance with the Argives against the Lacedemonyans. ☞ The four Chapter.  
THis peace, made between the Lacedemonyans and the athenians after that the war had dured ten years, like as hath been said: was kept only between the two cities. For the corinthians and some other Cities of Peloponese would not hold it. And soon after moved a new mutynerye and question between the Lacedemonyans and the other confederates. And by succession of time, those same Lacedemonyans came into great suspytyon of the athenians, principally by reason of certain articles of alliance which were not well executed. Neverthelas they kept themself from entering the one into the land of the other ennemylyke the space of six years and six months holy. But afterwards they endamaged themselves greatly the one the other at divers times without breaking utterly the alliance. But they enterteigned it by trefues, which were right evil kept the space of ten years, and the same expired were constrained to come to open war. The which Thucydides hath wrytonne by orderlyke as it was made from year to year, aswell in the winter as in the summer until the Lacedemonyans and their allies had subverted and destroyed the Empire of the Athenyans● and taken the long walls of the city and the port Pyreus. which war, the first and the second being comprised, endured in all xxvii years. Out of the which term a man can not by reason subtray or take out the time that the treaty of peace enduredde, for he that shall regard what was done cannot judge that the same year had any effycacytie, considered that it was not executed nor observed of the one side nor of the other, in things that were namely spokenne of and appoynctedde. And on the other part both the one party and the other did transgress therein in the war that was made at Mantynea and in Epidaure and in many other things. Also in Thrace those which had been allies were enemies, and the Beotians made trefues for ten days only. wherefore he that shall truly account the ten years, that the furst war endured, and the time that passed by trefues, and how long the second war endured, he shall find the reckoning of the years to be such as I have showed and certain days over. The which term was pronostycated by the answers and oracles of the gods. For I remember to have oftentimes hard say of many people commonly that the same war should endure three nyneths of years. During which time I lived in good health of my parson, and of my understanding & did take pain to understand all that than was done although I was in exile during the said time, the space of ten years after that I had been sent capitain of the army by sea unto Amphipolis. And forsomuch as having been present at the things as than was done on the one side and on the other in the time that I haunted the war, I had no less knowledge during the time that I was banished, in the country of peloponesians, but I had better leisure to have understanding and to write the truth thereof. wherefore I will declare the questyo●s and controversies that happened after the said ten years and also the disturbance of the trefues, and so unto the end, all that was done in the said war. After than that the peace was made for fifty years and the alliance between the Athenians and the Lacedæmonians, & that the Ambassadors of the cities of Peloponese which were come to Lacedemonie were returned into their houses, like as hath been above said: the corinthians practised to really themselves with the Argives. And at the beginning they did speak with some of the pryncipalleste of the city of Argos, showing them that insomuch as the Lacedemonyans had made alliance with the athenians their mortal enemies, not for to defend the liberty of the Peloponesians, but for to bring them again into servitude: it was very expedient that the Argyues should devise thereon for to defend the common liberty, and to persuade unto all the free cities of Grece, that would live in their liberty and occordinge to their laws: that they should make alliance with them, for to give aid the one to the other, when it should be needful, and for to choose people and capitains that should have authority for to provide in all affairs, to the intent that the enterprises should be secret, and that the commons specially should not be advertysedde of the affairs, whereunto it should be thought that they would not consent: for there were many of them (said the said practisans of corinth) which for the hatredde that they have against the Lacedemonyans would really themself with the said Argives. Which things having been reaportedde by the said partitulers of Argos to the officers of the city, and by those officers unto the communalty: a decree was made, whereby they did give unto twelve men, which they did chose of theirs, full power and puissance for to contract and conclude amity and alliance in name of the Argyues with all the free cities of Grece, reserved the athenians and Lacedemonyans. with whom they might treat nothing except they first advertised the communalty thereof. And this the said Argives did aswell for that that they perceived that war should be by them made with the Lacedemonyans, forsomuch as the end of the trefues approached: as also that they hoped by that mean to make themselves Capitains' and Princes of Peloponese, for that, that the pryncypallytie and the government of the Lacedemonyans was already hated and desplaisant to the more part of the said Pelopenesyans, and they bega●●● to contemn and despise them, for the losses which they had had, and for the dammaiges that they had received in the war. And on the other side the Argyues were among all the Greeks the rycheste, for that, that they had not meddled with the war preceding, by cause of this, that they had alliance with both parties. By mean whereof during the said war, they were enriched and increased greatly. By such manner than went the Argyues, drawing to their alliance all the other Greeks, that would ally themself unto them with their good will. Among whom the mantynians were the first and their adherentes, for that, that they had (the war enduring with the athenians) subtrahed one party of the country of Arcady from the obeisance and amity of the Lacedemonyans, and had tournedde it unto them, whereof they doubted greatly lest the said Lacedemonyans would have remembrance, though that, for that time they made no semblant thereof. wherefore before that any other inconvenient happened unto them, they were right willing to join themselves with the said Argives, considering that it was a great and a puissant City aswell of people, as of riches, sufficient enough for to resist the Lacedemonyans, and also was governed by the estate of the commonalty aswell as that same of the said mantynians. At whose example, many other cities of Pelopenese did the like. For they assuredly thought that those mantynians would not have done it, but that they had understood some thing therein more than commonly was knowing, and also in despite of the Lacedemonyans, against whom they were disposed, for many causes. But principally for this, that in one article of the peace, made between the athenians and the said peloponesians, it was spokene and confyrmedde by oath, that it there were any thing, which seemed for the best to be taken away or changedde, those of the two cities, to wit of Athenes, and of Lacedemonye might do it, without therein making any mention of the other confedered Cities of Peloponese. which thing did put all the peloponesians into great suspicion, lest the said two Cities had accordedde and agreed for to subdue them. For they verily thought, that if they had estemedde them, as their allies and confederates, they should have couched and comprehended in the said article the other cities of Peloponese, aswell as those two. which was the principal cause that inducedde them to make alliance with the Argyues. The Lacedemonyans understanding that by little and little the said cities did confederate themself with the Argyues, and that the corinthians had been promoters and causers of that same matter, they sent certain ambassadors unto them for to show unto them, as to the chief of that conjuration and act, that if they departed from their amity & alliance for to join themselves with the Argyues, they should do against their oath, and moreover should do against reason, for that they would not approve the treaty of peace, made with the athenians, consideredde that the more part of the confederated cities had allowed it, and that by their allyaunces it was ordaynedde that the same which was done by the moor part, should be holden by the other, if there were none empeschement of the gods or of the saints. Upon this declaration, the corinthians bifore making answer to the said Ambassadors, had caused all their allies to assemble, to wit, those, that had not yet accepted the treaty of peace, & by common deliberation said unto the said Lacedemonyans that they would confederate themself against them, and shewedde them certain things, wherein those Lacedemonyans had done them wrong by concluding the said treaty of peace. specially for this, that by the same it was not provydedde that the athenians should restore unto them Sellie, Anactorium nor any other places, which they pretended to be taken from them by the said Lacedemonyens. And on the other part, that they were not determined for to abandon them of Thrace, who, at their desire and perswatyon, had rebelled from the athenians, for that, that they had promised them particularly by their oath not to forsake them, aswell at beginning when they rebelled with those of Potydea, as also at many times afterwards. wherefore they reputed not themselves to be infractors or brekers of the alliance, that they had made with the said lacedemonians, though they would not accept the appointment made with the athenians, considered that they might not do it, without being perjured towards the said Thracians. And by the Chapitre of their alliance it was ordained, that the lesser party ought to accept that, which the greater party should do, except, that it were impeached and let by the gods or by saints. which thing they reputed to have happened in this case. For by doing contrary to their oath, they should offend the gods, by whom they had sworn. And this is it, which they answered concerning this article. To the remanante, as touching the alliance of the Argives, they made them answer, that having thereupon consulted with their friends, they would do that thing that they should find to be just and reasonable. The Ambassadors of the said Lacedemonyans being upon this despeche departed: the corinthians caused those of the Argives to come into their counsel. which were already in the City, bifore departure of the other, and showed them that they ought not to defer or put of to make alliance with them: but that they should come again in the next counsel for to conclude it. In this mean time the Ambassadors of the elians arrived, who first did make alliance with the Corinthians. And fromthence by their ordinance they went to Argos. where as they made the like, for also they were disposed with the Lacedemonyans for so much as before the war with the athenians, certain Arcadyans making war against the Leprates, they had recourse to the elians, and promised them that if they would succour them they would give themselves unto them after the war finished, and that after the said Arcadyans should be rechasedde, that they would also give them the moiety or one half of the fruits of their land. By occasion whereof the said Leprates being delivered from the war, the Elians convenanted with them that had lands for to labour, that they altogithere should pay one talent of gold, which should be offered in the temple of jupiter in Olympus. which tribute they paid without contradictyon until the war between the Athenians and Peloponesians. But afterwards they refused to pay it, taking their excuse upon the charges, which they did sustain by mean of the war. And for that, that the elians would have thereunto constrained them, they repaired to the Lacedemonyans, unto whom the said Elyans were content for to commit the question. But afterwards fearing least they would judge against them, they made no further pursuyte therein bifore them, but went to overrun the land of the said Leprates. That notwithstanding the said Lacedemonyans did pronounce their sentence, whereby they did declare that the said Leprates were in nothing bounden to the elians, and that those elians wrongfully and for an evil cause had overrun their land. And the said Lacedemonyans perceiving that the said Elyans would not obey their judgement, they sent their people to the succours of the said Leprates. By occasion whereof the elians pretended that the Lacedemonyans had done against the treaty of alliance, which was made between those Lacedemonyans and the other Peloponesyans, by the which it was provided that the lands, that ●uery of the said Cities did hold at beginning of the said war should remain unto yt● saying that those Lacedemonyans had wythdrawin from them the said town of Lepreates. which was their tributayre. And upon this occasion they made alliance with the said Argives. And soon after the Corinthians and the Chalcydes that be in Thrace did also make it. The Beotians & Megarens were in wavering to do the like, pretending to have been smallly esteemed by the said Lacedemonyans. But afterwards they did take better advisement considering, that the manner of living of the Argyues (which was the government of the common people) was not so convenable for them, as that same of the Lacedemonyans, who did govern themself by a number of people, that is to say, by a counsel, which had all the authority.   

¶ How the athenians and Lacedemonyans entermeddledde and used their traffic that same summer, living in doubt and dissimulation the one with the other, and of certain feats and treaties that were made during the said summer on both sides. ☞ The .v. Chapter.  
During the summer, whereof we speak, the athenians did take the city of Sycione, and did slay all the men of xiiii years and upwards, and did deliver their land to the Plateans for to labour, & moreover did reduce and bring again to Delos the citizens that were driven and chasedde fromthence, having regard aswell to the dommaiges, which they had susteigned through the war: as also to the oracles of the gods. The Phocians also and the Locrians began to war among them. And the Corinthians and Argyues that already had made alliance togethers, came to the city of Tegee, 
Tegea.  hoping for to withdraw it from the obeissance and alliance of the Lacedæmonians. And by mean thereof (considered that it had a great territory) to withdraw all Peloponese. But the Corinthians parceving that those of Tegee would not depart from the Lacedemonyans for anny evil will that they bifore time had had against the same Lacedemonyans, they returned very quickly, for they feared that no other would afterwards render themself unto them, since that those there had refused it. And yet notwithstanding they sent unto the Beotians, for to require them, to be willing to really themselves with them and with the Argyues, & to the rest that they should govern themselves by common accord. And moreover for so much as the said Beotians had takene a trefues of ten days with the athenians, soon after the conclusion of the peace of fifty years, whereof we have spokene here bifore: they required them that they would send an Ambassade with them to the athenians, to whom they would go for to comprise them in the said trefues: and in case they would not do ytt, that the said Beotyans should renounce the said trefues, and should not afterwards make any treaty of peace nor of trefues without the said corinthians. whereunto the Boeotians made answer, that as touching the alliance, they would consult and determine upon it. And as for the rest that they would send of their people with them to Athenes and would require the said athenians to be willing to comprise the said Corinthyans' in the trefues of ten days. But the athenians made answer that if the said Corinthyans' were allyedde with the Lacedemonyans, they were sufficiently allyedde with them, and that they nededde no other thing. perceiving which answer the said Corinthyans' made instance unto the Beotians that they should renounce the trefues of ten days, but they would not for all that do it. And finally, the athenians were content to make trefues with the Corinthyans' without any alliance. That same summer the Lacedemonyans with their army under conduct of Plistoanactes, their king, went against the Parrhasiens' which be in the country of Arcady, 
Parrhasii.  subjects of the Mantynyens called thither by certain of the citizens, by mean of a sedition & mutynery which was amongst them: & also to th'intent to raze down the walls, which those Mantyniens had made in the town of Cypselle, 
Cypsele  wherein they had put garnison. which town was in the country of Siritide, 
Siritium  in the territory of the said Parrhasiens', in the land of Laconye. The Lacedemonyans being then come into the said land they did pillage and waste it. Which perceived by the Mantynians, they left the guard of their city unto the Argives. And they with their puissance went for to secure their subjects, but seeing that they could not defend them both they returned fromethence. And by that means the Lacedæmonians restored the Parrhasiens' into liberty, and razed down the said walls, afterwards they returned fromethence into their houses. And they being retournedde the men at arms arrived, which were gone with Brasidas into the country of Thrace, whom Clearidas brought again by sea after the peace made. And it was by decree published and declared that all the slaves which had been in that same war with the said Clearydas should be frank & free, and might go to dwell where they would. Whom he soon after did send with certain other for to inhabit in the town of Leprea in the territory of aliens in the country of Lacedonia being already in war with those same Elyens. 
Lepra●  On the one part the said Lacedæmonians did desgraduate and declare those to be defamed and dishonered, that were takene by the athenians in the Island, for that they rendered themselves with their army unto the enemies. Amongst whom there were some, that had been chosen into offices of the town. And they did this, fearing lest that they, for doubt that they had to be reputed to have been faint hearted, should not enterprise to make change or mutac●on in the town if they came to authority. And so they pronounced them to be unable for to obtain any office, for to use merchandise and for to demand any thing in judgement. And yet nevertheless shortly afterwards, were authorized and habled again unto it. In the same summer the Dyctidiens did take the city of Thyson, 

Dictidienses.  
Thissus Atho.   which is in the country of Athos being confederated with the Atheans. During all the same summer the Athenyanes' and the Peloponesians used and trafficked merchandises togethers, although they suspected the one the other. Chiefly the Athenians and the Lacedemonyans from beginning of the peace, forasmuch as they had not rendered neither on the one side nor of the other, that, which was accorded and agreed upon. For the Lacedemonyans, who should first have restored, had not rendered Amphipolis nor the other places, neither also had constrained their allies in the country of Thrace for to accept the said tratie of peace, neither likewise the Beotians and the Corinthians, though that they said continually, that if the said confederates would not accept the treaty, they would join themselves with the said athenians for to constrain them thereunto, and thereupon had assigned and prefixed a day. But there was no mention thereof in writing, that those, that would not ratify and accept the said treaty, should be reputed enemies both of the said Athenians & Lacedemonyans. But the athenians parceiving that the said Lacedemonyans did perform nothing of that which they had promised, in effect they had no good opinion that they would keep the peace. And for this cause they likewise delayed to render Pilus unto them and also repent that they had delivered the prisoners that they had takene in the Island. And so reteigned likewise the other towns which they should have rendered by the said treaty, until the time, that the Lacedemonyans had accomplished on their party. Which Lacedemonyans did excuse themselves, saying: that they had done all that they could. For they had rendered the prisoners which they had and also had withdrawn all their men of war which were in Thrace, and for effect obsaruedde all that was in their power, but as for to restore Amphipolis, that the same was not in their puissance. And to the surplusage, promysedde that they would parforce themself to cause that the Beotians and Corinthians should enter into the treaty & that Panacte should be rendered to the said athenians. And likewise all the athenians, that were prisoners in the country of Beoce required the same athenians that they would be willing to tender the city of Pylus, or at the least, if they would not tender it, that they should withdraw the messenians & the slaves, which they had put within it, like as the same Lacedemonyans had withdrawn their men of war, which were in Thrace: and that they should keep the place with their own people, if they would. In this manner during the same summer, passed all their affairs, to wit chief by dissimulation, and nevertheless did live without war: communicating or entremedling the one with the other.   

How the Lacedæmonians having, against the form of the treaty agreed upon with the athenians, made alliance with the Beotians without the same Athenians, they the said Athenians made the like with the Argives, the mantynians and the Eolians. ☞ The vi Chapter.  
THe winter following, the Governors of the city of Sparte named ephors being changed, under whom the peace was concludedde: and new being choose in their stead which were against the same: there was an assembly made in Lacedemony: whereat were the ambassadors of the confederate cities of Peloponese, those of the Athenians, those of the Corinthians and those of the Beotians, in the which many things were debatedde, but finally, they departedde without any resolution. Neverthelas every man being retournedde to his house, Cleobolus and Xenares which were those two of the ephors that than governed and desired to break the peace: had particular devices with the Beotians and with the Corinthians, exhorting them to have parfaicte knowledge of the said matters, and chief to the Beotians, that even so as they had been the furst that had made alliance with the Argives, that so they should be willing all togethers to join themselves afresh with those same Lacedæmonians, showing them that by the same mean they should not be constrained for to accept & keep the alliance with the Athenians, & that bifore the enmity with the Athenians, & bifore that they had brokene trefues, the same Lacedæmonians had more desired the amity and alliance of the said Argives then of the said athenians, for that, that they did always mistrust them, and desired greatly to be assured thereof understanding, that their alliance should be to those Lacedæmonians right propice & me●e for to make war without Peloponese, praying the said Beotians that they would agree & be content to restore Panacte to the said Lacedæmonians, to the intent that by mean of having of that same city, they might recover Pylus, if it were possible. And by mean thereof begin again afterwards more easily the war against the Athenians. these things being signified to the messengers of the Beotians & of the Corinthians by the said ephors & certain other their friends of Lacedemony: they made their report thereof to the counsel of their cities. But bifore that they arrived, two of the chief officers of Argos came to encounter & meet them upon the way, & had many devices with them for to understand if it were possible that the Beotians would enter into their alliance, like as the Corinthians, the mantinians and the Eliens had done. Saying that, if that were done, they should be able for to make war against the Athenians, or else well by mean of the said Beotians and other their confederates: for to come to some good appointment with them. Which things were right agreeable to the Beotians for that they did agree unto the same, that their friends of Lacedemonye had charged them, and that those Argives consented to the thing, which the other desired. And so they stayed upon resolution with them, that they would send their ambassadors into the country of Beoce, and that done they departedde. The Beotians being aryvedde in their country, they reapported to the governors of the city, all that, which they had understandedde, aswell of the Lacedemonyans as of the Argives, wherewith those governors were well pleasedde for that, the amity both of the one and of the other was very meet and convenient for them, and that of themself, the said parties did agree unto one self end, without knowing the one of the other. Soneafter came the ambassadors of the Argyues. Unto whom, after that they had been heard, they made answer, that they would send ambassadors unto them for to treat of the alliance. In this mean time, those Beotians, the Corynthians, the Megarens, and the ambassadors of them of Thrace assembled themselves togethers, and concluded amongst them an alliance, for to succour the one the other against all those, that would war against them, and that they might not make war, peace nor other treaty with any parson, the one without the other. And also it was appoynctedde that the Beotians and Megarens, who were already allyedde, should make alliance upon the same conditions, with the Argives. But bifore that the Governors of Beoce should conclude the said things, they should make reapporte thereof to the four counsels of the said country: who had all the authority, persuading them that they should be willing to consent to the alliance with the said cities and with all the other that would join with them, and showing them that it was for their profit. Which thing the said counsels would not at the first brunt agree unto, fearing that it should have been against the Lacedemonyans, if they should have allied themselves with the corinthians, who had rebelledde and were departed from them. For the said governors had not advertisedde them of the devices, which they had had with Cleobulus, Xenares and their other friends of Lacedemonie. Which were, that they should first make alliance with the Argives and the Corinthyans', and afterwards should conclude it with the Lacedemonyans. For the said governors thought assuredly that without declaring that same unto the commons of the said four counsels, they would have done that, which the said Governors would have counsailledde them. But seeing that it chanced otherwise therein, the Corinthyans' and the ambassadors of Thrace returned fromethence without doing any thing. And the governors of the Beotians (who were determined, if they could have obteignedde and perswadedde the same first unto their people for to essay afterwards to have made alliance with the Argives) seeing that they could not obtain it, did speak nothing thereof. Also the said Argives, who should have sent their ambassade, did not send it. So that the things remaynedde undone by a negligence and through default of sollycyting. The self same winter, the Olynthians did take the town of Mecyberne with assault, 
Mecyberne.  wherein the Athenians kept their garnison and pillaged it. After that, many parliaments being made between the athenians and the Lacedemonyans, upon the observance of the articles of the peace, specially upon condition of the places on the one part and of the other: those Athenians, hoping that if they did render Panacte unto the Lacedemonyans, they would have restoredde unto them Pylus: sent an ambassade to the Beotians, praying them that they would deliver the said town togethers with the prisoners that they had of theirs. Whereunto the Beotians made answer that they would not do it, except the Lacedemonyans would make particular alliance with them, aswell as they had done with the said athenians. Whereupon the Lacedemonyans, though they did know, that it was against the alliance that was made with the athenians, whereby it was provydedde that the one should not make peace nor war without the other, yet for the desire that they had for to recover of the Beotians, Panacte, hoping, by mean thereof to have Pylus: and also for the inclination, which the officers than had, more to the said Beotians then to the athenians, to the intent to break the peace: they made and accordedde the said alliance abouts the end of the winter. After the which made, in the beginning of the first spring time, which was the xi year of the war, the Beotians rasedde and utterly destroyedde the said town of Panacte. The Argives perceiving that the Beotians had not sent unto them the ambassadors for to make the alliance, like as they had promysedde, and that they had beaten down Panacte and made particular alliance with the Lacedemonyans: they had great fear lest they alone should remain in war with the said Lacedemonyans, and lest all the other cities of Grece would really themselves with them. For they thought that that, which the Beotians had done at Panacte: was by knowledge and with will of the said Lacedemonyans and also of the athenians, & that they were all of one alliance. With which athenians those Argives had no more hope of appointment. For that same, which they had thereof had was, thinking that the alliance which was between them and the Lacedemonyans, should not have endured. For this cause being in great perplexity, & fearing lest that they should be forced to sustain war both against the said Lacedemonyans and athenians and also against the Theagites and Beotians, forsomuch as they had before time refused the appointment with the said Lacedemonyans, & coveted the Empire & the authority over all Grece: they sent their Ambassadors to the said Lacedemonyans, to wit, Eustrophus and Aeson, 

Eustrophus.  
Aeson.   whom they thought to be great friends and very agreeable to them, for to treat the appointment. For they thought that when they should be allied with them, to what sooner end the matters should fall or come, they should be well assured for the time that than ran. Being than the said Ambassadors arrived at Lacedemonye, they made their proposition to the counsel, demanding peace and alliance. And for to treat it, they did require that the difference that they had with the Lacedemonyans, by cause of Cynurie (which is in the territory of the Argyues, and hath under ytt woe cities, to wit, Thyree and Athenye, and also is peopled with Lacedemonyans) might be committed to some city being neuter, or to some notable parsonage trusty to both parties. whereunto the Lacedemonyans did incontinently make answer, that they should speak no more thereof. But if the Argives would, they were content to make a new treaty with them, in all things, such as the former was. Whereupon the Argives made a certain refusal, saying that they were well content to make the appointment, such as above: provydedde that it should be liefulle to aythere of the said parties, notwithstanding the said appointment, to make war against the other when it should seem good, through cause of the said city of Cynurie, except that the other party were empeschedde with pestilence or with other war, like as at other time it had been convenauntedde between them, than, when they had a battle, whereof aythere of the parties pretendedde to have had the victory, and so, that the war should not exceed the limits of the saide city, and of his territory. Which request seemed at the beginning to the Lacedemonyans, very foolish, but nevertheless in the end they did agree unto it. For that, that they desyredde the amity of the said Argives. But bifore the concluding of any thing, albeit that the ambassadors had full power and might, yet willed they that they should return from thence to Argos, and that they should propone and declare the said treaty to the commons, for to know if they were agreeable unto it. And if they were, that they should come again at a day appoynctedde for to swear to the said appointment. So the ambassadors departed from Lacedemony. But in the mean time that they should have returned, the Ambassadors that the Lacedemonyans had sent to the Beotians, for to recover Panacte, and the prisoners being athenians: to wit Andromedes, Phedimus and Antimenides, they found that the said Panacte was rasedde and pluck down by the Beotians under colour, as they said, that there was an ancient treaty between them and the athenians, confirmedde by oath, by which it was ordonneide that neither of the parties, should inhabit in the said place. And as touching the prisoners, they rendredde those that they had of the said athenians. Unto whom those ambassadors did send them again. And as concerning Panacte, they showed them, that they should no more fear that any their enemy should abide there, insomuch as the town was pluckedde down, thinking by that mean that they had well acquitted the promise that they had made for to render it. But the athenians were not therewith content, and shewedde them that they had not accomplyshedde that, which they promysedde in rendering of the town being destroyedde: and moreover in having made alliance with the Beotians. For it was directly against that which was spoken and agreed upon between them to wit, that they should jointly togethers constraigne all the confederatedde cities for to accept and ratify the said treaty of peace, to wit, those, that would refuse it. By means of which things and of many other they used the said ambassadors with gross words, and sent them again without other conclusion. The athenians and the Lacedemonyans being then in this difference: they that were not content to have peace with the Athenes, they sought means to break it incontinently through occasion thereof. And amongst other Alcibiades son of Clymas (who though he was yet young, yet for the memory of his progenitors, which were men of worship, was greatly bilovedde, and had great authority in the city) the same counsailledde the people, for to make alliance with the Argives, aswell for that, that it seemed prossitable for them, as also for this that through the highness and fierceness of his heart, he was not content that the peace had been made with the Lacedemonyans by Nycyas and Lachetes, without making estimation of him for that he was young. And so much the more he was offended with them, that they had renewed and establyshedde again the amity with them which his grantfather had brokene and forsaken. And for despite thereof he declared himself than to be against the said treaty of peace: and said openly that the Lacedemonyans were not to be trusted unto, and that the appoynctment that they had made with them was but for to withdraw the Argives, fro their amity, and afterwards for to begin again war against them. And seeing that the people grudged against the said Lacedemonyans, he sent secretly with all diligence unto the Argives, signefying them, that it was the best time that ever might be for to pursue the alliance, for the athenians desired it, and that they should come without any delay and bring the elians and the mantynians for to conclude it, assuring that he would aid them with his power. The Argives having the news, and understanding that the Beotians had not made alliance with the athenians, and also that those athenians were in great discord with the Lacedemonyans, they left the practic of their ambassadors, that treated the peace and alliance with the Lacedemonyans: and did give themself to the same of Athenians. The which they reputed better and more profitable for them than the other: for so much as the city of Athens, had always and of all ancienty been their friend, and further did govern itself by the common estate, like as they did, and moreover might show them very much aid and favour by sea if they had there war, for that that therein it was most puissant. And so they incontinently did send their ambassadors with those of the E●ians and of the mantynians to Athens for to treat & conclude the alliance. In that same time, the ambassadors of the Lacedæmonians arryvedde at Athens, to wit, Philocaridas, 
Philocaridas.  Leon and Eudius, 

Leon.  
Eudius   who seemed to be most affeccionedde to the athenians and to the peace. Which were sent aswell for fear that the Lacedemonyans had, lest those athenians would make alliance with the Argives, for despite of them, as also for to demand that they should render unto them Pylus in stead of Panacte, and also for to excuse themselves of the alliance, which they had made with the Beotians, and for to show them, that they had not done it for any evil purpose nor to the prejudice of the same Athenians. Which things were by the said ambassadors proponed to the counsel of Athens. And besides that, they declared that they had full power to conclude and appoint upon all their difference and controversies. Which seeing Alcibiades, and fearing lest if the things were publyshedde and declared unto the people, that they would consent to that, which they said, and by that mean refuse the alliance of the Argives, he imagined one such trumpery and deceit for to impeach it. That is that he did speak secretly to the said ambassadours● and said unto them that they should not in any manner of the world declare to the commonalty that they had full might to travail and entreat upon all the differences, promising them, that if they would so do, for to give and restore Pylus unto them, and that he had the mean and authority for to persuade it unto the commons, like as bifore time he had had to cause them to deny it to the other ambassadors of the Lacedæmonians. And moreover he promysedde that he would appoint and appease all the other differences that they had togethers. And this did he, to the intent, that he might withdraw them fro the practic & knowledge of Nycias. And also that by this mean he might caliumniate and accuse them towards the commons that there were in them neither truth nor loyaultie, and by that doing to induce the same commons for to make alliance with the Argives, the mantynians and the Elians, like as it chanced. For when the ambassadors did come to the assembly of all the people, being demandedde if they had full power for to proceed upon all the differences, they said, nay. Which was whole contrary to that, which they had sayedde to the counsel. Whereby the athenians were so moved, that they would no more hear them. But did cleave unto Alcibiades, who bigonne upon this occasion, for to charge them with more, than bifore. So that through his persuasion, they caused the Argives and the other that were come in their company, to enter for to conclude alliance with them. But bifore the matter was establishedde fully: the earth quaked, by occasion whereof, the thing was put of or remitted until the ne●te day following. At which day Nycyas perceiving himself to be deceived by Alcybiades, aswell as the Lacedemonyans, who were induced to deny unto the commons that, which they had said to the counsel, left not of for all that, to show afresh unto the assembly, that the alliance ought to be made and renewed with the Lacedæmonians, & that men ought to send unto them for to know more amply their intent, and in mean time to differre the alliance with the Argives. Declaring unto them that it was their honour, and the shame of the Lacedæmonians, for to differ the war, for that, that they had the better, wherefore it was to their advantage that they abode in that reputation, where the Lacedæmonians, who remained with the loss, had occasion to dsire war. And so he persuaded them in that sort that it was concluded for to send an ambassade unto the said Lacedemonyans. In the which among other was named that same Nycyas. And those ambassadors had charge to say to the said Lacedemonyans, that if they were willing to enter frankly into the business and for to entertain the peace & alliance, that they should restore to the Athenians Panacte hole, entire and reedefyed. And furthermore that they should depart with Amphipolis, and from thalliance of the Beotians. And if they would not enter into the peace, so and under the conditions that were spoken: that is to wit, that the one of the cities might not make treaty with an other city whatsoever, without the other: declaring unto them furthermore, that if they would proceed against the said treaty of peace and alliance, doing contrary to that, which was agreed upon: that than those athenians had already concluded to the alliance with the Argives, which were at Athens, attending the resolution. And many other articles, conteigninge doleance against the said Lacedæmonians, for that they had not kept and obsarued the said treaty: were given by instruction to the said ambassadors for to make declaration thereof to the said Lacedæmonians. The said ambassadors, than being come, and having expounded their charge to the Lacedemonyans, & for the last article having signified, that if they would not forsake the alliance of the Beotians, in case they were not willing to accept the treaty of peace, as is afore said, the athenians would conclude the alliance with the Argives & the other of their intelligence: they were forced to answer, through the persuasion of Xenares and of his faction, that they would not depart from he alliance of the Beotians. And nevertheless being required by Nycias for to swear again to keep & perform the treaty of peace and amity, which was made between them they were not therewith content. And that did Nycias fearing to have returned fromthence without having any thing done, lest that he should be charged to have been cause of the said treaty of alliance, like as it chanced afterwards when he was come home again. And moreover incontinently as the Athenians had understand his reaport, & that there was in effect nothing done: at the persuasion of Alcibiabes, they concluded the alliance with the Argives, which were there, holding them for outraged or injuried by the Lacedæmonians. The tenor of which alliance doth follow.  

The tenor of the alliance between the athenians, and the Argives, the Mantynyens and the elians.  
Alliance hath been made by the Athenians, with the Argives the Mantynians & the Elyens for a hundred years, aswell for them as for their friends, over whom both the one & the other party doth preside & govern, without fraud & deceit, aswell by sea as by land, to wit, that the one party may not make war nor endamage the other, nor their allies, nor subjects under any colour or occasion whatsoever it may be. And moreover that if any estranger during the said time shall have entered ennemylike into the land of the said Athenians, the said Argives, Mantynians & Elyens shallbe bound to come to succour them with all their puissance, forthwith as they shallbe thereunto required by the same Athenians. And if it chanced that the said estrangers were already departed from the land of the Athenians, yet these Argyues, Mantyniens & Elyens should repute them for enemies, aswell as the athenians. And that it shall not be lawful to any of the said confedered cities to make any appointment with the said common enemies without the will & consent of the other. And the Athenians shall do the like against those, that shall come to assail the said Argives the Mantynians & elians in their land. And furthermore that none of the said cities shall permit nor give congee or licence to pass through his land nor through that same of his friends nor allies, over which they preside or govern, neither yet by sea: unto any warryours for to make war, except it be deliberated and agreed by all the said four cities and set fourth in their name. And that if one of the said cities demandeth succours and aid of the people of the other: that the same that shall send the said succours, shallbe bound to furnish the said succours with victuals at his expenses the space of xxx days to be reconned from the first day that the said succours shallbe arrived in that same city that demanded it. But if the city have thereof need for a longer time, it shallbe bound to give sold to the said soldiers, to wit, three half pence of money, for the day to every foot man and to the horsemen a groat. And by that mean the same city shall have the authority over the said men of war, & they shallbe bound for to obey it so long as they shallbe therein. But if any army were made fourth in name of all the said four cities, the Empery thereof should be common to all four. The which treaty of alliance the Athenians shallbe bounden presently for to swear in the name of them and of their confederates and allies. And afterwards the like oath shallbe made in every of the said three cities & of their allies in the most straight form that they may have in every of them after his custom upon the altars of their temples, after that the sacrifice shallbe made apperteigning to the same, in such substance as followeth. I swear for to hold and keep the alliance according to the form and tenor of the treaty, which hath been accorded: justly, loyally and simply, and wool not do to the contrary: under any colour, art nor imagination that may be. And the said o'th' shallbe made in the city of Athens, by the people of the senate and Trybuus. And afterwards shallbe confirmed by the treasurers. In the city of Argos by the senate and by the four skoore of the great counsel. Of Mantynea by the artificers, by the senate and by other officers and shallbe confirmed, by the divynours & by the capytaynres of the war. At Elea or Elides, by the artificers, by the threasorers, six houndred of the great counsel, and shallbe confirmed by the conservators or keepers of laws. The which oath shallbe yearly renewed, to wit, first by the athenians, who shall go for that intent and purpose, to the other three cities thirty days bifore the Olympyades. And afterwards the other cities shall go to Athens for to do likewise, ten days bifore the great feast, that is named Panathenea. And the present treaty with the oath shallbe written in stone and set in a public place at Athens, in the most evident and open place of the city. At Argos in the market place by the temple of Apollo. At Mantinaea and at Elides, in the market place night by the temple of jupiter. And moreover at the next Olympyan feast it shallbe set up in the name of all the said four cities in a table of copper. And the same cities may by common accord add to this said treaty hereafter that, which they shall think good. In this manner the alliance & confederation was concluded between the said four cities, notwithstanding that there was nothing said nor any mention made, that for the same any man should depart from the treaty of peace and alliance made between the said athenians and Lacedemodya●s.    

How after many enterprises and exploictes of war, that were made between the allies of the Lacedæmonians on th'one part, and those of the Athenians of the other: the said athenians at request of the Argives, declared those same Lacedemonyans to have done against the treaty of peace and of alliance, and to be pariured. ☞ The vii Chapter.  
THis alliance & confederation was not agreeable to the corinthians. And being by ●he Argives their allies required to ratify and swear unto it, they refused that to do. Saying that the same was sufficient, which they had made with the said Argives, Mantynians & elians. By the which they had promised not to make peace's nor war the one city without the other, and for to aid, by defending, the one the other without passing further, and to give than aid in assaillinge. And by this mean the Corynthians departed from that same alliance & did take new intelligence with the Lacedemonyans. All which things were done in that summer, in the which Androsthenes the Arcadian did win the best prize with wresteling at the feast Olympian. 
Androsthenes.  At the same feast, the elians defended and interdicted unto the Lacedemonyans that they should not sacrifice in the temple nor also enter into tourneying nor wrestling: except they paid the penalty & amends, wherein they were by the said elians condemned according to the laws and statutes of Olympiades', by this reason: that they said that the said Lacedemonyans had put & bestowed harness within the wall of Phircus and had set their men of war within Lepreum during the treaty made at Olympus & against the tenor thereof. 

Phircus.  
Lepreun.   The which mulct and amends did amount unto two thousand pounds of Silver, to wit, for every one of the said men of arms, who were a thousand, two pounds, like as the treaty did bear it. Whereunto the Lacedemonyans answered that they were unjustly condemned, forsomuch: as when they had sent their men of war unto Lepreum, the treaty was not publyshedde. But the elians replied that they could not be ignorant thereof, for the same treaty had already been in their hands, and they themselves were the first that had denounced and signified it unto the said elians, and yet nevertheless in going against it, were come to make the said exploicte of war against them wrongfully? and against reason, without that, that the same Elyens had innovatedde any thing against them. Whereupon it was by the Lacedemonyens argued. That if it were so that the said Elyans understood when they came to denounce the said alliance to the Lacedemonyans that they had already done against the same, it had not been needful further to have showed it unto them (as they had done) after the time that they pretended the said exploits of war to have been done by the same Lacedemonyans. And that it should not be found that after the same denouncing, they had innovated or attempted any thing. But the elians persisted nevertheless in their opinion, the said allegation notwithstanding. And yet for all that offered them, that if they would render Lepreum unto them, they would be content to remit one part of the amends, to wit, that same that aught to be applied to them, and also of the other, which ought to be applied to the God Apollo, & to pay it for them. The which offer the said Lacedemonyans would not accept. Which perceived, the elians made them yet an other offer. To wit, that insomuch as they would not restore Lepreum, to th'intent yet that they should not remain excluded from the same feast of the temple, that they should swear upon the great altar of jupiter bifore all the Greeks, for to pay the said amends, if they than could not pay it. But the Lacedæmonians accepted this party as sklenderly as the furst. By reason whereof they were excluded & prohibited from sacrifice & to be present at the plays for that feast, and made their sacrifices in their city. And all the other Greeks came & assisted & were present at the playes● reserved those of Lepreum. And yet notwithstanding the elians, fearing l●ste the Lacedemoans should come to the temple & would sacrifice by force, they caused a good number of their people to come in armure for to keep watch in the temple. And with them were sent from Argos & from Mantinia two thousand men in armure, to wit, from aither city a thousand, & besides that, the Athenians sent thither the horsemen that they had at Argos, attending there the festival day. The which nevertheless had great fear to be assailled and beaten by the Lacedæmonians. And specially after that one Lacedemonyan named Lichas son of Arceselaus had been scourged with rods by the sergeants upon the place of the combat: 
Lichas  for that that his wagon having been confiscated to the Beotians: for that, that it had run in the said place with the other: which thing was not liefull the play & the combat being forbidden to the Lacedæmonians, in despraysing and contempning the said judgement, for to give it the better to be understand that he would well that every one should know that the said charet was his, he had openly upon the place crowned his wagoner. Whereof the other had great fear, thinking that he durst not have done it, if that he had not perceived some enterprise of the Lacedemonyans, Who nevertheless stirred not for that same time, and in such sort passed the feast. After the which, the Argives and their allies did come to corinth, to pray the Corynthians that they should be willing to send unto them for to enter into their alliance. In which place meeting likewise the ambassadors of the Lacedemonyans, they had very much talk of the treaties togethers, but finally hearing a thunder, as they were assembled for to entreat thereof, they departedde without any conclusion, and every man retournedde into his city, and no other thing was done for that same summer. In the beginning of of the winter following, the Hera●lyans that be in Trachine had a battle against the Enyens, the Dolopes, the melians & some other people of Thessale: who all were their voysins and their enemies. For that that the said city was founded● peopled and builded for none other end, but against them. And for that cause from beginning that it was buyldedde, they never ceassedde to imagine for to destroy it. Of which battle the Heraclians had the worse and therein died many of their people, and among other Xenares of Gnide Lacedemonyan, who was their leader and capitain general. And so passed the winter: which was the twelve year of the war. In the beginning of summer, the Beotians did take the city of Heraclea into their hands, and did chase fromthence Hegesippidas the Lacedemonyan, 
Hegesippidas.  who had the governance thereof● saying that they governed it not well, & that they feared that the lacedemonians, being occupied in Peloponese, lest the athenians should take it. Wherewith the Lacedemonyans were right evil contentedde towards those Beotians. In the same summer Alcibiades, Duke of the athenians with the aid of the Argives and other their allies went into Peloponese having a small number aswell of men at arms, as archers. and of the confederates such number as he found in readiness. and traversing the said country of Peloponese, he gave order for that, which seemed necessary for the season. And among other things he persuaded those Patras that they should make walls from their town to the sea, & he was minded for to have made one on the side that was towards the cost of Achaia, but the Corynthians & the Sycynians, which perceived that the same should make against them, did impeach it. In the same summer was great war between the Epidaurians and the Argives, undercouleur of this, that Thepidaurians had not sent an offering to the temple of Apollo Pythius, as they were bound to do, the which temple was in the jurisdiction and power of the Argives. But in truth it was for this, that the said Argives and Alciabiades did search some occasion for to take and occupy the said town, if they might, aswell for to be more sure against the corinthians, as also for this, that from out of the port of Egyne, they might traverse thither more easily and more directly: than for to go from Athenes to enuyrone the promontory of Scellea. 
Scellea  And so the Argives preparedde themself for to go into armure and with force to recover the said offering of the Epydauryans. In that same time, the Lacedemonyans issued fourth into camps with all their puissance. And assembledde themself at Leutra, 
Leuctra  which is a town in their territory, under the conduct of Agis son of Archidamus their king, 
Agis.  who was willing to conduct them against Lycee, 
Liceum  although he had not discoveredde his intent to any parson in the world. But in sacrefyinge for their voyage, they could not find that the gods would be propice or favourable to them therein. By reason whereof, they returned fromethence, every man into his house. And nevertheless bifore their departure, they concludedde among themselves that they should assemble togethers again in the month following, which was the month of june. And after that they were disassembledde or dissevered, the Argives issued with all their power about the end of May. And having iourneyedde all that same day, they entered into the land of Epidaure, and so did piliage and waste it. Which perceived, the Epidauriens sent unto the Lacedemonyans and their other allies for to have succours. Of whom, some excusedde themselves that the month, which was to them assigned for to reassemble themselves, was not yet come. The other came to the confines of the Epidauriens, and there rested, without passing any further. And in the mean time that the Argives were in the land of the Epidaurians, there came to Mantinaea the ambassadors of the other cities, their confederates, at the instigation of the Athenians. And after that they were all assembled, Euphanidas the Corinthian proponed & showed, 
Ephamidas.  how that the effects, were not like to the words, insomuch as they observed the words of peace and yet nevertheless in the mean time, the Epidaurians and their allies, were assembled in armure against the Argives. Wherefore it was reasonable, that the men of war should retire on both sides, and after that, the treaty of peace should be renewed. Whereunto the ambassadors of the Athenians did accord, & by that mean caused their people, which were in the land of the Epidaurians, to retire. And afterwards they reassembled themselves altogiders for to create of the peace. But being departed without conclusion, the Argives marched afresh in armure to overrone & pillage the country of Epidauriens. And in the self time the Lacedæmonians issued for to go against the Caryans', but not having the sacrifices propice or favourable for the voyage, they returned fronthence. As touching the Argives, after that they had brent & wasted about the third part of the land of Epidauriens, they retired, With whom Alcibiades was come fro the city of Athens, with a thousand men. Understanding that the Lacedæmonians were issued into the fields. Who being advertised that they retired, returned likewise himself, & in these entrefaictes passed that same summer. In the beginning of winter the Lacedemonyans sent, secretly and without knowledge of the Athenians, by sea, three houndred men to the succours of the Epidaurians, under the conduct of Hegesipidas. Through occasion whereof the Argives sent to the Athenians to show them that though, that it was said and ordained in their alliance, that none of their confedered cities should suffer to pass by their lands, nor by their seas anny enemies of the other marmure: they had nevertheless suffered the people of the lacedemonians to pass by their sea for to go into Epidaure. Wherefore it was reasonable that the mantynians and their slaves should pass in their ships and be transported unto Pylus. And that doing otherwise, they should do them wrong. Upon which demand Alcibiades and Laconicus caused to be gravene in stone and to make declaration by the Athenians, 
Laconicus.  how the Lacedæmonians had broken their appointment & falsefyed their oath. And under this colour, they embarked the slaves of the Argives at Eraine, and landed them in the land of Pylus, without doing other thing for that winter. During that which, the Argives were in war with the Epidauriens, but there was no rengedde battle, but only inroads, escharmouches and encountringes. And coming upon the end of wyntere, the Argives came by night with ladders for to take the town of Epidaure by assault, thinking that there had been no people of defence within it, and that all had been in the fields, but they found it holy otherwise, and returned fromethence without any thing done. In this manner passed the winter, which was the end of the thirteenth year of the war.   

How the Lacedæmonians with their allies being priest and ready to fight with the Argives and their friends, bifore the city of Argos: A trefues was taken by the chief men capitain for. iiii. months, without consent of the of war. And how the said trefues were broken on the behalf of the Argives at persuasion of the athenians, and how they took the city of Orthomenia. ☞ The viii Chapter.  
THe summer following the Lacedemonyans, seeing that the Epidaurians their allies were traveled with war, and that many places of Peponese departed from their amity, and other were in great variance, & that if they made no provision therefore their affairs would always grow from evil into worse: they all armed themselves togethers with their bondmen under conduct of Agis son of Archidamus their king, for to go against Argos having with them the Tegetes, with all the other Arcadians, that were of their alliance. And to the other allies of Peloponese: and of other places, they commanded that they should be at Philunte. 
Philunces.  Which thing they did, that is to wit, the Beotians with five thousand footmen well armed, & as many light armed, & from the other places, every man sent thither according to their puissance. And chief the Philisiens', forsomuch as the assembly was made in their territory, they sent all thither asmany of their people as they could make. The Argives understanding the enterprise of the Lacedæmonians, and that they did go unto Philunte, for to join with their other allies: they came to meet than with their puissance, having in their compaignye, the Mantynians with their allies & three thousand Elyans well armed, & did entounter them nigh to Methydrie, 
Methydrium.  which is a town in the country of Arcady. And so aither of the parties did his best to win the mountain, & the Argives prepared themselves to give the battle bifore that the said Lacedæmonians should have been joined with those that were at Philunte. But Argis in the night departed fromthence for to go to the said Philunte. Whereof the Argives being advertised, they departed at the break of the day & went fronthence strait way unto Argos, and fromthence to the way that leadeth to Nemea, 
Nemea.  by the which they thought, that the Lacedemonyans should have passed. But Agis, who doubted thereof, had taken an other way more sharp and more difficille, having the Lacedemonyans, the Arcadyans and the Epidaurians with him. By the which way they came for to descend into the land of Argives by one other cost. And the corinthians, the Pallyans and the Philasians by an other cost in the said way. As touching the Beotians, Megarens and Sycionians it was unto them ordonned, that they should descend by the said way that leadeth unto Nemea, whereunto the Argyues were gone, to the intent that if the said Argyues would descend into the plain for to go to repulse the Lacedemonyans that came the low way, they should charge upon them at their backs with their horsemen. The affairs than being so ordonned, Agis entered by the plain into the country of the Argyues, and pillaged Samynthe and some small villages there abouts, 
Saminthus.  which perceived the Argyues issued fourth of Nemea at the break of day for to go ●o defend their goods, 

Thrasilus.  
Alcypron   & having in their way encountered the Corinthyans' and the Philasians, they killed a certain number of the said Philasians. But there was well as many of theirs slain by the Corinthians. On the other cider the beotians, Megarens and Scycionians did keep the way, whereunto they were appointed, and did come straight way to Nemea, frowhence the Argyues were already departed and descended into the plain. And after that they were there, seeing their goods pyllaged and wasted, they did put themselves in array for to fight against their enemies. who also did the like on their party. But the Argives did find themselves environed on all sides, to wit, on the side of the plain with Lacedemonyans and other, were in their company, which were between them and their city, from of the side of the mountain, with corinthians, Philasiens', and Pallians: and from of the cost of Nemea, with beotians, Sycyonyans and Megarens, and also they had no horsemen. For the athenians that should have brought them. were not yet arrived, and also they thought not to have had so great affair, neither that there had been so many enemies. But rather they hopedde, being in their land and within view of their city to have obtained a glorious victory against the Lacedæmonians. The two armies than being ready to combat, two of the Argyues, to wit, Trasylus that was one of the five Capytaines and Alcyphron, who had great acquaintance & a house at Lacedemonye, came to speak with Agis for to impeach that there should be no battle, offering on the behalf of the Argives, if the Lacedemonyans pretended any quarrel against them, for to obey to the right, provided that they should do the like for their party, and that done for to enter into alliance with them. Which offres the said two Argyues did make of their private authority without knowledge or consent of the other. whereunto Agis made them answer, likewise without thereunto calling any other parson, but only one of the judges or threasurers of the army, who was appoynctedde to him for a compaignyon in that same war. & amongst them four they concluded a trefues for four months. During the which time, the causes above said should have been treated upon. And that done Agis retired with his people without speaking otherwise to any of the allies nor also with the Lacedemonyans. All the which did follow him for that, that he was general of the army, and for to obsarue the souldarly law and discipline. But that not withstanding they blamed him greatly, for this, that having one so great and apparante occasion of victoire, considered that the enemies were enclosed on all sides, aswell with footmen, as also with horsemen, he departed fromthence without doing there any thing worthy of so fair an army, which was one of the greatest that the Greeks had yet made in all that war, and retyredde all unto Nemea, where they soiournedde certain days. Being in which place it was judged by all the captains and chief of war, that they were puissant enough for to defeat, not only the Argives and their allies, but also much more people if they had been there, and fromthence they returned all thoroughly angered, every one unto his quarter. But yet the Argyues were more displeased against the twoo● which had accordedde the appoynctment for their party, saying that the Lacedæmonians should never have had so honest occasion for to withdraw themselves to their advauntaige, for they thought that having so fair an army, aswell of their own people, as of their allies: and moreover being within the view of their city, they should easily have defeated the said Lacedemonyans. Being than departedde fromthence, they went altogyders into the town of Charadrus, 
Charadrus.  in the which, before that they entered into their city, & would leave of their armure, they were willing both to know of the war and to determine of the questions of the war and of the mylytary & souldearly causes. And so they concluded among other for to stone Thrasylus. But he saved himself within the temple, and yet nevertheless they confiskated all his money that he had there. In these enterfaictes, and they being yet there, arrived a thousand footmen & five hundred horsemen, whom Lachetes and Nicostratus brought unto them from Athens, unto whom they said that they should return, for it grevedde them to break the appointment that had been concludedde with the Lacedemonyans, in whatsoevere manner, that it had been made And although that the said capitains of the athenians demanded to be presentedde with their people unto the communalty of Argos, yet the said capitains of the army would not agree unto it, until that the mantynians and the elians, with great request, had obteignedde it of the Argyues. Being then brought in bifore the commons of Argos and before the allies that were yet there, Alcibiades, who was general of all the bend, shewedde them that they had no power to make peace neither treaty with the enemies, without their consent, and sithence that he was there acyvedde at the term that he had promised with his bend, that they ought to begin the war again. And in such manner he persuaded them by his oration, that they departed all at that present for to go against Orchomenia, which is in the country of Arcady, except the Argives. who, albeit that they had been of the same opynyone, were nevertheless slack, but soon afterwards they did follow the other, and all togethers did lay siege to Orchomenia, and usedde all the force that they might, for to take it, aswell with engines of artillery as otherewyse, for they had great desire to take the same town for many reasons: but principally for this, that the Lacedemonyans had bestowedde there within it, all the hostages that they had taken of the Arcadyans. The Orchomenyans fearing to be taken by force before that the succours might come unto them, for that, that their walls were not strong, and that the enemies were in right great number: they made appointment with them, by mean whereof they became their allies, in rendering the hoostages that were within the town, and in delivering some for themself unto the mantynians. Aftere that the athenians and other allies had taken Orchomenia, they devysedde whider they should go at their departure fromethence. For the elians would that they should have gone into Lepreum, the Man●ynians into Tegea, unto whose opinion the athenians and Argives did agree, whereupon the elians despised them and retournedde fromthence into their houses. The other abodde at Mantinaea and preparedde themself for to go to Tegea, where they had some confederation with certain of the people of the town, who should have brought them into it. The Lacedemonyans, after that they were returned from Argos, blaymedde greatly Agis, for the trefues that he had made, and that he had not brought the said city into their obeissance: having the fairest occasion and the best mean that ever they might have had, neither without great pain could have. For it seemed unto them very difficille and hard for to assemble again at an other time, one so fayere an army of their allies as that same was there. But when the news came of the taking of Orchomenus, they were much more angry and animated against him. In such sort that they determined to beat and battre down his house, which thing had not been seen in the city, and for to condemn him in a hundred thousand drachmas, so great was their anger against him. Yet notwithstanding he so excused himself and made unto them so many requests, thereby promising to recompense ●hat same sault, by some other great service (if they would let him have the charge of the army without doing that, which they had determined against him) that they were content to leave to him the said charge, without doing him other evil. But nevertheless they made a new law, which never bifore had been made, whereby they created twelve counsellors of the said city of Sparte, for to assist him, without whom, he might neither conduct an army out of the city, nor make peace, trefues nor treaty with the enemies.   

How the Lacedemonyans and their allies did win one battle against the athenians, the Argives and their other allies in the land of mantynians. ☞ The ix chapter.  
IN this mean time did come a messenger from Tegea. who brought them news from those in the town, that if they were not right shortly succoured: they should be constrained for to render themselves unto the Argives and to their allies. whereof the lacedemonians were greatly astonied and thereupon did all arm themselves, aswell free as bond, with greater diligence than ever they had done, and went fromthence to Orestium. 
Orestium  And on the other side, they commanded those of Menalia and the other Arcadyans, which took their part, that they should go by their shortest way unto Tegea. And they, after that they were arrived at Drestie at their departure from Orestium, 
Destri●  they did send again thither well the sixth part of their people, for to keep the city: among whom were those, which were to old & to young. The other marched straight fourth to Tegea, and they being there arrived, soon after came the Arcadyans, and beside this, they commanded the corinthians, the Beotians, the Phocians, & the Locryans● that they should be at Mantynea with most diligence that might be possible for them. Now there were some of them there, which were nigh enough for to come thither by and by. But for that, that of force they must pass through the land of the enemies, they were constrained to attend and tarry for the other, and yet nevertheless did use the best diligence that they could for to pass. The Lacedemonyans with the Arcadyans that they had, invaded the land of Mantynea, and there did all the evil that they could. Having lodged their host bi●ore the temple of Hercules, the Argives and their allies being thereof advertised, did come to lodge themsel●e in a high place, strong enough and hard for to aboard or to enter upon, and there they preparedde themself for to come to the battle against the Lacedemonyans, who likewise marchedde in order for to combat. And being with in the caste of a stone or of a dart, nigh unto the enemies, one of the most ancient of his bend, saying that they went for to assault their enemies in their force: cried greatly and with a loud voice unto them, Agis wool amend one evil, which he hath done, with one other more great, willing to give it to be understand, that thinking to amend the fault which he had done at Argos, he would hazard that same battle against reason. Agis than understanding this, for fear that he had to be reprehendedde and rebukedde, if that he had assailled the enemies in their fort, or else rather for this, that it seemed unto him not to be to purpose: he retired with his people without fighting. And when he was in the land of Tegea, he dyvertedde and did turn the water, from the river that passed through that country, into the land of Mantynea. By reason of which river, the Tegeans and the mantynians had oftentimes had question, ●or that, that it wasted the lands, in that part thereof, where it had course. This did Agis, for that, that he would by that mean constrain the Argives & their allies, to descend out of their fort, wherein they were lodgedde, for necessity of water, and to cause them to come into the plain, to the end that he might combat in a reasonable or indifferent place, and so he aboode in that same place for to divert and turn away the water all that day. The Argives and their allies were first abashedde of this, that the Lacedemonyans were so soubdaynelye departed, and could not think the cause of their departure. Afterwards saying that they were retyredde, and that they had not pursued them, they chargedde their Dukes and capitains therewith, saying: that first they had suffredde them to pass by appointment, when they might have destroyedde them bifore Argos, and now that they were fled, that they would not follow them, and by that mean, the enemies had with their ayse saved themselves, and that they were deceived and betrayed by their said capitains. who were through that murmuration much troubled, and yet nevertheless did afterwards depart out of their fort, wherein they were with their people, and descendedde into the plain, to the intent for to pursue their enemies. And the day following, they marchedde in battle, determynedde to fight against them, if they might meet or find them. On the other side the Lacedemonyans, who were returned from the river into their first Camp, nigh to the temple of Hercules, perceiving them to come towards them, were more afraid, than ever at any time bifore, within the remembrance of man, they had been. For that, that the thing was so sudden, that scarcely they had space ●or to put themself into battle array. notwithstanding they took heart of grace and recovered their espryttes in●ontynently, and every man did put himself in order at commandment of Agis their king. who had, by order of their laws, all the authority to command and ordain the Dukes of the army, which were the chiefest under him. And afterwards, the Dukes commanded the tribunes, the tribunes the Centurions, and the Centurions the Dixeniers or rotter men, rulers of every number of ten, for such is their order. By means whereof, whatsoever was requisyt to be done, was quickly executed, for a great part of the people that be in their host, have charge the one over the other, and so there be found many that have charge of the affairs. At that same time the Scirites by their own accord placed themselves in the left point. 
Scirites.  For such, from all ancient, was the order of the Lacedemonyans, and with them, those, which had been in Thrace with Brasidas and those that had newly been affranchised and put into liberty. After them there were the other Lacedemonyans in bends according to their order, and ioigninge to them the Arcadyans. And in the right point, the Menalyans, the Tegeates and a small number of Lacedemonyans. who kept the point, and the horsemen the wing. On the other side the right point was commyttedde to the Mantynians, for that, that the feat was done in their land. After them, were the Arcadyans of their party, and a thousand ordinary soldiers. unto whom the Argives did give ordinary sold or wages, for that, that they were well experimented for the war, and after them, were all the Argyues, and successively the Cleonians and the Orneates their allies, and finally at the end of the left point were the athenians with their horsemen. Such was the order of both the battles, and albeit that the Lacedemonyans were of the greater appearance, yet could I not for truth describe the number of the people, neither of the one side nor of the other, neither of them both togethers. To wit, of the lacedemonians for that, that they do their feats very secretly and in great silence: and of the other, for that, that they make them so great, that that, why the they say, is not to be believed. But yet nevertheless the number of the Lacedemonyans may be conjectured by this, that seven bends of theirs did fight besides the Scyrites, who were five hundred. In every of whychebendes, were .v. Centuries, and in every century, two Manipules, and in ayther Manypule there were four men a front at the point. But more inner in the depth thereof, there were more or less according to the discretion of the capitains and Bandoliers. And yet nevertheless every order was of the thickness of eight men, and the front of all the former several bends was joined and locked equally in length, and there were four hundred, forty and eight men in the first poyncte, besides the said Scyrites. After that they were thus all set into battle array, aswell of the one side as of the other, every capitain exhorted & encouraiged his soldiers, the best wise that they could: to wit, the Mantinians declared to their people, that the question was, o● losing their seignyory and liberty, and of their coming into servitude. The Argives showed unto theirs, that the question was to defend their princypalitie, which was equal to the same of the other cities of Peloponese, and also for to revenge the outrages and injuries, that their voysins & enemies, had often times done unto them. The athenians proponed unto theirs that it should be their honour (sithence they did fight with so great number of their allies) to show that they were no worse warryours than the other, and also if they could at the self instant vainquyshe and destroy the Lacedemonyans in the country of Peloponesa, their estate and seignyorye should forever be in the greater surety, for there should never be any people that durst come to assail them in their lands. Such were the sayings and persuasions that were made to the Argives and their allies. As touching the Lacedemonyans they were all assured people and expert in war, werefore they had no need of exhortation. For the memory and recording of their many and chevalerour feats did give them more hardiness, than a short declaration (though it had been well garnished with words) could have done. This passed they, began to march the one against the other, to wit, the Argyues and their allies with great impetuosytie or fierceness, and with great wrath and anger. And the Lacedemonyans all at leisure and pace by pace after the sound of the trumpets. whereof they had great number dispersed into many places of their battle, for such was their custom and ordinance, to carry many of them, not for any religion or devotion as many other do, but for to march in better order at the sound of the said trumpets, and also to the end that they should not be put into disorder at the encountering of the enemies, as it chanceth oftentimes when two great armies do encounter the one, the other. But before that they did come to the encountering or meeting, Agis king of the Lacedemonyans devysedde with himself for to do a thing for to impeach and withstand that, which had always been used when two battles did encounter. For those, that be in the right point of ayther side, when they come to encounter the enemies that be in the apposytte or directly against the left point, they spread themselves in lenghe for to enuyrone and enclose them. For that, that ayther party fearing to abide in discovert of the right side, which the shield doth not cover, he wardeth himself with his shield that is next him on the right hand, and they think that when they be most locked togethers, they should be most in covert and in surety, and he that is foremost in the end of that same right point, showeth to the other the way to do it, for insomuch as he hath none at his right hand for to ward him, he taketh the most pain that he may, to eschew the enemies on that side that is openne or discovered, and for that cause doth the best that he can for to advance the end of the contrary point, that was opposite or direct against him and for to enclose and environe it, for that he would not be assailled on the side, which is discoveredde, and the other for the self fear did follow him. Now the Mantynians, who kept the right point of their side, were in much greater number, than the Scirites. Also the Lacedemonyans and the Tegetes, who kept the right poyncte of their side, were in much greater number, than the athenians that kept the left point of theirs. For this cause Agis fearing lest the left point of his people should sustain damage by the mantynians, who were in much greater number, he made a sign to the Scirites and to the Brasidians, that they should retire out of their order, and join themself to the Mantynians, and forthwith he commanded two Trybuns', that were in the right point, to wit, Hipponoides and Aristocles, 

Hipponoides.  
Aristocles.   that they should depart out of the place, wherein they were in their bends, and that they should readily bestow themself in rome of the said Scirites & Brasidians, thinking that by that mean, his right point should remain yet well provided for, and the left should be greatly strengthened for to resist the mantynians. Nevertheless they would not do it, aswell for that, that they were already nigh hand to hand with the enemies, as also the time was very short for to do that, which they were commaundedde, through occasion whereof, they were afterwards banished out of Sparte, as nice and slothful. The Scirites and the Brasidians being then separated and retired out of their order according to the commandment of the king Agis, and the same king, seeing that the other two beads did not come into their place, he commanded them again, that they should put themselves into their former order. But it was not possible for them so to do, neither for those of that point, fromwhence they were departed, to receive them, being already all locked together and nigh unto the enemies. And yet nevertheless the Lacedemonyans shewedde themself in all things the better warryours, and more experimented in war, than the other. For when it came to fight hand to hand, the mantynians, that had the right point, at the arrival did put the Scirites and the Brasidians to flight, and with their allies and the thousand soldiers of the Argives, they charged upon the left point of the Lacedemonyans, which they found naked & void with the said two bends, and so repulsed it and constrained the Lacedemonyans, that were after them there, to take flight, and chased them into the maresses that were nigh unto them, wherein there were some of the most aged slain. And so in that part, the Lacedæmonians were vainquished: but as for the remnant and chief the middle of the battle, wherein the king Agis was, having about him three hundred chosen men, which were named, the knights: the things went wholly otherwise, for they chargedde with such foorce upon the principal and most ancient of the Argives and upon the thousand soldiers, which were named the five Cohertes or bends, and likewise upon the Cleontyns, and upon the Orneates, and upon some athenians, that were in their bends: that they caused them to lose the place, and truly many without makyng● resistance, saying the ympetuosytye or fierceness of the Lacedemonyans, did fly, whereby a number of them were oppressed and strangled in the press. The Argives and their allies being in flight, their battle was brokenne on both sides, whereby the athenians, that were in the left point were in great danger. For that, that the Lacedemonyans and the Tegeates, which were in the right poyncte of the enemies, had enclosed them on the one side, and on the other, their allies were vainquished, and had not it been for the succour, which they had with their horsemen, they had been all destroyed. And also in these enterfaictes, Agis being advertised, that those, that were in the left point of his battle directly against the mantynians, and the thousand soldiers Argyues, were in great parille: he commanded all his people that they should go to secure them, which thing they did, by mean whereof, the Athenians had leisure to save themselves with the Argives, which had been vainquished. And as touching the mantynians and the thousand sonldyars of the Argives, they had no heart any longer to poursue against them, that were opposite or directly against them, but yet seeing their people beaten or overcome, and the Lacedemonyans that came to overrun them, they did likewise fly, and therein many of the mantynians were slain: but the more part of the thousand soldiers, Argives, saved themself in retyringe all fair and easily without flying in disaraye. For also the custom of the Lacedemonyans is to fight a●grelye and long until they have put their enemies to flight, but afterwards, as they see them fly, they follow not them long. And such was the issue of that same battle, the which was the greatest and most sharp among all the other that the Greeks had had together, for also the same was between the most puissance Cities of Grece. After the victory, the Lacedemonyans, spoilled furst the dead bodies of the enemies of their harness, wherewith they dressedde their Trophy, and than they spoilled them of their habillementes and apparel which they carried away, and that done they rendered the Cariogns to the enemies, that required them. As touching theirs, they caused them to be carried into the town of Tegea, and there they caused them to be honnorably engraved or buryedde. The number of them that died in that battle, was, of the Argives, Orneates, and Cleonyans abouts levene hundred, of the mantynians two houndred, and of the athenians and Argives asmany: amongst whom, were Dukes and Capytaines of the same athenians and Argives. On the Lacedemonyans part, there was not so many, as there needeth any great memory of them, and also the number is not well known but it is commonly said, that there died of them abouts three houndred. Now was it happened, that at the hour, when the battle should be made, Plistoanax the other king of Lacedemony issued with the old and young people of the City, 
Plistoanax.  for to come to the succours of the other. But being come to Tegea, and there understanding the news of the victory, he returned, and so contremanded or willed the Corinthians and other allies, that be out of the distraict of Peloponese, which came likewise to the succours of the said Lacedemonyans to repair homewards, and giving licence to certain estrangers, that were with them to depart, they afterward celebrated their feast, which is named, Carnea. And by this mean they revenged and blotted out the infamy and shame, which they had received of the athenians, aiwelle in the Island, as in other places, (whereby they were reputed nice people and evil warriors) through this only victory, and it was known that that, which bifore time had happened unto them, was through fortune of war, but that their virtue and force therein was such, as had been accustomed. It chanced also that the day bifore the said battle, the Epidaurians, thinking that the Argives had been all gone to that same battle, & by that mean, that the City remained void or desolate, they came with all their strength or power for to enter into their land, and did slay some of their citizens, that were left for defence of the city, which came fourth against them. But three thousand Elyans which did come to the succour of mantynians, and a thousand athenians, which likewise came to the succour of theirs, togethers with those that were escaped from the battle, joined themselves together, and went all against Epidaure. And in the mean time, that the Lacedemonyans made their feast of Carnea, they assieged the said city on all sides, departing the quartiers among them, and they enclosed it with walls. And the athenians in the quarter that was given or appointed to them, after that the other did cease to work, they fortified the temple of juno, which was without the city in their said quarter, and therein placing a good garnysonne they afterwards returned fromethence into their houses. And so the summer endedde.   

¶ How the peace was made between the Lacedemonyans and the Argives, and afterwards the alliance. And of some other things that were done aswell on the part of the Lacedemonyans, as of the same of the athenians without any declaration of war. ☞ The ten Chapter.  
IN the beginning of the winter following, the Lacedemonyans, having celebrated their feast of Carnea, the issued into the fields and went towards Tegea. Being in which place, they sent of their own mind their messengers unto the Argyues for to treat the appoinctment. Now there was in the city of Argos many (that were the chiefest) with the Lacedemonyans, the which further desired to abolish the estate and governance of the common people, which was in the city, and to bring it unto a small number. And after the battle lost, found many of the people of their opinion. And for to do that, they would first make peace with the Lacedemonyans, and that done, afterwards make the alliance, by means whereof they hoped to subdue the people. The Lacedemonyans did than se●de Lichas the son of Arcesilaus for to treat the peace, for that, that he had a house in the town, to whom they gave charge for to demand of them the one of two things: to wit, in what force, they would make war, if they would have it, or peace, if that they desired peace. whereupon there were great altercations, for that, that Alcibiades was there, who traveled to the contrary with his power. But finally, they that took part with the Lacedemonyans, had first so declared their minds and used such diligence, that they induced the common people to make and accept the said peace, in manner that followeth.  

The form of the peace between the Lacedemonyans and the Argives.  
IT pleaseth the counsel of the Lacedemonyans to make peace with the Argives in this manner. to wit, that the Argyues shall render to the Orchomenyans, 
Orchomenu.  their children, to the Menaliens their citizens: and those that were within Mantinaea, to the Lacedæmonians. And further, that they should withdraw their people, which they had bifore Epidaure, and raze down the wall, which they had there made. And if the athenians would not withdraw theirs fromthence, they should be reputed enemies, aswell of the Lacedemonyans, as of the Argives. And likewise the Lacedemonyans, if they had any child of the said Argives or of their allies with them, they should render and deliver them. For performance of which things, they should make oath the one to the other, and this much is it, as touching them. As concerning the remanant, that all the cities of Peloponese small and great shall fromhensforwardes bein liberty, and live according to their ancient laws and customs, and if anny estrangier shall will to enter into the said country of Peloponese in armure against one of the said cities, the other shall secure it, so as it shallbe by them advised with a common accord. And as touching the allies of the Lacedemonyans that be without the said Peloponese, that they be and remain in the estate, wherein those of the Argyues be, every one in his territory, and that when any succour shallbe demaundedde by the allies of the one of the parties, and that they shallbe assembled for to make it, after that declaration shall have been made of the present articles, it shallbe in their liberty, aither to fight with them, or to return into their houses. which articles were accepted by the Argives. And that done, the Lacedemonyans departed from bifore Tegea and returned home. soon after, those, that had treated the said peace being gone and come many times, the one unto the other, it was finally concluded between them, that the Argives should make alliance with the Lacedemonyans, forsaking the same, which they had concluded with the athenians, the mantynians and the elians, the which was accorded in the manner that followeth.   

The form of the alliance between the Lacedemonyans and the Argyues.  
IT hath pleased the Lacedemonyans and the Argyues for to make alliance and confederation between them, for fifty years in this manner. To wit, that the one party shall do and minister right and reason unto the other equally according to their ancyente laws and customs. And that the cities that be in Peloponese, free and living in liberty, shall & may enter into this alliance, to hold their territory and to exercise their justice, like as they have accustomed. And all the other Cities, that be allied with the Lacedemonyans, being without Peloponese, shallbe of the self sort and condition, that the Lacedemonyans be in: and likewise the allies of the Argyues of the sort and condition of the same Argiues●kepynge their territory. And if it be needful to send any succours to any of the said confederated cities, the said Lacedemonyans & Argyues shall mutuelly devise, what shall be expedient and raisonable, to wit, if any of the said cities have question & difference with other cities, that they may not be of this alliance, by reason of their lymitts or otherwise. And if any of the same confederated cities, had any difference the one against the other, the same different shallbe commit to one of the other cities, that shallbe found trusty and indifferent unto both parties●for to be friendly judged after their laws and customs. In such form was the alliance made. By mean whereof all the differents that were between the said two cities were extinguished and appeased. And so they concluded between them not to receive any herald neither any Ambassador of the athenians, into neither city, but the furst they should void their people out from Peloponese, and raze down the walls, that they had made at Epidaure, and that they should promise, neither to make peace, nor war, but by one common accord of both the said cities. Now the said Lacedemonyans and Argyues had purposed to do many things, but principally they were willing to make an enterprise into the country of Thrace. For that cause they sent their Ambassadors unto Perdiccas for to withdraw him to their alliance. whereunto he would not at the furst front agree neither depart from the amity of the athenians, notwithstanding that he had great regard to the Argyues, for that, that he was borne in their city, and therefore he did take a time for to deliberate & consult upon it. And thereupon the Lacedemonyans & Argives renewed the oath that they had with the Chalcides and also added anew oath. 
Chalcidenses.  Afterwards the Argives did sent their Ambassadors to the athenians, for to summon and command them to forsake and raze down the wall that they had made at Epidaure. Who perceiving that the army, which they had left there was small, in comparison of the other, that was departed fromethence: they sent Demosthenes, 
Demosthenes  for to cause their people to retire. who being there arrived, feigned to make a tourney without the town, and by that mean caused the other that were in garnison within, to issue fourth, and when they were with out, he locked the gates against them, and afterwards caused them of the town to assemble together, and renewed the alliance, which they had with the athenians, and in that doing, rendered the wall unto them for which the question was. After that the alliance was made between the Lacedemonyans and the Argives, the mantynians refused at the beginning to enter into it: but saying that they were to weak for the Argives, soon after they made appoynetement with the Lacedemonyans, and left the towns that they held in their liberty. That done, the Lacedemonyans and the Argyues, ayther of them sent a thousand of their people to Sycione, and there did take the governance from the common people, and committed it into the hands of a certain number of the citizens, and the Lacedemonyans were principal and chief doers thereof. And soon after the like was done in the city of Argos to the intent, that it should be governed after the self order used in the city of Lacedemonie. which things were done about the end of the winter, the spring time approaching, in that same year, which was the ●ourtenthe of the war. The summer following, they of Epitedie, 
Epitedie●ses.  which be in the country of Athon, rebelled from the athenians, and reallyed themselves with the Chalcides, and the Lacedemonyans did give order in the affairs of Achaia, which were not well to their contentation. And mean time the people of Argos, who had already conspyredde to recover and take again the government, espying the time when the Lacedemonyans exercised themselves all naked according to their custom: they arose up against their governors in armure, and some of them they did slay, and the other they banished, who, bifore that they were chased or driven fromthences, had sent unto the Lacedemonyans, to have their aid, but they slacked tomuch their coming through cause of their said excercise or plays, notwithstanding they soon after deferred or put them of, and issued fourth into the fields for to secure the said governors. But being arrived at Tegea, and understanding there that the said governors were driven away, they returned fronthence & achieved or made an end of their said plays. Afterwards ambassadors were sent unto them, aswell by those, that were chased fromthence, as also by those, that governedde the town, the which were heard by the Lacedæmonians in the presence of their allies. And after that the things were at length debated, it was declared, that the governors were wrongfully and without cause banished, and was concluded to go thither in armure, and by force to place them again within the town, but the execution being to long delayed, they, that were within the town, fearing to be overcome and takene, reallied themselves afresh with the athenians. thinking to be by them guarded and defended: and that done, they caused soubdainelye the walls to be made from the town unto the sea, to the end that if they were impeached or let to have victuals by land, they might yet have them by sea, andthies they did (having intelligence with some of the Cities of Peloponese) in so great diligence, that there was not man nor woman, young nor old, small nor great, that employed not himself therein. Also the athenians sent thither all their masons & carpenters, so that the said walls, were achieved and finished at the end of summer. Which perceived, the Lacedemonyans assembled all their allies, except the Corinthians, and in the beginning of winter they went to make war against them under conduct of their king Agis. And they had also some intelligence in the town of Argos, but seeing that it came not to effect, they took the walls, which were newly made and not fully finished, by force, and rasedde them down. And afterwards they did take a small town, that was in the territory of the said Argos, named Hysias, by assault, and did slay all the notable or best men that they found within it, and afterwards returned fromethence into their houses. And soon after the Argyues issued fourth of their town with all their force against the Phliasians, & pillagedde all their land, for so much as they had received their exiles or bannyshedde men: of whom some had there, houses and hereditaments, and afterwards returned fromthence into their town. That same winter, the athenians made war against Perdiccas in Macedon, under colour of this, that they said, that he had conspired against them with the Lacedemonyans and the Argives, and that when the same athenians had prepared their army for to send them into Thrace against the Chalcydes and the Amphipolites under the conduct of Nyrias, he had dissembled with them, in such sort, that the said enterprise could not be executed, and by that mean he was declared their enemy. And in these entrefaicts passed that winter, which was the end of the fourteenth year of that same war. At beginning of the summer following, Alcibiades with twenty ships passed into Argos, and there being entered into the city, he took three hundred of the burgeoses of the town, which he suspected to take the part with the Lacedemonyans, whom he caused to depart and to be carried into the Islands which the athenians governedde in that same quarter.    

How little of Meleas was as sieged and finally taken by the athenians, and some other things that were done that self same year. ☞ The xi Chapte.  
IN that same time the athenians also sent an other army by sea with thirty ships of theirs against the Island of Meleas, in which ships there were twelve houndredde men well armed, three houndredde Archers and twenty light horses, and moreover there was in that same army, six ships of those of Chio, and two of those of Lesbos, besides the aid which they had of their other allies, and of those of the self Island, which amountedde to, abouts a thousand, five houndredde men. Now were the Meliens Burgeoses of the Lacedemonyans, and refused to be under the obeisance of the athenians, like as all the other Isles of that same sea. notwithstanding that from the beginning they were not so declared against them. But for that, that the athenians would constrain them to declare themselves and for that cause had burned and wasted that their land, they shewedde themselves openly their enemies and entered in war against them. The said army being then arrived in the said Island, 
Cleomenes.  Cleomedes son of Lycomedes and Tisias son of Tysymachus, 
Tisyas.  who were the Capytains', bifore they did any dammaige to them of the Island, they sent certain of the Ambassadors unto them of the city for to speak with them, who were heard not bifore all the commons, but before the officers and those of the counsel only. So they declaredde their charge, and were answered, and the matter debated between them, like as hereafter followeth in manner of a dialogue.   

¶ The conferring or talk that was between the Ambassadors of the athenians, and of the officers of Meleas, for to treat the appointment between them. ☞ The xii Chapter.  
first the athenians did speak in this manner. Sirs we perceive well, that you are not willing that we should speak before all the communalty, but only in this assembley, fearing lest though that we should have had by long oration declared in presence of the whole communalty, all true and reasonable things: yet that not withstanding, that same commons, not having otherwise debatedde the matter from point to point, might thereby be induced to commit some error. wherefore it is expedient that ye do that like, to wit, that ye declare not your purpose rashly or all at ones, but from point to point, so that if you shall see, that we say any thing, that is impertinent or unreasonable, ye may answer thereunto, and tell us your opinion therein. And bifore all things declare unto us, if this manner of speaking, which we do propone unto you, be to your contentatyon or not. The melians. Truly lords, this fashion of speaking apart and debating causes with leisure, is not to be blaymedde. But there is one thing that seemeth unto us contrary and repugnant to this, & that is, that ye come not to speak of war to follow, but of the same that presently is already. wherefore we perceive well, that you wolbe judges of this present communication. And that the end thereof shallbe such, that though we vanquish you by reason, and therefore do not agree to your will, yet you will war against us. And if we consent to that which you wool, we shall remain your subjects and in your bondage. The athenians. verily if ye be here assembled for to debate of matters, that may chance, or for any other matter: than for to provide for the estate and wealth of your city in the estate, that the things be: it is not needful that we speak further therein, but if ye● be come for this purpose, we wool speak thereof. The melians. It standeth with all reason, and also to be licencedde, that people that be in such perplextie, should show many reasons, and change many purposes, having regard to many things, considered, that the question is of our wealth. Wherefore it it please you, we wool debate together in such sort, as you have rehearsed. The Athenians, Sithence than it is convenient so to talk, we wool not use doubtful terms, as if that by right, the governance over you bilonged unto us, by reason of the victory, that we sometime had against the Medes, nor by long words, for to show you, that we have just cause to move war against you, for the injury that we have received of you. Also it it not needful that ye declare unto us that ye be burgeoses of the Lacedemonyans, and that ye have in nothing offended us, hoping by that mean to persuade us to desist and leave of our enterprise. But ye must treat of possible things accordingly as we and you understand the affair and business that presently is in hand. And to consider that among people of understanding the just and reasonable causes be debated by reason, when there is no necessity on the one side, more than of the other. But when the more feeble debate matters, which the stronger part doth demand of them: it is convenient for them to accord unto the less evil. The melians, sithence than, that ye wool, that, without debating with reason, men speak, to make the best, that may be, according to the estate of things: It is reasonable, not being able to do better, that we conserve that, wherein consisteth our common wealth, to wit, our liberty. Also it should be convenient and honourable for a man, that is continually in danger, so that he persuade an other, that he should content himself with that, that he may advantage and save by his wit, and by his diligence according to the time, and to accept it likewise himself, wherefore you other athenians, ought well to take heed, for this, that forsomuch as ye be of more power, than the other, that if one such adversity chanced unto you, so much your ruin shield be so much the greater example of other, for your punishment should be so much the greater. The athenians, we fear not the abolishing of our empire and signory. For those that have accustomed to rule other: as the Lacedemonyans have done, be not so cruel towards them whom they vanquish, as they be, that have been accustomed to be ruled, when they rebel, if they have the victory against them, to whom they were subject. But as the danger thereof resisteth to us, so leave it to our parels and fortunes, & let us speak of that, which appertaineth to the augmentation of our empire, for which cause we become hider, & for the wealth of your city. And as touching that, we will tell you plainly our intent. Which is, that we wool govern you, and yet not be molestuous nor importunate unto you, and in this doing save you, aswell for your wealth, as for ours. The melians, how may that be, that it should be asmuch our profit to be your subjects, as to yours to be our Lords? The athenians. truly it is your proffytt, to do rather so, than to suffer all the extremities of war. And ours, to have you to our subjects, rather than to slay you. The melians: And if we be neuter without meddling with the one party or with the other, and that we be your friends in stead of these questions, being now your enemies, wolleye not be therewith contentedde? The athenians: No truly, for it should be more damage to have you for friends, than enemies, for this, that if we should accept you for friends, it should he a argument or declaration of our weakness & ympotency, whereby the other, over whom we govern, shall esteem us the less. The melians: Than those, that be under your empire, be of this mind that they desire that those, which have nothing to do with you, should be your subjects as they be. And also, that your colonies, if there be any of them that have rebelled against you, that they should be brought again into your subjection. The athenians: And wherefore should they not have that opinion, for they think not, that the one nor the other withdraw themselves from our obeisance by any reason, but only when they perceive themselves to be puissant enough for to resist us, and that we for fear dare not assail them. Whereby, besides this, that when we shall have subdued you, we shall have greater number of subjects: Our empire shallbe also thereby more puissant & more assured, for that, that you be islanders and people of the Island, and be reputed puissant by sea, wherefore if we subdue you, ye shallbe afterwards most feeble. The melians. And you, do not you put and repute your surety to be in your force by sea? but insomuch as you persuade us, that we should leave apart reason for to obey to your intent and proffitt, we will likewise show you & take pain to do you to know, that the thing which we demand for our proffytt, shall redound to yours, for you may well understand, that by subduing us without other quarelle, it shall cause all those of Grece, that have been neuter, to be your enemies, for that, that seeing what ye shall have done, they shall fear lest afterwards, you would do the like unto them, by which doing you augment your enemies, & constrain those to be adversaries, that were not wiliing unto it. The Athenians. It is not so, as you do understand it, for we think not that those, which live in liberty, be it in main land, in any part that it may be, or in any Islands, that be not subject to any other parson, as you be, may be so sharp or so to be feared, as the other, that be subjects & obey by force, when they be ill minded: for that, that they, which live in liberty be more negligent to defend themselves, but those that be subjects, through their disordered passions, for a small occasion, do put oftentimes their estate & ours in danger. The melians: If you than, for to increase your empire, & those, that be in subjection, for to exempt themselves out of saruytude, do put yourself in so many dangers: truly it should be much more great shame and greater slackness to us, that be yet in liberty, for to suffer it to be lost. The athenians. That is otherwise, and you shall not do wisely if ye follow that counsel, for your forces be not like unto ours, so that ye should not be ashamed to submit yourself unto us but insomuch as ye be weaker than we, ye should devise for your wealth. The Melians. It is true, but also we know, that the fortune of war is most often common or indifferent, aswell to the weak, as to the strong, & that it standeth not always with the greater number. And on the other part, he that rendereth himself subject, neither hath hope, nor recovery: whereas he that standeth at defence, hopeth always well. The Athenians: hope, which is the comfort of them, that be in danger: though that she bring damage to them that use her, where there is appearance or likelihood of recovery: yet doth she not utterly destroy them, as she doth those, that put all their trust in such thing, as of his nature is dangerous and full of hazard, for all at one time she causeth herself to be knowing by them, that trust to much in her, and leaveth them no manner mean to defend them. Whereby you, that perceive yourself so weak and in in such danger: ought to keep yourself, from ytt, and not to do as many have done, who having some good mean to save themself: when they perceive that they be without appearance of hope, return to other incertain abusions, as be visions, divinations, Oracles and other like, which by vain hope, bring men unto perdition. The melians, we know right well that, which you understand clearly. And that is, that it shallbe a hard thing for to resist your puissance and your fortune, which is much greater than ours, and that the thing shall not be egalle, Neverthelas we trust in fortune and in the grace of God, consideredde that ye have neither reason nor good quarrel against us, and also we hope that if, of ourself we be not puissant enough for to resist, that yet we shall have succours from the Lacedæmonians, with whom we have made alliance, who shallbe constrained to do it, though that they have had no other interest, than for their honour, considered that we be their burgeoses & parents, by which reasons ye may know that we have not hitherto been over much bold. The athenians, we also doubt not the benignity and goodness of the gods, forsomuch as that which we do, and repute to be just: is not against th'opinion of men, and also is according to the deliberation and will of the gods towards men, and of those men, the one towards the other. For as touching the gods, we believe that, which other do commonly believe of them. As concerning men, we know, that by natural necessity, he that hath overcome an other, remaigneth his lord. The which law we have not made, neither have we been the furst that have used ytt. But rather we use it so, as we have seen, that other have used it. and we wool leave it perpetually unto them, that shall come after us. And we be full certain, that if you and the other had power and faculty to do it, as we have, that ye would do the like. Wherefore as touching you, we fear not, but that we be stronger, than you. As concerning the Lacedemonyans, we know that ye take in good part the opinion that you have of them, as people finally experymentedde of evils, that for their honour, they wool come to succour you, but nevertheless we praise not your folly. For the same Lacedæmonians, among themselves and in things that concern their laws and domestical customs, use oftentimes virtue, But of such sort, that if they governed with other, men might allege many examples thereof. Notwithstanding for to show you the sommarie: they be the people of all those, of whom we have knowledge, that most repute that, which pleaseth them, to be honest, and that, which is for their proffytt, to be reasonable. Wherefore it shall not be your commodity, to rest or trust in their fantasies which be without any reason, in this question, that is of your wealth. The melians, whatsoever you do say: we do believe certainly: that although their honour did not move them, yet for their singular proffytt, they will not abandon nor forsake this city, which is their colony. For by that mean, they should be disloyal and unfaithful unto their friends and allies of Grece, and should procure the proffytt of their enemies. The athenians, ye presuppose than and confess, that there may be nothing profitable, that is not sure: and also that no man should enterprise for his proffytt, if therein were not surety: but rather for honour, that is to be done, which is honest & reasonable, ye, though that there were danger therein: the which thing the Lacedemonyans do least regard of all men in the world. The Melians: verily we hope, that they will take th'adventure and put themselves in hazart for us. For they have cause to do it more for us, that for any other, both for that, that we be next neighbours to Peloponese, and thereby may best aid themselves by us in their affairs: & for this also, that they may most trust in us, for parentage, that we have with them, being discendedde of their cyetzeins. The athenians, it is true. But the certainty of succours consisteth not to be had from them, that aught to give it, for the confidence and benevolence that those have in them, which require it, but it is to be considered if they be the stronger, whereunto the Lacedæmonians have more regard, than any other people. For they mistrusting their domestical puissance, cause the succours of their allies to come for to resist even their voysins or neighbours. wherefore it is not to be believed, that parceiving us to be strongest by sea, they will put themselves in adventure to pass into this Island. The Melians: That is true, but they have other people enough for to send hider. And the sea of Crete, is so spacious & large, that it is more difficile for them that keep it, to encounter those, that wilcome thither: than for them that come, to keep themselves secret from them, and if this reason moveth them not, they have yet an other mean: to wit, for to enter into your land and into that same of your allies, to wit those, against whom Brasidas hath not been. And by that mean they shall give you occasion to labour to defend your own land, & not to trouble the same, wherewith ye have nothing to do. The Athenians, you make your proof to your cost, if that you abuse yourself in such things, the which you know sufficiently by other experiences. in that the athenians never raised their siege from bifore any place, through fear, but we do well perceive that whatsoever ye have said, which you were willing to speak for your wealth, ye have not hitherto touched one only word, thereof, in all the purposes, which you have taken. And yet it is the only purpose, which the people being in your condi●ion, aught to keep, and whereunto they ought to travail to come: for that, which you propone with so great instance, be all things to follow, & you have very short time to defend or deliver yourself out of the hands of them that be now ready to destroy you, wherefore me thinketh that you declare yourself to be wholly destitute of your wits, if you cause not us to withdraw ourselves without longer debating, & devise among yourself some other party, that may be better for you, without contynuinge in the shame, whereof ye be afraid. For that hath oftentimes been cause of great inconvenience unto them, which thereon have arrested in great dangers. And many be found, that, considering the things whereunto of necessity they should come, if they yielded themself: have abhorred the name of servitude, which they reputed to be dishonest, & have rather endured the name to be overcome, which they reputed more honourable. Whereby they afterwards in effect incurred, through their toomuch knowledge into incurable calamities, and so have received greater shame by their simpleness & folly, than they should have had by fortune, if they would have endured it. whereunto if ye be wise, you will have regard. And so ye ought not to repute nor take it for shame to give place or submit yourself to one so puissant a city as Athens is, which demandeth but a thing reasonable, to wit, that you should be his allies in paying him tribute. And sense that choice is given you, aither to prove the hazart of war, or to put your chance in surety: ye ought not by fantasies & contentions to choose the worse. For as it is wisdom (& also commonly it prospereth) not to be willing to give place or to submit himself unto his egals, when that a man may honestly defend him: even so is it, to relent towards them that be the stronger, and likewise for the mightier, for to use humanity & modesty towards the weaker. Withdraw yourself therefore apart without us, and consider diligently that you consult of the wealth, or of the loss of your party, even at this instant, & that you have no longer lesure, and that by the conclusion that you shall take therein, you shall make it happy or unhappy. For this purpose that Melians did withdraw themself apart, and after that they had consulted together & determined again to deny the demand of the Athenians, they answered in this manner. The Melians. Lords athenians we be of none other opinion than lately we were, and we cannot be willing to lose in so short time: the liberty which we have kept and enjoyed, from seven houndred years hitherto, which be passed sense our city was founded: but rather with the fortune, which hath aided us unto this present day, and with the aid of our friends, chief the Lacedemonyans, we be determined for to defend and conserve our city, praying you nevertheless to be content, that we may be your friends, without being enemies of the other, & in this manner making treaty with us, afterwards to withdraw you out of our land. And when the melians had thus spoken, the athenians, who had withdrawn themselves, from the conferring or comunication, answered them in this manner. The athenians, we see well that you alone, through your opinion and evil counsel, do hold the things to come, for more certain than those, which you see bifore you eyes, and you think that you see in effect, already, the things that lie, in the determination of other, as though they were in execution, whereby through to much trusting in the Lacedemonyans and in fortune and putting your cause in vain hope: ye shall fall into greater ruin. In this manner the ambassadors of the athenians returned fromethence into their camp, without having concluded any thing: Whereupon the Dukes and capitains parceivinge that there was no hope to win the town by composition preparedde themselves to take it by force. So they departedde themself by bends into the towns bordering nigh about, and enclosedde the city with a wall, round abouts, and that done, leaving a good garnisone aswell of their people of Athenes, as of their allies and both by sea and also by land: the more part of the army returned fromethence. In that same time, the Argives being entredde into the land of the Phiasians were circumvented by them of the town and by the bannyshmedde men of the said Argives, who were in an embuschement, in such manner that there were slain four score of their people. And on the other side, the Athenians, that were within Pylus, made a course bifore the city of Lacedemony and caryedde away fromethence a good bouttye. And yet for all this the Lacedæmonians reputed not the trefues broken, neither would begin war, but only they made a decree, by which they permitted, that their people might likewise overrun & pillage the land of the said Athenians. And there was not of all the cities of Peloponese, one, that made war against the said Athenians, but only the Corynthians, who made it for their particular quarrels. The siege than being bifore the city of Meleas, they that were within issued fourth in a night upon them, that kept the siege next to the side of the market place, and did take the wall that they had made in that quarter, and slew a number of them that kept ytt, & moreover carried away a good quantity of corn and of other victuals into the town, & afterwards locked themselves again within without doing any other thing during that summer, Whereupon the athenians were afterwards more vigilant to keep better watch in the night. And in these enterfaictes that same summer passed. In the beginning of the winter following the Lacedemonyans, having determined for to enter into the land of the Argives, in favour of the banished men, for that they had not the sacrifices propice or favourable, they returned to their houses, but that notwithstanding, some of the Argives, that attended their coming, were takene upon suspicion by thoder citizens, some other of their own will bannysshed themself, fearing to be taken. In this season, the melians also issued an other time, out of the other side of the city, and did likewise take the wall that the Athenians had made in that same quarter, by mean that there were few people for to keep it, by occasion whereof, the athenians sent thither a greater strength: under the conduct of Philocrates son of Eudemus, who having made great preparations for to give assault to the town, they that were within, by mean of a mutine and trahisone that was amongst them, yielded themselves to the will of the athenians, who did put to death all the men that they could find of xiiii years and upwards, and the women and children they did take for slaves, and carried them away unto Athens. And they left of their people in the town for to defend it, until they had afterwards sent five houndred households for to inhabit therein.   
Here endeth the fifth book of the history of Thucydes, and beginneth the sixth.   


Of the Isle of Sycille and by what people it was inhabited. And how the athenians enterprised to send their army by sea for to conquer it. ☞ The first Chapter.  
THat same winter the athenians determined to send again into Sycille● an army by sea greater than that, which Lachetes and Eurymedon had before time led thither, to the intent to subdue it, if they could, the more part of them not knowing the greatness of the Isle, nor the multitude of people that inhabited therein, aswell Greeks as strangers, and they enterprised a new war, which was but little lesser, than the same of the Peloponesians. For the same Isle conteigneth in circuyt, so much, as a great ship may sail in eight days. And notwithstanding that it is so great, yet is it not distance from the firm land, but twenty stades or thereabouts. It was inhabited from the beginning, by many and divers nations of people, whereof the furst were the Cyclopes, 
Cycoples.  & the Lestrigonyans, 
Lestrigones.  who held only one part of the same, of whom I cannot tell, what nation of people they were, fronwhence they came, nor whider they went, neither any other thing have I learnedde thereof, but that, whereof the poets make mention, and every one of them, presupposeth, to have knowledge of the same people. After those, the Sycanyans were the chief that inhabytedde there, who said, that they were the first inhabitants and that they were borne in that same land, but the truth showeth itself clearly to the contrary, that they be Hyberiens, nigh unto a river, that is in the said country, namedde Sycania, 
Sicani.  and being chased out of their own country by the Lyguryans, did withdraw themselves into Sycille, which they named by their name, Sycania, where as bifore it was named Tinacria, 
Tinacria.  and yet at this present, those of that nation hold some places of that same Isle in the west part thereof. Sense after the taking of Troy, certain Trojans which fled fromethence, for fear of the Greeks, withdrew themselves thither into the quarter of the Sycaniens, wherein making their abode, they were all, aswell Troyans as also Syracusians, called Elmyans, 
Elymy.  and did hold two cities, to wit Erix and Egesta. 

Erix.  
Egesta.   Next unto those, certain Phocians came to inhabytt there, to wit, those which in their return from Troy, 
Procentes.  were by fortune of sea, cast into Lybia, and fromethence, passedde into Sycille. As touching the Sycilians, they came out of Italy: being chased fromethence by the Opicians, which thing is very likely, and it is commonly said, that they passed in small boats, with the tide when they perceived that it sarued them, for that, that the passage is very short. And that it may be so, there be yet of the Sycilians in Italy, which was so named by a king of Arcady, that was called Italus. 
Italus.  these Sycilians were passed in so great number, that they vainquished the Sicanians in battle, & caused them to retire into a quarter of the Isle that is toward the south, and therewithal they did change the name of the Isle & called it Sycille, where as bifore time it was called Sycania for also they occupied the greater part of the good places of the same Isle: and held it from their furst coming until that the Greeks came thither which was abouts three houndred years. During which time the Phenycians came for to inhabit in a certain small country of the Isle, 
Phenices.  & in certain small Islands nigh thereunto, for to trade merchandise with the Sycilians, but afterwards many Greeks, being passed by sea into the same, they left their sailling, & lodged themself with in the Isle, & there founded three cities in the confynes of the Elymyans, to wit, Motia, 
Motya.  Solois & Panhormus, 

Solois.  
Panhormus   trusting in the amity that they had with the said Elymyans, and also in this, that on the same side there was a very small space of the sea for to pass out of the same Isle into Chartage. In this manner and by such number of divers strange people, the said Isle of Sicily was inhabited. As touching the Greeks, the Chalcides, 
Chalcidenses.  which came from Eubea, under the conduct of Theocles, 
Theocles.  were the furst that came to inhabytte here, and founded the city of Naxus, 
Naxus.  and without the same they made the chapel of Apollo Archageti, that is yet seen there, into the which, when they purposed to go out of the Island, they came first for to make their vows and sacrifices there. The year after the coming of the said Chalcides, Archias Corinthian, 
Archias  that was descended of Hercules came to inhabit there, where Siracusa is having furst chased fronthence the Sycilians, which held that part of the Isle. Now was the same city at that time all in main land, without that, that the sea did touch it in any part, but long time afterwards, that was added unto it, that entereth into the sea, and is presently seen environed with a wall, the which by succession of time was greatly peopledde. five years after that, Theocles and the Chalcydes issued out of Naxus, and came to chase away the Cycilians that held the city of Leon and did take it, 
Leon.  and the like did in the city of Catana, 
Catana.  fromewhence they chased Euarchus, 
Euarchus.  whom, those of the country named to be founder thereof. In that same time Lampis came from Megare, 
Lampis.  for to inhabytt in Sicily, and lodged himself with the people that he had brought thither in a river, namedde Pantatius in a place named Trotylum. 

Pantacius.  
Trotylum.   Afterwards he came to abide with the Chalcides in Leon for a short time, and they governed the city togethers, but being fallen into dissension, they chased him away: & so he came with his people to tarry in Thaspo, 
Thapsus.  where he died. And after his death, his men forsook the place, and under the conduct of a king of Sycilians, namedde Hyblon, 
Hyblon.  who: by trahyson had delivered the country unto the Greeks, they came to inhabytt in Megara, 
Megara.  and so were, after the kings name, called, Hyblans: who, two houndred, Forty and five years, after that they came thither, were chased fromthence, by a king of the syracusans, namedde Gelon. 
Gelon.  But bifore that, about an hundred year after that they came thither, they foundedde the city Selinus, 
Selinus.  under conduct of Pammillus. 
Pammillus.  Who, being chasedde from Megara: which was their Capital city, with the other of his nation, retired thither. As touching the City of Gela, 
Gela.  it was founded and peopledde by Antiphenus of Rhodes and Eutimus of Crete commonly between them both, 

Antiphemus.  
Eutymus●   who brought thither, aither of them out of his country, a certain number of householders, abouts xlv years after that Syracuse began to be inhabited, and namedde that same city Gela, because of the river that passeth by nigh unto it, that is so named, where, before time, the place, where the city is situated was closedde with wall, and was called, Lyndia. 
Lyndia.  Abouts a hundred and eight years afterwards, the said Gelyans having furnished the said city with Doryans, they came to inhabytt in the city which is presently called Agragas, 
Agragas.  under the conduct of Ariston & Pystilus, 

Aristonus.  
Pistilus.   and they so named it, by cause of a river that passeth there, which hath the like name, and they established there the government of the city according to the laws and customs of their country. As touching the city of zancla, it was furst inhabytedde by certain thieves or robbors that came out of the city of Cumes, that is in the country of Opica in the land of Chalcidia, but afterwards a great multitude of Greeks aswell out of the said country of Chalcidia, as also of the rest of the Island of Eub●a, being there landed, it was called Cumes. 
Cumes.  And Perieres of the said city of Cumes in Chalcide & Cratemenes of Chalcide were capitains of the said Greeks that came to inhabytt there. 

Perieres.  
Cratemenes.   And that same city was anciently called zancla, for that, that it was in form of a cycle, which, the Sycilians name in their language, zancla● 
zancla.  notwithstanding, these people were afterwards driven out of the same city by the samians and certain other ionians: who flying the persecution of the Medes, passed into Sycille, but soon after Anaxilas, 
Anaxiles.  who governedde those of Rhege chasedde them fromthence, and inhabytedde the city with divers sorts and nations of people, and calledde it Messena, 
Messena.  which was the name of the cities wherein he was borne. The city of Imera was founded by the zanclians, 
Imera.  who under conduct of Euclydes and of Sacon, 

Euclides.  
Sa●on.   did people it with certain people of their nation, but soon after, came thither many Chalcydeans and also great number of syracusans, who were chasedde out of their city by their adversaries, the which were called Miletides, 
Melitide.  whereupon through the mengling of the said two nations, one mingled language was made of them two into one, to wit, the one half Chalcydien, and the other half Dorien, but the manner of living was after the laws and customs of the Chalcydians. As touching the cities of Acre and of Casmene, 

Acre.  
Casmene.   the syracusians founded & peopled them to wit, Acroe: abouts lxx years after that Syracuse was inhabited, and Casmenoe about .xx years after the foundation of Acroe. And abouts, Cxxxv. years after the foundation of Siracusa, the same syracusans did build and people the city of Camarina under the conduct of Daston & Menecoles', 

Camarina.  
Daston.  
Menecoles'.   but within short time after, the said Camerins, rebelling 'gainst the Saracusains, were by them driven fronthence. And by succession of time, Hypocrates, 
Hypocrates.  who governed Sela, having taken certain prisoners of the Siracusains, had, for their ransom & deliverance, the said city, which was desert and not inhabited and furnysshedde it with people, but within short time after, it was destroyed an other time by Gelon, and afterwards by him made again and peopledde. Being than the Island of Sycille holden and inhabytedde by so many nations, and by so great number of people: the athenians nevertheless enterprised to invade it, to th'intent and for covetise without all doubt for to occupy and subdue it, notwithstanding that they did it under an honest colour to succour the Chalcydians, specially the Egestyans, 
Egestani.  who had sent their ambassadors unto Athens, for to require succours of them, for that, that being happened a certain different between them & the Selinuntians because of a certain marriage, and also for their limits: those Selynuntians had had recourse to the syracusans, for that, that they were their friends, and allies, who empesched and kept from the said Eges●yās both the sea and the land. For this cause the same Egestains had sent unto the Athenians, putting them in remembrance of thancient amity and alliance that they had made with Lachetes Duke of the athenians in the war of Leontyns, praying them that they would send their army by sea for to succour them, and for to induce & parswade them to do it: they alleged many things, but principally: that if the syracusans were suffered to do them the said wrongs, they would afterwards chase fromethence the Leontyns & their allies, and by that mean would make themselves Lords of all the Island, whereby it might chance, that the said Syracusains● who be descended of the Doryans, that be in Peloponese, and were by them sent into Sycille) should come to secure the said Peloponesians against those Athenians, for to beat down & destroy their puissance. And therefore showed the said Athenians, that they should do wisely, for to prevent the said inconvenience, in good time to secure their said allies & to resist the force of the syracusans. And moreover did offer to furnish them with money for to make the war. The which declarations being many times made by the Egestians unto the people of Athens, it was ordoned to send furst ambassadors into Sycille for to learn, if the Egestians had so much money as they reaported, & further what preparation they had for war, and likewise for to inquire of the puissance and condition of the Selenuntins. Which thing was done.   

Of certain small exploictes of war, which were done in that same winter in Grece. And how the athenians enterprised to go with their army into Sycille, for to conquer it. ☞ The ii Chapter.  
THat same winter the Lacedemonyans, for to aid the Corynthians, issued fourch with their army, & entered into the territory of the Argives, which they pillaiged in many parts thereof, & carried fronthence a small number of beasts and a certain quantity of corn, and afterwards, made an appointment & trefues for a certain time, between the said Argives, that were in the city & the eriles or banished men, whom, they lodged again in the city of Ornee under this covenant, 
Ornee.  that the one should not attempt any thing against the other, during the said time, and that done, they returned fronthence unto their houses. Shortly after, the Athenians came thither with thirty ships: wherein were seven houndred soldiers, & joined themselves with the Argives, who issued out of their city, so many of them as could were armure, and they all togethers went against Ornee with such strength, that they did take it in one day, but yet nevertheless, the night bifore, they, which were within, seeing that the siege was far enough without the town, they all saved themself. By occasion whereof, the Argives, the morrow after, finding the town void, did utterly raze it down. And that done they returned fromethence into their houses. But the same Athenians that were come thither with them, did embark themselves again, and sailed fromthence against Methone, 
Methone.  which is in the confyns of Macedonia, where they charged or did take in certain other soldiers aswell to their ou●e people, as of the Macedonians, horsemen, that were bannysshedde out of the country: and kept themselves abouts the lands of the Athenians, and altogether entered into the land of Perdiccas, & passed through, pillaiging and wasting it. Which perceived, the Lacedemonyans commanded the Chalcidians, that be in Thrace, that they should go to secure the said Perdiccas. Which thing they refusedde to do, saying that they had the tresues with the athenians, for ten days, dnring the which, the winter endedde. Which was the xvi year of this war which. Thucicides hath wry●tone. In the beginning of the somer● the ambassadors, which chathenyans had sent into Sycilie, returned. And with them came the Egestians, who brought three score talen●es of silver uncoigned, for one months payment of lx ships, which they demanded of the athenians. The said ambassadors, being than come bifore all the people, proponed many things for to persuade them to do that, which they demanded, and amongst other things they affirmed, that they had in their city gr●ate abundance and plenty of gold & silver, aswell in the treasoury, as in their temples, which was not true, but yet nevertheless at their persuasions, the people agreed to aid them with three score ships, which they demanded and with a good number of men, & also delivered to them of the principallest of the city for their heads and capitains of that same army with ample power, to wit, Alcibiades son of Clynyas, Nycyas' son of Nyceratus, and Lamachus son of Xenophenes, 
Lamachus.  unto whom they did principally give charge to succour the Egestyans against the Selynuntyns, and further that if they perceived that their case did prosper, they should set again the Leontyns into their entire possessions, and moreover that they should do in that same country of Sycille all that should seem unto them to be best for the public wealth of the Athenians. five days after, the people were assembled again togethers for to advise how that same army by sea might shortly be set forwards, and thereupon to deliver to the Dukes and captains thereof, that, which should be necessary. Than Nycyas, one of the said Dukes who was appointed unto that enterprise against his will, for so much as he knew well, that it was determined without reason, and for coue●ice to conquer and subdue the Island of Sycille, and of the other part, for that, that it was a very hard enterprise: he advanced himself fourthwarde, and did speak in this manner.   

¶ The oration of Nycias bifore the people of Athens, for to dissuade and break of, th'enterprise of Sycille. ☞ The iii Chapter.  
THe present assembly hath been made, for to advise upon the manner of sending fourth an army by sea, and how that it must be conductedde. But in my opinion, it should first have been determined, whider the same enterprise ought to be made or not, and men should not conclude in a matter of so great ymportance, at one so sudden a consultation, neither thereupon give knowledge to strangers that we would begin war, for a matter, which in no poignet toucheth us. And albeit that as concerning my particularytie, I may acquire honour by being there, and also I doubt my parson, as little, as any man of the company: yet have I always iudgedde him to be good and a wise tytezeine, that hath regard both to his parson and also to his gods, for that, that he is willing to be of power to serve in the common wealth, both with the one and with the other. And therefore like as in time past, I have never, for covetise of getting glory, spoken otherwise than so, as I have knowing to be for the best of the party: even so will I at this present doth like. And though persuading you to keep that, which is to be kept, and not to put in hazard things certain, for the things uncertain, I know well that it shall not be through thefficacity of my speech, which cannot be of so great substance, as for to move your hearts: yet nevertheless I will show you, that this your sudden enterprise is not at this time in season, and that the things that ye enterprise, be not so easy as they be given to be understanded, for it seemeth unto me, that in doing this enterprise, you leave in these parties many enemies, and also go about to cause them to come fromethence hider more largely, for this, that if you ground yourself upon the appointment, that you have with the Lacedemonyans, and that there be any surety therein, I advertise you that so long as we remain in prosperity, the name thereof shall endure. But if it myshappene in any manner unto our army, which we send fourth, incontynenly they will set upon us, forsomuch as th'appointment which they have made with us, hath been concluded for fear and to their disadvantage. And on the other part there be in this matter many doubtful and ambiguous points, and also there be many of the contrary part, which have not acceptedde it, and such truly: as be not of the meanest, of whom some b● declared, our enemies, the other do not yet stir, by mean of the trefues of ten days which they have, who, if they shall see our force and strength departed into two (as we be minded to do it suddenly) they will forthwith be our enemies and overrun us, and also will really themselves with the Sycilians, like as they have of long time be willing to do. Wherefore good advise ought to be taken herein, and not to repute our city to be so puissant, as thereby we should put it ayther into danger, neither to covet an new empire, until we shall have well established the same, which we presently have. And if we be not of power to subdue the Chalcides in Thrace, our subjects, that the rebelled against us, nor assure ourselves of any other in the main land, of whom we be not well assured: how will we so readily go to secure the Egestains, under colour that they be our allies, now being in trouble. Whom (forsomuch as they be of so long time departed from our alliance) we may pretend to have injuried us. And though well that, having the victory against their enemies, we shall recover them, yet shall we not by them be greatly aided, aswell for that, that they be far from us, as also for this, that they be many in number. Wherefore it seemeth to me that it is an folly, for to assail and assist them there, whom, though we shall have vaynequished, we neither shallbe able to defend and keep as friends, neither entertain in our obeisance. And if we have not the victory, we shallbe in worse estate than before the war begun. On the other part so far as I can understand of the affairs of Sicily, it seemeth to me that the syracusans, although that they obtain the principality in the same country: yet be they not hateful neither hurtful unto us. Which is the point, whereupon the Egestians do ground themselves. And if peradventure they at this present do come towards the Lacedemonyans for to gratetie them, yet notwithstanding it is not to be believed that they: who, have an estate for to lose, will for the quarrel of an other strange empire, enterprise war against an other. For this, that they may well think, that when the Peloponesians shall have, through their aid, destroyed and extinguished our estate and empire: they will also afterwards destroy theirs. Moreover the Greeks, which be in that same country: be in a marvelous fear of us, so long as we be not there, and yet shallbe in greater, if that we shall show them our army in their view and afterwards do withdraw it. But if we enter into their country and receive there any shame or damage, they will no more esteem us, but rather wool join themself with the other Greeks for to come to assail us in our country. For you know well, that things be so much in greater admiration of men, as they be further from them, and so much they have the lesser esteeming and reputation, as they be the more approved and knowing, like as may be seen of ourselves, for that, that having victory against the Lacedemonyans and the other Peloponesians, where as we were in great fear to resist their power, we now already esteem them so little, that we presume to go to conquer Sycille, though that they be our enemies. Which is not wisely done, for no man ought to extol himself, nor to take toomuch courage for the adversity of his enemy: but rather refraining his courage and his glory to trust in his puissance. And also ye ought to consider that the Lacedæmonians for the shame, which they have received of us, do study, no other thing, but how they may cause us to comytt some folly: by mean whereof they might revenge their shame & recover their honour, & so much the more, as they be more covetous of glory and of virtue, than any other people. Likewise (Lords) we ought to consider that this question is not here moved for the Egestains, which be strangers and Sycilians, but how we shall keep ourself from a city, which for that, that it governeth itself by a small number of people, is enemy to ours, that is governed by the generalty. And also we ought to think, that we have a small respite for one so great a war and grievous malady: which may bring us into great sorrow. And if we be increased with number of people and with riches, we should keep and employ them for ourselves, and not for these bannysshed men, which repair unto us to have succours, who have spokenne fair and have lied, to the danger of their neighbours: consideredde that they do give us nothing but words. For if they, through our aid, have the victory, they may (if it seem good unto them) mock us, and evil acknowlaige the service that we shall have done them. And if it chance otherwise, they shall bring us with them into ruin & destruction. And if there●be any one of them, that hath been by you chosen with their consent for to have charge of this army, which parswadeth you, this enterprise for his particular proffytt, & peradventure, through youth, desireth to have this glory, for to be in more estimation, and for to show a great number of horse that he nourisheth: ye ought not to will to satisfy the desire & prouffytt of one particular: to the great danger & peril of the city, but rather to consider that by such people: the common wealth is dimynysshed & the particulars be destroyed. And moreover this matter is so weighty & of so great importance, that it ought not to be treated and consulted by a young man so soubdainly. And for the fear, that I have, seeing many in this assembly, that do assist him & be come at his request: for this cause I pray & erhorte the most ancient, that they suffer not then specially to persuade their young people, that it should be shame for to dissuade & break of the war, and that it should be imputed unto them for pusyllanymitie, cowardness and lack of courage, and that it should be an evil thing not to have regard of his friends, being absent, for the same should chance to them that persuade to make the war: if that it should take effect, for that, that ye well know, those things which be done for affection happene not oftentimes so well, as those same do, which be done by good and mere deliberation, wherefore and to theintente that we put not our estate in the danger, wherein it lately hath been, we ought to answer to the Sycilyans, that they abuse not their Empire, concerning us, beyond the limits, which it presently conteigneth, to wit not to pass or ercede the gulf of the sea of jonia, from the coast of the land, nor of the other coast, that same gulf of Sycille, and furthermore that they govern their land and signory, amongst themselves, as they shall think good. And on the other side, that the Egestians should be answered, that inasmuch as they have begun to war against the Selynuntyns without us, that they also make an end thereof without us. And for the rest, that we ought not to make new allyaunces of the sort, that we have accustomed. For we always do aid the unhappy and those, which be in necessity: and when we require succours and aid in our own affairs, we cannot have it. And if, Treasurer, if thou reputest thyself worthy to have administration of the affairs of the city, and wilt be a good cytezein: thou oughtest to put this matter again into deliberatyon, and to demand the opinions of men therein and oughtest not, neither to have shame nor fear for to revoke the law and deliberation already made. For there be so many good witnesses in this so great an assembly, that thou shouldst not fear to be reprehended for having again demanded the opinions herein, insomuch as it is the medicine of a city evil counciled. And the manner, of a good offycier for to rule and govern well, is to do for his country all the best that he may, or at the least to his knowledge, not to do the thing that may be prejudicial unto it. Thus spoke Nycias, and after him many other athenians did speak, whereof the more part were of opinion that the enterprise of the war should be executed, ensuing the first deliberation, some were of the contrary opynyone, but above all, Alcibiades persuaded the said expedytion, aswell for to contrary and inveigh against Nycias, whom he hated, as for other reasons, which movedde him, concerning the administration of the common wealth, and specially for that, the same Nycias had made mention of him in an evil sort, though that he had not named him unto them by name. But principally for the desire that he had to be chief of that same army, hoping by mean thereof to subdue first Sycille, and afterwards Carthage, and also to acquire glory and richesse in that same conquest, if it chanced well according to this expectation. For being in great estimation and favour of the people, & by his ambition willing to keep a greater train than his revenue might support, he nourished horses, which was afterwards, in part, cause of the eversion of the empire of the athenians. For many citizens, seeing his superfluity, aswell in his feeding, as also in his appareille and garments, and moreover his arrogancy and highness of his heart in all things, that he admynistredde: became his enemies, esteeming that he would make himself lord and tyrant. And although that he conducted the affairs of war valiantly, yet for that, that the particulars were the more part contrary to his works and particular enterprises, they went about to commit the administration of the common affairs into the hands of an other, whereupon did follow the ruin of the city. The same than Alcibiades put fourth himself and did speak to the people of Athens in this manner.   

The oration of Alcibiades unto the athenians, for to persuade the enterprise of Sycille. ☞ The four Chapter.  
IT apperteignethe unto me (lords athenians) to be Emperor and Chief of your army, more, than unto any other. And I am constrained to begin my talk in this sort, for that, that I have been thereunto pricked by Nycias. And without that, it seemeth unto me convenient. For the things, for the which, I am renowned and esteemed amongst men, besides this, that they redound to the glory of my ancestors and to mine: bring also honour and wealth unto the common wealth. In this that the Greeks, which have been at the feasts and solempnites of Olympus, seeing the magnificence and sumptuousness of my fashion of living, esteemed thereby our city to be most puissant, most opulente, and rich of itself, where as bifore they thought, that they might easily have subdewedde it. For I was last at the said feast with six chariots well appointed. which thing no man hath yet done with such a number, and also I did win the first prize of the course, the second and the fourth. And moreover I made the apparaille so sumptuous and so noble, as apperteigned to such a victory. All which things be hon●orable, and that declare unto the people, the puissance and richesse of the land and city of him that maketh them. And albeit that such works and other like, for which I am esteemed, engender great envy by the other citizens against me, yet to the wayfayringe men and estrangers, they show a great argument of puissance and richesse. And also me thinketh that the fantasy of him: that goith about by such means and at his expenses, to do honour, not to himself only, but also to this country: is neither hurtful nor prejudicial to the common wealth. And also he ought not to be esteemed for evil, that hath such opinion of himself, that he will not only be agall to other, but rather willeth also to exceed them by such means. For he that is unfortunate, findeth no man, that therein will be his compaignyon, if than we be dispreasedde of the other, when we be unfortunate: they ought also to endure and suffer, if we esteem them not much in our felicity, and to wait to do the like, towards us, if they think good, when they shall be in like estate. Neverthelas I am not ignorant that such people and other, which excel in any honour and dignity be greatly enuiedde. specially of their egals and matches, and also somewhatte of other, which have accompaignyedde with them: but that is, for the time that they be in this life only. For after their decease, the renome and prosperity, that they have had, is of such effycacytie to them that come aftere, that many glorify themself to have been their parents, and specially some say, that they be of them, which be not, and many other repute themself honnouredde to be of the land, town and country, whereof they have been, and for to name them their fellow Burgeosses & country men. And though, for the honnorable things that they have done, I have attemptedde to imytate and follow such parsonaiges, and for this cause have lyvedde more honnorable, than the other: yet ye see for all that, that I bear myself in the affairs of the common wealth no worse than other of the citizens. And truly ye shall find, that the puissance of the peloponesians being assembledde, I have without your great danger and expense, constraynedde the Lacedemonyans one day at Mantynea to put all their estate in hazard with one battle. Whereof though that they had the victory, yet the hazard was so great, that unto this present, they have not recovered sufficient audacity against us. And this my youngth and ignorance, which seemed neither by reason nor by nature, to be of power, to resist the puissance of the Peloponesians: hath caused, and aptly to speak, hath gevene such opinion of my audacity, that at this present there ought no doubt to be had of it, neither fear that it should be dangerous to the party. but rather so long, as I shallbe in vigor and authority with this audacity, the fortune and admynistration of Nycias shall seem good and prosperous. And ye may serve yourself both with the one and also the other, as ye shall think good. And for to come to the matter, whereof is question, it is not needful that ye revoke your enterprise of Sycille, for fear to have to do with many people. For though that there be many cities in the same country, yet they be peopled with men of all soortes. who be easy and accustomedde to change their estate and government. And there is none that prepareth harnois for his parson, neither that maketh fortresses in necessary places for defence of the country: but every one, having opinion to be of power to persuade other to believe whatsoever he will say, or if that he cannot persuade them, for to trouble and subvert the estate ayther by practise, or else by money: prepareth himself to do it. Wherefore it is not to be believed that one such a tourbe and assembly of people, will with one will hear what shallbe spokene. The words of him that speaketh be, that they assemble for to conclude any thing with a common accord but every one prepareth himself to do that, which he understandeth after his appetite and will, and specially when there is anny mutynery or descension amongs them, as I understand, that there is at this present. And also they have not so many men of war, as it is reported, for such things be always made more great than they be. And verily the other Greeks, being heretofore all together, have not been in so great number, as one nation of them boasteth itself only to be. which thing hath well appeared in this war, and that Grece hath been deceived by the ●aynynges of poets, touching the number of people. For though it hath been all in armure, yet scarcely could it bring to the camp such number of people, as was sufficient. Being than the affairs of Sycille in such sort as I say, like as I have heard spokene by many people, the enterprise shallbe the much more easy for you, and chief for this, that there be many Barbarous and strangers, who, for the ennymytie, that they have against the syracusans will join themselves with us in this war: and also we own not to fear such business here, that it empesche us in that same there, if we will provide reasonably in our case. For it is fully certain, that our progenitors (having those for enemies, which are named, that they will declare themself against us, when our army by sea shallbe in Sycille) and also the Medes: have nevertheless acquiredde and got on this empire, that we now have, and that by none other mean, but in being puissant by sea, which is the only occasion, through which the Peloponesians have lost their hope to vanquish us, and moreover if they shall determine for to enter into our land, they may do it, although that we shall not have sent thither this army by sea. And also they cannot thereby hurt us with their army by sea, for that same of ours, which shall remain, shallbe yet so puissant as theirs. Wherefore being required by our allies and friends to go to their aid, we cannot show them any reasonable cause, wherefore we should not do it: and in not doing it, why they should not reprove us and say, that ayther it is grievous unto us to do it, or else that we have under vain and fryvolus excuses, refused the aid, which we be bound to deliver them by our oath. And also we cannot pretend against them, that they have not succoured us in our wars, for we aid them not in their country, to the intent that they should come to aid us in ours, but to the end that they should busy our enemies, which be there with them in war, and do them so much annoyance, that they have no power to come to assail us in these parties. And by such mean, we and all other, that have acquired great empires and signiories, have encreasedde and maygnteyned them, in giving promptly and liberally succours, to them that have demanded it of them, were they Greeks or Barbarous. For if we refuse to give aid to them, that require it of us, or if we will debate, to what sort of people we should accord or refuse: in that doing, we shall not obtain great things. And this, which we have acquired, we shall put in danger. Furthermore men ought not to attend to defend their fortresses, until he that is the stronger come to assail them but rather to prepare them in such sort bifore the chance happene, that he fear to come thither. And also it lieth not in our free will to appoint an limit to our Empire, for to say, that one shall pass no further. But rather sithence that we have it, it is needful to wait that we be not circumvented of the one, and also to defend ourself from the crafts and deceittes of the other. For if we have not dominion over the other, we be in danger to be ruled by them. And also we should not desire nor take rest in that sort as the other do, except we likewise determine to live of that sort, as they do live. Cō●sideryng the which things, and that in executing our enterprise, we shall increase our estate and signiory, we ought to mount into the sea and to go thither, for to beat down the courage of the Peloponesians, when they shall perceive that we, contempninge and despising them, shall pass into Sycille, without willing to use the rest that presently we may have. ●or if the enterprise dotake good effect (as it is to be believed that it shall do) we shall obtain the empire over all Grece, or by the worst that may chance, to the profit both of us, and our friends, we shall greatly endommage the syracusans. And how soever it happened having our ships in those parties, we may without our loss or dammaige, ayther abide there, if we have the better: or else come again fronthence, when we shall think good, for all the Sycilians will rule themselves after our will. And the talk of Nycias, who pretendethe to prefer rest bifore travaille, and to sow division and sedition among you, ought not to bring the young men to be at contention with the old, but rather ye ought all with one accord to ensue and follow the acts, deeds and examples of our ancestors. And like as by counsaillinge and consulting the young which the old upon general affairs, they have increased and established our Empire in that estate, wherein y● presently is: you should by the self means and reasons now assay for to increase and enlarge it, and to esteem, that neither the yo●gthe nor the age, is any thing worth, the one without the other: but rather to consider, that the fe●ble, the strong & the mean, when they be all together well agreeing, do cause the common wealth to triumph. And to the contrary, when a city is ocyous and yyle, it destroyeth and corrupteth itself even of itself. And that like as all other things ware aged by rest, even so shall our discipline do: but by exercising us in divers wars, it maignteigneth and amendeth by many experyences. For a man obteigneth not science for to defend and ward himself by speakynge● but by accustomming and exercising himself in labours and in feats of war. And for effect and conclusion my opinion is, that when a city, which hath been accustomed to business and travails, doth give itself to live in rest: it cometh shortly unto destruction, and that those amongst all other be most assured, which rule and govern their common wealth, always of one sort, after their ancient laws and customs, yea though they be not in all parts good. After that Alcybiades had thus spokenne the Ambassadors of the Egestains, and of 〈◊〉 Leoti●s came fourth. Who with great instance required that the succours might be sent unto them, remembering the oath, that the Dukes of Athens had made unto them. Whereupon the common people, having heard their request, and the persuasion of Alcybiades, was yet more inclined and encourayged for to execute the said enterprise. Which perceived by Nycias, and that there was no remedy for to revoke it according to his opinion by the mean●: he thought that by an other mean he might have let●ed the enterprise, to wit, by declaring unto them, that a great preparation was to be made for the execution of it. And so did speak unto them in this manner.   

The narration of Nycias unto the athenians, meaning by an indirect or contrary perswatyon to break of, the enterprise of Sycille. ☞ The .v. Chapter.  
insomuch as I perceive you all determined (lords athenians) for to execute this enterprise: I desire that it may come to pass according to our hope. And therefore I will show you mine advise, in that, which seemeth to me to be done at this present. For as far as I understand, we go against many cities both great and puissant, the which be not subjecteth the one to the other, and which desire not to change their estate and manner of living (for this is to be done of those, that be in great servitude, for to come to more liberty and ease and that hope to be delivered fro subjection) and so much the less, they being frank and free, will bicomme our bondmen and subjects. Amongst the which cities, there be many inhabited by Greeks. Of the which, Excepted Naxum and Catana, the which I hope well that they will turn to our side, for the affinity, that they have with the leontin's, I perceive not, that there be many of the other, of whom we may assure us. And also there be seven, which be well provided and fournishedde with all things necessary for war, asmuch as the army shallbe, which shallbe s●nte thider, and specially Silenus and Saragosse, against the which, we principally do go. For besides this that they have there force & strength of warryours and Archers: they have moreover great number of ships, and be all full of mariners and of people for to serve in them. And also have great quantity of gold and silver, aswell in common in the temples, as in particular. And further, over and above this that they have in the country: I understand that certain Barbarous or estrangers, be contrybutours unto the syracusans. They have also great number of horses, which thing we have not, and also they have great abundance of corn without having need to have thereof from other places. Wherefore it is necessary for to send thither not only number of ships, but also strong warryours (if ye intend to do there any thing of importance) for to resist their horse men, who will withstand and impeach our landing: and that chief, if the cities of the said country do for fear of our army conspire and confederate themself togethers against us. And if we have no other succours of horse men, than of the Egestains, I know not how that we shall well resist those horse men, being our enemies. And forsomuch as it should be great shame to us, that our people should be constrained to return fromthence, being utterly repulsed, ayther else to have made the enterprise so slaightly, that after the arrival it should be meet for them to demand renforte or new succours: it shallbe much better to go now thither, so well provided & furnished, as the case requireth. and to consider that we go into a far country, where we must fight to our disadvantage. And also ye pass not through a country of subjects, neither of people, whom ye have aided. And how then can ye hope to have aid or comfort of victuals or of other things as in the land of friends? But we must pass always through countries & signiories, and scarcely in four months in winter, we may have news of them, nor they of us. which is the reason, wherefore I say, that it behoveth us to send great number of people from among us, both of our subjects and allies, yea and of the peloponesians, if we may recover or get any of them, ayther for practic or for money, and also a great number of Archers for to resist their horsemen, and besides this, to have great abundance of ships, for to carry victuals & other necessaris, togethers with mylners & bakers in so great number, that they may always grind & bake by courses. In such sorte● that in whatsoever part they be in land, though that they may not sail they may always have means yet to live. For also we must have so great number of people, that one only City may not be able to lodge and susteygn them. And in effect they must go provided of all things, in most plenty that shallbe possible, without trusting to any estranger. And above all they must have much money. For though that the Egestains here do preach, that they have great quantity thereof, yet know you, that it is in words and not in effect. And if we depart fromhence, bifore that we be well provided, aswell with men as with victuals, and all other things (trusting to that, which the Eg●stains do say) we shallbe scarcely puissant for to defend these here, & to vanquish the other. Wherefore it is convenient that we go thither, prepared as if we would build a city in a strange country and of enemies, and to determine from the first day that we shall enter into the land of Sycille for to make ourselves masters thereof or if we fail so to do to hold it for most certain to have the whole country for enemy. Wherefore, for the fear and knowledge that I have of the things above said, and considering that this matter must well be consulted upon, and parforce ourselves to be daylly more happy and happy, which is a thing very hard, being men, I will (going in this enterprise, put the affair in as little hazart that I may, and that to do, I will be provided and furnished of all things necessary. In such sort, that I commit not the matter to fortune. Which shallbe a thing assured for our city, and healthsome for them, that shall have charge of that enterprise. And if there be any of an other opinion, I remit unto him fromhensfor wards both mine authority and my charge.   

How the people of Athenes at the persuasion of Alcybiades concluded the enterprise of Sycille. And how the army, after that it was levied, departed out of the port of Pireus. ☞ The vi Chapter.  
NYcias did so speak, to the intent, aythere to turn the people from that same enterprise, for the greatness and difficulty of the matter: or else to go to it in good surety, if thereunto he were forced: but whatsoever difficulty that he set afore them, the athenians would in no part lose their desire and purpose, which they had to that navigation and journey: but rather were the more heated to set it forwards, than they were bifore. And so it happened unto Nycias, the whole contrary of that, that he thought. For every man thought, that he counciled sagely: and that in doing that which he had said, the case should be well assured. whereby they all had yet greater affection & towardness to the voyage, than bifore. To wit, the ancyentes, forsomuch as they thought, that ayther they should subdue Sycille, or if the worst happened, that they should be so puissant, that they could incur no danger. And the young and galliart men, for that, that they desired to go to see the same strange land, assuring themselves to return and come again fromthence in sauluetie. And generally the mean people & soldiers, for covetousness of the sold or wages, which they hoped to have in that same army: and also continually after the conquest, for the increase, which fromthence should follow by that mean unto their Empire. And if there were any, that was of an other opinion, parceiving the inclination of the whole city thereunto, he durst not say to the contrary, but rather held his peace, fearing to be judged to have counseled noughtly. So there was some one of that assembly, that said unto Nycias with a loud voice, that he needed to preach no more therein, but that he ought to declare, what army he judged ●o be necessary for that same enterprise. who made him answer, that he would thereupon consult with his companions and colleagues, more at leisure. But nevertheless at the furst brunt, there were no fewer at the least to be requiredde that an hundred galleys of Athenes, for to carry their soldiers, & some good number of other, which they might recover of their allies: upon all the which there must be at least five thousand good warryors, and more if it might be, and besides thate a certain number of Archers, aswell of their own, as also of the country of Crete, togethers with all other provisions, necessary for such an army. Which things heard, the common people, even at the self hour by a general decree, did give full power to the captains and emperor of that same army for to provide for all things, to wit, aswell for the number of men, as for all other things necessary as they should think expedient. After which deliberation they attended diligently all things that was to be done in the city, & sent unto their allies to do the like on their party, for the city was already recreated of the grief & damage, which it had had, aswell by the pestilence, as by the continual war. And also was greatly augmented aswell with people, as with money, by means of the trefues: by occasion whereof, the matter was much sooner and more easily executed. The athenians than being attentyse & diligent to prepare that, which was necessary for the same enterprise, all the hermes or pictures that were in the city were in one night broken by the borders, & the greater part in the visaige. these hermes were certain statuers of stone entailled or carved eight kante w●●e● which were commonly set at the encringe into churches & other sumptuous edifices as well public, as private, the number whereof was infynitt, without that, that any man could know or have any manner of token who had done it, or who was the author thereof, although that there was great huyer offered to them that should have revealed or uttered the deed. And also it was proclaimed every where that if there were any parson, that had knowledge of any thing, which had been committed against the religion of gods, he ought to utter it without any fear of whatsoever estate he were, were he cytizein or stranger, free or bond. For they esteemed that case much more, than it merited: for that, that it seemed to them to be an evil ●igne for that same voyage, and a prognostication of a conjuration or conspiracy for to change the common estate and government of the city. And although that it could by no mean be knowing, who did the act, yet nevertheless certain private people citizens & servants came and declared, that there had been in times passed certain other statures and images, broken by the youngth of the town, who did it ayther through childishness, or else through rashness, & also that in some particular houses, men did induely make sacrifices: wherewith they, under a manner, charged Alcibiades. Whereunto those, of whom he was hated, did willingly give ear: for that, that they thought, that he empesched them to have authority over the people, and that if they might remove him, they might easily have it. To this intent they made the thing more grievous, and did sow and dywlge it through the town, that those faults, which were committed in sacrifices, and the breaking of images, concerned the subversion of the common wealth. And they founded their opinion against Alcibiades by many tokens of his fashion of living, and of the favour that he had towards the commons. For the which they concluded that the same act could not have been done without him. Whereunto he answered to the contrary, offering himself to stand to the law and for to suffer such punishment as appereigned, bifore his departure, if he were found coulpable. And if he were found innocent or guiltless, he desired to be absolved bifore he proceeded in that same voyage, saying that it was not reasonable that informations should be taken or any process made in his absence, but rather if he had offended, that he should be condempnedde to death. For also he said that it should not be wisely done of them, to send a man fourth with so great authority and puissance, charged with one such a case, bifore that he was purged. But his haters or enemies, fearing least if the matter were knowing before his departure, that those that should go with him in the enterprise, should not bear him favour, and that the mean people, who was favourable unto him, should wax faint towards him, forsomuch as through his cause, the Argives and some of the Mantynyens were accompaigned to the athenians for that same voyage and enterprise: perswadedde the contrary, and that the accusa●yon should be delayedde until after the return of the army, trusting during his absence to imagine and compass against him greater troubles, and to bring that to pass they caused new Ambassadors to come, who hasted the expedition of the said army, in such sort that it was concluded that it should be so done. And the same army launched fourth and took sea about the middle of Summer for to sail into Sycille, having many merchants ships aswell of theirs as of their allies, for to transport victuals and other preparation of war, which had been ordained, bifore that they were all ready at the port of Corcyre, to the intent that all to giders might pass the sea Ionum by the promontory of Lapigea. And those athenians and other their allies, which than were at Athens, at the day, that they had takene, were ready in the port of Pyreus about break of the day for to embark themself. with whom did issue forth the greater part of the people, aswell of the citizens as of estrangers, some for to accompany their children and their parents and the other their friends, all having both hope and sorrow. To wit, hope, that the voyage should be profitable: and sorrow, insomuch as they thought, that they should not see again a good part of those, that went so far a voyage, and also going thither, they should leave those, which abode at home, in many dangers, and did put and offer themself into many other, on which dangers they than thought much more, than they had done in determining the voyage. And yet nevertheless they conceyvedde such confidence, by seeing one so great a puissance togethers, that the mean people (yea even those: that had neither friends nor parents there) and all the estrangers did come for to see that spectacle or sight, which they esteemed worthy to be seen, and greater than any man would have thought. Also in very truth for an army of one only city it was better appointed & more sumptuous, than any other that had ever been seen. For although that the same, which Pericles in times paste did lead into Epidaure, and tother that Agnon did conduct into Potidea, were as puissant aswell in number of ships, as also of people, forsomuch as in the later there were had four thousand warriors footmen and three houndred horsemen all athenians: one houndred galleys of theirs and fifty, aswell of the Lesbiens as of those of Chio, besides many other compaignyons of their allies: yet notwithstanding thapparel & preparation was much lesser, for that, that the voyage was not so great as this. And for that cause, and also that the war was to endure long in Sycille, they had much the better provided and furnished it, aswell with people, as with all other things. Whereunto aswell the City generally, as also the particular patrons and captains of the ships did employ themselves with all industry & diligence. For the city did pay a groat a day to every maroner, of whom, there was a right great number in so great quantity of ships, to wit foorty long galleis● which carried their soldiers, and three score other that were light. And above the said sold that the commons paid, the said captains & patrons did give an other salary to those that drew the longest Oars, & also to other ministers, of their particular purse. And on the other part thapparel & preparation aswell of armure● as of ensigns & of accoustrementes was much more pompuous and gorgeous than the same of the other had been. For that, that every patron going in so long a voyage parforced himself to cause, that his ship should be both swiftest & also best and most gorgeously esquipped and trimmed. Also the soldiers that were appointed for the same voyage took pain to deck themselves aswell with har●ois as with other things, every man to his uttermost best. And also they were moreover attentive and covetous of glory, to wit, which of them might be preferred bifore the other in order. In such manner that it seemed that the same army was made for an ostentation and show of the puissance of the athenians, to the praise of all the other Greeks, rather than for to fight with the enemies against whom they wente● For truly, he, that should make the estimation and account of the expenses that were made in that same army, aswell by the city generally as by the capitains and soldiers in particulere, to wit, of the myses and charges, which the city had debursed for that preparation and what capitains they sent thither, and of that same, which the particular parsons had made aswell in their harms, as apparel, and the captains and patrons every one in his ship, and of the provision, which every man made for to secure himself for a long time over and above the sold or wages that he had generally, and further of the great quantity of merchandise, the which aswell the soldiers did carry for to aid themselves therwith● as also many merchants that followed them for gaignes and winning: shall find that the same army emporteth the valour of many talents of the country. The which army did bring into great admiration, those, against whom they went, aswell for the greatness and sumptuosity of it in all things, as also for the hardiness and audacity of them that had enterprised it: which seemed a strange and a marvelous thing for one only city to have durst to enterprise one such a thing: which for troth exceeded their port and force: and specially being so far from their housene. Aftere that the souldears and the other people were embarked & all the ships charged, silence was commanded with the voice of a trumpet. And than they made their vows according to the custom unto the gods, not every ship apart, but all togethers by the mouth of the trompett, and afterwards they drunk in cups of gold and of silver, th'one to the other, aswell headds and captains, as soldiers and mariners. And the like vows did those make, which were on land, for the army in general, & particularly every man for his parent & friend. And after that the instruments of the ships and the soldiers had sownedde and song their songs to the praise of the gods, and achieved and finished all their mysteries, they launched fourth, and departed in the beginning, all togethers ranged or set in order in form of a horn, afterwards they dissevered themselves, every ship sailing according to his force and swiftness, & they came furst to aboard at Egine, and fromthence went straight to Corcyre, in which place the other ships did attend and tarry for them.   

Of divers opinions that were among the syracusans for the army of the athenians. And the Orations, which Hermocrates and Athanagoras made unto the people of Sarragosse, and the conclusion that thereupon was taken. ☞ The vii Chapter.  
IN these entrefaictes, the Siracusains, albeit that on many sides they were advertised of the army of the athenians that came against them, yet they could not believe it. And in many assemblies that were made of the commons for this matter, divers and many reasons and opinions were spokene, aswell by those that believed the said enterprise, as by them, which believed it not. amongst whom, Hermocrates son of Hermon persuading himself to have certain knowledge of the said army, put himself fourth and did speak in this manner.  

The Oration of Hermocrates.  
Lords, it may be, that thys● that I shall say unto you of the army of the Athenyans● who come against us, shall seem incredible unto you: even so as that, which hath oftentimes been already speak by many other. And also I am not ignorant that they, which show and reaporte thynges● that exceed the appearance of truth, besides this that they cannot persuade that to be true, which they say: they be moreover reputedde and holden f●r fantastical and mad. But yet notwithstanding, I will not fear thereof for to say and speak for the wealth of the commonweal, (seeing the danger, wherein I parcey●e it to be) that, which I know further therein, than any other, that hath therein speak. That is, that the athenians, of whom ye maruaylle so greatly and wool not believe it. They come against you with so great a puissance aswell of ships as of people, under colour to give aid to the Egestains and to their allies, and to set the banished Leontyns again into their houses: but in truth it is for coue●yce to make themself lords of Sycille and chiefly of our City. ●or they think well that if they have it in their power, they shall easily subdue the other. Wherefore it must be thought on, how we shall honnorably resist, with the people that we have at this present, against this great puissance, which wool not long slack to come. And not to set the thing at nought through willing not to believe it, neither by that mean to suffer ourselves to be betrappedde, as unprovydedde. And if there be any amongst us, that estemethe not this thing incredyble, but taketh it to be true, I will not for that, that he have doubt or fear of the audacity of the athenians, neither of their puissance. For surely, they shall receive asmuch dammaige of us, as we of them, if we provide therefore. And in this, that they do come with so great number of ships and of people, is not for our disadvantage: but rather it shall redound to our profit, chief with the other Sycilians, who seeing those athenians so puissant shallbe the sooner on our part, & rather than on theirs. And also it shallbe our great glory to have overcomed one so great an army, if we can do it: or at the least to have impeached and brokene their enterprise, whereof I have no doubt, but that it shall not come to their pass. And also me thinketh, that we may reasonably hope the one or the other. For it hath not been often found, that an army by sea, be it of Greeks or of Barbarous or strangers, that went so far from home, prospered well. Also the number of people, which they bring with them● is not greater, than the same o● our citizens and of those, that inhabit without in the fields without the city, who, for the fear, which they shall have of the enemies, will assemble unto it out of all parts. And if those, that come to assault other, through fault of vyctuailles or of other necessary things be constrained to return fromthence, without doing that, which they intended, ye, although that it happene more through their error, than through the valiantness of those, which came for to assault them: yet the glory thereof remaineth always to those assailled. Which is the reason, whereby the said athenians, of whom we speak, have acquired so great glory against the Medes, who, being come against them, had oftentimes the woorsie, moor by mischance, than by the virtue of the said athenians. And we may hope that the like shall happenne unto us. Wherefore, Lords, having this firm hope, let us use diligence for to prepare ourselves to our power and for to provide for all things necessarye● and moreover for to send unto the other Cities of Sycille for to confirm and entertain in good amity, those, which be our allies, and for to make new alliances with the other. And we should not only send Ambassadors unto the Sycilians, but also to the other strangers, which inhabytte in Sycille● showing them that the danger is common, asmuch to them as to us. And also we should send fromthence into Italy for to pray those of the country to aid us, or at the least not to ●eceyue the athenians into their land. And me thinketh that we should not only send into Italy, but also unto Chartage. For unto them, that be always in fear of their estate, it is easy to persuade, that the athenians having subdued us, may without difficulty go against their city. Wherefore, considering that if they neglect or set this thing at nought, their estate may in time to come be in danger: they wool aid us openly or secrettelye, in whatsoever manner that it may be: which thing they may do if they wool, better than any people that be this day upon earth, for that that they have force, power, go●de, & silver, which is the most necessary thing in all affairs. We ought also to send to the Lacedemonyans and to the Corynthians to pray them, that they will, both to send succours hythere, and also to move war against the athenians there in those quarters. And also I will tell you one thing which seemeth to me most necessary and convenient. That is, that we should require all the Sycilians (if you think it good) or at the the least the most part of them, that they come with all their ships victuailledde for two months, to join themselves with us to go to encounter the athenians at torrent or at Lapigea, for to declare unto them, that it is not a question for them to come so easily into Sycille, but that they must first pass the Sea Ionum. By which doing, we shall put them in great fear, and into great thought. Forsomuch specially as we shall issue fourth of the land of our allies bifore them for to defend ours, for the Tarentins will receive us into theirs, as friends. And it shallbe very hard for those athenians, having so long a sea for to pass to go with so great an army always in order, and by that mean we may there assault them to our advantage. For some of the ships may not in fast follow the other. And if they will discharge those, which be the hevyeste, for to haste them to join with the other, when we shall assault them: of necessity they must do it with oars and with sails, and by that manner, that the mariners shall travail themselves beyond measure. Whereby they shallbe moste weary, and by consequent the more unable to defend themselves, if we will assault them. And if we think it not good to be done, we may retire unto Tarente. And on the other part, if they come with a small provision of victuals, as for to give only one battle by sea, hoping afterwards fourthewyth to get the land, they shall have great need thereof when they shall find themself to be in desert places. And if they wool sojourn therein, they shallbe assy●gedde. And if they enforce themself to pass further, they shallbe constrained to forsake and leave one part of the apparel of their said ships, and also besides this, not being assuredde to be received by the other Cities, shallbe in great sorrow. Which causeth me to believe, that if we encountredde them and that they perceived that they could not land here as they thought: they will not depart from Coreyre But rather in consulting together upon their affair, and in sending espies for to know what number of people and of ships we have, and in what place we be, the winter shall come upon them, which shall aythere break of and utterly let their passage: orels saying our preparation greater, than they thought, they shall desyste and leave of their enterprise. And so much the more that I am enfourmedde, that the pryncypal of their Dukes and capitains and that knoweth most in war, cometh hither against his opinion, and therefore wolbe right well contended to return fromhence, if we make on our behalf any good occasion or honnorable moustre. And also the bruit of that, which we wool do, shallbe greater, than the effect, for that, that in such case men ground their opynyone upon the bruit of the people. And when that he, which cometh to assail, is met by him that should be assailledde, it putteth him in to more fear, than if the other preparedde only for to defend himself. forsomuch as he parceyvethe himself in danger and studieth to defend himself, where as he thought, but to assail: which thing shall now happenne to the athenians, when they shall see us come against them, where they thought to come against us, and also not to have found any resistance in us, which they had some occasion to think, forsomuch, as notwithstanding that we have been allyedde wy●h the Lacedemonyans, yet we have not troubled them by war. But if they perceive us to take courage, and to do clearly otherwise, than they imagined, they shallbe more astonied for to see one thing so new● and contrary to their expectation, than of the power that we for troth shall then have. And therefore I pray you Lords, that ye will believe me herein, what is the best that ye may do. And that is, that ye take courage to do that, which I have said. And if ye will not that, yet at the least prepare without further prolonging, all things, which shallbe necessary. And conceive in your mind in that doing, not for to esteem the enemy that cometh to assail you: which thing cannot be declared, but by showing it by fair and notable feats. And those feats be declared, if that fearing the enemy, preparation were made against him in such sort, that men might be in surety. Taking this marime or chief point, that the best which may be done, is to provide for things bifore the danger, even as if it were present and seen. For also the enemies do truly come with a great army by sea, and be already nigh at aboordinge, and there resteth only, but this, that they be not seen. Thus did Hermocrates speak. But yet notwithstanding his sayings, the people abodde in great altercation, for some said that it was not true that the athenians came, as Hermocrates said. The other said that although they did come, yet could they do no damage, but that they should re●●yue more largely of it. other did utterly despise the thing that mockedde at it. And there were very few, that did give faith to that: which Hermocrates had spoken, and that had fear of things, that were to come. Than Athenagoras, who had greatest authority among the common people and that could best persuade them in that same time, stood fourth and did speak unto them in this manner.    

¶ The oration of Athenagoras to the syracusans. ☞ The viii Chapter.  
Whosoever will say: that the athenians be so far out of their wits, as to come assault us, or that if they do come they shall not fall into our hands, ●e is truly aither toomuch fearful, orels he understandeth not well the affairs of our common wealth. And also I marvel not so much of the temery●e of them, that sow these news amongst us for to make us afraid, as of their folly, except that they persuade themselves not to be perceived. But it is the fashion of them that have particularly any fear in themselves, to go about to put it into the commons heads, for to hide and cover theirs under shadow of the communalty. hereunto tend the news and the bruit that presently run abroad, the which be not come rashly: but have been maliciously sowedde by those, which be customers of the like things. But if you be well advised, ye wool not make any foundation or conjecture upon the speech of these people here, but rather ye will make conjecture by the quality of those, of whom it is spoken, whider they be experimented and sage people, as I do esteem the Athenians to be. Wherefore knowing them to be such, I think it not credible, that being not yet delivered from the war of the Peloponesians, they should habandone their country: and come through gayneys & Lustynes of heart to begin here new war, in nothing less than the other. But as touching myself, I am of opinion that they own to repute themself happy that we go not to assault them in their country: so many and so puissant cities being in this Island. And admit that they shall come, as it is reaportedde, yet they ought to think that Sycille is more sufficient ●or to beat and destroy them, than the Peloponesians be, forsomuch as they be better provided of all things. And specially our city alone is more puissant, than all the army which is reaported to come against us: yea truly two times asmuch, consideredde that they may not bring hither any horsemen, and also I believe that they shall get none in these parties, if it be not a certain small number: that the Egestayns may deliver them. And of footmen they cannot also be in so great number as we have of them, sithence that they must transport them by sea. For it is right hard and dyfficille that so great number of ships, as be necessary for to carry victuals and other necessities for so great an army, as is required for them that will to subdue and and overcome, one so puissant a city, as ours is, may come hider in surety. And I find the thing so far unlike the truth, that albeit the athenians had an Colony peopled with their people, even so great as this city is, in whatsoever place here adioigning, and that fromethence they would come to assault us: yet scarcely they should return fromehence without shame and damage. Wherefore with much greater reason it ought to be hoped, coming from so far against all Sycille, the which I take for hole certain, that it wool declare itself entirely their enemy. For they shallbe constrained to keep themself in their camp in whatsoever part where they shall land at thearyvalle out of the sea, under such surety of their ships which they wool have at their b●ckes, without to be so bold as to enter further into the country: for fear of our horsemen, whereof we have great number, in such manner that with pain they shall abide on land, so much do I esteem our men better than theirs. The athenians understanding the which things, study for to defend and keep their la●de, as I am certainly aduised● without thinking to come for to win ours. But we have some people in this city, that go reaporting liberally things, which neither be in ure, nor never shallbe. And this is not the furst time that I have attayncted them of like cases. But many other times I have found them to have sowed such news and also worser for to put the mean people (who of their nature be light of biliefe) in fear, to the end to take and usurp by that mean and under the same colour, the empire from the city. And I fear greatly lest they will so ostene make such inventions, until the matter by some mean shall come to their intent, and that we shall show ourself so nice and so slothful, that they shall be trap us bifore that we may remedy it, and that we have not the heart to chastise them, though that we know their evil will. forsomuch as I perceive that by such occasions our city is oftentimes troubledde with seditions and mutyneries, whereby ensuych civil battles, by which it hath been more often troubledde, then by war of estrangers, and also hath been some time subdewedde by certain tyrants or evil rulers of this self city, but if ye wool follow me, I will take pain to remedy it, in such sort that in our time, we sha●le not need to fear this danger. And that aswell by declarations which I will make unto many amongst you, as also by punishing of the seditious, that imagine such things, and not those only that shallbe convictedde and attaynctedde thereupon (for it is right difficile for to find out such things, but also those that at other times have enterprysedde the like, although that they have not had power to execute them. For he, that wool prepare to defend himself against his enemy, ought not only to have regard to that, which his enemy doth: but rather to that, which may be presumedde that he intendeth to do in time coming. And if he do not so, he may first receive damage thereby. And it seemeth unto me that these people, that go about to put the general estate and government of this city into the hand of a small number of men: may not well be known from their evil will: but by doing of three things, to wit, by rebuking and discovering in some part their deeds, partly in keeping them from executing of them, and partly by causing their enterprises and wits to be understand by conjectures and by reasons. And truly I have oftentimes musedde with myself, what thing it is, which you the other young men do intend, to wit, whider that you now presently covet to have charges and Empires. For the same is not reasonable by our laws, the which have been made for to impeach and let that you may not have them, not for to do you wrong or shame, but only for the ymbecillitie and weakness of your age, for ye may obtain them, when you shallbe of due age. Can ye not endure to be in the self degree that the other citizens be in? And how can this be reasonable, that people of one self city and of one self estate should not enjoy like honours and pre-eminences? There is peradventure some one, that will say: that the common estate can neither well nor equally be counsailledde, and that those, which be richest and most puissant, be always most sufficient for to govern the estate. To whom I first answer, that the common government is the government of all the city, where the government of a small number is but only of one part thereof. Afterwards I say: that for to defend generally: the rich men be most meet, but to give counsel, those which have best wits and that understand most, be the best: and the communalty well assembled, after that it hath herd all the opinions, doth thereupon judge much better. And all things, that be debarred, be it particularly or vniuersally● be equally departed in the common estate, where as, when the small number governeth, it departeth the dangers and the charges unto many: but of the proffyttes it giveth but a small part unto other, but taketh them holy to itself. And that is it, which those, that be this day the most rich and most puissant in the city (specially the young people) do couey●t, which is a thing impossible in so great a city. And they, who do desire it, be aither out of their wits, if they understand not that they desire the destruction of the city: aither else be of the most ignorant of all other Greeks, that I have knowing. And if they do understand it, they be toomuch unreasonable for to desire it. Therefore understanding it aither by my speech or of yourselves, vouchsaulf to study all for that, which appertaineth to the common wealth of the city. And to consider that they among you which be best and the most rich, have more part in the common wealth: than the remnant of the communalty. And that if you go about to accept the contrary: ye put yourself in danger to be thereof utterly depryvedde, wherefore ye ought to reject and cast out these bringers of false news, as people already knowing for such, and not to suffer them to prouffitt to any means, by their inventions. For though the athenians should come, yet is this city puissant enough for to repulse them. And there be officers sufficient for to provide therefore. And if the thing be not true (as I do think) your city for fear of such conterfeated news, will not purt itself in subjection of people, that for the occasion hereof, go about to be your Dukes & superiors: but rather understanding the troth thereby, shall judge their words and enterprises, equipollent or like in effect to the deed. In such manner that it shall not lose his liberty for the bruit, which now runneth, but rather shall enforce itself to keep it, for the good order that it shall give in things to come. Thus did Athenagoras speak. And after him other would have spoken. But one of the principal officers and rulers of the city would not suffer any parson to speak, but he in brief words concluded the matter, saying in this manner.  

The conclusion of one of the officers of Sarragosse.  
IT is neither wit nor wisdom to use such pricking and oultragious talk, the one against the other, neither for them that speak it, not for those, which give ears to hear it, but rather we should have more regard to these news that be common, to th'end for to give order aswell generally: as particularly for to resist those which come against us. And though happily it were not true, yet could it in nothing noy nor hurt the city to prepare itself with horses, with harness and with all other things that be requysitt for the war. And for the rest, we other officers wool use diligence to provide: and also understand the enterprises of the enemies. And further we wool send to the other cities of Sycille and devise in all other things as we shall think expedient for this case. And we have already provided therefore, and wool advertise you of that, which shall hereafter come to our knolaige. Upon this conclusion, the counsel departed.    

How the army departed from Corcyre, and how it was evil received aswell in italy as in Sycille. ☞ The ix Chapter.  
IN the mean time that these things were debated at Sarragosse, the athenians and their allies were all assembled at Corcyre. And bifore their departure fromethence, the Dukes and capitains having made their moustre, did determine in what order they would pass the sea, & after that they were landed, how they would depart their host. And so they departed all the said army into three parts, of the which three, the Dukes should have the conduct, so as should happene to every of them by lot. And that they did, fearing that if they should go all togethers, they should not find a port sufficient for to receive them, yea though neither water nor other victuales should not fail them. And besides this the same bends, being so departed, should both make the greater show & also should be more easy to conduct & govern having every one his captain a part. Afterwards they sent there ships, to wit of every bend, one, bifore into Sycille & into Italy for to learn what cities would receive them as friends, & commanded them that they should come agyne to meet them by the way to make them answer what they had declared unto them that they would do. After that all the same was so done and ordained, the athenians with that great preparation departed for Corcire, and took the way towards Sycille, having in all one hundred thirty and four galleys with three oars, and two Rhodiens with two oars. Of the which with three oars, there were one hundred of Athens, whereof three skoore were light galleys, & the other carried the men of arms. Those of Chio, and the other allies of the said athenians did furnish the rest of the ships. As touching the number of people, that were in the said army, there were in the hole some five thousand & one houndred footmen, whereof fifteen hundred were athenians, who had seven hundred servants for the navigation or sailing & of other, aswell allies, as subjects, & specially of the Argives five houndred, of the mantynians, and other Mercenaries or huyred soldiers two hundred and fifty, and of archers in all four hundred and four score, whereof the four hundred, were Rhodyens & the four score of Creta. There were also six thousand men light armed, of Megara, and thirty horsemen, upon a bark, for to carry horses. Such was the athenians army by sea at the beginning. And besides this there were thirty marchandes ships carrying vituailes and other things necessary for the said army, besides a great number of other, of divers sorts, which followedde the said army for feat of merchandise, which were at Corcyre, and all togethers passedde the gulf of the sea jonium. But afterwards, they departedde theymeselues and aboorded one party at the promontory of Lapigea, one other party at Tarente, and the other in divers places in italy, so as they perceyvedde the landing propice, and meet for them. But yet nevertheless they did not find any city, that would receive them for merchandise nor otherwise, but rather did only permytt them to land for to refresh themselves with water and with other things, excepted the Tarentyns and the Locryans, who suffredde them not to make any descent in their land. In such manner they passedde without resting themselves until they came to aboard at the promontory of Rhegium in the extremity of italy. In which place being refufedde to land, and being already strongly assembledde, they lodged themself without the town, nigh unto the temple of Diana, and thither they of the said town sent unto them victuals and other necessaries for their money. And there having brought their ships into the port: they for a certain time sojourned, and in the mean time spoke unto the Rhegyns persuading them that they would aid the Leontyns, consyderedde that they were Chalcydes, like as they were. Who answered that they would not meddle with the war of the Sycilians, but they would earnestly do in all things as the other italians commonly would do. notwithstanding the which answer, the athenians, desiring to execute their enterprise of Sycille, attended the answer of the shyppes● which they had sent to Egestes, for to understand the affairs of the said country: and chief touching the money, which the ambassadors Egestayns had vaunted and bragged of to the athenians, that should be found in their City, whider it were for truth or not. In these enterfaictes the syracusans had news from many quarters, and principally by the Brygantins (which they had sent for to espy and discover) how the army of the athenians was arrived at Rhege. 
Rhegium.  So they were no more hard of believe, but rather used all diligence that they could, for to make all preparations for to defend them, & sent unto all the other Sycilians, to some ambassadors, and to other, people, for to defend and keep them. And moreover they withdrew into their tycie all the ships, that they might, from all coasts for defence thereof, and made monster of their people, and a description of their harness and of their victual, which they had in the city. And for effect prepared all other things that was possible for them, even so, as if the war had been already begun. In this mean time, the three ships, which they had sent to Egeste, came again to them to Rhege, who made reaporte unto them: that there was none other money in the said city of Egeste, than the same, which they had promysedde, which might amount to the some of thirty talents only, wherewith the Dukes athenians were all astonyedde and discouraiged, seeing that at the arrival the principal did fail them, whereupon they were foundedde, and that Rhegians refusedde to enter into the war with them. Who were the furst that they had aboorded, and those, whom they might hope sonnest to win, aswell for that, that they always had been parents of the Leontyns and of one self nation, as also for that, that they were always affectyonedde to the party of the athenians. Whereby Nycyas was in nothing abused. For he had never other opinion of the Egestayns, but that they would abuse the athenians, but the other two capitains found themselves deceived, who had been abusedde by the cautel and craft that the Egestayns had used, when the furst ambassadors of the Athenians was sent unto them for to see their treasuer. For after that the said ambassadors were landed and come into their city, they brought them into the temple of Venus, which is in Eryce. and there showed them basyns, the censars and other hallowedde vessels that were in the said temple: togethers with the offerings, vows and other movable riches, which were of great valeur. And for that they were of iyluer, they made a great monster and appearance, that there had been a great some of money in that same city insomuch as being so small: there was so much in that same temple. And besides this in divers houses, where the athenians that came in that ambassade were lodged, and upon their ships, their hosts shewedde them great quantity of vessels of gold and of silver, aswell for service at the table, as for the kytchyne, which they had for the most part borowedde of their neighbours, aswell of the self country, as of the phoenicians & of the Greeks feigning, that it all was there owned and that it was their manner of living. Whereupon, the said athenians perceiving so great quantity of vessel and so rich in all their houses, and as all of one sort, were all astonied. And after that they were retournedde to Athenes, made reaporte that they had seen a marvelous quantity of gold and silver. And by that mean the athenians were abused, whereby, after that the men of war, that were at Rhege understood the truth to be contrary by the messengers that they had sent thither, they became hateful and seditious against them. And thereupon the Dukes consulted togethers of the affair. And the opinion of Nycyas was that they altogider should go fromethence to Selynunte. To which place it was principally ordeynedde that they should go in favour of the Egestayns. And if being there the Egestains made whole payment of all the army, that they might consult what they had to do. And if they made not the said payment, that than it should be demanded of them, that at the least they should victuale the three skoore ships which they had required for their succours. And in that doing that men should abide there until that they had reconciled the said Selynuntyns with those Egestayns aither by petition or by force. And after that, that they should pass through bifore tother cities of Sycille for to show the puissance of the athenians, and also to give courage and hope to their friends, and that done to return fromthence all into their houses without otherwise to sojourn in that same quarter except that in short time or by some opportunity and occasion, they might do some advantage and service to the Leontyns, and withdraw any of the other cities to the alliance of the said athenians. For it seemed unto him that doing otherwise, they should put the estate of Athens in danger by that expenses only. But Alcibiades was of contrary opinion, saying that it should be tomuch great shame, to be come with one so great a puissance into a country so far of, and to return fromthence without doing any thing there. Wherefore he was of advise that heralds and trumpets should be sent unto all the cities of the country except Sarrogosse & Selynunte, for to advertise them of their coming, and to essay for to win them, to wit, for to cause the subjects of the said syracusans and Selynuntyns to rebel against them and to withdraw the other unto the alliance of the Athenians. And by that mean to have victuals and people of them, and bifore all the other they should essay to get the Mamertyns, for that that they were most nigh to the right landing for to come out of Grece, and also there was a great port and right sure, whereunto the said athenians might wichdrawe themself and retire in surety: and fromethence practise with the other cities. And after that it should be learned what they were that would be earnest against the said syracusans, and those, that would be to the contrary: to go against the syracusans and against the Selynuntyns for to constrain them, at the least, to wit, the syracusans, to apppoyncte with the Egestayns, and the Selynuntyns, that they should permytt the Leontyns to abide in their city and houses. As touching Lamachus his opinion was that men should go as soon as they might against Sarragosse and assault them being unprovided, bifore that they might prepare, for to resist, and whilst, that they were astonied, like as without fail, they would have been at the beginning, for that, that an army is always fearfully at the arrival. But if it delayeth to go to assault his enemies, they consult, upon their affair, and in so doing do recover their courage. In such manner, that afterwards they despise those, which were fearful, unto them, wherefore he concluded, that those men that would forthwith, and without delay, come to assault the foresaid syracusans whilst they were, in that same fear, should have the better thereof, and should put the said syracusans in great trembling and fear, aswell for the view, of the same army which should seem at the first sight to be of much more people than there was, as also for fear of the evils which they should consider to be like to happene, if they were vainequyshedde in the battle. And so much the more that it was to believe that many of the citizens should be in the fields which doubted not the coming of the said army, who retiring hastily into the city shall leave behind them much of their goods in the fields, and also many of them shallbe takene bifore that they may retire, whereby, having afterwards assieged the city, men shall not lack money. And on the other part, by this doing the other cities of Sycillle, upon that point shall choose the rather to make alliance with them, than with the sayedde syracusians without tarrying or attending which of the two, shall have the victory. He sayedde moreover that in all events and chances (were it that they retired, or that they assaultedde) that they should make the station and sojourn of their ships at Megare, for that, that it was desert and nigh enough to Saragosse, aswell by sea, as by land. Thus Lamachus, did speak, and nevertheless he came again to the opinion, of Alcibiades. Who, after these things, sailledde with his ship to pass bifore the city of Mamertyas, and requyredde them to enter into alliance with the athenians, whereunto they would not consent, nor suffer him to enter into their city, nevertheless they offredde to cause victuals to be delivered to be sold without the city for him and his people, who perceiving that, without resting there, returned fromethence to Rhege. And after that he was aryvedde, with other the Dukes, they caused incontinently one part of the army to be embarquedde within three skoore ships which they victuailledde sufficiently. And leaving the rest of the people, and of the ships at the port, of Rhege, with one of the same Dukes, the other two went with the said three skoore ships straight to Naxe, 
Naxus.  whereinto they were received by the citizens. And fromethence they went to Catane but there they were not received, for that, that there was one part of the citizens, which took party with the syracusans. For this cause they were constrained to retire unto the contremounte, of the river of Teria, 
The river of Teria.  where they soiournedde all the same day. And on the morrow after, they altogether went fromthence till bifore Syracuse. having their ships in order in form of a cornette, whereof they sent ten bifore towards the great port, for to see if there were any ships of the enemies. And after that they were nigh the entering of the said port, they caused it to be cried with the sound of a trumpet, that the athenians were come thither, for to restore the Leontyns into their houses, because of the amity and parentage, that they had with them. Wherefore they declaredde to all those of the said nation of Leontyns, that were within Syracuse, that they might retire to the said athenians, as their friends and been factors. And after that they had made that cry, and well regardedde and consyderedde the site and the fashion aswell of the city as of the poorte, and also of the country round about, for to know on which side they might best assiege it, they all retournedde from thence to Catane, and again demaundedde the citizens, that they should suffer them to enter into the city, as their friends, who, after that they had holden their counsel, made answer that they would not suffer the army to enter but if the Dukes and heads would enter in their simple estate: they would receive them willingly and should hear what they would say which thing was done. And the common people being assembled. for to give audience: even as they were amasedde to here Alcibiades, ●ho spoke unto them, the men of war entered soubdaynly by a false gate perceiving that it was evil walled, did beat it down, and without making any bruit or noise, went cheapening and buying through the town, that, which was necessary for them. Which perceived, certain of the citizens, that took party with the syracusans, were greatly astonyedde, and fled secretly out of the town, but there was no great number of them, and all the other agreed to make alliance with the athenians. And by this mean all the other, which were abiding at Rhege, were commanded to come thither. And they being aryvedde, after that they haddde fortified and furnysshedde it, they did put them into it. And hearing that the syracusans preparedde their army by sea, th●y altogiders dislodgedde themself fromethence and went strait way towards Syracuse. But saying that there was no preparation of shyppes● they returned fromethence: and came the way of Cameryne. And after that they were nigh the entering of the port, they caused it to be cryedde with the voice of a trumpet, that they were come. But for all that, the Cameryns would not receive them, saying, that they had sworn, not to suffer the athenians to enter into their ●oarte, with more, than with one ship, except, that they themselves had requyredde them to come thither with a greater number. Thus they returned fromethence without doing any thing. And in their return they landed in some one quarter of the territory of the syracusans for to pyllage it. But as they were burying that pillage and in disorder, the horsemen, that were in the city, issued fourth against them, and did slay some number of those, which were lightly armed, and the other, retired to Catana.   

¶ How Alcybiades being adiournedde for to answer at Athenes, to certain crimes, which were obiectedde against him, went fromethence into Peloponese. And incidently how Hipparchus, the brother of Hippias, sometime Tyrant or evil governor of Athens, was slain. ☞ The ten Chapter.  
AFter that the athenians ships, were retired to Catana, one ship of salamine, sent by the people of Athens, arrived, for to adjourn Alcibiades to come to answer to many crimes and trespasses that openly were objected and laid against him, and with him certain other that were in the Acmye, who were likewise chargedde by tokens, to have been his accomplices, aswell for to violate the mysteries of sacrifices, as also for to cut a sunder and deface the pictures or images called Hermes at Athenes. Of which things, after his departure with th'army by sea, the athenians ceased not to pursue the inquyrie. And they arrested not only upon the proofs and apparent conjectures, but rather giving faith to all light suspicions, upon the saying of certain unhappy men and of evil name, they did take many of the most honest of the city, whom they did put into prison, grounding themselves upon this, that it were better to go searching and verefying that same matter by all sorts of conjectures, than for to suffer a man to escape, of whatsoever good renome that he were, through fault of saying, that the accusations, which were against him were not sufficient, and so that he should not be convyctedde. For that the people had herd say, that the tyranny of Pysystratus had sometime been hard and cruel about the end of his government, 
Pysystratus.  and could not be extinguyshedde, neither by the people, nor by Hermodius, 
Hermodius.  but by the Lacedemonyans. By reason whereof they were in great fear and suspicion of the things abovesayed, and did take all in evil part. Albeit that for troth the enterprise of Arystogiton, 
Aristogiton.  and Harmodius, did take audacytye, for dishonest love, as I will show hereafter, and will declare, what the athenians, and other Greeks, speak of their tyrants or evil rulers, and of things, which they have done headlong, and at their plaisure without knowing in any thing, the troth, for the thing, was this. 

Of the tyranny of Pisistratus & of his infants in the city of Athens, & how it was extinguished.  
Hippias   Pysystratus being in his old age dead, Hippias who was his eldest son (and not Hypparchus, as it hath pleased some to say) succeeded him in the pryncipalitie. Now there was in the city of Athenes, a young man, namedde Harmodius, excellent in beawltie. Of whom, by mean thereof, Arystogiton (who was a man of a mean condition) was amorous, and mysusedde him carnally. So the same Hermodius, was accused by Hipparchus, son of Pysistratus, of that same lewdness and shamefulle matter. Whereof he being convictedde, did complain to Arystogiton, who for fear, that he had to be depryvedde of his boy, and of his lewdness: by the authority of Hypparchus, enterprysedde under colour to be willing to usurp the tyranny of the city, for to keep the said boy, and to withstand that he should not be takene, from him under colour of justice. In this mean time, Hipparchus, 
Hipparchus.  went about for to withdraw the said Hermodius by ●aier speech and flatteries, and perceiving, that he could nothing profit by that mean, preparedde himself to bring him to shame by justice without using of any force, for also it was not lawfulle for him to do it, insomuch as the tyrants of that same time had not yet taken upon them greater authority over their subjects, than by form of justice. By occasion whereof, and also that those which usurpedde such tyrannical government, excercisedde themself in the remnant in all virtues and in all prudency: Those same tyrants were not greatly noisome nor displeasant. For also they did not extort of the citizens any other tribute, but the twentieth part of their revenue, wherewith they made many fair reparations in the c●tie, and also susteignedde many great wars against their neighbours. And as touching the other things, they left them entirely unto the citizens according to their ancient laws, forprised and resarued only this, that they found manner by their auctortye, that one amongst them was always chosen by the commons unto the principal offices of the city, whereby some of them be found to have yearly offices in the city Athenes. And Pysystratus, son of Hyppias, who had the name of his grandfather, holding the signory after the death of his father, dedicatedde, in the myddelle of the market place, the temple of the twelve gods and that same of Apollo Pythius. And he caused to be defacedde or blottedde out one epigram or Epytaphy: which was set up in the market place, which was afterwards repaired and enlarged by the commons. And yet nevertheless the said epigram was not utterly defaced, but only duskened or so razed, that yet it might be red, though that with some difficulty, which was of this substance. The epigram, which Pisistratus setteth in the temple of Apollo Pythius, that Hippias left for remembrance, of his Empire. And this, which. I have said, that Hippias son of Pisistratus obt eignedde the signory after his father, insomuch, as he was eldest, I can affirm it clearly to be true, by this, that I have inquired, and searched more of the common renome of that same time, than any other. And every man that will search & inquire may know it, by this, that it is not found, that any of the legytymate sons of the said Pysistratus, had any children, but only he, as it may he perceived, by the ancient monuments, or graves that be in t he said temple, and also by an Epi●aphie, which is in the castle of Athenes, gravene in stone, making mention of the naughtiness, of the said tyrants, wherein no mention is made of any children of Hipparchus, neither of Thessalus, 
Mhessalus.  but well of five children, which Hippias had by Calais, 
Calais.  daughter of Hipperchide. Also it is like to be true, that he maryedde the eldest of this children, furst: and also being elder, it is to believe, that he succededde, next in the signory, and tyranny. And it seemeth not unto me to have any appearance, that if Hipparchus, had been slain, possessing the Seignyorye: that Hippias incontmently after could have obteigneddde it, and also exercise it the self day, that the other dyedde, but rather having already a long time usedde his authority imperially towards the subjects, and lived friendly and discretely with his adherentes and friends: feared not to retain and keep his signory and pryncipalytie, whatsoever thing had happenedde to his brother: even so, as his said brother would happily have done, if that the chance had happenedde to that same Hippias, for that, that he was already exercisedde and accustomed, in the signory. But that, which giveth this reaporte to Hipparchus and causeth them, that came after to believe, that he had obtained, the pryncipalitie and signory of Athens: was through cause of the mischance, which happenedde unto him, by occasion of that, which is bifore said. For perceiving that he could not withdraw or bring Hermodius to his will, he imagined against him one such work and despite. The same Hermodius, had a young sister, a maydene, who coming in an assembly of other maidens, of her estate, to a certain solemnity that was made in the city, carrying a paynyer or basket, as the other did: Hipparchus, by his ministers, caused her to retire and to be put out of the said company, saying that she was not called, to the said solemnity, for she was not worthy to be there, willing to do it to be understand, that she was no maydene, whereby Hermodius, was more and more, grudgedde and spiteful, and Aristogitonne also for his sake. And so, they cogiders with the complices of that same conspiraty determined, when it should be expedient for to execute it, but they taryedde the day of the feast, which is called, the great feast of Pan, for that, that on the same day it was permitted to every man, without any susspytion, to wear harness, through the town. And so it was concludedde amongst them, that on the said day: the same Hermodius and Arystogiton, should charge upon Hipparchus, and the other complices, upon the guard or sergeants. And albeit that the same complices were in small number, yet for to keep the thing secrettt, they persuaded themself that when the other citizens, that should be assembled, should see them charge upon the tyrants or governors, though that they knew nothing of the enterprise, being yet in armure, they all would join with them for to recover their liberty. Than, when the feast day came, Hippias was in a place, a part, namedde Cerannicus with the soldiers of his guard, and ordained the ceremonies of that same solemnity as it appertained. And as Hermodius and Aristogiton came directly unto him with their daggers for to slay him, they perceived one of their complices, that was speaking with the sayedde Hyppias very famyliarlye (for that, that he was gentle to give audience) whereby they were afraid that their said company on had discovered the enterprise, and lest they should be incontinently takene. And so determined bifore that they would be empeigned or laid hand upon, to take vengeance on him, that was cause of their conspiracy. To wit, Hipparchus, if they could. And forthwith entered into a place, called Leocorus, wherein Hipparchus was. And so they rushed upon him with such a fury, for hatred and disdain, which they had against him, that they did slay him incontinently. And that done Aristogiton at beginning saved himself among the soldiers and guard of the tyrants, notwithstanding he was afterwards takene and sore hurt, but Hermodius was slain upon the place. Hippias being advertifed in the said place of Cerannicus of this matter: did not soudainely repair unto the place, where the chance was committed, but went strait way thither, where as the people of the town being armed were assembled for the pomp or solempnytte, bifore that they had any understanding of the deed. And making good cheer, and showing a joyful countenance even as as no such thing had been done, he caused ●o command them, that they should all withdraw themselves without armure into a certain place, which he caused to be showed unto them, which thing they did, thinking that he would have said something unto them. And forthwith, as they were there, he sent his soldiers, and guard, for to take from them, their armure, and to apprehend those, whom he had● in suspection, principally them that were found wearing daggers. For the custom was in that same solemnity, to carry spears and targottes only. In this manner, through foolish love, the first conspiracy was begun and enterprysedde against the Tyrants of Athens, and executed foolishly for the sudden fear, which they had, that enterprysedde it, to have been discovered, whereby great evil insuedde afterwards to the athenians. For in time following, the tyrants were more cruel, than they had been, for that that Hippias fearing to be circumuentedde: caused many of the citizens to die, and also provydedde himself with alliances and frendeshyps, without the town, for to withdraw and save himself, if any mutation or change happenedde within the city. For this cause, he married his daughter, named Archedice, 
Archedices'.  unto Hippoclus son of Eantydes, 

Hippocius.  
Eantides   Tyrant of Lamsaque, for that that he knew that the said Eantydes had great amity with Darie, king of Persie. The Sepulchre or grave of which woman is yet to be seen in Lamsacque aforesaid, whereupon was an epitaph of this substance. Here lieth Archedice, daughter of Hyppias defender of the Greeks, who, although that she was daughter, wife and sister of Tyrants, did not yet therefore any proud or violente thing. Neverthelas' three years arter this, which we have spokene, Hippias was chasedde by the Lacedemonyans and by the Alemonides out of the signory and tyranny of Athenes. And went fromethence with his good will unto Eantides in Sigee and unto Lampsaque, 
Sigeun.  and fromethence unto the king Darius, and twenty years after (being than very old) he did come with the Medes against the Greeks at Marathonie. The people of Athenes, bringing these ancient things to remembrance, was more sharp and more chafedde to inquire of this same matter of the dyssyguredde images and of the corrupted sacrifices, fearing to come again into subjection of tyrants. And persuaded themselves that the said excess and misdeeds had been done to the same intent. By occasion whereof many great personages of the city were put into prison. And the persecution and wrath of the commons encreasedde dayllye to apprehend, and imprysone men, until that one of them that had been takene and was reputed for most coulpable, at persuasion of one of the other prisoners, discoveredde the thing, were it truly or faulselye, for the troth could never be known neither than nor afterwards. But so much there was, that he was perswadedde, that if he discoveredde the case, by accusing of himself and of some other, he should put the rest of the city out of suspicion and of danger. And also by so doing should be in surety for to escape and to be delivered. By this mean he confessedde the case of Hermes or pictures, as touching himself, and also accused a company of other, whom he declared to have been partakers thereof, whereby the commons, thinking that he had said the truth, were right joyful. For they were toomuch angry, that no knowledge could be had of a deed, done by so great number of people. And so he, that had confessedde the matter, togethers with the other, whom he had not chargedde: were forthwith delivered. And of those, which he had charged, all they that might be taken were put to execution by sentence or judgement. The other, that fled fromethence, were condempnedde of contumacy to death, and a huyer was lymytedde and appoynctedde for all men, which did slay them. And yet was it not known for truth, whider that those, which had been executed, were guilty or not. Neverthelas in all the rest the city reputed itself to have gaigned and profytedde greatly. But the commons were displeasedde, with Alcibiades, who was accused of this chance, of the images by his enemies, to wit, by those same, that had charged him therewith bifore his departure. And taking it to be true that he had been guilty of the case, of the Hermes or pictures, they easily persuaded themselves, that he likewise had been partaker of the other case of the sacrifices with the other complices & conspirators against the commons. And the suspection did grow so much the more, that a certain small number of warryours being Lacedemonyans, did in that self time come until the distreate of Peloponese, for to appoint and entreat of some matter, with the Beotians. Whereby the Athenians had suspicion, that it had been through consent of the said Alcibiades, under colour of the said treaty, and that if the same Athenians, had not prevented to take the said citizens, whom they had taken upon suspicion, the city had been in danger to be taken and betrayed. And the suspicion was so great, that a great watch in armure, was for one night, kept in the city of the temple of Theseus. In the self time the gests and friends of the same Alcibiades, which were in the city of Argos, were suspected, to be willing for to invade the commons, which thing, being by them signified unto the athenians, they licensed the said Argives for to slay the citizens of Athens, which they had in their city of Argos, who were delivered unto them, for hostage, and by them to be sent unto certain Islands. In this manner, Alcibiades was suspected, on all sides. Whereupon they that were willing to cause him to come to judgement, for to condemn him to death: purchased to cause him to be adiournedde or summoned in Sycile, togethers with the other, of whom hath been spokene, and gave charge unto the Messenger: that he should command him to follow him incontinently, and not to take him, for fear that they had aswell of the companions of war which he had under his charge, as also that the affair of the enterprise of Sycille should not be troubledde, and yet most principally that the Mantynyens, and the Argives (who at the desire of the same Alcibiades accompanyedde the said athenians in that same enterprise) should not be moved or lost. Than Alcibiades, percey●ynge the commandment and adiourning, that was made unto him, mounted into a ship, and the other also adjourned did mount with him, and departed fromthence togethers with the ship of salamine, which was come for to adjourn them: feigning to be willing to sail in compagnie unto Athens. But after that they were in Thurie, they followed it no further: neither afterwards were seen by those of the said ship of salamine: who, having carefully inquired, what way they were gone, and not learning any news thereof, they sailed fronthence their right way. soon after Alcibiades departed from Thurie, and sailed fromthence to land in Peloponese: being already bannyshedde from Athens. And so after, he and the other, which were in his company were condemned for contuinacye unto death by the athenians.   

¶ how after the departure of Alcibiades, the other two Dukes athenians, having done certain small things in Sycille, did come to assiege the city of Saragosse and had a victory against the syracusans. ☞ The xi Chapter.  
AFter the departure of Alcibiades, the other two Dukes athenians departed all the army into two parts: and aither of them. did by lot take the charge of the one of them. And afterwards they both togethers with all the host, went fromthence unto Selynunte, and to Egeste for to know if the Egestians were determined to deliver the money, which they had promised, and also for to understand the affair of the said Selynuntyns and the question or difference, which they had with the Egestains. And they sailed a length the sea, having the Isle of Sycille of the cost of the sea Ionum on the left hand, and came to aboard bifore the city of Imere: the which only in that same quarter is inhabited with Greeks, nevertheless they would not receive the said athenians, who, at their departure fromthence, sailed to a town named Hiccara. 
Hiccara.  The which, though that it were inhabytedde with Sycaniens was yet enemy to the Egestains. For this cause, they pillaged it, and afterwards did set of the Egestains within it. This depending arrived the horsemen of the Egestains, with whom the footmen athenians came by land within the Isle, pillaging and robbing until Catana, and their ships came unto them coasting alongeste the sea, wherein they charged their butyes & pillage, aswell of beasts as of the other. Nycias at departure from Heccana, went incontinently to Egeste. where he received of the Egestains thirty talents. And having given order for certain other things, returned fromthence into the army. And beside that some, that they had taken for the said butye, which was sold, they received one hundred and twenty talents of gold. Afterwards they went enuyroning the Isle, and in their passage did give order to their allies that they should send them the number of men, which they had promysedde. And so they came with the moiety of the army before the town of Hibla in the territory of Gela (the which took the party against them) thinking to take it, 
Hybla.  but they could not, and in this mean time, the end of Summer did come. At beginning of the winter, the athenians prepared themselves for to come to assiege Sarragosse, and on the other side the syracusans prepared themself for to come to meet them. For insomuch as the athenians did not at beginning come to assail them, they took daily more and more courage. And so much the less they fearedde and esteemed them, that they had environed and compassed about the other country by sea very far from their city, and also could not take Hybla. 
Hybla.  whereupon the said syracusans were so puffed up, that they required of their Dukes that they should conduct them unto Catana, where the enemies were, insomuch as they durst not come thither unto them. And the light horsemen syracusans, which ronned daylly unto the camp of the said athenians, among other reproaches, which they used, demanded of them, if they were not more come to inhabit rather an other man's land, than for to restore the leontin's into theirs. The athenians, knowing such things, essaiedde to withdraw those syracusans so far, as they could, from their city, to the intent that the more with their ease, they might in one night with their ships, sail to land before the town, and lodge their camp in place, where they should think most meet. For they knew well, that if at landing out of their ships, they found the enemies in order and prepared for to defend their landing: or else if that they would take their way fromthence by land unto the said city: they should have much more difficulty. For their horsemen might do great dammaige unto their footmen being light armed, and also to the rest of their foot men, considered that they had yet small number of horsemen there. And doing as they had enterprised, they might without any great empeschement take the place, which they desired, before that the horsemen syracusans should have been returned, which place had been taught and showed unto them, by the banished men of the same city, who followedde them, to wit, nigh unto the temple of Olympus. And for to execute their enterprise, they usedde one such a cautelle. That is, that they sent one (whom they right well trusted) unto the Dukes of syracusans, knowing also that they would give faith unto that, which he should show them, feigning to be sent from certain of the princypalle of the city of Catana, whereof he was, whom the said dukes did well know) saying that they yet held their party, and that if they would, they would cause them to have the victory against the athenians by such mean: for one party of the army of the said athenians kept themself within the town without armure. So that if the said syracusans, issued fourth, at one day named, out of Sarragosse and arrived at the break of the day with all their puissance: those same Catanyens, whom he named unto them with their complices, should easily enclose the athenians, that were within the town, and also would put fire into their ships, which were in their port. By which doing, if the said syracusans would rush out and charge upon them that were in the field, which was without the town, enclosed with Pales, they might take it without any great difficulty, and destroy all that they should find within it: saying moreover that there were many citizens of Catane of this intelligence and conspyratie, all ready and determined for to execute it: who had sent him thither. The duke's syracusans, which were bold, and besides that had already desire to go unto the enemies in their camp, did lightly believe the espy. And having taken a day with him, when they would be at Catana, they sent him again unto them, from whom he said that he was come. And at the said day failed not to issue fourth all the people of the city with the succours of the Selynuntyns, and some other their allies that were already come, and for haste they went fourth without order altogiders for to lodge nigh to Catana upon the river of Symethe in the land of Leontyns. 
Symethus.  Than the athenians, understanding their coming, did charge all their people, that they had, aswell athenians, as Sycilians and other, in their ships, and saylledde by night, towards Sarragosse. where they arrived at break of day within the great port, bifore the temple of Olympus for to land there. In this mean time, the horsemen syracusans, which were gone to Catana, understanding that all the athenians ships were departed out of the port of Catana, advertised the footmen thereof, and all togethers did take their way for to return to the succours of their city. But for that, that the way was long, before that they could aryve, the athenians had already landed, and taken their lodging in the place, which they had chosen: out of the which, they might defend themselves to their advantaige, with out being in danger before that they had made their rampires, neither yet by making of them, insomuch as they were shadowed covered or defended with walls and buildings in that same quarter. And moreover there was many trees, a standing water, and hollow or broken places. So that none could come upon them out of the same quarter, specially horsemen. And on the other part, they had already hewed down a great quantity of the said trees, which they had carried to the sea side, and there planted and locked togethers in manner of overthwart crosses, for to defend and let, that no man should issue fourth into theirs ships Moreover in that same quarter, where their camp was most low, and where the coming thereinto was most easy, they had rampared it with great stones and with wood in haste, so that it was very hard to enter there, and afterwards they did break the bridge, which they had made for to go unto their ships. All which work they did at their ease, without this, that any man issued out of the city for to impeach them, for they were all gone fourth & were not yet returned from Catana, of whom the horsemen were the first that came again, and soon after all the people that were issued fourth, and came directly against the athenians, to present them battle. But seeing that they issued not fourth, they withdrew and went to lodge themself on the other side of the way, which leadeth to Heloryne. The morrow after, the athenians issued fourth for to fight, and they ordained their battle in this sort. For at the right point they set the Argives and the mantynians, at the left, the other their allies, and in the middle the athenians. And also the one moiety of the army was of the thickness of eight renkes in the fronte● & the other moiety, which was on the side towards the Pavillyons or Tents, as much, the whole being eight squared. And a certain part was ordained to come to secure that same moiety that was the riere ward, if they should see that the other were oppressed, between these two battles, they bestowed the baggage and the men that were not meet to fight. On the other side, the syracusans did put all in armure, aswell those of the town as estrangers, whom they had well armed. Among whom, were the Selynimtyns that came furst thither. And after, those of Gele, which were about two houndred horsemen, and those of Cameryne abouts lxx. Arbalestriers or crossbows. Also they did put all their horsemen on the right point, and after following, the archers or slingers. The battles than being ordered, for that, that the athenians should first begin to march, Nycias, went running to and fro a lenghe without his battle, and did speak to every renke in this manner.   

The exhortation of Nycias to his soldiers. ☞ The xii Chapter.  
WHat needeth it, Lords, that I make great exhortation for to fight valiantly, unto you, that be here ready to do it. truly the preparation, which I see here, seemeth to me to have moor effycacytie for to give you courayge and audacity, than all the talk, that any man living could use, if that we were evil appointed. Now be we here, Argives, mantynians and athenians, the most principal and superiors of all the Islanders and inhabitants in the Islands. How can we than in so great a number of such friends & allies not have certain hope of the victory, specially having to do against common people & those, which be not chosen as we be? And also these be Sycilians that despise us afar of, but being nigh unto them they will not tarry us, insomuch as they have less of knowledge & experience, than of audacity. I will also that every of you do bring to his remembrance, that we be here in a strange land far from ours, and not being our friend, the which we cannot obtain without the victory. For his cause I will exhort by all reasons contrary to the same, by the which I presuppose that our enemies shallbe exhorted by their captains. For they will show them, that they have to fight for defence of their own land. And I do show you that we be in a strange land, in the which we must ayther vanquish, or else have no great hope for to return into ours, for they have plenty of horses that will oppress us greatly, if that we break our array. wherefore, as men valiant & hardy, be willing to assail the enemies manfully, remembering your ancient virtue & force, & setting bifore your eyes, that the necessity, wherein we be, is much more to be feared, than the puissance of our enemies. After that Nycias had thus spoken, he caused his men to march against th'enemies, who looked not that they should have so soon presented them battle. For this cause, some o● them were gone into the city, which was very nigh their camp. who, nevertheless incontinently as they had knowledge of thaffair, issued fourth and came to join themself with their men, not in their order, for that they could not do. But where as they came, there they mingled themselves with the other, and showed aswell in that same battle, as in all other affairs, that they lacked not neither heart nor bardynes, more than those, that did assail them: but rather did defend themself valiantly, so long as they perceived any mean to be able to do it. And when they were constrained to retire, they did it unwillingly & slackly: but howsoever it was, not thinking at that present, that the Athenians would have come to assail them, & by that mean being soubdainly taken, they armed themself hastily and came to meet their enemies. And the Archers, slingers and ●asters of darts, began first thescarmouche by chase and recueilling, aswell on th'one side as on the other, for a certain short space, so as such people, which be lightly armed, be accustomed to do. Afterwards the soothsayers and diviners on both sides, showed aythere unto his nation that the significations of the sacrifices were good. Upon which knowledge, they caused the token o● battle to be given, and the one marched against the other in their order, such, as hath been above said, very fiercely, and with great courage. For the syracusians considered that they did fight for their country, both for their present wealth, and also for their liberty in time coming. As touching their enemies the athenians, they did fight for to obtain an other man's land, and not to bring damage to their own, if they were vainquished. The Argyues and the other their allies, not subjecteth to those athenians for to do them the service, for the which they were come to the same voyage, & yet every of them desiring to return frothence victoriously into his house. And the other allies, that were subjects of the said Athenians, did also fight joyfully & with good courage, principally for that, that except they had the victory they hoped not to be able to save themselves. And although that none other reason had moved them, yet they hoped that in saruinge well & valiantly, they should be better entreated of their lords, ●auyng aided them to conquer a land so far of, as Sycille. Being than after the strokes of shot, come hand to hand, they did fight a good space without that, that the one or the other of the parties did recuille or give back. But being in the same conflict, there soubdainly came a great rain with loud thondringes and thick lightnings out of heaven. Whereof the syracusans, which than did furst fight, were much astonied, for that they were not used nor experimentedde in war. But they, which were moor wonted to such things, did attribute it unto the time of the year and passed not of it. Whereby the syracusans were yet more astonyed● fearing least their enemies had takene the same for a token or prophecy unto their advantage and that it came in the dissavor of them. So it happened that the Argives furst, and afterwards the athenians on the side where they were, made a charge so sharply upon the syracusans, that they did put them into disorder: and soon after to flight. Nevertheless they followed them not far, for fear of the horsemen, which were in great number and had not been brokene or put out of order. who, after that they perceived some o● the said athenians to follow their people to far bifore the other, they repulsed them stourdely. For this cause the Athenians pursued the syracusans being in flight, so much as they could, all locked togethers. Afterwards they retired in the self order into their camp, and there they raised up their trophy in sign of victory. And the syracusians retired the best that they could, likewise into their camp. And forthwith sent a good number from them to the temple of Olympiades', which was thereby, fearing least the athenians would come to pillage it, for that, that therein was great quantity of gold and silver. The other retired into the city. Nevertheless the said athenians went not against the said temple: but having received and brunned the cariogns of their men that were dead at the battle, they tarried there that same night. And on the morrow the syracusans knowing to have been vainquished, they sent unto them for to demand their dead men, which were in a●l aswell of their cytezeins● as of their allies about two houndred and three score, and of the athenians togethers with their allies abouts fifty. whose bones, after that they were burned, they did withdraw and carried them to Catana● togethers with the spoilles of the enemies, and by this mean they retired, for that, that they were already in winter, which was no time to make war. They could not also conduct nor endure it with out horsemen: whereof they attended a good number, aswell from Athens, as from their allies, & also money for to furnish necessaries. They hoped also during the winter, for to practic and win, through favour of that same victory, many cities of Sycille unto their party, and moreover to make provision of victuals and of all other things, for to come again to lay their Siege to Sarragosse immediately after the winter. these were in effect the causes, which movedde them to come for to winter at Catana, and at Naxe.   

How the syracusans having chosen new● Dukes, and given order in their affairs, they made an assault against them of Catana, and how the athenians failed to take the City of Messane. ☞ The xiii Chapter.  
AFter that the syracusans had caused their dead men to be buried, the people was assembled. In the which assembly, Hermocrates, son of Hermon, who was esteemed as greatly wise and prudent, as any man of the city, and moreover valiant and experimented in matters and feat of war, made unto them many declarations and persuasions for to give them courage, 
The declaration of Hermocrates unto the syracusans.  and that they should not be astonished for the loss, which they had had, showing unto them that the same loss was not chanced to them through lack of courage, but through fault of order, and also that it was not so great as by reason it should have been, considering that on their side, there were none but common people and men not often experimented in war: and the enemies were the best practysedde of all Grece, and such as used the craft and feat of war, more than of any other thing. Also the multitude of their capitains did noye them greatly. For there were five of them that had not great obeisance of their soldiers. But in case that they would choose some small number of more expert and of more me●e parsons for Capitains', and during that same winter assemble a good number of soldiers, fournishing them with harness, that had not thereof, and moreover would exercise themselves in feats of arms during the said time: he had good hoop, that they should have the better against their enemies, adding good order and conduct unto their courage and hardiness, which things be necessary for war. To wit, order and conduct, for to know, foresee and eschew the dangers, and hardiness for to execute that, which shallbe devised by wit. And also it were necessary that the Dukes and captains (which are to be chosen in small number as is above said) should have power in the feat of war, for to order and do therein, even as it should seem to them to be expedient: for the wealth of the city, giving them other such, as is requisite in the same & like cases. For by this mean, the things, which should be needful to be holden secret, may be kept close, and moreover the provisions may be made without any contradiction. After that Hermocrates had ended his advertysements, all the people found them good, and did chose himself for one of the captains and with him Heraclides, 
Heraclides.  son of Lysymachus and Sycanus son of Excrestus. 
Sycanus.  whom also they did chose Ambassadors for to go to the Lacedemonyans and Corynthians for to persuade them that they should join togethers with them against the athenians and that they should make so strong and fierce war in their country, that they should be constrained to abandon and forsake Sycille, or else that they should send to the said syracusans succours by sea. In this mean time, the army of the athenians, which was at Catana, went fromthence against Messane, hoping to have taken it by treaty and conspiracy of some of the citizens. But they were deceyvedde of their enterprise, for that, that Alcibiades, who knew the said treaty, after that he was departed out of the host, holding himself in all points assured, that he should be banished out of Athens: had secretly discovered the treason of those of the said city, which took part. with the syracusans. who having first slain the transgressors and afterwards moved the commons against them and their complices: obteygned what they would, to wit, that the Athevyans should not be received into the city. who, after that they had been in the camp xiii days before the said City, perceiving that the winter increased and waxed more bitter, and that they began to lack victuals, also that their enterprise failed them: they retired to Naxe and to Thrace, where they forcefyed their camp with ditches and pales, and there passed that same winter. During the which, they sent a galley unto Athens, for to demand new succours with horsemen and with money for the spring time following, that they might be able to issue fourth into the fields. On the other side, the syracusans, during that same winter, enclosed with walls, all the suburbs, which was on the side of Epipole, 
Epibola  to the intent, that if by fortune they lost an other time the battle in the fields, they might have the greater space for to retire within the closure of the City: and besides that, they made new rampires abouts the temple of Olympus, and of the place called Megare: and therein they put a good garnison. And moreover in all sides, where men might descend from the sea to land against the City, they made strong cross bars and pales. After that, knowing how the athenians had embarked thē●self nigh unto Naxe for to winter there, all the people issued fourth against Catana, and they pillaged all their territory, & razed down and burned all the lodgings and camp of the athenians, that they had made, when they were there: and afterwards returned fromthence into their houses.   

¶ How the athenians and the syracusians sent Ambassadors towards the Cameryns, ayther party for to withdraw them to their alliance, and the answer, which they made to them both. And also the preparations & practics, that the athenians made that same winter against the syracusans. ☞ The xiiii Chapter.  
these things thus done, the syracusans being advertised that the athenians had sent to the Cameryns, for to confirm the alliance, that they had in times passed made with Lachetes, at that time Duke of Athens, they sent thither likewise for their party: for they had not very great confidence in them insomuch as at the other battle, they had showed themselves very cold in sending their succour, whereby they had great doubt, lest they would send no more in time to come: and also lest they would take part with the athenians, seeing them to have had the victory in the said battle, under colour of the said ancient alliance. Hermocrates with some other Ambassadors being than come thither for the syracusans, & Euphemus & certain other for the athenians, the same Hermocrates did speak before the people of Camaryne, who was assembled for that purpose, in this manner, in presence of the Ambassadors of Athenes.  

The Oration of Hermocrates to the Camerins.  
WE be not sent hither unto you Cameryus, for doubt that we have, that ye be afraid of this army of the athenians: but for fear least through their artificial and subject words (before having been by us advertised) they should induce and allure you to their purpose. which is to do under the colour, which you have perceived, the thing that we all do suspect. And as for me I am right certain that they be not come for to restore & set the leontin's again into their houses: but rather to chase us out of ours. For it is not to believe that they, which drive those same of Grece out of their cities, be come hider for to set again those of this country into the same, out of which they be chased. Nother that they have so great care, as they say, for the leontin's, as for their cousins for that, that they be Chalcydes, seeing that the self Chalcydes (of whom these be descendedde) be by them brought into servitude & bondage: but rather under the colour, whereby they have obtained those there, they would presently obtain the country in these parties. For being vountarily chosen captains of th'army of Greeks for to resist the Medes, by the jonians and other Colonies of their alliance, they have reduced & brought them into their obeissance. Some under colour that they had forsaken th'army without licence Some other by occasions of wars & questions that they had amongst themselves & the other under such other colours as they did find for their purpose, when they did see opportunity. In such manner that it may be said for troth, that the athenians made not war against the Medes for the liberty of Grece, nor the other Greeks to enjoy their own, but rather they did make it to the intent that the Greeks should serve to them and not to the Medes. And those self Greeks for to change the lord, and not for to change him that ruled most strong for the same that ruled more weakly: but only him that imagined most evil, & how he should govern him, that intended best. And albeit that the same City of Athenes be greatly worthy of reprehension and reproach: yet we be not come hither to procure it before people, which know enough of their will: but rather for to rebuke us other Syciliens, which have before our eyes the example of the other cities of Grece, that they have subdued: and yet notwithstanding think not to defend ourselves from them, neither to reject and cast of the fallaces and sophemes, that they would deliver us, to wit, that they be come for to aid the leontin's, as their cowsins, and the Egestains, as their allies. Wherefore me thinketh that we should the sooner think on our case, and do them to know, that we be not jonyens, Hellespontyns nor Islanders: which have always accustomed to be subjects of the Medes, and also of other, so that they do but change the lord, into whosoever hands they fail. But we be dorians of a free nation and come out of Peloponese, which is a frank country and inhabiting in Sycille. And ought not to abide until we be taken town after town, knowing that by this only mean we may be taken, and that for this cause they have prepared themselves, and by that mean they go about to separate and set us asunder, some by their practices and under the colour of their alliance, to set some to war against the other, and in speaking gracious and joyful words, to do all the evil that they may unto us all according as they shall find occasion. And if there be any one among us, that persuadeth himself that the evil, which cometh to an other, that is not his next neighbour, is yet very far from him, and that it shall remain there without coming to him, and that it is not be, to whom the athenians be enemies, but well they be the syracusans, and that by this mean it should be folly to put his part in danger, for to save mine: I say unto him, that he understandeth not well, and that he ought to consider the defending mine, he defendeth his own proper as much as mine. And so much he doth it more assuredly and more to his advantage, that he hath me in his compaigny before that I be destroyed, for so I may help him. Also, whosoever hath such fantasy, he ought to consider, that the athenians be not come for to revenge themselves of the syracusans for any ennemytie that they have to them, but rather under colour hereof, to confirm their amity with you. And if there be any, which envieth us or that feareth us, for that, that it is the custom, that the more puissant be always envy or feared of the more feeble, and therefore it seemeth to him, that if we receive any damage, we shallbe more tractable and more gracious, and that he nevertheless shall remain the more in surety: truly he trusteth in the thing that is not in the power of his intent and will. For men have not fortune in their power, even as they have their will. And therefore if it happene otherwise, than he thinketh: which hath such fantasy, peradventure that for the grief of the evil that shall come upon himself, he shall desire at an other time to enjoy me and my goods like as he hath done before time: that shallbe impossible for him: sithence that he shall have forsaken and refused to be with me in dangiers of fortune, that were asmuch his, as mine, not in name and in word: but in effect. For he, that aideth us in this affair, he in name defendeth our estate, but in effect he defendeth his own. And truly reason wolleth well, that ye other Camerins, which be our neighbours and in the self danger, wherein we be, should consider these things here and aught to have come to our alliance more readily than ye have not done, and that of your own good will for to comfort and admonish us that we should not lose our coura●ge for any thing that might chance us, and allege and declare unto us, the self same things, that ye would have alleged, if the athenians had surst come against you: which thing ye nor the other have not yet done. And if ye will say that you will keep and use reason so much towards us, as towards our enemies for fear to offend the one or the other, and take your occasion upon the alliance, which you have with them: Truly ye have not made that same alliance for to go to assail your friends at their pleasure and appetite: but rather only for to secure the one the other, if any did come to assail you. For this cause the Rhegins, though that they be Chalcydes, have not been willing to join with these here for to restore the leontin's into their houses, who be Chalcydes as they be. And if those there, without having any reasonable excuse, but for that, that they have had this justification or proof so well coloured of the athenians, for suspected, governed themselves herein wisely: will you (having reasonable cause for to excuse you) bear favour and proffitt unto them, that naturally be your enemies, and abandon and forsake those, which be your neighbours and your parents, for to join youresel● unto these here? Certainly ye shall do against reason, if ye will aid this puissance of enemies, which ye ought rather to fear, although that if we were joined and united together, we should have no cause to fear: but justly if we separate or divide ourselves the one from the other. Which is the thing that they attempt for their power, for that, that they be come into this country not only against us, but rather against all. And yet they have not done against us that, which they wylledde, though that they did vanquish us in battle, but after their victory, they went fromthence. Wherefore it may be clearly knowing, that when we shallbe joined togethers, we ought not greatly to care for them, and chief attending the succours that is to come from the peloponesians, which be better warryours than these here. And truly it ought not to seem to any to be good for you, not to busy yourself or not to meddle, neither for them nor us, and that the same shallbe reasonable as touching us, considering that ye be allied together, and also the more surety for you. For though that the right be at the first sight like and equal between them and us as concerning you for the reason abovesaid: yet the deed is greatly divers. For if they, against whom war is made for fault to have been by you succoured, be vainquished, and the other vainquishors and overcomers: what other thing may be said, than that by your absence, the one hath been overcomed and the other have not been prohibited or left to do evil. Therefore lords, it shallbe much better done for to aid those, whom men would oppress, which be your parents and neighbours, in defending the common wealth of all Sycille, and not to suffer the Athenians to offend: than not to meddle with neither party. And for to show you in few words all that we will say, insomuch as there need not many words, for to declare to you or to any other that, which ye understand of yourself: we pray and require you for to aid us in this present business. And we protest that if you do it not: ye shall suffer us to be wasted and destroyed by the jonyens our perpetual enemies. And being Doryens, as we be, ye abandon & forsake us naughtily. And if we be vanquished by the athenians, it shallbe your fault, and they shall have the glory of the victory. And as touching the huyer or reward, it shallbe none other, but the same, that hath gevene the victory. And if we overcome, ye shall suffer the pain, for that, that ye have been cause of the dangeire, where in we shall have been. Consider than the whole, and chose ye presently aythere to incur and submit yourself into the servitude presented without any danger, or in overcoming this people, both to escape with us from being their subjects, and also not to be for a right long time our enemies. After that Hermocrates had thus spokene, Euphemus the athenian arose up and did speak in this manner.    

¶ The Oration of Euphemus the athenian to the Camerins. ☞ The xu Chapter.  
WE were come hider, lords Camerins, only for to renew the ancient amity & alliance that we have with you. But sithence that this same Syracusaine hath charged and maliciously spoken against us, It is here needful to speak of our Empire, and how, by good and just cause and reason, we have obteygned it: whereof this same here, who hath spoken, beareth good witness by that, which he hath said, that the jonyens have all ways been enemies of the dorians: but it must be understand, how it is. We be truly jonyens, and the Peloponesyans dorians. And for that, that they be in greater number than we and our neighbours, we have traveled to keep ourselves, that they should not bring us into their subjection. For this cause, after the war of the Medes, having our army by sea, we withdrew ourself from the Empire and conduct of the Lacedemonyans, which were capytaines of all the army of Grece, for that, that it was not more reasonable that we should be under them, than they under us, but for that, that they have been more puissant than we. And consequently being made princes and superiors of Greeks, who before time were subjects unto the Medes: we have kept and maignteigned our reign: knowing that when we shall have asmuch puissance as they, for to resist their force, that than we shall in nothing be bound unto them. And for to speak more clearly, we have upon good cause brought into our obeissance and subjection the ionians and the Islanders, though that they be our parents, as the syracusans do say. But it was for this cause, that they came with the Medes against our city, which is their Metrip olitaine and from whence they be descended, for fear of losing of their houses and domestical goods, & had not the hardiness to forsake their towns and Cities, for to conserve and keep their liberty, as we did, but rather they loved better to be bondmen and subjects of the Medes for to save their goods, and also to come with them against us, for to bring us into the self servitude and bondage. For these reasons we have well deserved to have the seignyorye and rule over the other. For also for truth and without any difficulty we fournished in that same war more ships, and showed more heart & courage, than all the other cities of Grece. And chief we desarued to have the rule & dominion over the jonyens, who did unto us the evil that they could, being joined with the Medes. Wherefore if we desire to increase our force against the Peloponesians, and not to be more under the conduct and charge of others: we truly deserve to have and obtain Empire and lordship, as they, which all alone chasedde away the Medes, or at the least for the general liberty, have taken and susteigned the danger of other, aswell as of ours, and specially of those here. And moreover it is lawful & without reproach for every man to search his wealth by all means that he may: which is the cause wherefore we be come hider unto you, knowing also that that, which we demand of you, is asmuch profitable for you, as for us: and for to show you what it is, wherefore these here do blame us, and whereof they would make you afraid. For we know well that those, that for fear have suspicion of any thing, be ready to persuade at the beginning by sweet words: but afterwards when it cometh to the deed and business, than they do, as they find if for the best. And in effect we keep and entertain our Empire and authority, for fear, as we have said, and for the same cause we be come hydere for to conserve our friends, not for to put them into subjection and servitude, but for to defend, that other should not bring them into theirs. And men should not be abalshed, that we have made so great an army for to aid and defend our friends, neither ought it to be said that we would not make to great cost for a thing that toucheth us but little. For we do repute and think that when ye shallbe of power for to resist the syracusans: our estate shallbe in much more surety from the peloponesians: for that, that they shall have so much the less succours from the syracusans, and that is the principal thing, for which your alliance and amity saruethe, for the which also it is reasonable and convenient that the Leontyns be restoredde and set again into their houses, and that they be not subjects, as their parents the Eubeyans be: but puissant for to sustain war against the syracusans for us, for we be puissance enough of oureselfe for to sustain war in Grece against our neighbours. And the Chalcydes, who be our subjects, and for whom this Syracusaine blaymeth us (saying that it is not to be believed, that we be willing to set again into liberty these here, holding the other in subjection) shall serve us well, for in exempting them from delyverey of men for the war, they shall furnish us with money: and likewise the leontin's shall aid us that be in this country of Sycille and our other allies and friends, chifly those, which live in liberty. For it must be understand, that a man that ruleth by tyranny and a city that hath Empire, repute nothing dishonest, that may be profitable unto them, and esteemeth nothing his, that he hath not in good surety, and in all things he reputeth the other, his friends or his enemies according to the chances and occurrantes of times and of affairs. Now it should not be profit for us at this present for to annoy our friends, but rather to entertain them in power and authority, to the intent that our enemies may be thereby more feeble. And this ye may and aught to believe by the form of living, which we use with our otherallyes in Grece. For we entreat them so, as we perceive it to be for our most profit. To wit, of those of Chio and of Mantinaea, we take ships, and as for the rest we leave them in their liberty. Some other we handle more rigorously and constrain them to pay us money. And some other we treat simply as friends and allies, and not as subjects in any other manner of thing, although that they be Islanders, & also easy to subdue for that, that they be nigh to Peloponese and by that mean lie open to all invasions. Wherefore by that, which we do there, men may believe what we will do here, and that, for our profit chief, we will make you strong for to keep in fear the syracusans, that would subdue you, and not only you, but all the other Sicilians. Which thing they hoped to obtain by their force or else through lack, which you should have of people, if it chance that we should return without doing any thing, which is the thing, wherefore they attempt and go about to bring us into suspicion with you, and so it shall happene if you take their party. For we shall have no more mean to pass into these parties, saying them so puissant. And without us they shallbe toomuch puissant for you. And if this which we say seemeth to any man not to be true, the appearance there of is manifest by this, that the first time, that ye sent to us to demand succours, ye alleged none other fear but that if we came not to secure you, the syracusans would subdue you, whereby afterwards we should be in danger. wherefore do not suffer yourself to be induced and persuaded for to persever in our alliance by that same reasons, chief that you have alleged when ye required it: nor to take suspicion for that, that we be come with a greater army by sea, for to be more puissant against these here, for that is a thing unreasonable: but ra●her ye ought much more to have suspicion against these here. For, as for us, ye know well that we can not tarry here without you. And though that we would be evil and ungracious, and bring our friends into our subjection, yet could we not keep them so, aswell for that, that the navigation is far of from Grece hither, as also that t●ere is much difficulty for to keep your Cities of Sycille, which be great, and also have many people in the main land. But as touching these here: they be not to be feared of you, so much as we, for their host. But they be more to be feared, than our host, for their people, which be gross. whereby being your neighbours, ye be always in danger, for that, that they wait for you continually, and be ready at all occasions to overrun and set upon you, like as they have already declared towards many other Sycilians. but newly against the Leontyns, and yet presently having the audacity to encouraige you against us, which be come hither to keep them from doing it and from subduing of Sycille, thinking you so far out of your wits, that you would give faith unto their tromperies and deceitts● where as we exhort you for your wealth, both much more truly, and more certainly. praying you that ye lose not the proffitt that ye may have of one of us, and that ye will well choose to which ye may best trust and above all to consider that these people have at every hour the mean for to subdue you without aid of other, by the multitude of their people. And that ye shall not have oftentimes the mean for to chastise and bring down and keep them under, such as ye have at this present, having such succours of your friends and allies. The which if ye suffer to return without doing any thing, or that it be repulsed or sent away beaten: truly the time will come that you shall wish to have one of the lesser parties, when that shall profit you nothing. But to the end, that you and the other Syciliens do not credit the slanders and charges that they here do falsely lay against us, we be right willing for to cypre, paint and declare with the troth the causes, wherefore men would bring us into suspicion: praying that having heard and understanded them somarely, ye vouchsafe also to regard and mark them. For we wool not deny that we rule and govern some our neighbours: but as touching the Sycilians, we be here for to defend that they should not be subdued, fearing afterwards to be endamaged by them, that shallbe lords over them. And how much more lands we have for to keep, somuch the more regard, we be constrained to have to our affairs. And for this cause we be come at this time, & to the other voyages which we have made into this quarter, for to defend & save Harmless those, that should be oppressed, not of our fire will & proper motion, but at their prayer & request. wherefore you which be at this present judges and arbitrators of our deeds, although that it be right hard for you even at this present to judge thereupon: ought not to cast of or repulse us, but rather hereof to make your profit, as ye perceive that you may do it. And to consider that this thing shall not damage equally unto all, but shall bring proffytt unto many Greeks without any damage. For through the puissance, which we have ready, for to succour, and revenge the opppessedde, though they be not our subjects, the other, that lie in wait for them, and would do them violence and wrong, be forced to forbear, and live in rest. And by this mean, those, which be in doubt to be outraged, and wrongedde, be in surety, without any their expense. Therefore, lords, forsake not this surety, which is common to all those, which should be oppressedde, and necessary at this present for you, but rather with our aid, render to the syracusans, that which they have done to other, bringing them again, unto the equality, of their neighbours, and set upon them sharply, having opportunity: that ye be not always in pain to defend you, from them. Thus did Euphemus speak? Now the Cameryns, were in such disposition at that time, that they lovedde the athenians, and would willingly have takene their part: but for that, that they suspectedde them to be willing to trouble, and usurp the Empire of Sycille. And as touching the syracusans although that they had had difference and variance oft-times with them, for this, that they were so nigh their neighbours: yet for that selfcause, they had sent unto them some of their people, horsemen, to the intent, that if they had had the victory, they should not have reprochedde them afterwards, that it had been done without them, and also in time coming they were willing for to aid them, rather than the athenians, though it were but smally. But after that the athenians had had the victory, for to show that they esteemed the said syracusans no less, than those that had been vanquished, after that they had consultedde and debatedde the matter amongst them, they made unto them both one self answer, equal asmuch for the one as for the other. To wit, that the war being between them that were both their allies, they were determined not to break their oath with the one, nor with the other, neither to give aid unto aither of the parties. And upon this answer, the ambassadors departedde fromethence. In these enterfaictes the syracusans made all the preparasions that they colder for the war. And as ●ouchynge the athenians they wyntredde at Naxe, and neuerthe●as practised by all means the cities of Sycille for to draw them to their party, whereof a great party, chief of those, that were in the platt country, and that were subjects of the syracusans, rebelled against them. And out of the frank & free cities, which were further in the main land, they allied themself incontinently with the Athenians, and sent them succours, some of money, some of men and the other of victuailles. And of the other, that would not do it of their free will, some were constrained by siege, and the other they kept that they could have no succour from the syracusans. And during that same winter they dislodged from Naxe, and came again unto Catana, where they made again their lodging in the same place where they were bifore, which the syracusans had burned. Being in which place they sent an ambassade in a jelly to Carthage, for to make alliance with them, if they could, & likewise to the cities, which be alongst the sea, Thyrrenium, whereof some did ●yberally grant to make alliance with them in that same war against the syracusans. Moreover they demanded of the Egesteins' and of their other allies of Sycille the greatest troop of horsemen, that they could make, & of the residue that they should make great provision, of wood, of irons & of other things necessary for to make a wall bifore the city of Sarragosse, the which they were all determined for to assiege incontinently, winter being passed.   

How the Lacedemonyans at the persuasion of the Corinthians and of Alcybiades granted to the Siracusains for to send them succours. ☞ The xvi Chapter.  
ON the other side the ambassadors, which the syracusans had despeched for to go unto the lacedemonians, in passing by the sea alongst Italy, they parforced themself to allure and draw the cities Marytymate or by the sea side to the alliance of the said syracusans. Showing them that if they suffredde the athenians so to prosper, they might afterwards be thereby in danger. Fromethence they came to descend and land at corinth where they declared their charge, which was in effect, for to pray them, that, as their parents and cousyns, they would send them succours, which thing they granted them readily and bifore all the Greeks, and ordained ambassadors for to go with them to the Lacedemonyans and for to persuade them to begin war afresh against the athenians, and to send succours to the said syracusans. And so they altogiders came to Lacedemonie. At which place, soon after arrived Alcibiades and the other bannysshed out of Athens, who came to Cylene in the country of aliens, from Thurie, where they first aboorded, and fromethence to Lacedemonie under surety and saulfconduct of the Lacedemonyens, who had willed him to come unto them. Without which surety, he feared to come thither for the treaty, that he had made with the Mantynyens. So it chanced that the counsel of the Lacedemonyans being assembled, the Corynthians, the syracusans, and Alcibiades did declare and speak all to one self end. And forsomuch as the said Lacedemonyans, though that they were willing to send an ambassade to the syracusans for to impeach and let them to take party with the athenians, were nevertheless not willing for to send them any succours: The same Alcibiades for to move and stir them to that affair, did speak to them in this manner.  

The Oration of Alcibiades the Athenian to the Lacedemonyans.  
IT is needful, Lords Lacedæmonians, bifore that I propone or declare other matters, to speak of that, wherewith I may be charged. For if you hold me suspected by reason thereof, ye will not give faith nor credit my words speaking of the common Welth. My progenitors, having by occasion of certain accusation renounced the freedom and civility of this your city, I have sithence had will to recover it, and for cause thereof, have honoured and saruedde you in many things, but among other in the loss, that you had at Pylus. And I persevering in this affection towards your city, ye made the appointment with the athenians, by mean whereof ye increased the puissance of my enemies, and did unto me great dishonnoure, which was the thing, wherefore I withdrew myself unto the Mantynyens and the Argives, with whom being become your enemy, I did endamage you wherein that I might● And if any amongst you hated me against reason, that I than did hurt you, truly he ought now to forbear and cease, if he consider the things well. And if any other have evil opinion of me, forsomuch as I have susteigned and defended the estate and government of the common people, he hath less reason for to hate or suspect me for that, for we other athenians be always contrary and enemies of tyrants. Now all that, which contraryeth or is against them, is the common people, for this cause the common authority hath always remained among us, and during the same I have oft-times been constrained to follow the time. And nevertheless I have continually takene pain for to moderate and refrain the licence and audacity of them, that would against the form of reason, conduct and order things at their will, for that, that there have always been in time paste, and yet presently be some, men that have seduced the common people, in persuading them unto that, that was for the worst. Which be those, that have chased and dryvene me away, although that in the time, that I have had authority, I have always counsailledde and persuaded good things, & that, which I had learned to be for the best, to the end to conserve the city in liberty, and prosperity like as they have found it. For all they that have knowledge of the common estate, know what it is, but yet I, who have all ways despised and abhorred it, know more thereof. And if it were needful to speak of the madness and rashness of it, I would tell nothing thereof, which hath not been experimented: but it seemed not to me to be a thing right sure for to enterprise to will to change it, being by you assieged and warred against. And this is enough spokene of the things, that may engender suspicion and hate of me towards you. Therefore I will now speak of the affairs, whereupon ye ought presently to devise. Wherein if I understand any thing further than you, whereof it be needful to advertise you, ye shall therein pronounce judgement. We be gone to Sycylle in purpose first to subdue it, if we may, and after those there, the Italians, and also that done, for to essay to rule and govern the allies of the Chartagyans, and themselves also if we may. And if that were come to our intent in all or for a good part, than we would come to conquer and subdue Peloponese, having in our aid and service, all the Greeks that be in the countries of Sycille, and of Italy, with great number of estrangers and barbarous people, which we should have had in sold or wages, and specially of the Iberyens, who be without any doubt at this present the best warryours, that be in that same quarter. And on the other part we would have made great number of galleys in the quarter of Italy, where there is great quantity of wood and of other stuff, for to make them, to the end that we might hold the said country of Peloponese assieged, aswell by the sea with the said galleys, as also by land with our foot men, trusting to take part of the cities of the same country by force, and the other by length of siege, which thing seemed to us very assured. And having subdued the said country, we hoped easily and right soon to obtain the Empire and signory of all Grece, causing the said lands by us conquered to furnish us with money and victuals besides the revenue which hath been levied in these parties. Now you have understand of the army by sea, that is in Sycille, which thing is showed unto you by a man that knoweth fully and holy our ends and intents. The which though I be departed fromethence the other Dukes & capitains will put in execution if they can. And if you do not withstand it, I perceive nothing there that may impeach them, insomuch as the Syciliens be not accustomed to war. And yet nevertheless when they be joined all togethers, they may resist and escape. But the syracusans, who have been all vainquished in battle, and cannot now sail by sea, may not alone resist & withstand the host of the athenians, which presently is there. And if this city were taken, all Sycille should afterwards be soon subdued, yea and consequently, Italy. That done, the danger, whereof I have made mention unto you shall not be far of from you, nor so retarded or slacked that you shall not perceive it coming. Wherefore none of you ought to persuade himself that this question is for Sycille only. For without doubt, the question and variance is for Peloponese● if ye do not readily provide for it. And for to do that, it is requisitte to send right soon thither an army by sea, in the which the very mariners ought to be warryours. And that which is principal, that there be for capitain, a courageous man of Sparte. For the presence of him shallbe for to entertain in your amity, those that be there at this present, and for to constrain the other, there. For that, that they, which be your friends, shall have by this doing more hope, and those, that be in wavering or doubt, shall have lesser fear to come to your alliance. And moreover ye ought most openly to begin war against the Athenynans. For in that doing, the syracusans shall know, that ye care and be myndefulle for their affair. By occasion whereof, they shall take more courage for to resist, and the athenians shall have the lesser mean for to send succours to their people, which been there. And also me thinketh, that ye ought to take and to fortify suddenly with walls the town of De●elea, which is in the territory of Athens, insomuch as it ●s the thing, that the athenians do most fear. And yet nevertheless it is the only town, whereof no part hath been touched, during all this war. And truly a man cannot endamage his enemy more greatly, than to do that unto him, which he perceiveth, that he feareth most, for it is to be believed, that every man knoweth and feareth those things, which may be most prejudicial, & hurtful unto him. And therefore I wool give you to understand the proffytt, that shallbe yours by enclosing the said town with walls, and the damage that it shall bring unto your enemies. And also I will show only the most weighty thereof sommarely or in few words. That is, that when ye shall have fortified that same place within our land, many of our towns shall render both themselves unto you, & also ye shall take the other more easily. And moreover, the revenue which we perceive of the mines of silver at Laurium, & the other revenues that are taken aswell of the land, as of the jurisdiction shall cease, and specially those, which we do levy of our friends, who perceiving you to come against us with all your strength, will praise us very smally. All which things be in your power for to cause to come readily to effect, if you will, for that, that I think not to err in this matter, but that they may be easily done. And none of you ought to blame me neither to repute me evil, if having been heretofore your great enemy and chief or capytaine of our people: I come and speak now bitterly against the common weal of my country, neither also to suspect me, nor to preseume that the same, which I say, is for to acquire and get your favour, because of my banishment. And I am exiled for troth, & it is through the malice and naughtiness of them that hate me, but it shall not be to your damage, if ye will believe me. And I ought not to repute you at this present so much my enemies, who, sometime being our enemies, have endamaged us: as those, which have constrained my friends to be my enemies, not now as I am outraged & wronged: but than when I had authority over the people, wherefore being by them chased out of my country, I recoen that I do no longer against it as mine, but rather I think that I labour rather to recover that which no more is mine. For he ought to be more truly reputed the lover of his country: which for the desire that he hath to recover it, doth all that he can, for to return thither: than he, that being unjustly chased fromethence, dare not go for to invade it. For the which reasons I repute myself such (Lords Lacedemonyans) as with whome● ye ought to serve yourselves in all dangers and in all travails. For you know that it is a common proverb, that he, which being enemy doth endamage: if it becometh frende● may also profit. And so much the more, for that I know the affairs of Athens, and also do well nigh understand yours by conjecture. Therefore I require you insomuch as there is question of things, which be of so great importance, that it grieve you not for to enterprise, to raise, and levy two armies, the one by sea, for to go into Sycille, and the other by land, for to go into the country of Athens. By which doing, ye may with a small puissance attain great things in Sycille, and clearly subvert the puissance of the athenians aswell present as for to come, whereby your estate shallbe hereafter both in whole and all surety, and also ye shall have the superyorytie over all Grece: not by constraincte, but willingly. After that Alcibiades had thus spokene, the Lacedemonyans, who, without that, had already purposed to make war against the athenians (though that they went about delayingly & were not fully resolved) were by the said declarations greatly established in that same opinion, presupposing that they had been advertised of all things according to the truth, by him that knew it well. And so fromthensforth they conceived in their fantasy for to take and fortify Decelea, and for to send incontinently some succours, into Sycile, and did chose Gylippus, son of Cleander, for chief of that same enterprise, to whom they commanded that he should treat with the ambassadors, of the syracusans and with the Corinthians. And by their advise, he launched & sailed fourth, with the best, and most soubdaine and ready succours that he could get, and did give order to the corinthians that they should send them two galleys fourhwith unto Asine, and moreover that they should put the other (which they had appointed to send) in estate to make sail as soon as they could, so that they might be ready: when that it should be time to sail. And upon this determination the ambassadors departed from Lacedemonie. In these enterfaictes the galley which the Dukes athenians had sent from Sycille unto Athens, for to demand renforte or new succours of victuals, of men and of money: arrived. And they, that were come, having expounded and declared their charge, it was ordained that the said new succours should be sent, and in that mean time drew near the end of the winter, which was the xvii year o● this war, that Thucydides hath written.    

How the Athenians having furst made certain preparations, they came to assiege the city of Sarragosse. And of many victories which they had against the syracusans by making and assailling the ramparts and fortefyinge on both sides, and how the succours of the Peloponesians came into Sycille, and some other matters and affairs. ☞ The xvii Chapter.  
AT beginning of the spring time, the Dukes athenians, that were at Catana departed and sailed to Megare, that is in Sycille, which the syracusans did hold. But after that the citizens were chasedde fromethence, under Selon the tyrant, 
Selon●  as I have above rehearsed, it was not peopled again. And so the athenians landed there and pillaged the country, and went fromethence to assawlte a castle which was there by, thinking to have rasedde it down. But saying that they could not, they retired to the river of Tyrea, 
Terea.  which they passed and pillaged likewise of the platt country that was on the other side of that same rivers and did slay a certain small number of syracusans, which they enco●tredde in their way, and afterwards they reysedde up their Trophy in sign of victory. And that done they embarquedde themself again, and returned fromethence to Catane, where they made provision of victuals, and afterwards they departed fromethence against a town of Sycille named Centoripia, 
Centoripia.  wherinto they were received by appointment, and at their issuing fourth fromethence burned the corn of the Teynessians, and Hybleans, and returned again to Catane, where they found two houndred men at Arms, without that, that they had any horses: but only the harness, & accoustremetes, or apparel for horse (thinking that the country of Sytille should have furnished horses) and thirty Arbalestriers on horseback, togethers with three hundred talents of money: which was sent unto them, from Athens. That same year, the Lacedemonyans, having made an army against the Argives, as they were in the field for to go against Cleonarus, 
Cleonarus.  there came soubdainly an earthquake, which caused them to return fromethence. Which perceived by the Argives, after that the other were returned, they issued fourth into the territory of Thyree, 
Thyrea  which is in their fronture, & pillaging it, the butye was so great, that it was sold for xxv talentes & more. In that same season, the commons of Thespie did arise against the officers. 
Thespia  But the athenians sent incontinently of their people thither, who did take one part of the Mutyns or seditious parsons, & on other part fled fromthence unto Athens. During that same summer, the syracusans, being advertised that the succours of horsemen were come to the athenians, & thinking that having the same they would incontinently come to assiege them: advised & remembered that there was a very little fro the town, a place named, Epipole, 
Epipole  which was hanging from all sides against the town. But above, it was plain and spacious, and there was but certain enterings, by which men might mount up. whereupon considering that it was impossible for to close it with wall, round abouts, and also that if the enemies did get it, they might fromthence do many enylles into the town: they determined to furnish the enterings, for to defend that the said enemies should not take them. And so the morrow following they moustred all the people bifore all the companions & Colleagues, of Hermocrates in a meadow that is nigh the river, which is called, 
Anapus  Anapest Out of which people, they did first chose six hundred men for to keep and defede the said place of Epipole. Of whom they gave charge to Dyonulus banished out of Andrie, and said unto him that if any thing chanced in that affair, he should be incontinently succoured. That same night, the athenians having made a reviewe of their men, about br●ake of the day, departed from Catane, and came to land in a place named Leon, 
Leon.  which was no further dis●ante from Epipole, than six or seven stades, and there lodged their footmen on land, bifore that the syracusans perceived it. And on thoder side the army by sea, came to ancre and bestow themeselefe under a rocky place of the sea, that is in a small strait, which doth enter into the sea, and is environed on all sides, resaruedde one small quarter towards the land, and that same place is called Thapsus, 
Thapsus.  & is very nigh to Sarragosse. And so they enclosed incontinently, the entering that leadeth to land, with paales or boards for to be in surety on the land side. That done, those that were landed, did come in a great course unto Epipole, and got it, bifore that the Syxe houndredde men, which were appoynctedde for to go thither: were there, for yet they were all on foot, where the moustre was made. And yet nevertheless one great party of the people did run for to succour the said place, but principally the Syxe hundred, whereof Dionulus had charge, and he with them. Now there was from that same foot, until the place where the enemies already were, abouts xxv stades, so they were received by the enemies, and repoulsedde in such manner, that they were constrained for to retire into the city, and there were slain of them about three houndred, amongst the which, was Dyonulus, whose Corpses the syracusans demanded, & by that mean confessedde the victory unto the enemies. Who, having raised up there, their Trophy, the morrow after came to present and offer battle bifore the town. But saying that none issued fourth, they reysedde and erected a castle in the top of Epipole in a a place, called Lapdalum, 
Lapdalum.  which is on the coast of Megare, for to withdraw thither all their vessels, money and baguage, when they issued aither against the town, or to make any work. And soon after three houndred horsemen came unto them from Egeste, and about one hundred from the Naxians and other Sycillians, and they had already of their own, two houndred and fifty, which had recovered horses, aswell of the Egestain gift, as in other places for money and so they had in all six hundred and fifty horses. Having than put garnysone within Lapdalum, they went fromthence against Syca, 
Syca.  the which within very small time they enclosed with walles● whereof and of their great diligence, the syracusans were all astonyedde. Neverthelas for to show that they were not afraid, they issued out of the city into the field for to present battle to the enemies. But their capitains, parceiving that they were in disorder, and that it was hard for to bring them again into order, caused them to retire into the town, except one part of their horsemen, that remained without for to impeach and let the athenians to gather stones and other stuff for to make the wall, and also that they should not overcome the country. But the horsemen athenians togider with a bend of foot men assailled them and did put them to flight, and slew a certain number of them, whereupon for cause of the said victory, they set up yet an other Trophy. The day following, the athenians, being in their camp, some of them weet busied in making the wall on the South side, and some other gathered togethers stones & other stuff, nigh the place called Trogylum, and went laying and discharging it always in that quarter, where the wall was lowest, from the greatest port unto the other sea. Which perceived by the syracusans, they determined for to issue no more altogiders against their enemies, minding not to hazard toomuch. But they purposed to make and raise up an rampire without the wall of the town in the quarter, where the athenians raised up their wall. For it seemed unto them that if they might have sooner parfaicted and ended their said rampire for to repulse their enemies, than they their wall, having therein put their good ward and watch: they might send part of their men for to win & get the enterings, and afterwards to furnish them, which doing they thought that it might be that the Athenians should ceasle their work for to come altogiders against them. So they did issue fourth of the city & began to labour at their rampire, beginning from the wall of the town & continuing all alongst that same of th'enemies. For making of which work they cut down great quantity of olive trees within the court of the temple, whereof also they made towers upon the said rampire. For they yet did keep the quarter towards the sea, for that, that the athenians had not yet caused their ships to come out of Thapsus, into the great poorte, out of the which place of Thapsus, they caused to be brought by land vyttuailles, and other things necessary. The syracusans having than parfaycted their rampire, without that the athenians had done them any empeschement or let (forsomuch as they had lets enough by making their wall, and also feared that if they should attend and give themselves unto two businesses, they might be repulsed) they retired into the city, and left a number of people for to keep the rampire. On the other side the athenians did break the conducts, by which the water entered into the town. And on the other part having espied that of the syracusans, that were left for to keep the rampire, some of them at high none time retired into their pavilions, some went into the city, and the other that tarried in the said rampire, did keep very ill watch, they ordained three hundred of the most chosen of their people on foot, well armed, and a certain number of the best lightly armed, for to go to assail the said rampire. And in one self instance, they parted all the army into two parts, aither party having his captain, whereof the one went against the city for to repulse the citizens if they would have issued fourth for to secure their people, and the other against the rampire on the side of the small poorte named Pyramid. The affair being thus ordained, the three hundred which had charge for to assawlte the rampire, did take it, for they that should have kept it, did abandon it, and retired to the wall, which was nigh unto the temple, who were followed so nigh by the athenians, that they entered one with an other in with them. But they were soon chased away again by those of the town, which came to the succours. In which conflict, some athenians and Argives were sla●ne, & the other in retiring, did raze and break down the rampire & carried away the wood that they might carry with them into their camp. Afterwards they raised up an Trophy in token of that same victory. The day following they enclosed with wall a rock cut out of stone, which was in the place of Epipole, above over a marreys, out of the which men might see into the great port, and they extended and did draw the same wall from the rock along from the plain & from the marreys unto the sea, Which perceived by the syracusans, they issued fourth again for to make in the opposite or directly against it a rampire, with pales & dyches for to impeach that the enemies might not extend their wall. Who having achieved their wall about the rock, determined for to assail ones again those that laboured at the rampire & at the dyche. And so commanded the captain of the ships, that he should govern them from Thapsus into the great poorte. And they at the break of the day descended from Epipole, and came to traverse & pass over the plain, which was at the foot thereof, & fromthence, the marreys, in that part thereof, that was most dry, with doors and hardelles that they cast above for to sustain and keep them from sinking, in such sort that they did win again the rampire and the ditch from the syracusans, resaruedde a certain small part thereof, and vainquished those, that were committed to the keeping of it, whereupon those, which were in the right point retired into the town and the other towards the river. But the three hundred footmen, that had been chosen to assail them (as at the other time) willing to enclose them, prepared themself to run with all their force against the bridge of the river, which perceived by the syracusans (among whom there was a good number of horsemen, they made strait against the said three hundred, and repulsed them. Afterwards they charged upon the right point of the athenians, with such strength, that they, which were in the former rencke were afraid. But Lymachus who was in the left point, seeing the danger came to succour them, having a certain number of shooters or slingers and Argiues● who, having passed the dyche, and not being followed by his men, was slain by the syracusans, and five or six that had passed with him. The which so dead, the same syracusans would have ●aryed them beyond the river into a sure place, bifore that that they might have been recovered, but the other were so diligent that they were forced to leave them. In the mean time, those, which at beginning were fled into the town, saying the defence, that the other used, they took heart again, and issued fourth in the battle against the athenians, & sent a number of them against the wall, which the athenians had made about Epipole, thinking that there had been no ward, as for troth there was not, whereby it happened that they did get asmuch of the wall as was made in ten days, and had gotten the rest, if Nycyas had not suddenly come to the succours of it, who was left there, for that, that he was ill disposedde. The same man perceiving that there was no remedy for to keep and defend the wall for lack of men, he commaundedde his servants to put fire into the wood and matter that was set bifore the wall, and by that mean, the rest thereof was saved. For the syracusans durst pass no further because of the fire. saying also the athenians, that had chased away the other bend of theirs, to come running against them, and moreover that the ships that came out fro Thapsus were already entredde into the poorte: knowing also that they were not puissant for to resist the athenians, nor for to impeach and let them, that they should not finish their wall, they retired into the sea. And that done, the athenians did again raise up there an other Trophy, for that, that the syracusans confessedde and grauntedde them the victory, by demanding the Cariongs, and Corpses of the dead, which were rendredde to them. amongst whom was Lamachus, and those that had been slain with him. All the army of the athenians aswell by sea, as by land being than aboorded, they enclosed the city with a double wall, from Epipole until the sea. And they being there, plenty of victuals was brought unto them from all coasts o● Italy. And many allies of the syracusans, which at the beginning had refused to join with those athenians, came to render themself unto them and from the coast of the sea Thirrenium, there came unto them three galleys with new strength, whereby the affairs were in such estate, that they assured themself for to have the victory, considered specially that the syracusans had no more hope to be of power for to resist, neither by force nor by the fight, not having news that any succours should come unto them out of Peloponese. So they had many parlementes aswell among themself, as also with Nycyas (who, after the death of Lamachus remaynedde only capitain of the athenians) for to enter into some treaty with the said Athenians, yet was there nothing therein done nor concludedde: although that many words thereupon had been spokene, like as it is to be believed to be, among people that be ambiguous or doubtefulle and that perceive themself assieged and oppressedde more and more. And that aswell with Nycyas, as the one to the other, forsomuch as by cause of the necessities, wherein they were, the one mystrustedde the other. In such manner, that they deposedde and set of the Dukes, whom they had chosenne at the beginning, under colour that the loss which was happenedde, was through their fault or misfortunes and they did choose other in their stead, to wit, Heraclides, 
Heraclides.  Eucleas' and Tellias. 

Eucleas'  
Tellias   In these enterfeates Gylippus Lacedemonien was already arrived at Leucade with the corinthians ships, fully determined to come with all diligence to secure the syracusans. But being advertised that the city was already enclosed on all sides, by many that agreed all thereupon (though that it were not true) he lost both hope and fantasy of the affairs of Sicily. And yet nevertheless for to save Italy, he saylledde fromethence with two galleys with Lacedemonyans, and with him Pythus Corynthien with two other galleys of corinth, with all diligence to Tarente. And the corinthians saylledde after more softly with ten other of their galleys, two of Leucadyans, and iii of Ambracians. Gylippus than being arrived in the poorte of Tarente, he went fromethence into the City of Thurie, as Ambassadoure of the Peloponesians for to withdraw and bring them unto their alliance, bringing his father to their remembrance, who had sometime governed their estate, but saying that they would not thereunto consent, he returned fromethence alongeste Italy, and when he was in the Gulf of Terynee, there came upon him a south wind, whereunto that same Gulf is greatly subjecteth, so that he was by force constrained to return into the port of Tarente, into the which he withdrew his ships, and repaired those which had been bruised by fortune of the sea. Nycyas was advertised of the coming of Gylyppus, who understanding the small number of ships that he had with him, passed not of them, like as also the Thuryans had not done. And it seemed to him that he was rather come as a Corsaire or Pirate for to pillage in the sea, than for to succour the syracusans. In that same summer the Lacedemonyans with their allies began war against the Argyues, and pillaiged one part of their land, unto whom the athenians sent thirty ships with succours. And by that mean did evidently break the treaty which they had not bifore done. For the inroads and pillages, that they had made unto that same hour, were more in manner of theft, than of war. And they were not willing to join with the Argyues and mantynians against the Lacedemonyans. But rather, though that they had many times been sore laboured unto by the Argyues for to enter in armure with them into the land of Laconie, at the least that same, which they held, and for to pillaige a certain small quarter of that, the which the Lacedemonyans did hold, and afterwards to return fromethence without doing anny otherthing: yet they had never been willing to agree or consent unto it. But than having made three chiefs and capitains of their army, to wit Pythodorus, 
Pythodorus.  Lespodius, 
Lespodius.  and Damarathus, 
Damaratus.  they entered into the country of Epidaure ennemylyke, & pillaged Lymere, 
Limera  Prassie & some other small towns of that same quarter. 
Prassie.  Whereby the Lacedemonyans had afterwards more lawful excuse to declare themself their enemies. After that the athenians were returned from Argos with their army by sea, and the Lacedemonyans with theirs by land, the Argives went to overrun, the land of Phliasie. A●d after that they had pillaged and wasted one part thereof, and slain a certain number of the Paysans, they returned fromethence.   
Here endeth the sixth book of the history of Thucydides and the Seventh doth begin.   


¶ How Gylippus entered into the city of Sarragosse, with the succour of the other cities of Sycille, which took his part, lost one battle and did win an other against the athenians. And how the syracusans and Corynthyens sent Ambassade to Lacedemonie for to have new succours, and likewise Nycyas writeth to the Athenians for the self same cause. ☞ The first Chapter.  
AFter that Gylippus and Pythan had repaired & new tacled their ships at Tharente, they departed fronthence for to sail towards the Locryans in the west quarter. A●d being advertised, that the city of Sarragosse was not yet enclosed on all sides, but that men might enter into it by Epipole, they were in doubt whither they should draw to the right hand of Sycille and essay for to enter into the city, or for to keep the left hand, and furst to go to aboard at Imera, and there to assemble the most people that they might, aswell of those of the town, as of other syracusans, afterwards to go fromethence to succour the said syracusans. And finally they arrestedde and concluded to go to Imera, 
Imera.  specially being advertised that the eight athenians ships, which Nycyas had sent, were not yet arrived at Rhege, which Nycyas had sent thither, understanding that those same were yet at Locres. So Gylyppus & Pythan with their ships passed the distreate, bifore that the other were arrived at Rhege. And afterwards sailling alongeste from Missena they came directly unto Imera. Being arrived in which place, they entreated and persuaded the Imerens to enter into their alliance, and to furnish them with ships, and harnois for their men, that lacked it. And afterwardts they sent unto the Selynuntyns, that they should be in a certain place, that they named unto them, assuring them, one bend (not very great) of their people to go with them. It happened also that the Gelians & some other Sycilliens were the more encouraiged for to enter into this alliance of the Peloponesyens, than they had been bifore time, for that, that Archonides, 
Archonides.  who had governed some of those Syciliens, was dead a small time bifore, who in his life time, had great amity, confederation and intelligence with the athenians, and also for the bruit which was, that Gylippus came diligently & manfully with his people to the succours of the syracusans, who having taken abouts seven hundred of his own men, aswell soldiers, as mariners which he had armed, a thousand Imeryens aswell well armed, as lightly armed, & a hundred horsemen, a certain number of Selinuntyns all horsemen or lightly armed and also a right small number of Gelyens, with some other Syciliens to the number of a thousand: marched towards Sarragosse. And on the other side the Corynthians departed from Leucade, for to come with the most diligence, that they could, into that same quarter, with all the other ships. Amongst whom, the same, whereof Gongylus was Capytaine, 
Gongylus.  arrived first at Sarragosse, although that he was the last that departed. And soon after arryvedde Gylippus, who understanding that the syracusans were in doubt for to enter in treaty with the athenians: advertised them of the succours, whereof they were right ioyfulll & all recomforted. So they did take courage again, and yssuedde with all their strength out of the city for to me●e Gylyppus, who attended and tarried for them already in the way. Who, having in his journey taking by force the town of Igete, 
Igeta.  came wholly in order, as for to fight, towards Epipole, and being aboorded on the coast from Euticle, by the which the Athenians were at the furst time there amounted, he joined with the syracusans, and altogether marched towards the wall of the Athenians, which at that hour conteigned seven or eight stades, from the camp of the athenians unto the sea, & also it was through out double, except in some place nigh the sea, where they yet builded. And of the other side towards Trogile, they had already brought plenty of stones and other stuff and in some place achieved & finished their work, in some place half set it up, and in an other place there was nothing done from the beginning, for that, that on that side the largeness was so great. In such danger were already the syracusans, when the succours came unto them. The athenians than perceiving Gylippus and the syracusans to come so soubdainly against them, they were at beginning afraid, nevertheless they afterwards recovered their courage, and came all in battle against th'enemies. But bifore that they approached, Gylippus sent an herald for to declare unto them, that if they would depart out of Sycille within five days, he was content to make treaty with them. Which thing the athenians regardedde not, but sent again the herald without any answer. Than both parties preparedde themself to come to battle, But Gylippus, saying that the syracusans were in disorder: & that he could not well bring them into renckes, he devysedde for the best to withdraw them into a place more spacious. Nycyas also on the other side caused not his people to march fourth, but rather made them to keep all in battle ray upon their walls and rampires. Which perceyvedde, Gylyppus retired with his people into a mount named Temenitie where he lodgedde his camp. 
Temenites.  And the morrow after he conductedde the greatest party of his men in battle eve hard to the walls of the athenians, for to defend that the one should not succour the other. And on the other side he sent one part of his people against one of the Castles which the athenians did hold, namedde La●dalum, the which they did take and slew all those, that they found within, without this, that the other Athenians could perceive any thing thereof. And the same day the syracusans took a galley of the athenians, as it would have entered into the great port. After that, the syracusans begun a wall from the city until the heigh of Epipole. And they raised an other fromthence overthwart that same of the athenians, for to let and defend them (if they would suffer them to achieve and finish it) from environing and enclosing the town on all sides. But they having achieved the wall, which they determined to make fro their camp unto the sea, were retyredde into their fort in the uppermost part. But for that, that one part of their wall was low, Gylyppus went with his people in the night, thinking to take it, nevertheless being perceived by them which warded it, who kept their watch without, and met him, retired softly without making any noise. And afterwards the athenians did heighten the said wall, & appointed their own people to the warding thereof, and those of their allies unto other places. It seemed moreover unto Nycias to be expedient to enclose with wall the place, that is called Plemmyryun, 
Plemmyrium.  which is a rock in the promontory foreanempste the city, the which entereth into the sea, and cometh unto the entering of the great poorte. For it semedde unto him that if he had fortified it, the victuals & other things that came by sea, might come more easily, having garnysone so nigh unto the poorte, where as at that hour they could not abide, but afar of fromthences. Whereby if any alarm should chance to be made on the sea side, they could not so soon come unto the succours. And that did he, intending to aid himself more with the army by sea, than with that same by land, sithence that Gylippus was come. And so he charged one party of his army into his ships, & brought them to the said place, which he caused to be enclosed and fortified with three walls and rampires: and afterwards he bestowed one part of his baggage there: and underneath the same they might withdraw his ships both great and small: by occasion whereof many of his mariners fromthence forwards, through fault of fresh water, did die, for that, that they were forcedde to fetch their water afar of, and moreover when they issuedde fourth to fetch wood, the horsemen syracusans, that kept the teldes, dyddeslaye them, specially those that were in a town in Olympus, the which were placedde there for to defend that the athenians, which were in the said place of Plemmyrum should do no hurt. In these entrefeates Nycias, understanding the coming of the galleys with Corinthyans': sent, twenty of his for to prevent and soubdainly to meet and take them. giving them charge, that they should at tend and lie in wait for them, between Lours and Rhege, and there in the distreacte of Sycille that they should assault them. In the mean time Gylippus caused likewise the wall between the City and Epipole, to be raised and finished, and for to make it, he aideth himself with the suffer, which the athenians had for themselves gathered together. And that done, he issued many times out of the city with his people and with the syracusans in battle. And the athenians on the other side did the like. And when it seemed unto him, to be time to assail, he went first for to charge upon them. But insomuch as the combat and fight was among the rampares of both parts, which was a place nothing easy for the horsemen, whereof the syracusans had great number: the syracusans and Peloponesians were vainquished. For the which victory, the athenians, having rendered the dead, raised and set up a Trophy.  

An Oration and overthwart declaration of Gylippus unto his soldiers and men at arms.  
NEuerthelas Gylippus, after that same battle, assembledde the men of war, and showed them, that the loss chanced not through their fault, but rather through his, forsomuch as he had takene from them the aid of their horsemen and of their Casters of darts, causing them to fight in one so straight a place, wherein they could not help themself, wherefore he was determined to cause them for to issue a fresh to fight in a place more reasonable, praying them to remember that they were Doryens & Peloponesyans, and that it should be their great shame to be vanquished and chased by the ionians and Islanders and other people gathered togethers out of all sorts, being in as great number, as they. And afterwards when he thought it time, he led them fourth again to battaylle. Nycias also had determined, if they would not have issuedde fourth to have gone to present them battle. For he was determined not to suffer them to finish their rampires and walls that they made nigh unto theirs: the which were already so far forwards, as theirs, and they perceived well that if they suffredde that they should extend them further, those same athenians should be more assieged by the syracusans, than the syracusans by them, and in danger to be vainquished. Therefore he likewise issued fourth to the battle. Now Gylippus had ordeynedde his horsemen & casters of darts to be more further ●ro the walls, than they had been at the other time, in a spacious place, where the walls and rampires on both sides failed from the coast of th'enemies. Who after the battle was begun, came to rush and charge upon the left point of the athenians and put them to flight: whereby it chanced that the syracusans and Peloponesians, had the victory, for that, that the other party, seeing the athenians fly did the like, & withdrew themselves into their forts and holds. And the night ensuing, the syracusians made their wall equal with the same of th'enemies, and yet further and greater, so that the enemies could not impeach nor let them, but that they might make and extend their said wall, so far and so large as they would, and though afterwards they had been vainquished in battle, yet could they be no more enclosed with wall. soon after arrived the ships of the Corynthians, of the Leucadyans, and of the Ambracians, to the number of twelve, whereof Thrasonides the Corinthian was chief, 
Thrasonides,  who had deceived the Athenians ships that came to rencounter them, and aided the syracusans to finish their wall, which they had begun unto the same, that came overthwart it. That done Gylippus, perceiving the town to be in surety, did go fromthence through the other cities of Sycille, practicing than to enter into alliance against the athenians, those, that were in doubt, or that utterly abhorredde the war. And besides this the syracusans and the Corynthians that were come to their aid, sent Ambassadors to Lacedemonye, and to corinth to have new succours, in whatsoever manner that they might: were it in galleys, in Barks or other ships, what that they were, so that they brought men of war. On the other side the syracusans, presupposinge that the athenians would likewise send some new succours to their camp equipped and tacled their ships for to fight with them by sea, and made all necessary preparatyons for war. Which perceived by Nycias, and that the force and strength of his enemies did daylly increase, and his decrease and lessen: he determined likewise for to send to Athens to do them to understand the estate, wherein they were in the camp: which was such, that he reputed them to be but vainquished and destroyed, if ayther that they were not caused to retire, or else that succours were sent unto them so puissant and mighty, as they were. And ●earynge that those, which he sent, should not happily have eloquence for to expound and declare their charge, or that they should forget one part thereof, or rather should fear to tell the whole for displeasing of the communalty, he determined to advertise the whole by his letters, presupposing, that when the commons should entirely understand the troth, they would determine therein as the case required. And so the Ambassadors went fromthence with his letters and instructions unto Athens. And in the mean time Nycias took more care and study to ward & keep his camp, than for to go to assail his enemies. In that same summer Euetion athenian Duke w●th Perdiccas and many Thracyens, 
Euetion.  went to assiege the City of Amphipolis, 
Amphipolis.  but seeing that he could not take it by land: he caused Galleons to pass and mount up the river of Strymone: 
Strymon.  which he made to come out of Imereum, and this enduring ended the summer. In beginning of winter the messengers, which Nycias had despeched, arrived at Athenes, and having declared their charge, they afterwards answered to that whereof they were demanded: but first they presented the letters of Nycias, which were of this tenor.    

The tenor of the letters of Nycias to the athenians, and the provision that they had made upon the contenue of the same. ☞ The second Chapter.  
You have been advertised (lords athenians) by our former letters of all that, which before time hath chanced in these quarters. And presently I right heartily require you to vouchesaulfe to be informed of the estate wherein we be, for to determine well therein. Which is such. After that we have had certain victories against the syracusans & made a wall nigh to their city, within the which wall we now be, Gylipvus the Lacedemonyan arrived with an host, aswell of the peloponesians, as of certain other cities of this country of Sycille, whom at the furst encontring we vaynquished: but afterwards through force of the horsemen and casters of darts, which he hath, we have been constrained to retire into our said wall where we now remain without doing any thing, for that, that we could not continue our said wall about the said city, the enemies being in so great number: for we might not lead all our people unto the field, forsomuch, as it was necessary to leave always one part of them for to ward our walls and tampares. And on the other side the enemies have all ready reysedde up, an simple wall nigh unto our wall, which letteth us for to finish it, except that we should first with a great puissance, beat and raze down the said wall by force of arms. In such sort, that we, which hold this City assieged, be more assieged on the land side, than they. For by mean of the great number of horsemen that they have, we cannot issue far out of our camp. Moreover they have sent Ambassadors into Peloponese, for to have new succours of people. And Gylippus is gone to the Cities of Sycille, which be not yet on their party, for to practise and win them. And by that, which I can learn, they have determined for to assault our rampires and forts, all at one instant, aswell by sea as by land. Also ye ought not to judge and think it strange that I do say, that they will assault us from the coast of the sea. For though that our army by sea was at the beginning great and excellent, aswell for that, that the ships where very whole and clean, as also our men healthful and gallant: yet nevertheless at this present our said ships, by having long been in discovert and abroad, be in a manner utterly putrefyed & rotten, and a great part of the mariners dead, and also it is not lawful for us to bring our said ships a board or to shore for to repair and new tacle them, for that, that our enemies have as great number thereof, as we, and more: so, that they threaten dailly for to assail us, which thing they will do without any fault, for it is in their power to do it, when they will, and also they may bring their ships to shore, much more easily than we, for that, that they keep not themself togethers: which thing was never hitherto in our faculty and power to do: to wit, to go to assail them at our will. For albeit that we had great number of ships, yet nevertheless we could scarcely ward ourself, before that our said ships were all together, as they now be. forsomuch as if we had left any small part of our ward, we should not have had victuals, the which also we can not at this present scarcely carry without danger, for that, that we must pass along by the city. Through the which diffyculties, if we have heretofore lost of our mariners, we yet do now lose more of them, when they go to fetch water, wood and other necessaries, or for to ouer●onne and pyllaige any part a far of: for they be oftentimes betrapped by horsemen their enemies. And that, which is worse, in the mean time that our people do fight, the esklau●s, which be with them, and the souldyars' strangers that have been put in his ●●●● by force, do forsake them and run away. And the self same, that become of their own good will in hope of more than to fight, saying the army by sea of th'enemies, and also their puissance by land, far otherwise than they thought: some of them go to the enemies upon some colour, & the other thither, where they may escape, which thing is right easy for them to do, for that, that the Island is very great: some other have bought of the esclaves of Hicatrie, whom they find means by practise that they have with the captains of the ships, to cause to serve in their place: and by that manner they corrupt the discipline & order of the sea. And for that, that I do speak to men that understand what belongeth to the sea, I say for conclusion that the flower and gallantues of this great number of people by sea, cannot long endure. And also there be few good pilots and patrons to be found, which can conduct and well govern a ship. And amongst all these difficulties there is an other that also causeth me greatly to sorrow. And that is, that albeit that I am chief of the army by sea, yet can I not give order therein: for your brains and wits, lords Athenians be ill to be corrected, and also we cannot get other for to replenish our ships. which thing our enemies do easily. For they have many cities that take their party. And as touching us, there is none that taketh ours, reserved Nare and Carana, which be not very puissant. Wherefore we be constrained to aid ourselves with that small number that remaineth with us, of those, which we chargedde at the beginning. And if it chance that the Cities of Italy (who deliver us victuals, knowing the estate, wherein we be, and that ye send us no succours) return from us, to our enemies, without fail, we shall be destroyedde without faighting. I could write (Lords) things more pleasant unto you: but not more profitable, if that ye be willing to determine well herein, understanding our affair. Whereof I greatly doubt, for I know well your nature, which is such, that ye hear willingly playsante things: and when it happeneth otherewyse than you thought, ye impute the blame to those, that have the charge of the affairs. And yet nevertheless I think it best to write the truth, that ye may provide therefore. And also I am willing to declare unto you, that for the things, whereof you have given us charge in this enterprise, ye cannot in any thing charge the chyefeste and captains, nor also the soldiers. Wherefore seeing that all Sycille conspyrethe now against us, and that they look for new succours out from Peloponese, ayther determine for to call us again home, consyderedde, that we be more weak than our enemies, even in the estate, wherein they only now be: or else for to send us succours afresh, that be not less of ships, neither of men than this same here: and also of money in good quantity, and moreover an other general or chief in my steed: for that, that I cannot sustain the charge, by cause of a disease of the reins, which troublethe me greatly. And also me thinketh that reason willeth it, for so long as I have been in good health, I have done you many good saruyces. And for conclusion whatsoevere thing ye be willing to do, do it between this and the spring time without longer delay: for this, that the enemies within shoorte time wool withdraw to their party all the Sycilyans. And though that the matters of Peloponese go but softelye forwards: yet take heed lest it happene unto you, like as often before time it hath chancedde, which is that partly ye shallbe ignorant therein, and partly ye shall know their enterprises so late, that ye shallbe betrapped, bifore that ye can find remedy therefore. Such was the tenor of the letters of Nycias: which seen, so far as did touch the sending unto him of a successor in his charge, they were not of that opinion, but according to that, that they should send him colleagues and compaignyons, they did chose two of those, that were with him in the army to be aiding unto him in the mean time, to wit, Menander and Eurymedon, 

Menander.  
Eurymedon.   to the end that being ill at ease: he should not be overcomed with his charge. As to the rest, it was determined for to send new succours, aswell of ships, as of men, and aswell of mariners, as of men of war, and aswell of theirs, as also of those of their allies. And moreover they did appoint also two new generals or chief Capytains' with the said Nycias: to wit, Demosthenes, 
Demosthenes  son of Alcisthenes and Eurymedon, 
Eurim●●don.  the which Eurymedon they sent about the middle of October into Sycille with ten ships, & six skoore talents of silver for to set fourth the other that were there, & for to signify unto them the succours that came after: & that the athenians tendered greatly their case. As concerning Demosthenes he tarried for to cause that succours to be dispatched, which was ordained and appointed, to the intent, that in the beginning of the spring time, he might embark himself with the said succours, and specially to constrain the allies of the athenians to furnish ships, men and money for their portion.   

How the Peloponesians did enter ennemylike into the country of athenians and enclosed the town of Decelea with walls. And of the succours that was sent into Sycille, aswell on the behalf of the athenians, as also of the peloponesians. ☞ The iii Chapter.  
AFter that the athenians had appointed their said provisions for Sycille, they sent twenty galleys about Peloponese, for to defend and withstand, that no ships should pass fromthence out of Corinthe into Sycille. For the Corinthyans' after that the Ambassadors of the syracusans, which were come for to require new succours were arrived understanding the affairs of Sycille to be in better estate, did yet take more courage, and seemed unto them that the army, which they had sent bifore, was come all in time. For that cause they prepared for to send thither renforte or new succours of men in the platt Barks, and the Lacedemonyans with the rest of the Peloponesians did the like. So the corinthians armed xxv. galleys for to accompaygnye their Barks, and to defend them against the galleys of the athenians, which attended and lay in wait for them in the passage at Naupacte. As touching the Lacedemonyans, as they prepared their succours, being urgently moved aswell by the syracusans, as by the corinthians: understanding moreover that the athenians sent new succours into Sycille, for to impeach that, and chief through the counsel of Alcibiades, they determined for to enter into the land of the said athenians, and at the beginning to mure and wall in Decelea. And the Lacedemonyans enterprised that same with the better courage, by cause that they thought that the athenians having great war in two coasts: to wit, in Sycille and in their own country, should be the more easily subdued and vanquished. And also that they had just quarelle, forsomuch as the athenians had first broken the appointment: which thing was whole contrary to the other former appoynctement. For the rotture or breach began on the bihalf of the Lacedæmonians, for that, that the thebans, had invaded Platea, without breaking the appointment. And though that it was ordonned by the same, that war should not be moved against him, that submitted himself to the judgement of the other confederated Cities and that the athenians offredde to stand thereunto: yet always the Lacedemonyans would not accept the offer: by occasion whereof, they thought that, with good cause, they had received many mischances in the war, which than was made, and specially at Pylus. But after the last appointment, the athenians had sent thirty ships out of their sea and wasted one party of the terry●orie of the Epidaurians and of the Prasyens: and also of some other countries, and kept men at Pylus, who rob and spoylled the confederates without any ceasing. And when the Lacedemonyans sent unto Athens for to demand restytution of the goods, that were takene, and in case of refusal that they should commit the thing to knowledge according to the articles of appointment: yet would they never do it. For this cause it seemed to the Lacedemonyans, that as the fault & offence of the breach, which was in the former war, was committed on their behalf, so was i● now in the party of the Athenians: by mean whereof they went against them with the better heart. And so they commanded to the other Pelonesyans that they should make provision of Irons for the walls at Decelea, in the mean time, that they provydedde for other matter thereunto necessary: and moreover constrained them to furnish money for to send succours into Sycille for their portion, like as the self lacedemonians did. And in these enterfeats ended the winter, which was the xviii year of the war, which Thucydides had wryttonne. In beginning of spring time, the Lacedemonyans with their allies entered suddenly into the land of the athenians, under conduct of Agis son of Archidamus king of the same Lacedemonyans. And at the first arrival they wasted and pillaiged the plat country, that was at the entering, and afterwards did give themself to enclose Decelea with wall, and delivered to every of the Cities confederated according to his quantity, to make one quarter of the said wall. Now the same city is afar of from Athens abouts seven score stades, and well nigh asmuch out of the country of Beotie. And for that cause, being enclosed with wall and garnished with men, one might, out of the same, pillage & overrun the plat country unto the City of Athens. In this same time that the walls of Decelea was in building, the peloponesians, that tarried in the country sent the succours into Sycille in their Barks. To wit, the Lacedemonyans, six houndred of the most gentle companions of their slaves, and of their labourers, under the conduct of Eurytus of Sparte. 
Euritus.  The Beotians three houndred, under the conduct of zenon and of Nycon of Phebes and Egesander the Thespian. 

xenon.  
Nycon.  
Egesander.   these here were the first that at there departure from Tenara in Laconium launched into the mean sea. soon after, the Corynthians sent five houndred men, aswell of their people, as of the Arcadyans, which they had soulded or hnyred, of whom Alexarchus the Corinthian was Chief: 
Alexarthus.  and with them, there were two houndred Scycionians under the conduct of Sargeus Sycionien. 
Sargeus.  On the other side the xxv galleys, which the Corynthians had sent the winter preceding against the twenty of the athenians that abodde at Naupacte for to keep the passage, were foranempste the said Naupacte, so long as the Barks, which ca●yedde their soldiers passed by. At the self same beginning of the spring time, when the walls were building about Decelea: the athenians sent xxx galleys about Peloponese under the conduct of Charycles, 
Charicles.  to whom they comomaunded, that he should go fromthence in their name unto the Argives to require them that they would send and furnish with men for to fill the said galleys according to their alliance: and on the other side in ensuing their determination touching the affairs of Sycille, that they should send thither Demosthenes with lx ships of theirs, and five of those of Chio. In the which there was twelve houndred warryours athenians, and of the Islanders, asmanye as they could assemble: and of their other allies, all those that they might recover being men of war: and command the said Demosthenes that in passing he should join with Charicles, and both togethers should pillaige and overrun the country Marytimate of Laconie. The which Demosthenes, sailed fromthence strait to the poarte of Egyne, wherein he attended those of his soldiers, that were not yet come, and likewise the return of Charicles, who was gone unto the Argyues.   

¶ How the syracusans and the athenians had a battle within the port of the City, aswell by sea as by land, whereof both parties had victory in divers respects, and of many other combats and feats of war, which were done in the same Siege. ☞ The four Chapter.  
IN the self time, that the things abovesaid were done in Grece Gylippus came again to Sarragosse with great number of people, that he had assembled, and wythdrawin out of the Cities of Sycille, wherein he had been. So he assembledde the syracusans and shewedde them that it was expedient that they should arm all the ships that they could, for to fight against the athenians by sea, saying that he hoped, in that doing, to do some thing worthy of memory. And Hermocrates did likewise exhort them thereunto: saying that they ought not to fear the athenians by sea, for this, that they were not naturally men of war, as the other. For the City of Athenes was not upon the sea, as Sarragosse, but rather it was much further in the main land, and that that same, which they had learnedde by sea, was for fear of the Medes, who constrained them to adventure in the sea, and to hardy men, as the athenians be, those seem terrible, which show themselves, as couraigious, as they. And even as they sometime feared their neighbours more by their great audacytye than by their power was required, so may they find of the soldiers, their adversaries, which shall do the like unto them. And in making these persuasions unto the syracusans, he told them, that he knew well their hardiness, by the desire, which they showed to have to go against the army by sea of the athenians: of the which feat, that should be so unlooked for of them, they shallbe so astonyedde, that that same shall proffitt more the syracusans, than the science and exercise by sea, which those athenians have usedde so greatly, shall advantage them. By such words and declarations Gylippus and Hermocrates and some other that followedde them about the night, did put his footmen in order without the town, to the intent that at one time he might assail the enemies both by land on the cost of the wall that is in Plemmyrium, and also the ships on the sea cost. In the morning xxxv galleys of the syracusans issued forth out of the little port, where their haven was, for to go to the great port, which the enemies did keep: and xlv other to sail environing and compassing about the said great porte● and also for to go to assail Plemmyrium, to the end that the athenians perceiving themself assailled on both sides, should be more troubled: who seeing that, furnished incontinently lx galleys that they had, whereof they soubdaynly sent xxv against the, xxxv. of the syracusans, which came towards the great poarte for to fight with them: and with the other they sailed against those that compassed it abouts, with the which they meddled incontinently in the poarte, and did fight a long time. The syracusians enforsinge themselves to enter into the poarte, and the other to keep and to defend them from it. In this mean time the athenians, that were in Plemmyrium, being descended down of the rock unto the shore of the sea for to see what should fortune of the battle, that was in hand: Gylippus upon the break of day, came to assail the said place of Plemmyryum, from the side of the land with such force, that he took one of the three walls, and soon after did take the other two, for that, that those, which had the ward and defence thereof, seeing that the first was so soon taken, did not defend them. And they, that were at the ward of the first wall, after that it was taken, fled fronthence and with great danger retired into galleys, which were always kept at the foot of the rock, and partly in a Bark, that was found there, and in the same retired into their camp: though that a galley of the syracusans, to wit, of those, that were already entered into the port followed them very nigh: for the syracusans had already the victory in the great port. But in the mean time that the other two walls of Plemmyrium were takene, it chauncedde that the syracusans were vaynquishedde. Whereupon those among them that fled away, through cause of the other victory, had their retraicte more easy. And the victory was in this sort. For the syracusans galleys, which did fight in the mouth of the great poarte (having repulsed those of the enemies, that were against them) sailledde in at the entrance without any order, so that the one empeschedde and did let the other. Which perceived by the athenians, aswell those, that did combat without the poarte, as also those that were vainquished within, ioygnned themselves togethers, and rushed aswell upon those, that were within the port, as also upon those, that were with out, with such force, that they caused them to fly. Whereof they did sink eleven, and did slay all those that were within, reserved three, which they took prisoners: and three other ships they bruised. After that same victory, the athenians, having wythdrawin the ship wracks of the enemies, they raised the trophy in the little Island, that is Plymmirium, and afterwards retired into their camp. On the other side of the syracusans, by cause of the three walls, which they had taken in the said Plymmyrium, they raised up three other trophies. Of the which three walls, they battered and razed down that same, which they had last taken, and the other two they rampared, and did put therein good garnison, and ward. In taking of the said walls, many of the athenians were slain, and many taken prisoners: and moreover all their money, which was a great some was also taken, for they kept this place, as for a fort, to withdraw and ward all their treasure, and all their munytions and merchandises, not only of the Seygnyory, but also of capitains, and of merchants and of particular soldiers. And among other things there were found the sails of forty galleys, and three other galleys, that were wythdrawin thither. That same taking or loss did afterwards cause many great dammaiges to the athenians, and chief for thys● that through the occasion thereof they could not bring the victuaills into their camp without danger. For the ships, which were there, did fight and impeach them always, which thing did give give unto the athenians great fear, and also great displeasure. Aftere this battle, the syracusians sent xii gallleys, under the conduct of Agatharcus Syracusain. 
Agatharchus.  The one whereof did carry certain Ambassadors which the said syracusans sent into Peloponese, for to signify unto the Peloponesians both what had been done, and also how they were in good hope to have the victory against the athenians, and also for to provoke them that they should send succours unto them, and should earnestly follow or take that same war unto heart. The other eleven were sent into Italy, for that, that it was bruyted, that certain ships chargedde with stuff and with munytions were sent to the camp of the athenians at Sarragosse: the which ships, those syracusans did encounter, and took the most part thereof, togethers with that, which was within them. Whereof the stuff that was therein charged, for to make ships, they brunt it upon the shore of the sea, nigh unto Caulonia. And that d●ne, they sailed unto the poarte of Locres: being in which place, arrived one bark, that came out of Peloponese, charged with men of war, Thespyens, which were sent to the succours of the said syracusans: the which they did take into their galleys, and afterwards did take their rayce or votage for to return into their country: and so they encountered at Megara twenty athenians galleys, that espied them there in the passage: the which did take one of the said eleven, and the other that escaped, did come to Sarragosse. After that, an other light combat, was made between the athenians and the syracusans in the poarte of Sarragosse: to wycte, a rampire of wood, which the said syracusans had made before the old haven for to keep their ships within in surety. Before the which, the athenians brought a great navy with ten thousand, chargedde, well armed and appointed for to sustain all strokes of shot and of Artillery. And behind the same were small Barks, within the which, and also within the said navy, were men that had engines, wherewith they razed down the pales and planks of wood of the said rampire, that were fixed and planted within the sea. Where against the syracusans resisted with great strokes of shot, which they dyschargedde and did cast out of the said havone. Also those of the said navy, did the like against them. finally the athenians broke down a great part of the said rampire, although that they had great pain and difficulty therein, for that, that there was great pieces of wood that were holy hyddene within the water, which were so plantedde of a set purpose, to the intent that if the ships of the enemies would come there, they should strike and bruise them, and should be by that mean in danger. And though the athenians had plongeors or divers that dyvedde for to cut them under the water: yet nevertheless after that they were wythdrawyn, the syracusans caused other to be replantedde. And the one did daylly make against the other some new enterprise and invention, so as it is to be believed of two arms that keep camp the one nigh to the other, and moreover they made many eskarmuches and small combats in all soortes, and by all means that were possible to do. Now the syracusans had sent Ambassadors to the Lacedemonyans, to the corinthians and to the Ambracians, sygnefyinge unto them the taking of Plemmyryum, and also the battle that they had upon the sea. Certefyinge that the victory, that the athenians had had against them was not chanced, through the valiantness of those same athenians, but for the misorder of themselves. Wherefore they had good hope to remain in the end victorious: but so, that they might be aydedde and succoured. And thereupon required that they would secure them with ships and with men, before that the army, which they athenians should send thither for new succours, might arrive there. For in that doing men might destroy those, that were in the camp before the coming of those same thither: and thereby end the war. This was the estate of the affairs of Sycille.   

¶ Of the necessity wherein the City of Athenes was through the war. And how certain Thracians that were come to their service, being for fault of money returned and sent home, did destroy the City of Mycalesus, and afterwards were well nigh all destroyed. ☞ The .v. Chapter.  
IN this time whilst the affairs abovesaid, were done in Sycille, Demosthenes having assembled the soldiers, which were ordonned for to go to the succours of the camp, that was before Sarragosse: caused them to be embarked at Egyne, and fromthence came sailing along from of Peloponese and ioygnedde himself with Charicles, who attended or waited with xxx ships for him, wherein the men were chargedde, which the Argives had sent for their portion. And fronthence they sailed strait towards the land of Laconie: that is to say, of the Lacedemonyans. But first they landed in the country of Lymera in the territory of Epidaure, 
Limera  whereof they wasted a great part. Fromthence they came to land in the said country of Laconie of the coast of Cytherea, foranempste the temple of Apollo: where they did some damaige, and enclosed with a wall a distraicte, like unto the same of Corinthe, which is called Isthmus, 
Isthmus.  to the end that the slaves of the athenians might withdraw thither and save themselves, when they would fly from their lords: and also for to keep there thieves and pirates, that should pillaige the country round about, like as they did at Pylus. But before that the wall was made Demosthenes sailed straight to Corcyre, for to levy there the men that should come out of that quarter: and to pass fromethence straight into Sycille, and he left Charicles there, for to parfaict and finish the said wall, with his thirty ships Who, incontinently after that it was achieved, and that a good garnysone was put into it, departed fromthence for to follow Demosthenes. The Argives also did the like. In that same summer arrived at Athens xiii houndred Thracians, which were surnamed Macherophoriens, that were of the descent of Dyacus, all well armed, and wearing targets, the which were caused to come with Demosthenes into Sycille: whom for that, that they were come to late, after the departure of Demosthenes, the athenians determined to return & send again into their country. For they thought it to great charge for to keep them there for the war, which they had at Decelea, for that, that every of them would have a groat for the day. And the money began greatly to consume in Athens, for this chief, that after the peloponesians had altogider mured and fortified the town of Decelea, in the same summer they did put into it afterwards garnisons out of all cities, which were changed by quartiers, whereby many great evils and losses aswell of money, as of other goods, happened to the athenians: by mean of this, that where at other times, when the Peloponesians came to overrun their land, they tarried not therein long, and after that they were returned, the athenians were not impeached to labour their land nor to enjoy it at their will. After that the said town was enclosed and the garnison put within it, they were continually vexed, and as in manner assieged by the said garnison, which ceased not to overrun & pyllaige some time in small number and sometime in great, and very often times for to have vyctuailles, and other things necessary. But above all, so long as Agis king of Lacedemonie was there with all the army, they were maruaillously endamaged, for he never suffredde his people to be idle, but contynuellye caused them to course and go into the land, in such sort that they made marvelous waste and pillayge in all the land of Athenes. And besides that the skla●es which they had, fled from them to the said Peloponesians to the number of twenty thousand and up wards, which were all or the moor part people of occupations and handy craft men. They lost moreover almost all their beasts aswell great as little. And also their horses were in a small time so traveled that they could not serve long. For their horsemen were continually in the fields, aswell for to resist the enemies that were at Decelea, as also for to ward all the region of Athens, from pillage, whereby some of the said horses were morefounded & the other lamed and tired with ronninge so often into that same land, which was dry and hard: and also many of them were hurt, aswell with strokes of darts, as also with other strokes. And in the remenant, the victuals that were brought into the city out of the quarter of Eubea & of Oroppe, which were wont to pass by Decelea, that was the next way, were forced to come by an other coast more further of, so that they compassed about the land of Sunium by sea, which was a thing of great charge and expense, by occasion whereof, the city was in great necessity of all things, that were requisitt to be brought thither fr●m without. And on the other part, the citizens, who were all retired into the city, were greatly traveled by mean of watch, that was convenient for them to make without ceasing, aswell by day, as by night. For by day there was a certain number incessantly upon the height of the walls, who were continually changed, and in the night all the watch was in harness, reserved the horsemen, the one upon the walls, and the other in and through the town, aswell in time of summer, as also of winter, which was unto them a pain intolerable. And so much the more, that at one self time, they susteigned two great wars. And yet nevertheless they were so obstinate, that no man, that had not seen it, could have believed it. For albeit that they were assieged even unto the walls by the peloponesians, yet for all that they would not forsake nor leave of the enterprise of Sycille, but even so, as they were assyegedde, they would still hold the City of Sarragosse assiegedde, the which was for a City nothing less, than Athenes: willing by that mean to declare their puissance and their audacity, much more great than the other Greeks had opinion thereof from beginning of the war. Of whom some judged that those athenians should sustain the war for two years, the other for three years at the furthest and that than it should have cessed. But no man thought that it should have endured longer, if it chancedde that the peloponesians would have entered into their land. And yet nevertheless from the first time that they were entredde therein, until that they sent into Sycille, were seventeen whole years. And that notwithstanding they were not so decayed by the said war of xvii years, but that they enterprised yet the other, which was not less in the opinion of men than the first. And the said city of Athens being troubled aswell for the town of Decelea● as by the other means here above declared, it was come into great indigence and lack of money: through occasion whereof, they exacted and levyedde that same year of their subjects in places nigh the sea, in stead of tribute, which they took by Anticipation, the twentieth part of their valeur: thinking that the same should render unto them more money, than the ordinary tribute. So was it nedefull● for the expenses were so much the greater, as the war was more great: and also their rent failed them or was decayedde. For this cause, incontinently as the Thracyens that were come to their succours, were arrived, as hath been said, they returned or sent them away for lack of money, and gave the charge to Dytrepus for to conduct them by sea: 
Dytrepus.  to whom they commanded that in returning them, he should find the manner that they should do some damaige in Eubea, and in other places by the sea side of th'enemies, alongst by whom they should pass: for it was convenient for them, to pass the distraict of Eubea, which is called, Euripus. 
Euripus.  The which Dytrepus being landed with the said Thracyens at Tanagra, he pillaiged somewhat right suddenly, & after caused them incontinently to mount again & carried them into Chalcyde in the country of Eubea, and towards night passed the distraict and sailed for to land in the country of Beoce. In the which being landed, he caused all his men, all the night to march towards the City of Mycale: 
Micalessus.  and caused therein to hide themself within the temple of Mercuryus● which is distant out of the said city abouthis xvi stades. And after that it was day, he caused them to march straight towards the said city. The whiche● though that it was great, yet nevertheless he forthwith did take for that it was not warded. And also the citizens had no doubt of annything. For they never thought, that passengers by sea would have come so far into the land, For this cause they had ill walls about their town & also they were fallen in some parts & in other very low. And moreover for that, that they feared none enterprise, they locked not in their gates. The Thracians than being entered into the town did pillage it utterly, aswell the temples & holy places, as the private houses & profane places, & this, which yet was worst, they did slay all that they found living, aswell the people of all sec●es & ages, as also the beasts. For it is the nature and fashion of the Thracians, which be people among all other, most Barbarous, to do all sort of cruelty, in whatsoever place that they be, without fear. And among the other they committed and perpetrated one right great mischief. For being entered into the place, where the children of the town were at school in right great number, they did slay them all. And that mischief was so great and so suddenly and unlokedde for, chancedde, that there was never in one City a greater. Whereof the Thebayns being advertised, they all issued fourth incontinently upon them, and found them yet nigh unto the town, and did put them into great fear, and in such sort, that at beginning they forsook all their bowtye, and afterwards were chasedde fromethence, until the distraicte and there many of them were slain, that could not soon enough enter into their shippes● by cause of this chief, that those, which were within the said shippes● perceiving the enemies to approche● had withdrawn them into the sea out of danger of shot, whereby those that might not enter, and that knew not or could not swim were all slain: and there was the greatest slaughter. For untille that they were arrived at the shore of the sea, they retired all together and in good order after their custom, so that they defended themselves well against the horsemen of the thebans which were the furst that assailled them, in such sort that they lost not many of their people. But after that they were arrived at the sea side in the sight of their ships, they did break their order, for to get into the said ships. Some were also yet found in the said city, which remained for to pillaige it, who likewise were all slain, so that of xiii houndredde Thracians, that were there, was saved but two houndred and fifty. And of the thebans and other, which were come with them, there were dead abouts twenty all horsemen. Amongst whom was one of the officers of the Beotians namedde Straphondas, 
Sti●phonda  and all those that were found within Micalessus, received this cruelty and calamity, which was greater than chanced to any town or city during that same war, by all that time that it endured.   

¶ Of that which Demosthenes and Eurimedon Dukes of the athenians did in their voyage, sailing to the succours of the camp, that was at Sarragosse. And of the succours that arrived for those of the town. And also of a battle by sea, which the athenians had against the peloponesians nigh unto Naupactum. ☞ The vi Chapter.  
ANd for to return to that, which was done in Grece, after that Demosthenes had enclosed with wall that place, whereof we have spoken, in the country of Laconie, he departed fromethence for to pass into Corcyre, and in saillinge he found in the poarte of Phia, 
Phia.  which is in the country of Elyens, one bark charged with men of war, being Corynthians, which would have gone into Sycille, which he sunk, but the people saved themselves and afterwards recovered an other, wherein they passedde into Sycille. Fromethence Demosthenes passed into zalinthus and through Cephalenie, 

zalinthus.  
Chephalenia.   where he did take men of war, which he embarked. Afterwards he came fromethence to Naupacte, whider he caused the messenians, to come, and fromethence he traversed and passed into the land of Acarnanie, which is on the other side in the main land, and there came unto the towns of Alizea and of Anactoryum, 

Alizia.  
Anattorium.   which the athenians did hold. And he being there, it chanced that Eurymedon came again by the same sea of Sycille, whider he was sent that same winter for to carry money unto the army, who came to find the said Demosthenes, and said unto him amongst other things, that he had learned, that the syracusans had recovered Plemyrium. soon after Conon, 
Conon.  that was capitain of Naupacte came unto them, who showed them that there were xxv galleys of the Corinthians foranempst Naupacte, which kept themselves there, and ceased not to come to provoke him, and demanded nothing but to sight. And therefore desired them that they would deliver him sufficient number of their ships. For he had but xviii galleys with the which it was not meet for to fight with xxv Whereunto Demosthenes and Eurymedon did agree, and delivered him ten of their lightest galleys, with the which he returned fromthence and they went to their enterprise for to levy and gather people, to wit, Eurymedon, who had been already appointed for colleague and compaignyon to Demosthenes, into Corcyre, where he caused xu of his galleys, to be finished with the people of the country: and Demosthenes through the country of A●arnanie, fromwhence he led asmanye archers, as he could into Sycille. After that the ambassadors of the syracusans, which had been sent unto the cities of Sycille for to have succours, had done their ambassade and had persuaded unto many of them the thing which they demanded, & levied the people of the said cities for to carry them to Sarragosse. Nycias, who was advertised thereof, sent unto the cities, which to●e his part, (by which the said men of war should of necessity pass, and specially to the Centoripins, 
Centoripini.  & to the Alcyes) that they should not suffer them to pass, 
Alyciei.  but rather impeach theym● with all their power, for they could not well escape any other way, for that that the Agragantyns denied them passaige. Unto which request the said towns obeyed, and bestowed men in embushmentes at the passaiges in three places, who secretly betrapped the said men of war, in such sort that they did slay abouts eight hundred of them togethers with all their ambassadors resar●ed one which was a Corynthyan, who brought them that were saved to Sarragosse, which were about a thousand five hundred And at the self time arrived other succours for the syracusans, to wit, of Camerins, who sent fy●e hundred men well armed and six houndred Archers, and the Gelyans five ships, wherein we●e eight hundred Arbalestriers and two houndredde horse. And for effect (the Agregantins, that took part with the athenians excepted) the most part of all the country of Sycille (although that ytt was not known nor declared untylle that present time) sent succours to the said Spracusayns, who nevertheless for the lost, which they had made of the said eight houndred men at the passages of Sycille durst not so soon invade the athenians. During this time Demosthenes and Eurymedon, having assembledde a great number of people aswell of Corcire, as of the main land, they passed the sea jonium and came to aboard at the promontory of Lapigia, out of which place and of the Islands Choreades there adioigninge, 
The Islandes● Choreades.  they levied one houndredde and fifty Arbalestciers of the nation of Messapiens by consent of Artas Lord of the place, 
Artas.  with whom they renewed the amity which had been anciently between the athenians and him. Being come fromthence to aboard at Metapontum, 
Metapontum  which is in Italy, they perswadedde the people of the town to deliver them three houndredde archers and two ships by virtue of their ancient alliance. Fromethence they came to aboard at Thuria, 
Thuria.  where they ler●edde that those, which took part with the athenians were newly dryvene away: so they arrested there certain days with all the army for to understand if there remaynedde any parson of the parttakers with the athenians within the said City, and also for to make straicter alliance with them, to wit to be friends of friends, and enemies of enemies. Abouts this time the peloponesians, that ancredde with the xxv galleys foranempste Naupacte, for surety of the barks that should pass thereby, transporting the succours, that the said peloponesians sent to Sarragosse: apparrilled themself for to fight against the galleys of the athenians, which were in the poarte of Naupacte, and had also furnished other ships, in such sort that they had almost as great a number, as the athenians, and came to ancre in an havone of Achaia, called Rhypica nigh to Erimeum, 
Rhypica Erimeun  which is in form of the moan encrea king, and they had bestowed in the rocks, which were at the sides of the sayedde havone, their footmen, aswell of the corinthians, as of the people of the country: In ●uche manner that the army by sea remaynedde in the ●●ddelle well wardedde from the land all togethers, whereof Polyanthes Corynthien was chief. 
Polyanthus.  Against whom the xxiii athenians galleys did come which were in the poarte of Naupacte, whereof Diphilus was chief, 
Dyphylus.  which perceived, the Corynthians in the beginning kept themself in their sort without marching further. But afterwards when they thought good, they marched against the athenians. The one army did fight long against the other, in such sort that three Corinthians galleys were sunken & as touching the athenians although that there were none of them drowned● yet there were seven of them frusshedde and bruised in their eight parts with the becks of the corinthians, that was more strong than theirs, and also the Oars broken on the one side, in such manner that they were utterly destroyed and unprofitable for to sail. And in effect the battle was of such sort, that every of the parties pretended to have had the victory. Neverthelas the athenians received their ship wracks, but being charged with a great wind, they retired the one of the one side and the other an other way, to wit, the Peloponesians into their havone, where they were in surety by mean of their people that were in the land, and the athenians unto Naupacte. After which departure the Corynthians did incontinently raise up a Trophy by cause of the ships which they had destroyed and crushed in greater number than those, which they had lost, reputing themself not to be vanquished, for the self reason, for which the enemies reputed themself also not to have vaynequished. For that that it seemed to the corinthians not to have been vainequished, except the victory of th'enemies had been great. Also the athenians to the contrary held themselves as for overcome, if they had not great victory. notwithstanding after that the Peloponesians were gone out of the said havone and their footmen departed fromethence, the athenians raised up a trophy in Achaia, as victorious, although that they were more than twenty stades a far of the place, from Erimeum, where the corinthians ships were. This issue had the battle by sea between them.   

¶ how in the mean time that Demosthenes and Eurimedon were in their voyage for to come to succour the camp of the athenians in Sycille, the syracusans had a victory by sea against the said athenians, that kept them assieged. ☞ The vii Chapter.  
AFter that the Thuriens were allied or confederated with the athenians, as hath been abovesaid. Demosthenes and Eurymedon caused them to furnish seven hundred men well armed and three houndred dart casters, the which they embarked and commanded them, that they should go fromthence strait into the quarter of Crotonia. And they, after that they had takene monster of their men nigh the river of Sibaris, 
Syberis.  led them through the land of the Thuriens against Crotonia. But being arrived in the river of Hylias, 
Hylias.  they found certain messengers of the Crotoniens, which declared unto them, that their Lords were not willing that they should pass through their land. By occasion whereof they took their way towards the sea, alongst the said river, and being arrived in the quarter, where it entereth into the sea, they lodged there their host, where their ships arrived, Whereto being all mounted they sailed fromthence alongst that same coast, practising all the cities that were upon the same, except the city of Locres, and finally they came to the place of Petra, 
Petra.  which was in the land of the Rhegins. In this mean time the syracusans, being advertised of their coming, enterprised afresh for to prove and essay the fortune of battle by sea, and also appointed a good number of footmen by land. Now they had dressed a good number of ships of an other sort, than they had done in the furst battle, for that, that in the same, they had learned & perceived the fault of those, which they than had, whereupon having provided for the same fault, they hoped well to have the victory, for they had shortened the becks and points of the eight parts of their ships for to make them more firm and more stiff, and also they had armed the wastes or sides of their said ships with great pieces of wood of vi Cubits of length asmuch within, as without, of the selfesorte, that the Corynthians had done with their ships, when they did fight against the Athenians at Naupacte. And it seemed well unto them, that by that mean coming against the Athenians ships, which should not be made of that same sort, but should have their eight parts longer and more subtle, for that, that they come not right for to schocke with the point but went more sydeling for to strike on the sides, their ships should be as good and better than the other. And that having to fight within the poarte with great number of ships, there should not be space for to sail by tourneying or in course, but must of necessity come afronte, whereby the points of their ships being strongest & better armed with Irone than the other they should easily crush and bruise them. And by that mean they hoped that the same, which at the other battle had caused than to lose through ignorance of their mariners: should now cause them to have the victory. And also those same athenians should not have faculty and power for to withdraw their ships at their will, for afterwards to come again to schocke on those of the enemies as they had done the other time, except that they should withdraw them from the land side, and yet from the same coast they could have no great espace for to do it, and also they should find the syracusans on the shore, which should be ready for to endamage them and for to secure the same syracusans, and moreover being in a straight place, they should impeach and let the one the other, which thing had always causedde great annoyance and hurt unto the athenians in all their battles by sea, for that, that they could not withdraw themself so easily, as the syracusans, who had the small poarte wholly in their power, and also kept the mouth of the great poarte empeschedde, and by that mean, they had the main sea, where the athenians had for all their feat, but only the great poarte, which was not spacious enough, and also they had Plemyryum against them, which was in the mouth of the said great poorte. In this manner the syracusans devysedde their affair in good hope to have honour thereby for the reason's abouesayed● and did execute it in the form, which followeth. For Gylippus a little bifore the said battle, dydsett fourth of the city his footmen very nigh the wall of the athenians from the coast of the same city. On the other side, those, that were at Olympus, aswell horsemen as footmen lightly armedded, and dart canter's came likewise against the said wall on both sides. And soon after, the ships of the syracusans issued fourth, aswell their own, as the same of their allies. When the athenians perceived the said ships of the enemies for to come fourth, they all were thereby greatly trowbledde. For having seen the footmen a little bifore marching towards the wall, they thought not● that there should have been any other business. Neverthelas they gathered themselves all together and did put themselves in battle, some upon the walls and some other within, some for to resist the easters on horseback lightly armed, some within their ships and the other on the shores of the great port, and alongst the banks for to secure their ships. And after that the ships were charged, which were found to be .lxxv. they marched against the other, which were eight skoare. And so they did fight togethers all that same day, giving great aflaultes, the ships of the one party, against the other, without that they might do any thing of great importance neither of the one side nor of the other, but that the syracusans did sink one or two ships of th'enemies and finally towards night departed, and every one retyredde into his quarter. And they of the town, that were come out of the town against the walls of the athenians did the like. The morrow after the syracusans did nothing, and also showed that they would do nothing. For this cause Nycias, having seen that the day preceding they were equal, doubting lest that they would have once again essayed fortune, he commanded the patrons & captains of his ships that they should repair their ships, those which had been by any means crushed or bruised. Afterwards he caused his platt barks to be withdrawin, which he had made to be enclosed in a corner of the great port with pales for to be in surety, and caused them to be cast and launched into the sea distant & separated the one from the other, the space of a days labour of ground, to the end that if by faighting any of his galleys were oppressed, he might recover the said barks. In such preparations & other like, the athenians consumed that same day and the night following. The morrow following the syracusans came fourth aswell by sea as by land in the same sort as they issued fourth the day bifore, resarued that they came in a better hour, and also did fight the greatest part of the day in the manner that they had done in the former battle, without that it were perceyvedde that the one party had in any thing advantage of the other. Than Ariston Corinthian, which was the best mariner and patron that was in the army of the syracusans causedde it to be knowing unto the other capitains of the ships, that they should send with all diligence of their men into the city and he would do the like for to give order that men should constrain those which had victuals ready to bring them to be sold to the sea side, to the intent that they might cause all their people suddenly to be repasted, and forthwith to mount again into their ships and to assail the enemies unlooked for or unprovided, which thing was done, and in a right short space, great abundance of victuailles having been brought to the sea bank, they retired fair and easily for to dine. The athenians perceiving which thing, and thinking that they had retired as vainequished, they retired likewise, and landed some for to make the dinner ready, and the other to do other business, not thinking that for that same day, there should have been any battle by sea. But soon after they did see the syracusans, which had dynedde, to come suddenly against them in great haste, whereof they were greatly abashed, and yet nevertheless embarked themself again tumultuously and out of order, as fast as they could, the most part, bifore that they had eaten any thing and came to meet the said enemies. And when they were in sight and very nigh the one unto the other, they planted themself aswell on the one side as of the other for to devise aither of them, how they might assault his enemies to his advantage, nevertheless the athenians reputing it for great shame, that the enemies should surmount, excel and pass them in enduring labour and travail, they did first give the sign of battle and came to give charge upon their said enemies, who received them with the point of the eight parts of their ships well armed, and well strengthened, like as they had determined, in such sortte, that they crushed a great part of them and did break the point of their oars, and afterwards out of the top castles of the said ships, with great stroackes of stones and of darts did greatly hurt those, that were within. But the small light ships of the syracusans did them yet more hurt, which came to assail and hurt them with castynges of darts and with hand strokes on all sides in such manner that the athenians were constrained to put themselves into flight and with the aid of their barks retired into their camp, for the syracusans durst not follow them ●urther than to the ●ayd barks, for that, that they had their sail yards lifted up so high with Dolphins of lead hanging in them, that the ships of th'enemies could not aboard them without danger to be crushed which thing happened unto two of them, which came to boldly upon them, and one other was takene with the men that was within it. But seven of the athenians ships were sunken and many crushed, and moreover a great number of their people dead and takene. By reason of the which victory, the syracusans raised up their Trophy, persuading themselves fromethensforwardes to be stronger, than the athenians by sea, and that they should be in short time as strong with footmen as they, through occasion whereof they prepared themselves for to assail them at an other time.   

How Demosthenes and Eurimedon being arrived in the camp bifore Sarragosse, and having by night assaulted the rampires of the syracusans at Epipole, were repulsed and had great loss of their men. ☞ The viii Chapter.  
IN these enterfeates, Demosthenes and Eurymedon arrived in the camp of the athenians with lxxiii ships aswell of their own as of their allies, which carried about five thousand warryours footmen partly of their people and partly of their said allies and subjects togethers with a great number of other barbarous and strangers and slingers, archers and dart casters, aswell of Grece as of other countries, whereof the syracusans were greatly astonied, and perceived no mean to be able to escape and resist one so great a puissance, sithence that the athenians being assieged in their country by mean of Decelea, had nevertheless sent thither one so great succours, as puissant as the furst, whereby they judged their puissance not to be withstand, and considering also that their furst army, which had been repulsed and beaten in the former battle, did recover courage by the coming thereof. Demosthenes, after that he was arrived, did immediately give order for to execute his enterprise and to employ his force as soon as he could, for avoiding the error which Nycias had bifore committed, who, being come into such reputation that all Sycille was thereby afraid, yet nevertheless for that, that at the arrival he came not bifore Sarragosse, but consumedde many days at Catana, he both lost his reputation, and also Gylippus, by mean of his retardance & slackness had had time for to bring to Sarragosse, the succours of Peloponese bifore his arrival. Which succours, those same syracusans should not have had neither yet demanded, if Nicias had assieged them at the arrival, repucing them not to be puissant enough for to defend their town against the force of the said Nycias, though nevertheless they afterwards did know the contrary, but that should have been to late when they should have been enclosedde on all sides, in such sort that the succours could no more have come unto them in time. Demosthenes considering which things, and also that th'enemies should be greatly afrayedde of his coming, he would, that self day that he arryvedde, do some feat. And saying that the wall, which the syracusans had made overthwart, that same of the athenians for to empesche and let that men should not finish it, was all single and that one might easily beat it down: after that he had gotten Epipole, and the rampires that were there made, wherein were no people, that might resist his strength: he hasted for to assault it, trusting in a small time to see an end of the war, for he purposed aither to take Sarragosse by force, orels to lead and carry again all that same army into his country without any more travailling all the athenians, aswell those that were there, as the other that remained. In this enterprise the athenians entered into the land of the syracusans, and furst did go for to overcome the quarter of Anapus, which they pillaged, and wasted, and also kept it at their will as they had done bifore time, for that, that no men war issued fourhe against them, neither by sea, nor by land, except the horsemen and dart casters, which were in Olympus. Afterwards it seemed good to Demosthenes for to assail the rampires of the enemies with engines of artillery, but the syracusans forthwith after that the said engines were nigh unto the rampires, did set fire therein: and those, that were deputedde for to assa●●le them in divers places, were repulsed, by occasion whereof he caused his people to retire, and it seemed not expedient unto him to lose any more time there, but rather to assault Epipole, which thing he persuaded Nycyas and his other colleagues to do, but. he could not do it in such time, but that the enemies should parceyveyt. For this cause they commanded that every souldyar, should make provision of victuals, for five days for himself, and moreover they caused all the masons, and carpenters that were in the host to assemble together, and a great number of people, for to gather and carry stones togethers with all things that were necessary for to build and raise up walls and rampires, and a great quantity of dares, shafts and of all things to cast with the hand, to the intent to beat down incontinently a fortress in the said place of Epipole, if they could take it. That done in beginning of the night, he, Eurymedon and Menander marched with the greatest party of the army against the said place of Epipole, and left Nycyas for to ward the walls, and so they came very nigh from the rock unto the place that is called Euricleus, bifore that the watch of the syracusans, which was at the first wall, perceived them, and took the first wall of the enemies, and did slay one part of them that wardedde it. The other, and the more part savedde themself, and certified the coming of the enemies unto three wards that were there, to wit, that same of the syracusans, that same of the other Sycillians, and that same of their other allies, but principally and first, the six houndredde syracusans, that warded that same quarter, who, though that they defended themselves valiantly, were yet nevertheless repoulsedde by Demosthenes, and by the athenians, and all with one power chase them they followed them to the other wards, that they should not have space to lock themselves together again neither to the other for to defend themselves, with such diligence, that they took all the said rampires and bullwerkes and immediately began to raze them down from the heighe of them. Than the syracusans and Gylippus, saying the audacity of the athenians, to be so come for to assault their rampires in the night, they issued fourth of their quarters which they warded, & came to give charge upon them but at the beginning they were repulsed. Neverthelas afterwards the Athenians marching further without order, as people which had the victory, and also for that, that they feared, that unless they used diligence to execute their enterprise and to beat down the rampires, the enemies should have leisure to assemble themselves again, they hasted the most that they might for to break and grind down the said rampires. But afore that they had fully repulsed the enemies, they were repulsed furst by the Thebayns, who furst sustained their force and afterwards by the other, so that they were put to flight, wherein there was great disorder and loss and many dangers and difficultes which might not well be seen for that, that it was night. For eve of things, which be done in the day time, men cannot know for troth the certainty of the whole by those that were thereat, for that, that scarcely any one man can declare what was done where he was and moste nigh unto him, wherefore it is impossible to know distinctly what hath been done in a conflict by night between two great hosts. And although that the moon did shine that same night, yet the clearness was not so great that one might well know two men, though that he did see the parsons, neither judge which was friend or enemy. And so much the less that they were many and in great number locked togethers in a small place, aswell of the one side as of the other. But in effect the athenians being in one quarter repoulsedde by the other, that followedde their first victory, the one mountedde upon the rampires of the syracusans, the other came to the succours of their people, and knew not whider that they should go, for that, that being the furst in flight, and the cry great, a man could not understand nor see by any token by cause of the night, and moreover in repoulsing the enemies, whom they encountredde made likewise great cries. On the other side the athenians did search and would have chosen out their people, and for that, that they were in flight all those, which they encountredde they suspectedde to be their enemies, and having none other mean to know the one the other, but by the cry of the night in demanding the one after the other, they made great bruytt whereby great trouble did likewise ensue, and also they declaired by that mean unto the enemies their said cry, who, insomuch as they had the victory and were not afraid, as the athenians were, did know themself the better, by mean whereof, if any of the said enemies did find themself in small number among any great float of the athenians, they took up their cry, and by that mean eskapedde, where the athenians, which knew not the same of the enenemyes there as they were found weakest, were slain. And furthermore there was one thing, which troubled them more than all the rest, to wit, the sound of instruments and the songs which men did sing for the victory. For the enemies and those that were with the athenians, as the Argyues, the Corciriens and all the other Doryans' did sound and sing all of one fashion, whereby at all and asmanye times as that was done, those same athenians knew not on which side ytt was done neither to what purpose. By all the which things trouble was so great amongst them, that after they encountredde together, they did fight, bifore that they could know the one the other, and those, which fled, knew not what way to keep. Whereby it chancedde that there were many of them, that tombledde down of the rock into hollow places, and where the way failed them, being pursuedde and oppressed by the enemies did slay themself, for that that the place of Epipole was very high, and there were few comings and ways thereunto, the which were also very strait, so that it was very hard to keep them being in flight, specially the lower way. And also of those, that had escaped unto the plain, they, which had been at the siege from the beginning, for that, that they had knowledge of the places saved themself in their camp. But they that were newly come, could not keep the way, but rather went wand'ring through the fields, who being perceived by the horsemen their enemies, after that it was day, were all slain. The day following the syracusans reysedde up two Trophies, to wit, the one at the entering of Epipole, and the other in the place, where the Thebayns made the first resistance. And the athenians, confessing unto them the victory, demandedde their dead men which were in right great number, but yet there was found much more harness, than there were dead people, for that, that those, which fled in the night, by the small rocks, and were constrained to leap from a great heighe down, in many places did cast of their harness for to be more easy, whereby there were many, which savedde themself.   

How the Athenians after many consultations, being determined to ●eyse up the● siege, and to depart fromethence, taryedde still through a superstition. ☞ The ix Chapter.  
This unhoped victory caused the syracusans to recover and take again both heart and audacity, as bifore time. whereby understanding that the Agragan●yns were in some division among●st themself they sent thither Sycanus, for to essay whider that he could withdraw them to their alliance. On the other side Gylippus went by land unto the cities of Sycille, for to demand of them renforte or new succours of men, hoping by mean thereof, and for the victory, which the syracusans had had at Epipole, to take the walls of the athenians by force. During this time, the Dukes and chiefest of the army of the athenians were in great sorrow, considering the overthrow that they had received by the incomoditie of the camp, and of the army which was in such necessity, that all generally were grieved and weary of that same siege, specially because that it was all full of maladies, and diseases, by two reasons. The one, for the season of the year, which was than most subjecteth to diseases. The other by reason of the place, where the camp was, for there were marresses and low places, and in the rest very incomodious. For the which reasons, Demosthenes was of opy●yon that men ought not to tarry there. For sithence that it was my shappenedde of the enterprise of Epipole, which he had made, it seemed to him better for to depart fromethence, than for to tarry there, forsomuch as the sea was than good, and by reason of the ships which he had brought, he was more strong by sea, than the enemies. And on the other side ytt semedde unto him more convenient and more necessary to sail for to defend their proper land, where the enemies had enclosedde and fortefyedde a town: than to consume the time and a great quantity of money at the siege of a town in a far country, whereby there was no hope to take ytt. Such was the opinion of Demostthenes. But Nycyas, although that he knew all these difficulties, yet he● would not confess them publicly in tthat same assembly, neither agree that the siege should be reased and brokene of, fearing least it should come to the knowledge of the enemies. And moreover he had yet some hope, for that that he knew the affairs of the city better than any of his colleagues and companions, and considered that the length of the siege was more to the disadvantage of the syracusans than unto theirs, for that that they consumedde so much money, markedde specially the great army, which they susteignedde by sea. And also that same Nycyas had secret intelligence and confederation with some of the town which wylledde him secretly, that he should not dislodge. For all the which respects he maignteignedde the matter and interruptedde the opinion of those, that would that the siege should have been reysedde, attending what might chance, and said openly that men ought not to break it, and that he would never consent thereto forsomuch as he knew well, that if they should do it without licence of the athenians, they would not be therewith contentedde. And that those which should judge upon them whither they had done wellle or evil, should not be of them that had been in the camp, and that had seen the necessities of the army: but they should be other people, which would not give faith to that, which the soldiers would say: but sooner to those, which should accuse them and charge them by sought or studied means. And chief the most part of those same soldiers which were there and cried that men ought to depart, when they were returned to Athens, would say wholly otherwise, to wit, that they had not been of the opinion for to depart, but rather that the Dukes had been corrupted for money, wherefore he, which knew the nature of the Athenians, would not put himself in hazard to be condemned, as slothful and naughty but he loved much better to endure the danger of his parson against the enemies, if need required it. And besides that, he showed them that the enemies were in much worse estate than they, forsomuch as they were at great charge and expenses for to waage huyred soldiers and also for to entertain one so great an army by sea which they had already susteigned one whole year for to ward, and defend the towns of their alliance, & also were in great necessities of victuals and of all other things, in such sort, that it should be impossible for them to sustain longer that charges. For he knew for truth that they had already spent more than two thousand talents and also were yet in great debt, and that if they failed never so little in payment of the huyred soldiers, they should be destroyed, for their force was more of estrangers than of their own people, which thing was all otherwise among them, wherefore he concluded that they oughten to continue the siege and not to depart from it, as though they were most needy and lacking money, where as they were much better furnished thereof. Such was the speaking of Nycias, having for right certain the necessity of the enemies, chief of money, and also grounding himself, upon that, which, they, with whom he had intelligence and confederation in the town, had required of him, to wit, that no man should remove, and trusting moreover in the army by sea which they than had much more puissant, than when that he was vanquished, bifore that the renforte or new succours was arrived. Notwithstanding Demosthenes persevered still in his opy●ion to raise the siege and for to depart fromthence into Grece. And although it was devised not to remove out of the said country without licence, yet he was of opinion that they should retire to Thapsus or to Catana. Out of which places they might come for to overonne & pillage the land of the enemies and well entertain themself and also should have the sea at their commandment for to be able to go and to come and to fight at their ease when it should be requisitt, where as they were constrained and locked up aswell by sea as by land. And for conclusion, it seemed not to him that in any whatsoever manner, they should tarry longer there, but that they should incontinently depart without longer tarrying Eurymedon agreed to his opinion. But notwithstanding that which he made, Nycyas caused the thing to be delayed. And so much the more, that it was imagined that the same Nycyas, who had more knowledge of thaffair, than any of the other: would not have cleaved so unto that same opinion without some great reason. And by that mean the army remained there still. During this, Gylippus and Sicanus did come again to Sarragosse, to wit, Sicanus without having been able to do any thing with the Agregantyns, for that, that he, being yet at Gela, the party, which held with the syracusans, had been chased away by the other party. But Gylyppus coming from the cities of Sycille brought a great number of men of war out of the said country, and also those, which the Peloponesians had sent immediately after the beginning of the spring time in the barks, which were descended at Selynunte, coming out of Lybie, whither they were come to aboard in that same voyage at their departure out of Grece. And having been aided and succoured by those of Cyrena, with two galleys, and two good Pilots and mariners, were come to the succours of the Euesperites against the Lybyans, 
E●esperite.  who made war against them, and having vanquished the said Lybyans were come to land, at new Chartage, fromewhence there is a right small space by sea, unto Sycille, so that in two days and one night, at their departure fromethence they were come to land, at Selinunte. That same succours being than arrived, the syracusans made themself eftsoons ready for to assail the enemies aswell by sea, as by land. On the other side the athenians, saying the succours that was come into the town, and that their case proceeded from evil into worse, chief by the maladies which increased, more and more, they repented themself greatly that they were not sooner dislodged. and also Nycyas did no more speak so stiflye against it, but only said that the cause ought to be kept secret. According unto whose opinion it was caused to be known through all the army the most secretly that might be, that they should give order to their case, for to dislodge, when they should hear the sign of dislodging. But in the mean time as they preparedde themself, a Eclipse of the moon, being at the full, did happene, which thing many of the athenians did take, for an evil prognostication and dissuaded greatly to the Dukes for to depart. But above all Nycyas, who was greatly gevene to such fantasies, made a great matter thereof, and said that they should not in any manner of the world depart untylle xxvii days after, for such was the counsel and advise of a stronomers and dy●inours. and upon this occasion the enterprise of departnre was brokene of.   

How the syracusans having had an other victory by sea against the Athenians, they enforced themself for to enclose them within the poorte, which they did keep. ☞ The ten Chapter.  
THe syracusans, understanding the determination of the athenians and how● they would dislodge, were so much the more attentive and diligent for to let them, that they should not depart. For insomuch as they enterprised for to raise up privily: it was good to know that they perceived themselves the more feeble and weak both by land, and by sea. And moreover the syracusans would not suffer, that at their departure fromethence, they should go to lodge themself in any place in Sycille, out of the which they might do them more evil, than fromethence, where they were. For this cause they deliberated to constrain them to fight by sea immediately as they should see their advantage, and so embarked there men and causedde them to tarry there certain days. The day being come, which seemed unto them propice and meet, one part of the men of war issued fourth first against the walls of the athenians, and certain of the warryours aswell footmen as horsemen of the Athenenyans issued fourth by some of the poortes to meet them, although that they were in a small number, by occasion whereof they were right soon repulsed, and a certain number of the said footmen and lxx horsemen or thereabouts of the athenians were taken and some of the other, and that done the syracusans retired. The day following, they issued fourth against them by sea with lxxvii ships, and came also by land against the said walls. On the other side the athenians issued by sea, with lxxxvi ships in battle, whereof Eurymedon had the right point, 
Eurymedon.  who coming to the conflict, went about to environ and compass in the ships of the syracusans, & that to do, he did put his point at large toward the land. By mean whereof those syracusans had better leisure for to charge upon the athenians ships that remained in the midst naked & destitute of the aid of the said Eurymedone, & so did put them to flight after the aryvalle, and afterwards did come to give charge upon the ship of the said Eurymedon, which was inclosedde in a corner of the port in the most depth, and so did sink it with the said Eurimedon and with all the other that were within it, and that done, did give the chase unto all the other ships and followed them even unto the land. Gylippus, saying which thing, and that the ships of th'enemies were already passedde their enclosure with paales which they had made in the sea, and also the place, where he had his army at the sea side, for to defeate● and destroy those, that would descend to land, and to the end that the syracusans might more easily take the ships of the enemies, when the said syracusans should perceive that the land was kept for their friends, he came with one part of his men unto the mouth of the poorte for to aid the syracusans, but the Tyrsenyens, who had by fortune than the keeping and ward of that same quarter for the athenians came to meet them) and at the beginning, repulsed and did put the foremost to flight, and chased them unto a marreys that is called Lysimelia) nevertheless the other part of the said syracusans & of their allies did ●one after come for to secure those there. On the other side the athenians also issued out of their camp with great strength aswell for to secure their said people, as also for to save their ships, and there was a great battle: but finally the athenians had the victory and did slay a great number of the other. And also saved one great part of their ships, nothwithdinge there were xviii of them takene, and they that were with them, slain. And moreover minding to burn the rest, they did fill an old Bark with dry wood, and with the other matter meet to fire, afterwards they set it in way towards the said ships, having a good wind, which did drive the Bark into that same part. But the athenians, saying that danger, used such diligence aswell to quench the fire, as to keep of the said Bark, that they escaped the same danger. For that same battalle, bo●h parties raised up a Trophy, to wit the syracusans, for the taking of the ships, which they had recouered● and also for the men, which they at the beginning had taken and slain before the athenians walls and the athenians for that, that the Thyrsenians had repulsed the foremost footmen into the marreys, and afterwards they & the other of the athenians party, had repulsed the whole bend of the syracusans, when they had the victory by sea. The athenians perceiving the syracusans, who at beginning were all afraid of the succours, that Demosthenes had brought, to have had one so great victory over them, were all thereof astonied, and dashed out of courage: fors●muche chief as it ther●n was chansed whole contrary to that, which they thought, namely to be vanquished in the sea by a lesser number of ships than they had: and than they were yet more angry, and all the Athenians repentedde themself, that were in that same army, to have enterprised war against the syracusans, who governed by the commonalty, and in that same sort, as they of Athenes, and also were puissant aswell of ships, as of footmen and horsemen. Whereby those same athenians could not hope to have therein any party of those that were within, neither through hatred of the common government secretly with them, nor also for to vainquish them easily, being aswell provided with all preparations of war, as they, and by these reasons they were not only the more angry, but also in great sorrow for their affair, and so much the more they lost their courayge, that they perceived themself to have been vainquished in that party, whereof they doubted least: to wytt● by sea. On the other side the syracusans forthwith after the victory, compassing about the great port, wherein the athenians ships were, determynedde for to shut up the mouth of the entering, in such sort, that the same athenians should no more issue fourth, without being perceived: for they studied no more to save themselves, but for to impeach that the enemies should not save theirself, considering, as the truth was, that at that present they had the better: and that if they might vanquish aswell by sea as by land, they should acquire and obtain a great glory and renome in all Grece: which should be in part delivered out of the servitude and bondage of the servitude and bondage of the said athenians: and partly from fear to tumble into it: for having had such a foil or overthrow, they should never after be able for to sustain war against the peloponesians: whereby those self syracusans having been cause thereof, they should be had in great admiration, aswell to the living, as to those that should come after. And not for this reason only, it seemed unto them to be a laudable thing to make their strength for the intentes and ends, as is abovesaid, but also for this, that in that doing they should not only vanquish the athenians: but rather many other their allies, and also the victory should not serve for them only, but for them also, which had been aiding unto them. Of whom, by occasion thereof, they should be fromthensforwardes Dukes with the Lacedemonyans and the Corinthyans': having put their city, into so great danger, and showed so great puissance by sea. For many other Cities and nations did come togethers for to assault & defend that same city. The one to be participant of the prays and butts, not of that same City only, but of all the Isle of Sycille: The other for to keep & conserve their goods and estates. And they that meddled not therein for the one nor the other party, did it more for some fantasy, or for some parentage, which they had of the one or with the other, than having regard aither to the proffitt or to the necessity, either else to that, which might chance. And for to know parfaictly or distinctly● what they were, which intermeddled and met togethers in this war, aswell of th'one side as of the other, they were these, that follow.   

The cities and people which intermeddled, met, or took part togethers in the war of Sycille, aswell on the one one side, as of the other. ☞ The xi Chapter.  
TThe athenians, which be ionians, having enterprised the war against the syracusans, who be dorians, had with them, those of their own speech, & that lived in the sel● laws, to wit, the Lemnyens● the Egynetes, to wit, those, that than inhabited in the city of Egyne, the Estiens, which held the city of Estie in the country of Eubea, and many other their allies, the one living in liberty, and the other trybutaires and captives: to wit, of the subjects and trybutairies of the said country of Eubea, the Eretriens, the Chalcides, the Styriens and the Caristiens, and of the Islands, the Cyens, the Andryens and the Teyens. And of the country of jome, the Mylesiens', the Samyens and the Chiens, the which Chiens were not subject to the tribute of money neither unto other charge, but only for to furnish ships: and all the above said were in a manner Ionians & of the faction or parttakers with the athenians, except the Caristians, which were numbered among the Dryopes. And yet nevertheless for that, that they were subjects of the Athenians, they were constrained to come to this war against the Doryans. And besides this, the Eolians did come, among whom the Metymniens were not trybutairies, but only bound to deliver ships, but the Tenediens & the Aeniens were trybutairies. And those here, although that they were Eoltens' as the Boeotians, & that they had been founded or set up by them, were nevertheless constrained to come to the same war against the Doriens. And moreover there came thither the Elyens, amongst whom the Methymniens were not trybutairies, but only bound for to deliver ships, but the Tenediens & the Athenyens were trybutaires. And those same, although that they were Eoliens, as the Beotiens, & that they had been by them founded or set up, nevertheless they were constrained in that same war to be against them & against the syracusans. There was none other of the Beotians, reserved the Plateans, for the deadly enmity, which they had against them, by cause of the ini●ries, which they had done to them. There came thither also the rhodians & the Cytheryens, which both were dorians, although that the same Cytheriens had been founded by the Lacedæmonians, & nevertheless did give aid to the Athenyens against the Lacedæmonians, that were with Gilippus. And likewise the Rhodiens, which were dorians, as descended of the Argives, were against the Siracusains, although that they were also dorians, & against the Geliens, which were their Burgeoses, for that, that they took party with the Siracusains, but both the one and tother did it by force. And besides those, of the Islands, that be about Peloponese, were on that side the zephalenyans and the zacinthiens: who, although that they were frank, were nevertheless for that, that they were Islanders, constrained to hold with the athenians, though that the said corcyrians were not only Doryens: but that, which more is, they were corinthians, and nevertheless were against the syracusans of their nation, and Doryens, as they, and against the Corynthians, their founders, aswell for thobligation or bond, which they had with the athenians, as also for ha●red, which they had against the said Corynthians. And likewise there were those of Naupacte and of Pylus, who named themself, Messenyens, for that, that the said places be holden and possessed by the athenians, and likewise the bannisshed men of Megare, although that they were in small number, who were enemies of the other Megarens, that be called Selynuntyns, by inconveniences and adversity of fortune. All the other, that came together in this same war with the athenians, except the above named● came thither more with their good will than by constraincte, for the Argives did it not so much for them by virtue of their alliance, which in nothing extended thereunto, as for the ennemytie, which they had against the Lacedemonyans. And likewise the other Doryens that made war with the athenians, against the syracusans, which be also dorians, did it more for their present singular proffytt, than for any other cause. As touching the other, that were ionians, they did it for the ancient enmity, which they had against the Doryens, as be the Mantyniens & Arcadyans, which came for wages. And nevertheless those of the said country of Arcady, that were allied, with the Corynthians, did hold those, that were with the athenians, for enemies, and likewise those of Creto and of Ethosie, of whom there was of both sides, all huyrlinges, in such sort that it chanced that the Cretes, that had builded the City of Gela with the Rhodyens, at that time were not for the Gelyens, but being waged by their enemies, were against them. Some Acarnanyens also, aswell for hope of gains, as also for the amity, which they had with Demosthenes, and for the affection that they had with the athenians, took wages of them. And these be they, that pursued the party of the athenians in that same war out of the country of Grece until the gulf of Ionum. As touching the Italians, thither came the Thuriens and the Metapontins, who were come into such necessity by their domestical dissensions, that they went to serve in that war for to get wages, unto whatsoever part they were required. Of the Syciliens there were Naxiens & the Cataniens. And of Barbarous or estraungers, the Egestains, who had been cause of that war, and many other, that inhabited in Sycille. And of those, which inhabited without Sycille, some of the Tyrrhenyens for that, that they were enemies of the syracusans. For whose aid on the contrary part were first the Camerins nigh neighbours, and the Gelyans, which were further distant. As touching the Agrigentins that were their next neighbours they took the contrary part. After those same there were Selynuntyns, and all those, that keep themself in the quarter of Sycille, which is foranempste Lybia. And of those that be in the quarter of Thyrrenie, there were the Imeriens. 
Irenei  who only in that same quarter be of the nation of Grece, also there came none other people out of the said quarter to the aid of the syracusans: but out of the whole Island did come all the Doryens, that were in their liberty, and of Barbarous or estrangers, all those that had not takene part with the athenians. As touching the Greeks, that were without the Island, the Lacedemonyans sent thither for capitain a Cytezeine in their city of Sparte, with a bend of Esclaves and of Lybertyns, that had been set out of bondage into liberty. The corinthians sent unto them ships and men of war which thing none of the other did. For the Leucadyens specially that were their allies and parents sent thither but men, and likewise the Ambracyens. Of the Ambracians there came those, which the Corinthians soulded or wages, & the Sycionyens, which were constrained to send thither. And of those, that be without Peloponese, the Beotians did come thither. Besides the which strange nations, & that came to their succours from without or outwards parts, the cities of Sycille sent thither a great number of people of all sorts, and great quantity of ships, of harness, of victua●ls and of all other necessaries for war. But in a manner of speaking, the syracusians furnished more people than all the rest, aswell for the greatness and opulentie of the City, as also for the danger, wherein it was. Such was the succours that came to the aid of both the parties, which were there when the battle, whereof we have above spoken, was made: and afterwards, there did none other come thither from any other place. The syracusans and their allies, being now glorious and fierce, for the victory, which they had had: it seemed unto them that it should be their great honour to destroy all that same army of the athenians, which was so great, and to keep them from saving themselves both by sea and by land, and so they did forthwith enclose the mouth of the great poarte, which conteygned about eight stades, with galleys, with Barks, and with all other sorts of ships, which they did put into order by their anchors, and furnished them with all things that was necessary for to fight, if that the athenians would have issued fourth by force, and they provided for all things largely and diligently.   

How the athenians were eftsoons vainquished in a battle by sea, by the Siracusains and their allies, so that they could not save themselves by sea. ☞ The xii Chapter.  
THe athenians, perceiving themselves enclosed by the syracusans, and understanding the rest of their enterprise: they thought, that it was very needful to consult and devise upon that, which they should have to do. And so the Dukes assembled all the captains, patrons and other conductors or loadesmen of their ships, aswell for to devise thereupon, as also upon the provision of victuaills, whereof they were at that present in great necessity, for that, that having determined to depart fromthence, they had commanded those of Catana, that they should send them no more. And also they had no hope to recover any more thereof in any other place: except that they might defeat the army of the enemies by sea. For this cause they determined to abandon and forsake the first wall, which they had made in the most height against the city, and for to withdraw themselves, as nigh as they could from without the poarte and there to enclose & fortify themselves as strongly, & closely as they might: so that they might have sufficient space for to withdraw their utensiles & their sick people, & furnish the same with men for to ward it, & to put all the other souldears, which they had, into their ships, aswell good as bad, togethers with all their baguage, to the intent for to fight incontinently: and if they had the victory to sail fromthence strait unto Catana: and if they were vanquished in the Combat by sea, to burn all their ships, and to depart fromthence by land to the next place of friends that they could find, were it of Greeks or strangers. The which things being so determined, were incontinently executed and put in ure. For forthwith they forsook the first walls that were next the City, and descended towards the poarte: and caused to embark all their people of whatsoever sort that they were sufficient and able for to fight: which were in all, and of sorts a hundred and ten ships, within the which, besides the men of arms, and the Archers or casters of darts, was withdraw in all that they could gathere together, whereof they might have need. After that all this was done, Nycias saying his warryours astonied and discouraiged, for that, that contrary to their opinion, and wholly contrary to that which had always chanced unto them before time, they had been vainquished by sea, and that without having provision of victuaills were constrained to take the hazard against all the accustomed order, he caused them all to assemble and did speak unto them in this manner●  

The speaking and exhortation of Nycias to his soldiers.  
Lords athenians, and you other our allies, that be here, This battle, that we must presently make, is common to us all, for that, that every man laboureth here for the wealth of himself, & of his country, like as also our enemies do. For if we have the victory in this battle, that we must make by sea, we may return fromthence every one into his country: wherefore we ought to go unto it joyfully, and not to be astonied and dyscouraiged, neither do, as men do that have no experience: who when they been vainquished in one battle, have no more hope to overcome: but rather think that it shall always so chance unto them. But you, that be here athenians, men experimented in so many wars, and also you other our allies and perpetual friends: aught to consider that the issues and chances of wars, be uncertain, and to think that the fortune may aswell come in our favour, as she hath been of the other. And upon this hope, trusting in the promise of so great number of people, as you be here, to prepare yourself to render unto th'enemies that, which they have done to you in their former battle: and so far as toucheth us your captains and heads, be ye assured and certain that we omytt not to do any thing, that may be necessary or convenient for the affair, but rather having regard to the quality of the poarte, which is straight, whereby at the other time, the disorder chanced unto us, and also to the castles and tables of their ships, wherewith they did great evils unto us, we have provided for all with the patrons & captains of the ships, according to the opyrtunytie of the time, the best, that hath been possible. And also we have put within our ships a multitude of Archers & slingers of darts, much more great than we should have done if we should have fought at large in the sea: for that, that to keep and observe the discipline and order of the sea. it is much contrary to overcharge the ships with people: but that same shall be here profitable for us, forsomuch as we shall fight in our ships as though that we were on land. And also we have devised, that it is needful (for that, that we have not had time to make again and tacle our ships anew, for to resist the thickness of the poyncts of theirs, and of the pieces of tymbe, that come fourth of theirs: which was the principal cause of our overthrow) to have grasps of iron, if we may finish them, for to fasten and withhold them when they shall come to schocke upon us, to the intent that they shall not retire. For we be brought unto this, that it is convenient for us to fight with our ships, as if that we were in the main land. Wherefore it is expedient that we do not dissever ourselves from the ships of our enemies when we shallbe ones assembled, and also that we suffer not them to depart from ours, considered specially that all the land is our enemy, reserved that same little part nigh unto the poarte, which we have garnished with our people. The which things having in memory, ye ought to fight so long as you shall have aither force or strength, and not to suffer yourself to be repulsed to the land. And after that you shall have accroched any ship, determine not to suffer it to escape until you have destroyed all the warryours within it. And I exhort you all so to do, not only the mariners: but also the men of arms, and so much the more, that this is the work rather of those that have for to fight in the ships, than of those, that must conduct and govern them: and for you it is convenient to vanquish at this instant, like as ye have done many other times, fayghtinge on land. And as touching you mariners, I pray and require you, that ye be not faint hearted neither discourayged for the loss, which you have made at the other battle, saying that you have greater preparation for war in ships, than you at that time had: and much greater number of people, but rather be mindful to go couraygyously to the business, and to repute yourselves worthy for to conserve your honour. And those among you that be holden for athenians by the talk of the language, and also for the self form of living, though that ye be not of them, and by that mean have been in great reputac●on in all Grece, and besides that, partakers of our empire every one in his parson, in so much as was expedient for his proffitt, to wit, for to have obeisance of your subjects, and for to be in surety of your neighbours: ye ought now to take good heed, not to abandon and forsake at this stroke our empire and seygnyorye, whereof you only be parttakers and compaygnyons, and to contemn those, whom you have so oft-times vanquished, to wit, the Corynthians and the syracusans. None of whom have ever had any audacity for to resist us, so long as our army by sea was in his vigeur and force, and to show them, that your hardiness and science of saillinge, is greater in your parsons (although you be diseased, and that you have been vanquished) than in theirs, that be hole, and also have had the victory. And for those, among you, that be athenians, I bring to remembrance that we have neither more here in our arsenal or ha●on, nor other ships like to these, which we have here, neither other warryours on land: but that small number, which we have left there with our baguages. wherefore if we have not the victory, our enemies will go incontinently against them, who shall not be able for to defend both against those, that shall descend out of the ships of the enemies, and against the other, that shall come from of the land. And by that mean ye shall come partly into the power of the syracusans, against whom ye know well for what intent ye be come, and partly of the Lacedemonyans, which be with them. Wherefore being brought to such terms or issue that you must choose aither to vanquish, or else to come to this extremity, I pray you, that if ever in times passed you have showed your virtue and hardiness, be willing to parforce yourself to show it now, and to have remembrance all togethers, and every one for himself, that here is and lieth all the army by sea, all the ships, all the force of men: and for effect all the city, all the empyer: and finally, all the great renome of the athenians. For to warrant and defend all the which things, if there be any of you, that exceedeth and surmounteth the other, be he of any industry or experience, or of hardiness, he shall never show himself in better time, than in this journey, nor more unto the need of himself and of other. After that Nycias had thus spoken, he caused his people incontinently to mount into their ships, whereof Gylippus & the syracusans were sufficiently advertysedde for that, that they perceived them with the eye to prepare for to fight: and were advysedde of the grasps of yronne, that they did put into their ships. Wherefore they provided themself of remedies, aswell against that, as also against all the other preparations of the enemies. For they covered the former part, and the most part of their decks with Copper, to the end that the grasps should not fasten in them, but rather should slip and slide above of the copper. And after that all their case was put in order, Gylippus and the other capytains exhorted their soldiers or warryours with these or like words.   

The exhortation of Gylippus and of the syracusans to their men at arms.  
You know, Lords syracusans, and you other our friends and allies, that we have hitherto done in this war, as men of honesty, and that it is needful at this present to do yet greater things. For if that had not been, you should not have been so ready to have employedde yourself therein. Neverthelas lest there be any that understandeth not fully the affair, I wool well declare it unto him. The athenians came from the beginning hither to the intent to subdue Sycille first, if they might, afterwards Peloponese, and consequently the remanaunte of Grece. Who, albeit that they had a great and puissant Empire, and that they had been moor puissant than all the other Greeks that had been before these, which presently be: yet you have many times vanquished them by sea, which was wholly in their power: which thing no man ever did, and yet at this present you shall vanquish them, as it is fully apparent. For when any people do find themself vainquished in the thing, wherein they perswadedde themself to exceed the other, they lose greatly their reputatyon. And fromthensforwardes there opinion and hope is thereby lesser in themselves, than if they had not from the beginning had such presumption & confidence. And perceiving themselves deprived against their opinion of the glory, which they attrybuted to themselves, the heart coveteth it yet more than the force, like as it is to be believed that it is now chanced to the athenians. And by the contrary, you that have had the hardiness to resist them by sea, although that you had not great practise therein, be become more hardy for the opinion, which you have conceived through your prowess. For this, that you vaynquished them, that were reputed the most puissant & most exercised therein, whereby you ought to have double hope, which shall proffytt you greatly. For they that go to assail in great hope, come unto it much more joyfully. And if our enemies have learned of us to make the apparel and preparation of their ships, as we had made ours at the other battle, the same ought not to aba●●he us. For we be therein already accustomed: and so they shall not find us ne'er to seek in the thing that they shall do. And so much as they shall put greater number of people in the Castles and overlopps of their ships, they shallbe the more oppressed, as in a battle by land. And also the Acarnaniens & the other archers or dart casters shall not know how to aid them with their darts & shot, being all bestowed & by that mean there thronged: & the great number shall make their ships unprofitable and letting the one the other, shall put themselves into disorder. And it may help them but smally that they have greater number of ships than we, neither you ought for that to be estonyed. For how much that they have greater number thereof, they may so much the less understand that, which the heads and captains do command them. And on the other part the engines & ar●i●icialles, which we have prepared against them, shall help us well. And albeit that we think well that you know sufficiently by that you have understanded of their affair, in what estate they be, yet nevertheless we will advertise you, that they be nigh in despair, aswell for the myschances that be chanced unto them, as for the necessity, wherein ye perceive them, in such sort, that they trust not so much to their preparation, as to this, which is their only refugee to wy●t, to the temerytie of fortune: and they be determined, ayther to pass by force through the mids of our ships, & by that mean to get into the depth of the sea, or well if they fail thereof, to cast themselves a shore, and to take their way by land: as people, which be in such estate, that force constraineth them to choose of two parties, that be nothing worth, the lesser evil. Against these people than so confused, and that fight against fortune, who hath already declared herself against them, it is convenient to fight with all ernestye, as their mortal enemies: and to determine to do two things all at one instant, to wit, by assuring your estate to revenge you of your enemies, that be come to invade us: and to discharge our maletalent or wrath upon them, and fourth with to repulse our enemies, which be two things, that have been accustomed to be pleasant to all people. And that those here be our mortal enemies, there is not one of you, that understandeth it not. For they be come hider for to bring us into servitude, and if they had overcomed they would have used both towards us all cruelty, and also towards our wives and children all villainy, and also would have replenished our city with all deformity and confusion. For which reasons none of us ought to have pity of them, notherrepute, that this should be our profit to suffer them to depart without putting ourselves into danger: for also happily if they have the victory ●hey will also depart fromhence, with out that therein may be any danger for us. But if we do that, which we ought and should be willing to do, to wit, that we chastise them, and that we set all Grece again in liberty, yea more greatly than it hath been: truly we shall have made a glorious combat: and also it happeneth not often, that one may have so fair, nor honest occasion to put himself in da●ger of a battle, to wit, that in having the worse, a man should not lose but little, and in having the better, should gain much. Gylippus and the other Duke's syracusans having exhorted their people with such or like speakings caused them to be embarked after that they did perceive that the athenians had embarked theirs. But Nycias, which was astonished of the danger, wherein he perceived the affair, which was drawing very nigh, and knowing what inconveniences had accustomed to chance in so cruel battles, neither held any thing for sufficiently and well provided on his side, nor it seemed to him that he had sufficiently spoken unto his men. So he eftsoons caused to be called the patrons and captains of the ships every one a part, naming them honnorably, aswell by their names, as by their surnames, & also adding the names of their fathers, and so, as he knew that every of them had the bruit of any honnorable thing, & bringing him in remembrance thereof, prayed him not to lose his good renome in the same journey. And those, whose ancestors had done any great thing, that they should not extinguish nor abolish the honour that they had acquired, by virtue of their said ancestors, bringing moreover to their remembrance the liberty of their country, which was the frankest that was known, and where every one might live at his will without being subject to the commandment of any parson: and many other things, which in such case have been accustomed to be spoken by men carried here and there, without having regard to speak the thing that men might judge to be authentic and profound, but as people estonyed do speak with great exclamation that, which seemeth to serve in their case, not remembering therein the danger of their wives, of their children, of their temples, and such other things, as people of virtue have accustomed to speak. And after that he had spoken all those words, the which he always reputed more necessary than sufficient, he went with them and led the footmen to the shore of the sea: and so caused them to keep the best order that he could, for to give courage to those, that were within the ships. And Demosthenes, Menander and Eurymedon that were chiefest of the army by sea, made with their ships strait to the mouth of the poarte: the which the enemies had already garnished and possessed, to the intent to break the order of the said enemies, and for to scatter their ships for to get into the depth of the sea. But on the other side, the syracusans & their allies came in a manner with a like number of ships, partly against the mouth of the said poarte, and partly about the same, for to impeach them on all sides, having moreover their footmen in the shore of the sea for to secure them to whatsoever part their said ships should come to land. Now Sicanus and Agatharcus, which kept the two points, were captains of the army of the syracusans, to wit, of the right and the left, and in the midst were Pythen and the Corinthyans'. The athenians than as they came to the mouth of the poarte, at the furst arrival repulsed the ships, which were there joined togethers: for to defend them not to issue, and parforced themselves to break their lyens and chains, wherewith they were fastened togethers. But the syracusans and their allies came on all sides to rush upon them, not in the mouth of the poarte only, but even through within the same. And so the combat was most cruel and more dangerous, than any of the other former had been: and men did hear the cries of the chiefest and capytains, that commanded the mariners to sail with great strength. And every one on his side enforced himself to show his art and his industry, and likewise the men of war, that were in the castles and upon the decks of the ships, parforced themselves to do their endeavour, aswell as the mariners, and for to keep well and defend every one the place, that was appointed to him. But forsomuch as the combat or battle was made in a very straight and narrow place, for that, that there was both of the one side and of the other few lesser than two houndred ships, which fought togethers all within the port or in the mouth thereof, they could not often come with great strength o● oars, the one to the other. For none had mean to retire nor to recharge themselves, but rather did mingle the one ship with the other, so as they encountered, were it in flying or in assaulting. And as oftenne as the one ship assaultedde the other, those, that were in the Castles and planchers of the same, did cast plenty of darts, shot and stones the one against the other: but as they joined themself togethers, they came to fight hand to hand, and enforcedde themselves to enter the one into the ships of the other, which thing chancedde in many of them, for that the place was narrow: and in some places there were two against one through constraynct, & the governors and patrons studied the one to war upon those of th'enemies, and the other to defend theirs, and that not by courses or tourns one after the other, but all at one istant and on all sides, whereby the bruytt was so great and maruaillous, that it was great horror and fear unto those, which did fight, and also they could not understand, the one the other, although that the Chief and capitains of the one side and of the other made exhortations to their people, aswell for silence, as also for the instruction of the sea and for the great ardour and desire that every one had for to vanquish. For the athenians cryedde to their men, that they should break the order and the bands of the ships that stoppedde the issue of the poarte, and if that ever they had had virtue or courage, they should show it at the same hour, if they had care for their proper wealth and to return into their country. And the syracusans, and their allies declared unto theirs, that it was the hour for to show their virtue for to defend that the enemies should not save themself and for to conserve and increase the honour and glory of their nation. And the capitains themself when they perceived any to go slackelye, or those that were within, not to do their endeavour: they called the patrons by their names, and demanded, to wit, the athenians, whider that it seemed unto them that the land, which was the most enemy that they had in the world, were more sure, than the sea, which they might get and purchase within a short time. And the syracusans, whider that they would fly before those, that did not fight, but only for to fly away themself, in whatsoever manner that it were. In the mean time, that this combat or battle was made by sea, those, that were on land at the shore of the sea, were in great and divers thoughts and fantasies. For the syracusans perceived that it was question of getting much more great honour, than they thought on from the beginning. And the athenians feared, lest it should yet chance unto them worser, than to them that were in the sea, for that, that all their baguages were in the ships, which they feared maruayllously to lose, and how much the more the combat or battle was variable and the victory uncertain, they were constrained to have divers opinions, & to make divers countenances or gestures. For being so nigh, that they might see manifestly: those, that did see in any point their people, that had the better, lifted up their hands to heavon, and prayed the gods with a loud voice, that they would not defraud nor frustrate them to the victory. And to the contrary, those, that did see theirs to be vanquished, did weep with complayncte and piteous cries. And when the combat was doubtful and sharp, so that one could not judge, who should have the worst thereof, they made gestures and signs with the body such as their desire imported, as though that, helped their men, for fear that they had, least they should lose: and for effect they did almost such acts with their bodies, as if they themselves had fought, and they were in the self sorrow, as they that did fight. Also they perceived in that same conflict many, that for a small occasion saved themself, where they were discomforted. And specially the athenians, being on land, so long as their men did fight hand to hand in the sea, perceived not only the combat or faightinge, but forsomuch as they were nigh, they heard distinctly, the complaints, lamentations and clamours, aswell of those that vaynquishedde as of them, that were overcome: & all other like things that men might see and hear in a right sharp conflict of two puissant hosts. And those, that were in the ships had and suffered beside the combat, the like sorrow and travail, Finally after that the storm had long endured, the syracusans and their allies did put the athenians to flight, and as they did see them turn the back, with great cries, and with great force they chased them unto the land. And those of the athenians that might save and cast themselves on land, with the most diligence that they could, they retired into their camp. And likewise those, that were on land, seeing that there was no more hope, with great cries, weepings and lamentations they ronned all at one instant, some to the ships, for to save them, the other, to the walls, which they yet did keep, the other and the more part was in doubt of their life, and regarded on all sides, how & where they might save themselves. And shortly the fear and the fray was so great at that same instant, that never before that time, they had had the like. And the athenians did suffer and receive worthily, that, which they had caused the Lacedemonyans to suffer and receive at Pylus: where, after that they had vainquished the army by sea of the same Lacedemonyans, they destroyed them. And as the Lacedemonyans did then enter into the Island, even so the athenians retired at this time to land, without having always any hope for to save themself, except that it were by some case or mean unthought on.    

How the athenians and their allies after the overthrow departed from ●heir camp for to go fromthence by land, into the lands and cities of Sycille, that took their part. ☞ The xiii Chapter.  
AFter this so sharp and cruel a battle, wherein there was great number of ships takene and destroyed, and of men slain: The syracusans and other their allies having the victory, recovered the shippwrackes and the dead bodies, and being retournedde into the town, they did raise up their trophy. As concerning the athenians, they were so astonished of the evils that they had seen, and did see before their eyes, that they had no mind for to require the shippwrackes and dead bodies, but only studied how they might incontinently save themself that present night, whereby they were in divers opinions. For Demosthenes was of advise that they should embark themself in the rest of the ships, which were left them, and that they should at the break of the day escape through the self poarte if they might. For they had yet greater number of ships, than the enemies, to wit, abouts lx where the enemies had but fifty. To the which counsel and advise, Nycias agreed. But when they would have caused the people to be embarked, the mariners refused it, for the fear, which they yet had of the combat, wherein they had been vanquished, and it seemed not to them that they could any more have better, wherefore they were forced to change opinion, and all with one accord determined to save themself by land. Hermocrates the Syracusayne doubted greatly the same: 
Hermocrates.  and therefore considering that it should be a dangerous thing, if one such an host did retire and ioygnedde together again in any part on land, whereby they might begin a new war: he went unto the officers of the town and said to them, that there ought to be had good regard that same night, unto the departure of the enemies: declaring unto them by many reasons, the dangers, which might thereby happene. And that it seemed to him that all the men that were in armure in the town, aswell of the country, as strangers should issue fourth and go to get the passages, by which the said athenians might save themselves. And of that same opinion were the other, knowing that he did say the truth: but they considered that the companions, which had fought all the day, were travaylledde and desired rest and therefore would not willingly obey unto that, which should be commaundedde them touching the same, and so much the less as the morrow following was the feast of Hercules, in the which were prepared great sacrifices for to render unto him thanks for the same so great a victory: which doing many, according to the custom, were minded to rejoice and refresh themselves by eating and drinking: wherefore, any other thing should have been more easy to persuade them, than to issue fourth that same day in armure, for the which reasons, they agreed not to the opinion of Hermocrates: who, seeing that he could not bring them unto it, and considering that the enemies that same night by retiring, might get the passages of the mountaigns, which were strong and difficille, devised one such a subtlety. For he sent some of his companions horsemen very nigh unto the camp of the athenians, so that they might well hear them and faygninge to be of those of the town that affectioned the athenians (whereof there were many that certified news to Nycias) and that they were come thither for to do it, said that it was to be signified unto him, that he should not remove for that night. For the syracusans, had garnished the passages so, that in the night there should be danger therein for the disorder of his men● but the day being come, marching in battle and in good order, they might more easily get the same passages. Those, which had heard these words, sent them to the Dukes and captains of the camp. who, not thinking that there had been any deceit therein, determined for to sojourn there that same night, & also the morrow following. So they did it to be knowing to all the warryors, that they should ordain and make ready all their case for to depart within two days, without carrying any thing but only that, which should be necessary for them for the usage of their parsons. During this time Gylippus, and the Siracusains sent to furnish the passages, by the which they thought, that the said athenians should pass. And specially at the passage of the rivers, they set good garnisons, and also likewise in the other strait or narrow places. On the other side, those of the town issued fourth into the port, & recovered the ships of the Athenians, whereof they burned some: which thing those same Athenians had bifore determined to do & of the other, every man did take, what he would & wi●hdiewe them to land without this any parson did speak against him. After that, Nycias & Demosthenes, having ordained their case, as they did think good, departed fromthence the fourth day after the battle, which was a thing right grievous & right heavy to them all, not only for this, that they had lost all their ships, & that from a great hope, which they had had in the beginning for to subdue that same country, they were brought into a great danger, aswell of themselves as of their city: but also for this, that it was an hard & miserable spectacle or sight to forsake their camp and their baguages, whereby their hearts and all their spirits were overcome and adnichillated, and thought made them right heavy and astonied. And on the other part their companions being dead, and remaining in the feide without burial, when they did see any of them, that brought them horror, sorrow and fear: but they had yet more compassion of the hurt, lamed and of the sick men, which they let, thinking that they were more unhappy, than those that were dead. Also the poor and miserable, perceiving the other to depart, did weep and cry, praying their companions by their names, that they would carry them aways and when they did see any of their parents, domestical or special friends, they followedde and kept them back the most that they might. And when they could not follow them further they cryedde and wept, blaiming and cursing them. So that all the host was full of sighings and tears, whereby the departure was greatly, and much retarded. Although that considering the great evils, which were chanced unto them, and that they feared to come unto them, did put them into great sorrow and care, and much more yet than they made semblant for. And besides this that they were all sorrowful and afraid, they were moreover angry, the one against the other. And in a total some they were all as people, that fled out of a right great city, which had been taken by force, for they were all together when they departed, abouts, Foortye thousand, without speaking of mariners and of tother, who, caryedde every man that, which he might. The men of arms aswell on foot, as on horse, carried every man the victuals under their harness (which was a thing, that they had not accustomed, the one for fear that they could not recover it, and thoder for fault of varlets and slaves, for the most part of them were fled to the enemies, partly already bifore that time, but the most part after that same overthrow. And also the victuals which they tarried were not sufficient for their necessity, for that, that it well nigh failed them in the camp. And although that in other places, and other times, such darthe and skarcenes might be somewhat tolerable for that, that it is common and equal as much to the one, as to the other, and is not accompaignedde with mischief: yet to those there, it was so much the more grievous, when they considered the glory wherein they had been, and the misery and desolation whereunto they were fallen. For truly this same great novelty chanc●dde than to the host of the Greeks: that they were in fear to be destroyed by them, whom they were come to subdue. And where they departed out of their country with great melody of joyful songs, of divers instruments, making great vows for the victory, whereof they had sure hope: they all returned fromethence mourning and making piteous groans, and all other contrary things, for that, that the mariners, which were come to sail by sea, were than on land, renked with the footmen, nevertheless, all things were tolerable unto them, for the great danger, wherein they perceived themself to be brought. Whom, Nycyas perceiving so discomforted and faint hearted, did go comforting them again, and declaring unto them many things, saruing to the case, so as he found them assembled together, crying unto them more, with a loud voice, than by manner of exhortation or declaration, for to cause them to recover their courage and for to proffytt them in the estate wherein they were, as he knew well to do. And so did speak unto them these or such words.  

The declaration of Nycyas to the men of arms.  
IT is convenient for us (Lords athenians) and you other our allies to have good courage and good hope, although that we be in the estate, wherein we are. For many have escaped much greater mischief and danger than this same is, wherein we be. Wherefore you ought to take greater courage, not blayming yourself beyond reason, be it for the loss that you have made, or be it for the shame, which you endure. For as for me, I am in nothing in better condition, than any of you the other be, neither in force, for that, that ye may see how that I am weakened with my disease: neither yet in goods. For though that herebifore I was well provided of victuals, and also of other necessaris: yet as this present, I have no greater provision thereof, than the least of the bend. Howbeit forsomuch as I have made great sacrifices to the gods and used great goodness and courtesy to men, ytt giveth me yet audacity to hope well hereafter. But I do see you estonyed and afraid to much more than is convenient to the dignity and condition of your parsons, for the evils and damages which you have received, the which peradventure shall amend. For our enemies have had enough, both of felicity and also of good hap. And if any God hath been angry, and displeased towards us, for that, that we be come hider to make war, we have been sufficiently and to much punished. And it hath been heretofore oftentimes seen of people, that came to assail other in their houses, that having done their endeavour in war, have nevertheless had tolerable misfortunes and inconveniences: wherefore we ought to hope that God will do better for us hereafter, for that, that we deserve better to have mercy of him than vengeance. In the rest you ought to consider the force of yourself, what number you be and in what appareille of armure, and to persuade yourself, that in whatsoever part ye be togethers, you even you have beaten yourselves, & that in whatsoever cy●ye of Sycille that you arrive, you shallbe easily received aither for love or by force, and also ye shall not easily be driven away after that you shall have been thereunto once retyredde, and for to pass surely, you shall have regard to march in best order and with greatest diligence that you may without to think on other thing, but that in whatsoever part you be constrained to fight, if you obtain the victory, there shallbe your walls and your city. And also it is convenient for to continue and advance our journey a day and a night without arresting us, for we lack victuailles. And after that we shall have arrived in whatsoever town of this country, we shallbe in surety, for that that they shall persever in our amity and alliance, for the fear which they have of the syracusans. And also we have already sent unto them for to advertise them to meet us and to bring us victuals. And in effect judge and determy●●e you (my friends and companions) that it is necessary for you● to declare yourself honest and virtuous people. For if you do otherwise, you shall not find any place in this country, which shall not be your enemy and wherein you shall save yourself. But if you the other, that be not athenians do valiantly, ye shall see in sh●rte time the thing, which you so much desire to see, and you, which be Athenians shall resuscitate and raise up the great puissance of your city, although that it be greatly decayed. For the walls and the ships be not the city, without men, but rather the men without the same. Such declarations, Nycias did make to his soldiers here and there when he perceived any bend that went not in good order or that followed not nigh unto the other, and by that mean aither constrained them, orels induced them to march as it apperteignedde. The like declarations did Demosthenes make to his men, and marched all in a eight cante battle. To wytt● Nycyas and his men bifore, and Demosthenes with his after. And in the mids were the banguages and the company of unmeet parsons, which were in great number.    

How the athenians and their allies being departed out of their camp, after the overthrow for to go fromthence by land, were followed by the syracusans and their allies and finally utterly destroyed. ☞ The xiiii Chapter.  
IN such manner, the Athenians and there allies marched until the side of the river of Anapus, 
Anapus  where they found the syracusans and their allies, which waited for them, but they repulsed them, and passed against thei● will: notwithstanding the horsemen & archers or dart casters followed them, and oftentimes contended and did fight with them until they arrived that same day in a place, where was a high hill, Forty stades out of Sarragosse, where they lodged that same night. On the morrow in the morning they departed about break of the day, and after that they had iourneyedde abouts twenty stades● they descended into a plain, and there logded themselves that same day, aswell for to take some victuals, and howsen that were there, for that, that the place, was inhabited: as also for to take fresh water for to carry with them, for in all the way, which they had passed, they found but little thereof. In this mean time, the syracusans advanced themselves to get an other passage, by the which, it was convenient for the said athenians to pass, which was a very high rock, that was hanging, and not to be come unto, on two sides, whereof the top was named Lepas. The morrow after, those same athenians, and their allies, being in the way, were eftsoons greatly troubled, by the horsemen and archers, or dart casters of the enemies (whereof they had great number) which came chasing, and assaylling them by the sides, so that scarcely they could journey. And finally after that they had fought a long time, they were constrained, to retire into the same place, fromwhence they were departed, but with much greater disadvantage, for they found there no victuals, and also the lodging, was not so easy, as it had been the day preceding, for the oppression, which the enemies did make against them. And nevertheless, the morrow in the morning, they took eftsoons the way, and whatsoever empeschement the said enemies made against them, they passed further until the said passage, which they found closed with wall, and above upon the same a great bend of footmen, bearing the most part shields and targets, and though the place was very strait, yet the athenians marched fourth strait, and travailed themselves for to get it by force. But being repulsed by the great number of enemies, that were in the advantageous place, to wit, on high on the rock, fromwhence they might the more sturdely, cast their darts and their shot: they were constrained to retire and plant themselves there, without doing any thing, for that chief that in that same war, there was great thondrynges & rain, like as commonly it did in the same country after the harvest time, which was already bigon, whereof they were greatly astonied, and so much the more, that they judged, that the same was a prenostication of their destruction. Gylippus than perceiving that they were planted there, he sent one party of his men by a side way, for to raise up suddenly a wall, in the way, wherethrough the athenians were come, to the end to enclose them at their backs, but they, that perceived it, sent thither a a bend of theirs, which empesched and repulsed them: and that done they also retired nigh to a field, which was nigh to that same passage, where they sojourned that same night. The day following, they being eftsoons in the way, the syracusans and Gylippus came to charge upon them on all sides, and so did hurt many of them. And when the same athenians charged upon them they returned. And as they were returned back, and put themselves to journey, they came afresh to charge on the hyndermost, whereby they did hnrte many of them for to cause the whole army to rest and tarry, but every man defending best himself, against the chargings, journeyed from five to six stades, until they came unto a field, where they rested, and the syracusians returned fromthence into their camp. Nycyas and Demosthenes, perceiving than that their case was in evil state and condition, aswell for lack, which they generally had of victuals, as also for the great multitude, which they had of their hurt people, and that they always had, the enemies bifore on all sides, which cess not to assail them, they determined to go fromethence that same night secretly, not by the way which they had begun, but by an other clean contrary leading unto the sea, which did go crookedly, from Catana to Camerin and towards Gela, and certain other cities which be wholly apposite or directly the one against the other, and of the other side of Sycille, aswell Greeks, as barbarous. And so they did lighten great fierce in divers places through their camp for to cause the enemies to understand, that they moved not. But as it chanceth always in such case when a great host dislodgeth itself for fear, chief in the night, and in the country of enemies, and also having them very nigh, all the camp was generally in great fear, terror and tumult. Neverthelas Nycias, who had the former ward with his men, departed furst keeping good order, and he iourneyedde a good space bifore the other, but one party of the bend, which Demosthenes conducted, and as in a manner the moiety thereof, skatered abroad and did break their order in their passing. notwithstanding they journeyed so much, that at the break ●f the day, they were at the sea side, and did take away which was named Elorun, 
Helorina.  alongst that same sea, by which they would have gone unto the river of Cyparis, & afterwards a longest the same, 
Caciparis.  through the high country, keeping themself far of from the sea, hoping that the syracusans whom they had demanded to come to meet thee, would have come to encounter them there. But they being arrived at the rivers side, found that there was a certain number of men, which the syracusans had sent thither for to keep & defend that same passage, which had stopped the other side of the water, with paales & with rampires for to impeach and let the shallow passages, howbeit they were few people, and were incontinently repulsed by the said Athenians, who having passed that same river, journeyed unto an other river that is called Erineus, 
Erineus.  keeping the way that the guides had taught & appointed for them. During this time, the syracusans & their allies, when the day was come, understanding that the Athenians were departed fronthence in the night, were very angry, and had suspicion that Gilippus had been consenting to their departure, & yet nevertheless did put themself in way for to poursue the said enemies with all diligence following their track, which was right easy to know, so that they did overtake them about the hour of dinner. And the first that they found were those of the bend of Demosthenes, who being troubled in the journey, which they had made that same night, went most softly and without great order, and so the former of the syracusans did begin to eskarmouche against them & with their horsemen, who environed them incontinently on all sides & constrained them for to ioigne togethers all in one place. And somuch the more that they were already separated into two bends, for that, the Nycias who knew well that it was no time to arrest therefore to fight, was with his bend already bifore him more than a houndred & fifty stades, & caused his men to advance forwards the most that they might without arres●inge in any part, but when they were forced for to defend themself. But Demosthenes could not do so, for that, that he was impeached by many means, insomuch as he was departed out of his lodging after the other, and insomuch as he had the artiere ward, he was the furst that the enemies, should have assailled. For this cause he was constrained to give himself asmuch to keep his men ready to fight, being advertised that the syracusians followed them, as also to cause them to pass on their way, in such sort, that by slacking his journey, he was overtaken by his enemies, whereof he & his people were afraid & astonied. And somuch the more that he was overtaken in a place, that was environed with ramparts, and in a way where there was olive trees on every side, whereby they were incontinently troubled with strokes of darts that ●●●ir enemies did cast against them on all sides, who would not assail them for to fight hand to hand with all their strength, for that, seeing them in despair of their wealth, it seemed unto them not to be good to put the thing in hazard of the battle, but rather it was that, which th'enemies should most desire. And on the other part knowing to have already almost the victory in their hands, they feared to commit any fault. For it seemed well unto them that without faighting in ranked battle, in suffering by such means thei● enemies, they should have them without doubt at their will and pleasure. Having then escharmouchedde by such mean all the day with strokes of darts, and knowing that they were discouraiged, an herald was sent unto them from Gylippus, the syracusans and their allies. Which did first to understand, that if there were any of the Islanders cities that would withdraw and come to them, he should be saved. Whereupon there were some bends that withdrew themself, but very few. And afterwards the like offer was made unto Demosthenes, that to all those, that would put of their armure, life should be saved, and should not be put into close prison, neither any necessity of victuals, the which party they all did accept, which were found about six thousand and at the arrival, every man consigned and delivered the money, which he had, the which they laid down within four crowns being uppermost, whereof they had plenty. And forthwith they were led unto Sarragosse. During this time, Nycyas had journeyed all that same day to the river, Erineus, having passed the which, he was lodged upon an high hill, very nigh unto it. In the which place he was, the morrow after, over takene by the athenians, who signefied unto him, that Demosthenes, and his men had rendered themselves, admonishing him to do the like, whereunto Nycyas would not give saith or credit, but demanded them that they should be content that he might send one of his horsemen for to bring the true repoarte thereof unto him, which they granted unto him. And afterwards being informed by his said horsemen, he sent to show unto Gylippus, and the syracusans that he was content to make appoynttment with them in the name of the athenians, if they would suffer him to pass with his men, to wit, to render and repay unto them all the charge, that they had made in that same war and thereupon to deliver them for hostages a certain number of athenians, whom, repaying the said money: they would buy a gain at a talon for every head. But Gylippus and the syracusans would not accept the said party, but they assailled them with strokes of darts on all sides so long as the day endured. And notwithstanding that they were by that mean evil entreated and also in necessity of victuals, yet they determined to depart fromthence that same night● and had already taken their armure for to march, when they understood that the enemies had parceverance thereof by the sign of the battle, which they had caused to be given in their camp. So they did put their armure of, except three hundred or thereabouts, which passed by force, overthwart the watch of the said enemies hoping to save themself for that night. The day being come, Nycyas took his journey with his men. But as he did begin to march, the enemies assailled him with hand strokes and with shot on all sides, as they had done, the day preceding. And yet nevertheless susteigninge the strokes, aswell of the said darts and arrows, as also of horsemen, they journeyed still further, hoping to get the river of Assinaris, 
Assinarus.  aswell for that, that it seemed, that the same being passed, the should go in more surety, as also for to drink, for they all were troubled, with thirst. Being then arrived within the sight of the same river, they rushed all soubdainly into it, without keeping any order, but so as ed●ry man might cast himself furst into it. But th'enemies, which followed, p●●forced themselves for to let them to pass, whereby the disorder was very great, forsomuch as in passing soubdainly and in a great troop, the one empesched the other aswell with their parsons, as with their harnois & weapons. So that the one did suddenly swim, and the other were so entermedledde together, that the river did carry them await, and the enemies which kept both the sides, which were very high pursued them on all sides, with strokes of darts, and with hand. In manner that a great number of them were slain, specially of the peloponesians, who rested in the depeste of the water, for to drink the better at their ease. By mean whereof the water was incontinently troubledde, aswell with blood of those, that were hurt, as with the mud which they removed by passing. And yet nevertheless they ceased not to drink for the great thirst, that they had, but rather they did fight amongst themself for drink, where they did see the water most clear. Finally the river being replenished with dead men, which tumbled the one upon the other, and all that same army destroyed, to wit, some by the river, and the other that were escaped by the horsemen: Nycias rendered himself unto Gylippus, trusting more in him, than in the syracusans. And submitting himself to the will of him, and of the other Peloponesians, he prayed him that he would not suffer, the other men of war, which were not yet dead, to be slain. Which thing Gylippus granted unto him: and defended, that no man should slay any more of the athenians, but that they should be takene prisoners. And so all those, that were not hid (of whom was a great number) were taken prisoners, and the three hundred which were scape in the night, were likewise taken by the horsemen, which were afterwards sent unto them, but when they were all togethers, there was no great number, of them. For the most part unclothed themself and fled fromthence by divers ways, whereby all Sycille was replenyshedde, for that, that they rendered not themselves by composition, as those with Demosthenes: but a great party of them did die. And in effect, that same slaughter was so great or greater than any other that had been made in Sycille at any time bifore during that same war. For besides those, that were slain by faighting, there was a great number, slain in flying by the ways, orels so hurt, that afterwards they died, nevertheless many did save themself, some that same day, and the other the night following, the which retired into Catana. The syracusans than and their allies, having takene of the prisoners, the most that they might, retired to Sarragosse, being arrived at which place, they sent the prisoners into an castle, namedde Litothomia, 
Litothonia.  the which they reputedde the strongest and most sure of all the other, that they had. But they soon caused Demosthenes & Nycyas, to die against Gylippus will. Who reputed, that it should have been great honour unto him, and for great glory besides the victory, at his return to bring the Dukes of the enemies prisoners to the Lacedemonyans, whereof the one had been their mortal and sharp enemy at the overthrow of Pylus, and the other had been friend and favourable unto them in the self matter. For when the Lacedemonyans, that were takene at Pylus, were brought to Athens, Nycias purchased their deliverance of his power, and used all the humanity that he could, and moreover he purchased the appoinctment, between the athenians, and the Lacedemonyans, so far as he might. whereby those same Lacedemonyans did bear him love, which was the cause, wherefore he rendredde himself unto Gylippus. But some of the syracusans, which had intelligence and confederation with him during the siege, fearing lest that by torment●s he should be constrained to tell the troth thereof, like as the bruytt was, and that by the same mean in the prosperity of the victory, some new brabbling should chance in the city: and the other, specially the corinthians, doubting that by plenty of money, considering that he was very rich, he should win and corrupt the keepers, and by that mean escape, and afterwards make new war against them: they persuaded so unto all the allies, that it was concluded to put him to death. For such or the very nigh like cause, Nycias was slain, a man of all those, that hath been of my time, that lest desarued it, for that, that all the mischief that had happened to him, was for his virtues, wherein he did bestow and apply all his mind. As touching the prisoners, that were led and carried into Lythotomie, they were very rudely entreated at the beginning. For being in so great number in a low and narrow place being open, they were destroyedde, first with the heat of the son in summer, and afterwards Antumpne coming, by cause of the nights, which began to be cold, by the sudden change of the time: they fell into great diseases, joined, that in the same strait place, wherein they were all togethers, they were constrained to do all their necessities, and chief those that dyedde, aswell of wounds as of sickness, were all there buried the one with the other, whereby the stench was intolerable. And besides this, they had great skarcytie of drink and of meat, for they had but two small loaves a day, and a small measure of water every man. And in effect, they suffered and endured all the evils in that same place, that is possible to suffer in that same case, the space of, lxx, days. Afterwards, they were all sold, reserved certain number of them which were athenians, and a certain small number of Italians, & of Sicilians, which they found to have been in their company. And although that it be difficille to show the number of all them which for troth were prisoners, yet it is full certain that they were more, than seven thousand. Which was the greatest loss that the Greeks had made in that same war, and for that, that I can have learnedde (aswell by hear say as also by histories) that ever bifore time had been made. Whereby the act was more glorious to those, that had the victory, and more miserable to them that were overcomedde. The which being wholly and in all sorts destroyed and with great loss in all parts, remained so as it is said, destitute both of footmen and of ships. And of one so great number of men of war, that there were but very few, that returned fromthence into their country. Such was the issue of the war of Sycille.   
Here endeth the Seventh book of the history of Thucydides, and the eight beginneth.   


Of the provision which the athenians made, having understanded the destruction of their people in Sycille, for to sustain war against the Peloponesians, and how the more part of Grece, togethers with the king of Persie, did really themselves togethers against the said athenians. ☞ The furst Chapter.  
When the news of the same overthrow and destruction did come to Athens, there was not well nigh one parson, that would almost believe them, though afterwards those, which were come and scape fromthence, did witness it. For it seemed unto them impossible, that one such an army might have been so utterly destroyed. But after that the troth was learned, the people began to enter into fury and into great anger against the Orators, which had persuaded that same enterprise, as though they themselves had not determined it, and likewise against the Augurers, and diviners, which had done them to understand that the same enterprise should be fortunate and that they should subdue all Sycille. And for effect beside the sorrow and displaiser, that they had for the same loss, they were in great fear, for that, that they perceived themselves deprived, aswell in particular, as in general of a great company of good warryours, aswell footmen as horsemen and of the most part of their young men, better than they had any left of them. And also they had no ships in their havone, neither money in their treasure, nor mariners ne workmen for to make new ships, and for effect they were in a total despair of their wealth. For they did think that the army by sea of the enemies, that should return out of Sycille, would come straight for to aryve at their port of Pyrreus, having had so great a victory, and having their force doubled by the friends, and allies of the Athenians, whereof many were revolted and rebelled with the said enemies. Wherefore the said athenians, did look for no less, but that the said Peloponesians would come to assail them even in that same journey both by sea, and by land. And yet notwithstanding, they were not advised to show themselves faint hearted, nor to forsake their business, but rather to assemble and gather togethers the most ships that they could out of all costs, and for to do it, to amass and gather togiders' money by all means and also wood and stuff for to make ships, and moreover to assuer their friends and allies, chiefly the Eubeyens, and moreover to restrain the expenses and sumptuosity of their living in the city, and to treat a new counsel of the most ancients, that should have the authority and charge to provide for the affair of war in all cases above all the other. And for effect they were attentive and diligent to make all necessary provisions, as people being afraid do generally make, and for to execute that which was devised and determined. And in these enterfeates the summer endedde. The winter following in manner all the Greeks did begin to make new sorrows for the great loss that the athenians had made in Sycille. For it seemed unto them that had been neuter in that same war, that they should not persever in that same newtralytie, but rarher take party with the peloponnesians, although that they were not thereunto required, for that, that they judged that the said Athenians would have come against them, if they had obtained the victory in Sycille. And on the other part it seemed unto them for troth that the rest of the war should be the sooner achieved and endedde, and also that it should be great honour unto them to be parttakers of the victory. And as touching those, that were declared to be with the Lacedemonyans, they offered themself more readily than they had bifore time done, hoping that the victory should bring them out of all necessities and out of all dangers. And also those, which were subjects of the athenians were the more determynedde for to rebel and for to do against them further than their power extended for a great hatred and evil will which they had against them, and also for this, that for any reason that men could allege, they would not understand that those athenians might escape to be destroyed and overthrown the summer following. For all the which things the city of Lacedemonie did conceive great hope to obtain victory against the said athenians. And specially for that, that it was to believe, that the Sycilians being their allies, and having so great number of ships, aswell of theirs as of those, which they had gotten fro the athenians, should come in the spring time unto their aid. And so having hope on all sides, they determined not to make any delay in the war, making their account that if they had the victory at that same time, they should be always in surety & out of the danger, wherein they should have been, if the athenians had gottone Sycille. For it is fully clear, that if they had subdued it, they would have made themselves Lords of all Grece. Following than this determination, Agis king of the Lacedemonyans, 
Agis.  departed that same winter out of Decelea, and sailed by sea through the cities of the allies, for to cause them to contrybute money for to make new ships. And passing through the great Gulf of Oetes named Melinee, 

Oetei.  
Melineus.   he took there a great prize of them, by cause of the ancient ennemytie, that the Lacedemonyans had with them, which prize he turned into money. And that done he constrained the Achees, the Pththiotes and the other nigh bordering people, 
Pththiotes.  subjects to the Thessaliens, to deliver a good some of money and also certain number of hostages, for that, that he suspected them, against the will of the said Thessaliens. Which hostages he sent into corinth, and for effect the Lacedemonyans ordained one houndred galleys to be made by them and their allies, and taxedde unto every one for his rate a portion, to wit, to them, xxv, and to the Beotians asmanye, to the Phociens, Locriens, and corinthians, thirty, to the Arcadians, Peloponesians, Sycioniens, Megarens, Trezeniens, Epidauriens and Hermioniens, xx, and moreover they made provision of all other things, to the intent to begin war incontinently, as the spring time should come. On the other side the athenians that self same winter, ensuing that, which they had determynedde, used all diligence to make and tacle ships, and those that had matter or stuff, did furnish it without difficulty. They moreover enclosedde their poarte of Sunium with walls, 
Sunium.  to the end that the ships, that should bring them victuallles, might come in surety. And they habandonedde and left the ramparts and forts which they had made in Laconic when they went into Sycille, destitute and void. And in the rest they devised to refrain expenses in all that, wherein it should sem● unto them that they might exceed. But above all things they were mindful to keep and defend that their subjects & allies should not rebel.   

How the Lacedæmonians were required and instanced by those of Chio of Lesbos, and of Hellesponte to send unto them an army by sea for to resist the athenians against whom they were willing to rebel, & the order that thereupon was given. ☞ The ii Chapter.  
IN the mean time that these things were done on the one side and on the other, and that they were attentive and diligent in their prepation asmuch, as if the war should begin at the self hour, specially the Eubeens, bifore all the other allies of the athenians, sent messengers unto Agis for to iogine with the Lacedæmonians, who received them gently, and commanded two principal men of Lacedemonie to come unto him for to send them into Eubee, that is to wit, Alcamenes son of Stenclaide, and Melanthus, 
Melanthus.  who came with eight houndredde freemen. The Lesbyans also, which desired to rebel fro them, sent likewise unto Agis to demand men of him for to send into their town, who at the persuasion of the Beotians agreed unto them & in the mean time suspended the enterprise of Eubee. And he sent Alcamenes, who should go thither, unto Lesbos with, xx, ships, whereof Agis furnished ten and the Beotians ten. And Agis did all this, without causing the Lacedemonyans to know any thing thereof. For he had authority to send people to what place that he would, and to assemble and levy likewise & for to recover money and employ it so as he should think expedient, so long as he should be at Decelea. During which time all the allies did obey him, somewhat more than the city of Lacedemonie, for that, that having the army at his will, he caused it to go whider he would. And so he agreed with the Lesbyans, as it is abovesaid. On the other side those of Chio, and those of Erithree, which were minded likewise to rebel from the Athenians, made their treaty with the officers and counsellors of the city of Lacedemonie without knowledge of Agis, with whom was come into the said city, Thissaphernes, 
Thissaphernes  that was provost of the inferior province for the king Dareus, 
Dareus  son of Artaxarxes, who solycited the Peloponesians to make war against the athenians and promised to furnish them with money, whereof he had the commodity, for that, that by the commandment of the king his master, he had a little b●fore exacted a tribute of his province to the intent for to employ the money against the athenians. Whom he hated much, for that, that those were they, that had impeached him to make Grece trybutairie unto him, and it semedde to the said Thissaphernes, that more easily he should recover the said tribute insomuch as he was minded to employ ytt against the athenians, and also by that mean that he should make alliance between the Lacedæmonians and the king Dareus, & besides this, that he should have in his power, Amorges, 
Amorges.  bastard son, of Pyssuthnes. Who being provost of the country of Carie for the king, 
Caria.  was rebelled against him, and he had commanded the said Thissaphernes that he should take pain to have him living or dead. And thereupon Thissaphernes agreed with them of Chio. In the self season Calligetus, 
Caligetus.  son of Leophon of Megare, & Tymagoras, 
Timagoras.  son of Athenagoras of Cizine, who were both chased out of their country, came unto Lacedemonie unto Pharnabasus, 
Pharnabazus.  son of Pharnacus, who had withdrawin them thither, to demand of the Lacedemonyans ships, for to carry them into Hellesponte, offering them to make all his power to get the cities of his province, which took part with the Athenians, for them, desiring by that mean to make the like alliance between the king Dareus his master and them. these practices of Pharnabazus and of Thissaphernes being than brought to Lacedemonie, without that those, which brought the one, had in any thing knowledge of the other: the Lacedemonyans were in great controversy, for some were of opinion that men should furst send ships into jonium and Chio, and the other that they should send into Hellesponte. But finally the greater party was of opinion that men ought first to accept the party of Chio and of Thissaphernes, specially at the persuasion of Alcibiades, who at that present lodgedde in the house of Endius, that was the same year Ephore, that is to say, tribune of the common people, and his father also had lodgedde there, by reason whereof, he was called, Endius Alcibiade. 
Endius  But bifore that the Lacedemonyans sent their ships to Chio, they sent one, who was neighbour of that same city named Phryne's, 
Phryne's.  for to espy, if they had so great number of ships, as they had given to understand, and in the rest if their city were so rich, and so puissant as it was renomedde, who being come again and having made his reapoorte that there was nothing less in effect than in renome, made incontinently alliance with the said Chiens, and Erythriens, and ordained to send thither foorty galleys for to join them with the other three skoore, which the Chiens said that they had, whereof they should send at beginning foorty and ten other afterwards by Melacride their captain by sea. In whose place they afterwards did choose Chalcideus, forsomuch as in the making the election of the said Melacride, it had thoundredde. And of ten ships that Chalcideus should have carried, he had but only five thereof. And in these enterfeaictes the winter ended. Which was the end of the twenty year of the war, that Thucydides hath written. In the beginning of the first spring, those of Chio sent incontinently unto the Lacedemonyans that they should send them the ships, which they had promised unto them. For they fearedde greatly least the athenians should be advertisedde of their treaty, whereof they had yet understandedde nothing. For this cause the Lacedemonyans sent three of their citizens unto the corinthians for to show them, that they should cause all the ships to pass, aswell those, which Agis had caused to be armed for to send into Lesbos, as the other in the sea, where they were through the distreate in the sea of Athenes, and to conduct them to Chio which ships were to the number of, xlix. But forsomuch as Calligetus, and Tymagoras would not be partakers of that same voyage, the ambassadors of Pharnabazus would not deliver the money that he had sent for to wage the army by sea, which amountedde to, xxv, talentes, but rather determynedde to make an other army with that same money, and therewith to go thither, where they had purposed. When Agis understood that the Lacedæmonians had determined for to send first unto Chio, he would not go against their deliberation. And likewise the allies having holden their counseille in corinth, were of that self opinion, that Chalcideus should furst go into Chio. Who had armed five ships at Lacanique. And afterwards Alcamenes, whom Agis had also cho●ene for captain, should go to Lesbos. And finally that Clearchus son of Rhamphius should go into Hellesponte. But bifore all things they ordeynedde that the moiety of their ships should pass with all diligence, the distreacte, afore that the athenians should perceive it, fearing least they should charge aswell upon them, as also upon the other that should pass afterwards. For from the other sea, the ships of the Peloponesians might depart openly without any fear of the athenians, for that, that no man could yet see any army in the sea for them in any poorte.   

How certain of the Peloponesians ships were repulsed by the athenians in the port of Pyerus. And how the cities of Chio, of Erythree, of Mylet and many other turned unto the confederation of the Pelopone●ians. And how the furst alliance was made between the king Dareus, and the Lacedemonyans. ☞ The iii Chapter.  
Ensuing that same deliberation, those, which had charge thereof, passedde the distreate with xxi galleys. And though that they made great instance to the Corinthyans', that they should pass with them yet they would not do it, for that, that the feast, which is called Isthmie, did draw nigh, the which they were willing to celebrate bifore their departure. Which perceivedde, Agis, that they should not break the oath, by the which they had made trefues with the Athenians until after that same feast, offered to take them in his name, whereunto they also would not agree. And in the mean time that they debated hereupon, the athenians, being advertised of the treaty that the Chiens did make, sent unto them one of their officers, named Aristocrates, 
Aristocrates.  for to declare unto them, that they did naughtily. And forsomuch as they denied the case, he commanded them, that they should send their ships to Athens, like as they were bound by virtue of their alliance, which thing they durst not refuse, and sent thither seven galleys, whereof certain, which did not know the other treaty, were authors, and also they that knew it, who feared to put themself in danger and to declare the case unto the commonalty, until they might have some puissance, for to resist it, if that it would rise up, not hoping more that the Peloponesians would have come, sithence that they tarried so long. During this time, the solemn plays were made at the feast of Isthmie, whereat the athenians were, for that, that they had had surety or saulf conduct to come thither. And so they lernedde there more clearly how the Chiens practysedde to rebel from them. For this cause, after that they were returned unto Athenes, they prepared their ships for to defend, that those of th'enemies should not depart out of Cenchree without their knowledge. 
Cenchree.  And right soon after the feast, they sent thither xxi galleys for to encounter the other xxi, whereof Alcamenes had the conduct. And after that they did see them, they enforced themselves to tull them into the main sea, feigning themselves to retire. Neverthelas after that the Peloponesians had followed them a little further, they returned back, which seen, the athenians did likewise retire, forsomuch as they trusted not seven ships which they had from Chio in their company of xxi But being afterwards come unto them an other new succours with xxxvii other ships, they followed the enemies until the desert & habandoned port, which is in the extremities or furthest part of the land of Epidaurians, which they called Pyreus, 
Pyreus  within the which port the Peloponesians ships were retired, reserved one, which was lost in the main sea. At which place the athenians came to assail them by sea, and also landedde one part of their men, who fearedde them greatly, and crushed many of their ships and did slay manany men, among whom was Alcamenes, also a certain number of their people died bifore that they departed, but finally the athenians retyredde. And for to keep the enemies assiegedde, they left such number, as they thought good in a little Island there adioigning, wherein they lodgeddde themself, and sent wit h diligence by a brigantyne to the athenians, that they should send them new succours: during this time and the day following the Corinthians did come to the aid of the Peloponesians, and soon after, those of the other allies: who seeing, that it should be very hard for them for to kep● that same desert place, were in great perplexity, and at the first brunt did speak of burning their ships. But finally they determined to withdraw them towards the land, & to cause their men to land for to ward them until that they should see opportunity for to save them. Agis being advertised of the which things, sent unto them a cytezeine of Sparte, named Thermon. 
Thermon.  Now the Lacedemonyans had been advertised of the departure of the ships out of the destreate, for that, that the Trybuns' of the people had commanded Alcamenes that he should advertise them, immediately when he departed. For this cause they sense with all diligence five ships after, under the conduct of Chalcideus and of Alcibiades. But afterwards being advertised how their men and ships were fled, they were all astonied and da●shedde out of countenance, that their furst enterprise of war in the sea jonium, had myshappened, in such sort that they were determined not to send any more an army by sea out of their land, and to revoke or call back the same, which they had already sent thither. Which perceived, Alcibiades persuaded eftsoons to Endius, that he should not suftre the enterprise of Chio to be brokene of, neither to wax cold. For it might arrive there, before that the Chiens were advertised of the inconvenience of the other ships. And if he himself sailed into Ionum, he was able to cause right easily the cities, which took part with the athenians to rebel, sygnefyinge unto them the debility and low estate of the athenians, and the puissance, togethers with the enterprises of the Lacedemonyans: for so much as he had great credit with them. And besides this, Alcibiades, showed to Endius particularly, that it should be great honour and great glory unto him, that by his mean the country of Ionum should rebel from the athenians to the confederatyon with the Lacedemonyens: and that by that mean he should be compaignyon with Agys' king, and so have done it without the said Agis, unto whom the same Endius was adversary: and Alcibiades so persuaded Endius and the other Trybuns', that the charge of five ships, with Chalcideus the Lacedemonyan, was delivered unto him for to go in that same party, which they did in a right small time. Now chanced it in that self time that Gylippus after the victory coming again out of Sycille into Grece with xvi. Peloponesians ships, he encountered nigh to Leucade xxvii ships of the athenians: whereof Hippocles, 
Hippocles.  son of Menippus, was chief, who was sent thither to this end, to wit, for to encounter and spoylle the ships, which came out of Sycille, and though that he did them great displeasure and greatly feared them, yet nevertheless they escaped all, resarued one, and sailed to land at Corinthe. In the mean time Chalcideus & Alcibiades in making their voyage, did take all the ships, which they encountered, of whatsoever sort that they were: to the intent that their passage should not be knowing: the which nevertheless they did afterwards suffer to depart, before they arrived at the place of Coricque, 
Coricus  which is in main land, and having treated with certain of the Chiens that ministered to the treaty, they were advertised not to speak thereof to any whatsoever parson: which thing they did in such sort, that they arrived at the City of Chio, before that any parson knew any thing thereof. The citizens being much astonied thereof, they were persuaded by some for to assemble the counsel of the town, for to hear, what they, which were arrived, would say. And the same being assembled Chalcideus and Alcibiades declared unto them, how many of the Peloponesians ships did come after unto them, without making mention of those, that were assieged in Pyreus. The Chiens understanding whichch thing, made alliance with the Lacedæmonians, departing themself from the same of the Athenians: & the like they caused incontinently after to be made by the Erethriens, 
Erithrei  and consequently by the Clazomeniens, 
Clazomenes  who without any further delay passed forthwith into the main land, and builded there a small town, to the end, that if any should come to overrun them in the Island, they might have some place for to witdraw themself into. And for effect all those that rebelled, were attentive & diligent for to fortify their walls, & to provide themself with all things for to resist the Athenians, if they did come to assail them. When the athenians were advertised of the rebellion of the Chiens, they were in great sorrow & doubt, that their allies perceiving that same great city rebelled, would do the like. For this cause, albeit that they had laid a part a thousand talentes & had made a decree that no man should speak or purpose under the great pains to touch or to take thereof during all the war: yet nevertheless for the fear, that they had of that same case, they revoked their decree, & ordained that men should take a great part thereof, wherewith that they might make and tacle a great number of ships: & moreover caused eight of those that were in Pyreus to dislodge under the conduct of Strombichides son of Diotimus for to follow those, 
Strombichides  which Chalcideus and Alcibiades did conduct: but they could not overtake them, for they were already come again fromthence. And soon after they sent for the same effect twelve other ships under the conduct of Thra●ides, which likewise were departed from the Siege of those, that were in Pireus. For understanding the rebellion of the Chiens, they seized the xvii ships, which they had of them at the said Pyreus: & restored to liberty the slaves that were within them: but they did take the citizens prisoners. And in stead of the other, which had given up & forsaken that same siege, there were other fourth with sent thither at great charges, & also they had determined to arm xxx & upwards of them: which to do they used so great diligence, that it seemed that they esteemed nothing to be sufficient enough for to recover Chio. During this time Stronbichides with viii ships sailed to Samun, & having there taken also one ship, which he found there, he sailed to Tea, 
Ten.  and prayed the citizens that they would be firm and constant, & not to make any novelty. Unto which place Chalcideus did come from Chio with xxiii ships, in the which he had charged a great number of footmen, aswell of Erythree, as also of Clazomenie. Stronbichides, being advertised thereof, he departed incontinently from Tea, & when he had taken the main sea, seeing afar of so great number of ships he retired into Samie, where he saved himself, although that the other did give him the chase. Which perceived, the Theriens although that at beginning they had refused to receive garnison into their city, received it after Stronbichides was fled fromthence. And there were left the footmen Erithryens and Clazomeniens: who having certain days attended the return of Chalcideus, that followed Stronbichides, and saying that he came not, they did raze down the walls of the town, which the athenians had made from of the coast of the main land. And that did they, with the aid and persuasion of certain strangers that came thither in the mean time under conduct of Stages, lieutenant of Cissaphernes. In this mean time Chalcideus & Alcibiades, having chased Strō●bychides into the port of Samie, they returned fromthence to Chio, & there left their mariners in garnison, whom they armed as souldears. And having in their stead put into their ships men of the country & moreover armed twenty other ships, they sailed fromthence to Mylet, trusting to cause the town to rebel. For Alcibiades, who had great amity with many of the principal citizens thereof, would gladly do that act, before that the ships of the Peloponesians should be sent thither for that same cause, and to have that same honour, aswell for him as for Chalcydeus and also for those of Chio, whom they had in their company, and moreover for Endius, who was author of his voyage: that by their mean, many Cities, which took part with the athenians, should rebel. Having than made great diligence by sea the most secretly that they might, they arrived at the said Milet a little before Stronbichides and Thrasicleas', 
Thrasicleas'.  who were sent thither by the athenians with xii ships, and caused the town incontinently to turn to their confederatie. soon after arrived other nineteen ships of the athenians, which followed those here, the which not being received by the Mylesians, they retired into an Island there adioygning, named Lada. 
Lada.  soon after the rebellion of Mylet, the furst alliance was made between the king Dareus & the Lacedemonyans by Tyssaphernes & Chalcideus in this manner.  

The tenor of the alliance between the king Dareus and the Lacedæmonians.  
IN these enterfaictes, the Lacedemonyens and their allies, made alliance with the king Dareus and Tyssaphernes his provost, in this manner. That the cities, lands, countries and signiories, that the athenians held, those same, which the king or his predecessors had holden, should remain unto him: and that all the revenue that those athenians did take thereof, should be enjoyed by the king and the Lacedemonyans togethers, and that they should defend that no part thereof should cometo the proffitt of the athenians. That the king and the Lacedemonyans with their allies should make war commonly against the athenians: and that the one should not conclude peace with them without the other. And that if any of the kings subjects rebelledde against him, the Lacedemonyans and their allies should hold them for their enemies: and of the subjects of the Lacedemonyans and allies, if they rebelled, the king should take them for his. Such was the some of the alliance between them.    

How those of Chio or Chiens after that they were rebelledde against the athenians, caused Mytilene and all the Isle of Lesbos to rebel. And how the athenians did alterwardes recover it with certain other cities, which were also rebelled. And how, having vanquished the Chiens in three battles they pillaged and wasted all their land: and of some other things. ☞ The four Chapter.  
AT the self time the Chiens armed ten other ships, with the which they took their way for to sail to the city of Anea, 
Anea.  aswell for to learn what the City of Milet had done, as for to sollycitte the other Cities, which took part with the athenians for to haba●done them. But being advertised by Chalcideus how Amorges did come against their city with a great host by land, 
Amorges.  they returned fromthence unto the temple of Jupiter, out of which place, they might see coming xvi athenians ships, which Diomedon conducted, 
Diomedon.  who was sent from Athens after Thrasicles. And knowing that they were ships of Athenes, one part of the Chiens went unto Ephesus and the other to Tea: of the which, eight were taken by the athenians. But that was, after that those, that were within them were landed. The other saved themselves in the port of Tea, and the athenians departed fromthence against Samun. And yet nevertheless, the Chiens having assembled the other ships that were escaped, and also a certain number of footmen, they persuaded the city of Lebedus to forsake the party of the athenians, 
Lebedus.  and afterwards that same of Eras. 
Eras.  And that done they retired with their ships & footmen into their houses. about the same time the xvi ships of the Peloponesians, the which did hold a like number of the athenians ships assieged at Pireus, issued soubdainly & unlooked for, upon those athenians: and defied & repulsed them in such sort, that they did take four of them: and that done, they sailed to the port of Cenchree, where they repaired and tacled their ships, for to sail afterwards to Chio and into Jonun under the conduct of Astyochus, whom the Lacedemonyans sent unto them, unto whom they had given charge of all the army by sea. After that the footmen that were at Tea, were departed fromthence, Tyssaphernes arrived there. Who having caused the rest of the walls to be beaten down, sailed fronthence incontinently. And soon after Diomedon arrived there, with twenty athenians ships, who did somuch with them of the town, that they were content to receive him, but he tarried not there, & so sailed to Eras, thinking to take it by force: which thing he could not do, and for that cause departed. In that same time, the mean people of Samium did rebel against the greater, having with them the aid of the athenians, which were come to arrive there with three ships. And they did slay two hundred of the principal of the same greater occupiers and they banished other two hundred: and forfeited their goods, aswell of the dead, as of the banished: the which they departed amongst them. And by consent of the athenians, after that they had promised them to persever in their amity they set themselves into liberty, & governed themselves of themself, without giving to the banished, whose goods they did wythhold, any thing for their living, but rather made a great defence and prohibition, that none should take any land or house of them, nor also deliver them any. In these enterfaicts the Chiens, that had determined to declare themselves against the athenians, in all sorts that they could cessed not with their proper force, without any aid of the Peloponesians, for to sollycit & practise the other cities, holding the party of the Athenians for to turn from them, & they did this for many reasons, but principally for to withdraw so many more people into self danger, wherein they were. And so they armed xiii ships, with the which they sailed towards Lesbos, ensuing the dear of the Lacedemonyans: by the which it was appointed that the second navigation or voyage by sea should be made to the said Lesbos, & the third to Hellesponte. For the foten●ē which were come thither, aswell Peloponesians, as other borderers, were gone to Clazomenie & to Cumes: 
Cumes.  of whom Eualas the Spartian was captain, 
Eualas.  & Dimiadas of the ships. 
D●miadas.  The Chiens came with this army furst to Methimne, 
Methimna.  & at the arrival caused them to rebel: & having left there four ships, came fronthence to Mytilene with the rest of the ships, whom they caused likewise to rebel. On the other side Astiochus the admiral by sea of the Lacedæmonians, departed from Cenchre with three ships & did come to Chio. Being at which place, three dates after his coming, he understood how Leontes & Diomedom were arrived at Lesbos with xxv Athenians ships. which understanding, he departed the same day in the evening with one only ship of Chio, for to sail into the part, & to see if that he could give any new succours to the Mytileniens, and did come that night to Pyrrha, and the morrow aftere, to Eresse. In which place he was advertised, how the athenians had at the furst assault, taken the city of Mytilene by this manner. For bifore that any man perceived it, they were soubdaynly arrived in the port, where they destroyed the ships of the Chiens, which they found there, and forthwith were landed, & having repulsed those of the town, that came to the defence, they were entered into it by force. Astyochus than understanding this noweltie, he changed his opinion to go to Mytilene. But rather with the ships of the Eressiens' & three of those of Chio, which the athenians had takene at Methymna wyith Eubolus their capytain (but after the taking of Mytilene, were escaped, and the fifth remained) he went to Eressus, and after that he had put good garnison with in it, he sent by land to Antissa and to Methymna the men of war, that he had within his ships under the conduct of Eteonicus, 
Eteonicus.  and he with his ships and three of the Chiens, sailed by sea that self way, hoping that the Mytilenians, seeing his army by sea, would take courage for to persist and continue in their rebellion against the athenians. But seeing that all things came contrary unto him in the Isle of Lesbos, he recharged his men, which he had set on land and returned fromthence to Chio, and there parted or dissevered the men that he had, aswell of sea, as of land, through the towns and villaiges until that, whereby they should pass into Hellesponte. 
Hellespontus.  And soon after came thither six ships of the allies of the Peloponesians, to wit of those, that were in Chencte. On the other side the athenians, having than ordained the affairs of Lesbos, they did come to the new town, which the Clazomenyans had newly made in the main land, 
Clazomenei,  and did beat and raze it utterly down: and the citizens, which they found within it, they carried again into the city within the Island, those excepted, which had been authors of the rebellion, who were fled fromthence to Daphnus, & by that mean brought Clazomenie again into the obeissance of the athenians. The same summer, the twenty athenians ships that were rested at the Isle of Lada, nigh unto Mylett, having set their men on land, did come to assail the town of Panorme, which is in the territory of the Mylesiens'. At which assault Chalcideus duke of the athenians was slain. who was come with a small number of men, for to secure the town: and that done they departed fromthence, and the third day after they did set up their Trophy, which the Milesiens' did afterwards beat down, saying that they ought not to have raised up an Trophy in a place, which they had not taken by force. On the other side Leon and Dyomedon with the ships that they had at Lesbos departed fromthence, and came to the Intends next to Chio, and frothence made war against the Chiens by sea, and also by land with the footmen well armed, which they had caused the Lesbyans to furnish by th appointment, which they had made with them, in such sort that they brought again the towns of Cardomyla, 
Cardomyla.  and that same of Bolissus and the other nigh bordering of the land of Chio, into their obeissance, chiefly after that they had destroyed and vanquished the Chiens in three battles, which they had against them. The first before the said town of Bolissus, 
Bolissus.  the second before Phanes and the third before Leuconicum. 

Fane.  
Leuconicum.   After the which, they durst no more issue fourth of their city, and by that mean the athenians remained Lords of the feldy ground, and also pillaiged and wasted all that same fair and rich country, which had not endured any dammaige of war, sithence that same of the Medes: and they were also, next the Lacedemonyans, of all that I have knowing, both most blessed and also the most modestuous and sober. And also they had this policy that how much the more the city increased in riches, so much they enforced themselves to make it the more fair and triumphant in all things. And they never enterprised to rebel against the athenians, until they perceived that there were many of the other puissant and honnorable cities, which did put themselves into the self danger. And that the case of the athenians was in such declination after the loss, that they had made in Sycille, that they themselves held their estate in manner for lost. And though that they had an evil opinion therein, like as it happeneth in human affairs: yet nevertheless it was common with many other sage and puissant parsons: who held it for certain that the estate and the Empire of the athenians, within short time should be lost. seeing than that they were oppressed, aswell by sea as by land, there were some in the town that entreated to render it again to the Athenians. The principallest of the town being advertised thereof, would make none other show or appearance therein of themselves, but sent unto Astyochus, who was at Erythree, that he should come with four ships that he had, for to give some remedy therein, taking hostaiges or pledges of the suspected: or by such other mean, as he should think to be expedient: the most modestuously that he could. In such terms or condition were the affairs of Chio.   

¶ How the athenians having assieged the city of Mylet, had a battle against the Peloponesians, in the which both the parties, in divers respects, had the victory. And how the athenians understanding that succours did come unto the city, they raised their Siege and departed fronthence. And afterwards how the Lacedemonyans and their allies did take the city of Alas: and within the same Amorges, who rebelled from the king Dareus, whom they rendered to his Lieutenant. ☞ The .v. Chapter.  
Abouts the end of that same summer, a thousand, five houndred men well armed, being athenians: and a thousand Argives being the one half well armed and the other moiety lightly armed, and so many of their other allies, togethers with xlviii ships, the one part whereof were Barks for to carry men, and the other galleys, having Phrynicus● Onomocles and Scironidas, 

Phrinicus.  
Onomocles.  
Scironidas.   for captains: departed from Athenes, and passed through Samie, and afterwards did sail fromthence to plant their camp before Mylet. Against whom did issue fourth eight houndred men of the town well armed, togethers with those, which Chalcideus had brought and a certain number of mercenaries or huyred soldiers, that Tyssaphernes had, who was in that same affair, and did come to the battle. Wherein the Argives, which were in the right point, being of themselves dispersed and more set at large than reason would, for to enuironne their enemies: esteeming that the Ionians should not have been able for to susteygne and withstand their strength, were broken and put to flight: and there were slain of them few lesser than three hundred. As touching the athenians that held that other point. having at beginning repulsed the Peloponesians and the Barbarous with the other troop, they did not fayght against the Mylesians: who after that they had defeated the Argives, were retired into the city, and as having the victory, had put of their armure nigh to the walls, before that they did see, that the other point of their army was repulsed. And by that mean it chanced in the same batrail that the Ionians on both sides had the victory against the Doriens● to wit, the Athenians against the Peloponesians, & the Milesians against the Argives. After the battle, the athenians, having raised up their Trophy, determined to enclose the city with walls on all sides by land. For the more part was environed with the sea: presupposing that if they did ●ake that same cities the other would easily come again into their obeisance. But the self same day in the evening news came, how that there were coming against them fifty ships, aswell of Sycille, as of Peloponese, that would be shortly there: like as it was for troth. For the Siracusains at the persuasion of Democrates, for to extinquish utterly the forces of the Athenians, had devised to send succours to the Peloponesians, and so did send therein twenty ships of theirs, and two of the Selynuntyns, which were joined with those of the Peloponesians, that were xxxiii And the charge was given to Theramenes Lacedaemonian for to conduct them all to Astyochus admy●all & general captain of all the army, 
Theramenes.  and so they came first to aboard at Eleus, 
Eleus.  which is an Island and is situated directly against Mylet. 
Miletum.  Understanding fromthence that the athenians were bifore the said city of Mylet, they did come to the gulf of Lasycus. 
Las●cus  For to learn more easily, what was done at the said Mylet: & afterwards they arrived at Tichiusa, 
Tichiusa.  which is the territory of Mylet. Being in which place, they were advertised of the battle that had been bifore the said Mylet, by Alcibiades, who was thereat on the party of the Mylesiens' and of Tyssaphernes. That same man showed them that if they were not willing to suffer Ionum, and afterwards all the rest to be lost: it was needful that they should come to secure the city of Mylet soubdainly bifore that it might be enclosed with walls, which should be no small matter if they permitted the enemies to do it: upon these words and declarations it was determined and concluded on the morrow for to departed in the morning for to secure the said city. But Phrinicus, 
Phrynicus.  being advertised of the coming of that same army into that quarter although that his companions and colleagues willed that men should tarry for to fayght: said that he would never consent unto it, nor for his power suffer the other to do it, saying and declaring unto them, that bifore they should faight, it was requisitt furst to understand what number of ships the enemies had: and what number was necessary for to faight with them, and afterwards to have time and leisure to put them into order and in batt●●lle, as the case required it. And that it was never holden for shame or cowardness not to be willing to haz●rt a thing, when there was no necessity: and therefore that it was no shame to the Athenians for to retire with their army for a certain time: but rather it should be much greater shame for them, if it happened that they were vainquished, in what soever sort, that it should happene. And besides the shame, the city of Athenes and his estate should be brought into great danger: the which, considered the great losses that she had within short time before made, ought not to be put in hazard of battle, although that it happily had her preparation assured and sufficient in all things, and that therein were no necessity or lack. Wherefore the things being in worser terms and condition, there was no appearance to do it willingly, where that it was not nedefulle. Therefore his opinion was, that they should forthwith charge into their ships all their men togethers with their munytions, bagguages and vessels, which they had brought only thither, and to leave the other which they had gottone from the enemies, for that they would not overcharge their ships, and with the same to retire with the greatest diligence that they could unto Samye: and having there assembled their ships again to sail fromethence to search their enemies, where they should think that they might do it with their advantage: the which opinion the other did follow. And aswell for that, as in many other things, that were committed to Phrynicus, he was always reputed to be a saige man and of a clear understanding. In this manner the athenians without fynishinge their enterprise departed from Mylet about the evening tide. And they being arrived at Tam●e, the Argives, that were with them, for the despite, which they had, to have been vainquished, returned from thence into their houses. The Peloponesians, ensuing their deliberation, in the morning departed fronthence for to come to meet with the athenians at Mylett. But being there arrived, and understanding the departure of the enemies, after that they had sojourned there one day, they did take the ships of the Chins, that Chalcideus had brought thither, & determined to return fronthence to Tichiusa for to recharge their baggage, which they left there, when they departed. And they being there arrived, Tissaphernes did come to meet them with his footmen, and persuaded them to sail unto Lasus, where Amorges bastard son of Pissunthes, who was enemy and rebel to the king Dareus, kept himself. Where unto the Peloponesians did agree and came to the said place with so great diligence, that the said Amorges perceived it not: but rather when he did see than come strait into the port, he thought that they had been ships of Athens. And by that mean, they did take the port, though that those of the town, when they did know that they were enemies, made great defence: but they could not resist the puissance of the enemies, and chief of the syracusans, who did best the same day. In that same town Amorges was taken prisoner by the Peloponesians, who sent him again to Tyssaphernes for to convey him to the king his master, if he thought good. But the pyllaige of the town was granted to the soldiers, who found it all full with goods, and specially with money, forsomuch as that same town had long been in peace and in prosperity. As touching the soldiers, which the same Amorges had, the Peloponesians received them in to their sold or wages, and divided them among their companies, for that, that there were many of the country of Peloponesa. But the rest of the people, which were found in the town, the Lacedemonyans committed them togiders' with the town unto Tyssapharnes paying for every of the said prisoners one stater of Darea: and with the same they returned to Mylet. And fromthence sent Pedaretus, son of Leon, whom the Lacedæmonians had sent to Chio, for to be governor of the town, with the soldiers that they had had of Amorges. And they left Philippe for capytain and in these enterfeates cometh the end of summer.   

How the City of Chio being assieged by the athenians, Astiochus, chief of the army by sea of the peloponesians, refused to secure it. And how the second treaty of alliance was made with Tyssaphernes, with some other small feats that were done on both sides. ☞ The vi Chapter.  
IN the beginning of winter, Tissaphernes, after that he had well furnished La●us, did come to Milet, & there made payment to the soldiers, which were in the ships, as he had promised to the Lacedæmonians, to wit, one groat of Athens for every man at that payment, but he declared that fromthens●ourth he would give but three half pence for the man, until he understood the kings pleasure. But Hermocrates Duke of the syracusans would not be content with this payment, although that Theramene● made no great instance touching the same, for that, that he was not chief of that same army, but had only the charge to bring it to Astyochus. And in effect for the instance that Hermocrates made, it was concluded with Tyssaphernes that the payment fromthence forwards, should be more than three half pence● reserved only for those, that were in five ships. And so it was concluded, that of iu ships that he had there, fifty should have the whole payment, and the five, three half pence. In that same winter the athenians, that were at Samie, a new army of xxxv ships being there come to them, whereof Charmynus● 
Charminus.  Stronbichides and Euctemon had the charge, 

Strombichides.  
Euctemon.   and having moreover retired and wythdrawin some other aswell of Chio, as of other places, they determined to part & divide their puissance among them, and with one party, to wit, the shipmen, to go to assault Mylet, and to send the footmen by sea unto Chio, Ensuing which determination, Stronbychides, Onomaches and Euctemon, who had the charge for to sail with thirty ships & one party of the soldiers, that were come against Mylet, sailed fronthence unto Chio: which voyage chanced unto them by lot. And their colleagues and compaignyons that remained at Samie departed from thence with lxxiii ships, and sailed against Milet. Astyochus being advertised thereof, who was come to Chio for to take hostages of the suspected, cessed to execute that, which he purposed. But understanding that Theramenes was come with a good number of ships, & that the affairs of their leagge did take ill success, he did take ten of the Peloponesians ships, & asmany of those of Chio, with which, he departed, and in passing, he thought to take Pteleun: but he failed thereof, & sailed from thence to Clazomenie, & there commanded those, which took the party of the athenians, that they should render the city & depart fromethence unto Daphaus: and the like commandment was made unto them by Tamus Praetor or chie● officer of Ionum, notwithstanding they would do nothing. Which perceived, Astiochus did give them one assault, thinking to have taken them easily, for that, that they had no walls, but he could not, & so launched fourth. And after that he had sailed a little way, there soubdainly did come a great wind, which parted & skatered abroad his ships, in such manner that he came to aboard at Phocee, 
Phocea.  & fromthence to Cumes: 
Cumes.  & the other aboorded in the Islands next adioigninge to Cl●zomenie, 
Clazomenie.  to wit, Mirathuse, 
Marathusa.  Pele, 
Pela.  Drymisse, 
Drimissa.  where they found much victuals and other goods, which the Clazomenians had withdrawn thither: whereof, in the space of eight days that they abodde there, they consumed one part, & the other part they charged in their ships & afterwards sailed fronthence to Phocee & to Cumes to find Astyochus. Unto whom, there being, the Ambassadors of the Lesbyans did come, for to treat with him to bring again the said Island into his power, where unto he readily agreed. But seeing that the Corinthians, & the other allies would not gladly consent unto it, by cause of the misfortune the bifore time had there happened unto them, he sailed strait unto Chio, where all the ships did arrive finally, although y● an other time they were skatered obroad by fortune of the sea, & were driven by force of wind into divers places. And Pederitus, 
Pederitus.  who was left at Erithre came to meet them there, & brought by land from Mylet the footmen that he had, which were abouts five houndred: and had been taken by the mariners of the Chalcidians and left there with harness & weapons. After whose coming, some of the Lesbyens did come unto Astiochus, offering eftsoons to render the city & the Island. Who declared & communicated the thing to Pedaritus & to the Chiens, showing that it could not but serve for the enterprise, for if the thing did come to effect, the Peloponesians should have so many the more ●rendes, and though that it might not be brouht to the purpose, yet should it greatly noye the athenians. But seeing that they would not consent thereunto, and that Pedaritus chief refused to deliver the ships of the Chiens, he took with him five Corinthyans' ships and one of Megare besides his own, which he had brought out of Laconie and returned to Mylet, where his principal charge was: and said in anger unto the Chiens, that they should not look to have any aid from him, whatsoever business that they might have. So he sailed to land at Coryce, 
Coricus  where he sojourned certain days. During this time the army of the athenians, departed from Samie & arrived at Chio, and they came to lodge themselves at the foot of a hill that was between the port and them, so that they, which were within the said port, perceived them not: neither also the athenians did know what the other did. between both, Astiochus was advertised by letters from Pedaritus, how some Erithriens, which had been prisoners at Samie, were released by the athenians, and sent to Erythree to cause the city to rebel. So he incontinently launched fourth to return thither, and it failed very little, but that he had fallen into the athenians hands: nevertheless he came thither in saulftie, where he found Pedaritus, who was likewise come thither for the self cause. And so both of them made great inquyrie of the same treaty, & did take many of them, that were suspected. But being informed that no naughty thing had been there perpetrated, but that the same was feigned for th● wealth of the city, they absolved them all and returned fromthence, the one to Chio, the other to Mylet. During this time the athenians ships, that passed out of Coryce unto Argive, encountered three long ships of the Chiens, which incontinently, as they had perceived them, they followed to overwhelm them, & did give them the chase unto their poarte, where they with great pain could scarcely save themselves by cause of the tempest that came upon them And three ships of the athenians that followed them into the port, perished and were lost: and they, that were within, partly taken and partly slain. The other ships, retired into a port, that was under Mymante, 
Mimas  named Phenicuate● 
Phenicus.  and fromthence they sailed to Lesbos, 
Lesbos  where they raised up new rampires. In that same winter Hypocrates Lacedaemonian with ten ships of the Thuryens, 
Hippocr●tes.  over which, Doricus son of Diagoras one of the three chiefest of the army, 
Doricus.  and with two other, to wit, one of Laconie, 
Laconia.  & the other of Sarragosse, did rule or govern passed through Peloponese to Cnide, which city was already rebelled against Tyssaphernes. Whereupon those of Mylet, understanding the coming of that same army by sea: sent the moiety of their ships for to ward & defend the said city of Cnide, 
Cnidus  and for to secure certain barks that were coming out of Egipte, 
Egiptus.  charged with men, which Tyssaphernes caused to come, and ordained to meet with them, the ships, that were in the haven of Triopie, which was a rock in the promoutorie, situated on the heigh of the region of Cnyde, upon the which, standeth a temple of Apollo. But the athenians advertised hereof, which were at Samie, prevented the said ships, that were at Triopie, 
Triopium  to the number of six and did take them: nevertheless the men that were within them saved themselves on land. And fromthence they came to Cnyde: the which failed but little, that they had takene it at the arrival, for that, that it had no walls: notwithstanding they were repulsed. And yet nevertheless the day following, they did give them an other assault, but they did less proffitt therein, for that that the men of the town, had in the night better rampared their dyches. Also the shipmen, that were saved in the land at Triopie, were come thither in the self night: whereby the athenians, saying that they could do nothing there, they returned to Samie. In the self-same time Astyochus being come to Mylet, he found his army right well appointed with all things, for that, that the peloponesians fournished right well to the payment of souldyars, who besides that same, had great and much money for the butie, which they had gotten at Lasus. And on the other part, the Mylesians were all disposed to do that, which was possible for them for their party. But forsomuch, as the last alliance, which Chalcideus had made with Tyssaphernes, seemed not to be ample enough, but defectuous and faulty in some things, which made more for the party of Tyssaphernes, than for them they reformed and renewed it an other time by the mean of Theramenes, in the manner, to followeth.  

The second treaty of alliance between the Lacedemonyans and the king Dareus.  
HEre follow the articles, convenants and treaties of amity, between the Lacedæmonians and their allies of the one paatie, and the king Dareus, his children and Tyssaphernes on the other party. Furst that all the cities, countries, lands and signiories, which do at this present appertain to king Dareus, & that have been his fathers or other his predecessors, shall remain frank and free unto him in manner, that the Lacedemonyans nor their allies may not go thither for to war or to do damage therein, and that they may not exact nor take any tribute there. And likewise that the king, nor any of those, which be under him, may do damage nor exact any tribute in the lands of the Lacedæmonians neither of their allies. And moreover that if any of the said parties requireth any thing of the other, & if that it be granted unto him, in like case that same party that shall have received the plaisir, shallbe bound to render it to the other, when he shallbe thereunto required. And that the war, which they have begun against the athenians, shallbe followed to the end, generally by the said parties, and shall not be left of by the one without the other. That all the men of war, which shallbe levied in the kings countries by his ordinance shallbe paid with his money. And if any of the confederated cities shall come to invade any of the kings provinces, the other shall forbid and keep them from it to his power. And to the contrary if any of the kings countries or subjects come to invade any of the confederated cities or their land, the same kyuge shall impeach and forbid them with his power. After this treaty made, Theramenes, having delivered his ships to Astiochus, departed thence, & was never after seen. During this time the Athenians, that were come from Lesbos against Chio, having assieged it by land and by sea, did give themself to enclose the port of Delphinie, which was a strong place on the land side, with wall: and also it had a port sufficiently sure, & was not very far from Chio, whereby the citizens were greatly troubled, aswell for many great losses & damages, which they had already susteigned, by occasion of the war, as also for that, that the inhabitants were ill agreeing amongst themselves, and much troubled otherways. For Pedaritus had caused already Tideus the Ionian with all his men to die, for that, that he suspected them to have confederation with the athenians. By reason of which act, the rest of the citizens, which were brought to a small number, did not trust the one the other, and thereby it seemed unto them thot neither they, neither nother the strangers being soldiers, which Pedaritus had brought, were sufficient for to go fourth against the enemies. So they sent to Astyochus to Mylet to pray him that he would come to secure them. And for that, that he would not do it, Pedaritus did write to the Lacedemonyans against him, that he did greatly endommage the comen wealth. In this manner the athenians did hold the city of Chio assieged, and moreover their ships, which they had at Samie came to presence battle to those of the enemies that were at Mylet: but seeing that they would not issue fourth of their poarte, they returned fromthence.    

¶ How the Peloponesians had a victory in the sea against the athenians, and how certain of their chiefs, having had some words afterwards with Tissaphernes touching an article of their alliance, they sailed to Rhodes and caused it to rebel against the athenians. ☞ The vii Chapter.  

Calligetus.  IN that same winter, the affair of Pharnabasus being appointed and concluded by Calligetus of Megara, and by Tymagoras Cyzicien: 
Tymagoras.  xxvii. ships did pass out of Peloponese into Ionum, about the midst of September, under the conduct of Antisthenes' Spartian with twelve other his fellow citizens, 
Antisthenes  which the Lacedemonyans sent unto ●stiochus, for to assist and give him counsel in the affairs of war. Amongst whom, Lichas son of Archesilas was the principal. 
Lichas  And they had given unto them in commission for to devise, after that they should be arrived at Mylet, in all affairs, and thereupon to provide in such sort, that all things there might he well. And for the rest, to send, if they thought good the ships, that they shall have brought thither, aither in greater number or in lesser, as the affair should require it, into Hellesponte● to Pharnabazus, under the conduct of Clearchus, 
Clearchus.  son of Ramphius, who was in their company. And also if it seemed to them to be good, that they should take the charge of the army from Astyochus, and deliver it to Antisthenes, for that, that they had the said Astiochus suspected for the letters● which Pedaritus had written against him. these xxvii ships, than being departed fro Malee, 
Malea.  they found at Melee, 
Melum  ten athenians ships, whereof they did take three, being void or empty, which they burned: and fearing lest the other, that escaped should do their coming to be knowing to the Athenians that were at Samie, like as it chanced, they sailed to Creta. Having long sailed for their saulfgarde, they aborded in the port of Cumes, which is in the country of Carie: and reputing themselves to be in a sure place and out of danger, they sent fromthence unto those that were at Milet, that they should come to meet them. During this time the Chiens and Pedaritus cess not to instant Astiochus, that he should come to secure them, seeing them so assieged, & that he would not so abandon the principal city of Ionum, which was enclosed on the coast of the sea, & pillaged on the land side, and somuch the more fyercely● that in the same city there was greater number of slaves, than in any other of Grece, next to Lacedemonie, the which for fear of their multitude, men did keep in great feare● and were more sharply chastised and corrected than elsewhere. By reason whereof, the host of athenians, being lodged in sure places after that they had made their rampires: many of the said slaves and bondmen fled unto them: & for that, that they did know well the country they greatly endommaiged the citizens. For all the which reasons, the Chiens declared to Astiochus that he ought to come to secure them, whilst that it was in his power to impeach that they should not finish the closure of Delphinum, which was not yet fully made. For after that it were achieved, the ships and the army of the enemies should have more spacious lodging there, than they had had. The which requests & declarations perceived, Astyochus● albeit that he was minded not to do it, as he had said and affirmed unto them at his departure: yet nevertheless he determined for to succour them. ●ut being thereupon advertised of the coming of the said, xxvii, ships and of thee, x●i, counsellors to Caunus, it seemed to him more expedient to leave all other thing, for to go to seek the said ships, with which he might be Lord of the sea, and to bring the counsellors, which were come for to discharge him, in surety. So he left the navigation which he purposed into Chio and sailed strait to Caunus. ●nd in passing by Meropide, he caused his men to land, and pillaged the to●ne, which hadbene destroyed through an earthquake that chanced there, the greatest that ever had happened in man's remembrance. For it had shakedde down not only the walls of the town, but also the greatest part of the houses. Howbeit the inhabitants, perceiving the coming of the enemies, withdrew themselves partly into the mountaignes, and partly into the fields, in such manner that the said Peloponesians did take what they would in that same land and carried all into their ships reserved the free men which they suffered to escape. Astyochus came fromthence to Cnidus, being arrived at which place, as he would have landed his men, he was advertised by those of the town, that there were we●le nigh, xx, athenians ships, which Charminus, one of the Dukes of the athenians, that were at Samie, did conducted who was sent for to espy the passage of thee, xxvii, ships that came out of Peloponese, against whom, the same Astyochus sailed. And the other Dukes had given him commission to follow them and to coast in his passage, by Sima● by Rhodes and Lycia, 

Sim●.  
Chalces ●h●dus  
Lycia.   for those same athenians had been already advertised, that they were at Caunus. 
Caunus  Astyochus being than hereof advertised, was minded to dissimule or feign his voyage and made towards Sima, for to see if that he could discover the said, xx, ships. But there did come upon him a sure of rain, so troublesome & so obscure, t●at he could neither perceive them, nor yet govern that same night his oun● in good order, in such sort, that the morrow at the break of the day●, those, which were in the right point, did find themselves in the sight of the enemies in the main sea, and those which were in the left point, sailed yet s●ateryng about the Island, when the athenians perceived them● thinking that it ●ad been those that were aboorded at Caunus, which they sailed for to espy, they set upon them although that they had but twenty ships, and all the arrival did sink three and crushed many of the other, thinking to have the victory, But soon after, saying that there were many more ships, than they thought which came to environ and compass them abouts on all sides, they put themselves into flight, wherein they lost six of their ships, the other saved themselves in the Island of Teuglussa, and fromethence they sailed towards Halicarnasses. That done, the Peloponesians returned to Cnidus. And afterwards that they were joined with the other, xxvii, that were at Caunus, they sailed all togethers to Syma, where they raised up a Trophy, & afterwards returned from●hēce to Cnidus. In this mean time the athenians that were at Samie, understanding the combat that had been at Sima came with all their puissance into that same part. But being there aboorded, and seeing that the peloponesians, which were at Cnidus, durst not come to meet them there● and they also fearing to sail to assault them in the fort, they did take all the vessels and other instruments of Navigation, that they found at Syma, and returned from thence to Samie, but in their way they pyllaiged the town of Loryme, 
Lorymus.  which is in the main land. The Peloponesians, having assembled at Cnidus all their army, they caused all that was needful to be repaired. And during this the, xii, counsellors with Tyssaphernes, who was come to meet with them there, devised of things passed, whider there had been any thing therein done, that they judged not good, and also of the manner of continuing the war to the greatest advantage that might be for the wealth and proffytt, aswell of the Peloponesians, as of the king. And among the other Lichas alleged that the articles of the alliance, had not been very reasonably made, for he said, that reason would not that all the lands, which the king or his predecessors had gouerned● should return into his puissance, forsomuch as by that mean of necessity all the Islands, the Locrians, and the countries of Thessale, and of Beotie should come again into his subjection, & the Lacedæmonians by that mean, in stead of setting the other Greeks into liberty, should bring them into the bondage of the Medes. Wherefore he said and concluded that aither new articles should be made, orels that same alliance be left of and dissolved, and that for to obtain the same, it was not nedefulle that Tyssaphernes should pay any more sold or wages. Who, hearing this preposition was right angry and full of despite, and so departed in great anger and collar from the said Peloponesians. Which, after his departure being called by certain of the pryncipalles of the Rhodiens, they sailed into that same quarter, hoping with the same city to get a great number of warryours and of ships, and that through the aid of them, and of their allies, they might have money sufficient for to entertain their army. Being than, the same winter, departed from Cnidus with eight skoore and fortene ships, they did come to aboard at Camirus, 
Camirus.  which is in the Island of Rhodes. Whereof those of the country, and of the city, that knew nothing of the treaty, were much afraid, so that many of them abandoned the city, for this chief, that it was not closed with walls. But the Lacedemonyens sent unto them, and caused them all to assemble together, and likewise those of Lyndus, 
Lindus  and of jelissus, 
jelissus  and persuaded them that they should depart from the alliance and amity of the athenians, and by that mean the cities of Rhodes revolted and did take part with the Peloponesians. Now the athenians, that were at Samie, had been bifore advertised of this army that was in the way for to sail unto Rhodes, and so they departed altogider hoping to cosarue and succour it, bifore that it should have turned from them, but being come until within the sight of the enemies, and knowing that they came to late, they retired into Chalces, 
Chalces  and fromthence to Samie. And yet notwithstanding after that the Peloponeseans were departed from the Rhodes, those same athenians came to make many assaults against the Rhodiens, aswell out of Samie, as of Chalces and Coo. But the Peloponesians having withdrawn their ships, there into the poorte, sojourned there, lx, days, without doing any feat of war, during which time they recovered, xxxii, talents of the rhodians.   

How Alcibiades being come into suspicion of the Lacedemonyans, did repair to Tyssaphernes, and persuaded him to forsake the party of the peloponesians, and to really or confederate himself with the athenians. And how ambassadors were sent by the said athenians unto Thissaphernes for to conclude it. ☞ The viii Chapter.  
During this time, and bifore the rebellion of Rhodes, after the death of Chalcideus, and the battle, that was made at Milet: the Lacedemonyans had Alcibades in great suspicion, so that they did write to Astyochus, to cause him to die, for he was enemy of Agis their king, and in the rest he was reputed a man of little faith. But he being advertised hereof, had withdrawn himself, even at beginning as he had knowledge of it, towards Tissaphernes, with whom, he had practised, all that he could against the Peloponesians, and had declared unto him all that he had learned of their affair, and also he was the cause to make him to abate and diminish the sold or wages that he paid unto the soldiers, and in stead of a groat of Athenes, which he should have paid them for the day: to deliver them three half pence only, whereof he also did oftentimes fail the payment, and by information of the said Alcibiades, he excused himself, saying that the Athenians, which had better understanding in the feat by sea than they, did pay unto their mariners, but the said wages: and that he would not bring them thereunto, aswell for to space the money: (not for any lack that he had thereof) as also not to give them occasion, to abuse ytt, and to become more lascivious and delicate, so much the more, that the surplusage of that which should be necessary for them to live within their vessels, should not by them be expended in superfluous things, whereby they should be the more weakened. And where that he deteigned from them for a certain time, one part of the payment, it was to the end that they should have no occasion to depart & abandon the ships, if nothing were due unto them, which thing they durst not do, when they should perceive themselves contregaiged with any part of their sold. And for to be able to obtain and persuade this same unto the Peloponesians, the same Tissaphernes, by the counsel of the said Alcibiades, had gotten all the patrons of the ships and all the capytaines of the towns for money, resarued, that same Hermocrates of the syracusans, who only did resist against it with all his power, in the name of all their confederates. And moreover the self Alcibiades, speaking for Tyssaphernes, did with reason confute the cities which demanded money of the other confederates, for to keep and defend them. And furst he said to the Chiens, that they ought to have shame for to demand money, considered that they were the richest of Grece, & also that they were set into liberty and exempted from the subjection of the athenians, through the aid of the Peloponesians, wherefore there was no appearance to demand that the other cities should bring into danger their parsons and also their goods and money for to conserve the liberty of that same city. And as touching the other cities, that were also likewise rebelled against the said athenians, that they did great wrong not to be willing to pay for the defence of their liberty, that, which they had accustomed to pay to the athenians by ta●e or by subsidy. And moreover he said that to the surplusaige, Tyssaphernes had reason to spare the money in that manner for to sustain the charges of the war, at the least until he should have news from the king, whider that he intended that the sold should be entirely paid or not, and than if he commanded him to pay the whole, there should be no lack therein, & also should recompense the cities particularly every one according to his desert. And moreover the said Alcibiades counciled Tyssaphernes, that he should not go about to make by any means an end of that same war, & also that he should not cause the ships that he had caused to be tacled in Phenice to come, neither those which he had caused to be armed in Grece to join with the same of the Peloponesians, for in that doing he should make them lords both of the sea, & of the land. But rather that he should maignteigne them always in strife & in war, forsomuch as by that mean he should be always in his puissance to provoke the one of the parties against the other, which should have offended him. But if he suffered that the one of the parties were destroyed, & that the other might have the dominion in sea and in land: he should find none, that might aid him against those same, if he would chastise them, and it should be forced that he himself in that case should only take the adventure with great danger & great expenses. Wherefore it was better, with small expense to entertain them in controversy, & by that mean to have his estate in full surety. And also he showed further to the said Tyssaphernes that the alliance of the Athenians should be much more comely for the king, than the same of the lacedemonians, for that, that the same Athenians went not about to rule on land. And their intent and fashion of making war, was much more profitable for the king, than the same of the other, for this, that the Greeks, which they should subdue in the sea, being his allies, should redute and bring them partly into their servitude, and those that were in the land, inhabiting in the provinces of the king, should remain his subjects, where the lacedemonians proceeded directly to a contrary end, to wit, to restore all the Greeks into liberty, wherefore it was to believe that those, which went about, to bring the Greeks out of servitude of the self Greeks, that they would not suffer that they should remain in the like bondage of barbarous or estrangers, & so would go about to set in liberty all those, that bifore time were not restored thereunto, which than were in the subjection of the king. Wherefore he counciled him that he should suffer the one party to weaken & destroy the other. For after that the Athenians shall have lost the greatest part of their force, the Peloponesians should be so weakened, that he should easily chase them out of Grece. Tyssaphernes did easily agree to these instructions, and knew sufficiently that Alcibiades had told him the troth, forsomuch as he might comprehend & perceive it by the affairs that occured. And ensuing his counsel, he furst paid the sold to the Peloponesians. But for all that he would not suffer them to make war, but rather, he sometime showed them that they must attend the ships of the Phenecians that should come, sometime that they were to hot & to ayger to fight. And by that mean he troubled all the enterprise, and made the same army, that was so fair and puissant, in manner as unprofitable. And also in other things he declared most openly with words, saying that he unwillingly made war in compa●gnie of the said allies, wholly by instruction of the said Alcibiades, who judging the same to be a good thing, did persuade it aswell to the king as to Tyssaphernes, when that he was with them. And that did he principally for the desire that he had to return into his country, which thing he hoped at some time to obtain, if it were not utterly destroyed. And so much the more, when men should understand that he had great amity with Tyssaphernes, like as it happened. For as the soldiers athenians, that were at Samie, understood the familiarity that he had with the said Tissaphernes with this● that he had already practised the principals to set forward his restoring towards them that had most authority in the town, & to bring the governance thereof to a small number of the most honest men, doing them to understand that by that mean Thissaphernes would the sooner link & join in their amity the more part of the patrons and capytaines of the ships & also of the other pryncipalles that were in the army, who, of themself hated the commons estate: they agreed thereunto, and after that the matter was brought into the camp, the bruytt thereof did run through out the city of Athenes and chief that it had been ordained, by those that were in Samie, that some of them should go unto Alcibiades for to treat and parliament with him of that same matter, like as it was done. Who assured them first to make Tyssaphernes their frende● and afterwards the king, provided that they should change their common government, & should comyt it into the hands of honest substantial men, as is afore said, for by that mean he said that the king would take and conceive the greater surety, & trust in them, whereunto those which were sent unto him, did readily agree, aswell for that, that it seemed to them● that by that mean the Athenians might have the victory of that same war: as also for this, that they themselves that were of the pryncipalles of the city, hoped that, by that mean, the administration should come into their hands, where bifore they had been oftimes persecuted by the commonalty. Being than come again to Samie, after that they had treated and persuaded the thing unto them that were there, they sailed to Athenes, and showed the commons that in calling again Alcibiades, and commytting the government into the hands of the pryncipalles of the city, they should win the king on their side, who should furnish them with money for to sold & pay their men, in that same war. Wherunto● although at the furst sight, that the people were unwilling to condescend and agree, yet the charge, which they susteigned for the war, in payment of the warryours, understanding that the king would pay them, caused them to incline and consent unto it. And thereunto those, which stomached the matter did greatly help, aswell for the love of Alcibiades, as for their particular proffytt. And so declared, all that which Alcibiades had said to them, unto the people right amply, which seemed in many things right great, and right assured. But Phrynicus, who was yet Duke of the athenians, found nothing good, which came to that purpose. And it seemed to him, that Alcibiades in the estate, wherein he was, desired not more the governance of the pryncipalles, than of the common estate, but rather that his end and intent, was to make some sedition in the city, hoping that by one of the parties, he should be called again, and wholly restored, where against the said Phrynicus minded well to withstand, aswell for his particular interest, as for to eschew the division of the city. And moreover he could not understand, how the king would depart from the amity of the Peloponesians, for to ally himself with the athenians, considered that the said Peloponesians had already asmuch practise & puissance in the sea, as the Athenians, & also that they possessed many of the cities within the kings countrey● wherefore for to join himself with the Athenians, in whom he might scarcely have confidence, it should be unto him but charge & tra●aille. And that it were a much more easy thing for him and more convenable for to entertain the amity with the peloponnesians, who had in nothing offended him. On the other part he said that he knew that the other cities, when they should understand, that the governance of that same Athens was altered and translated from the commons, to a small number of men, and that they must live of the self sort: the same that were already turned from them, would not therefore come again to the amity and obeisance of the athenians. And those, which had not done it, would not therefore let to do it. For where they hoped to recover there liberty by the mean of the Peloponesians, having the victory: they would not choose to remain in subjection of the athenians, in whatsoever manner that their estate should be governed, were it by the commons or by the pryncipalles. And on the other side, that those, which were reputed for the most honest & for the principals, considered that they should suffer no less the governance, being in the power of a small number, than they did when the same was in the hands of all the commons. For they should be asmuch troubled, by those, which used gifts and corruptions, and that were inventors and conductors of all evil things for to make their particular profit, as they were in the commons estate. And also the citizens should under the authority of those, which should have this government, be punished and put to death without hearing their offences, where they than had recourse to the people which punished such violences, and that the same was the opinion of the other cities, which were in their obeisance or amity, which had known it by experience. Phrynicus said that he was well informed of all these things, and thereby not to find any thing of that good, which Alcibiades did than set forward. Yet always those, which from the beginning had been of the contrary opinion, all that same notwithstanding, persevered still therein, & so ordained to send messengers unto Athens, amongst whom was Pysander for to propone and declare unto the commons, 
Pisander  the restitution and restoring of Alcibiades, & the abolishing of the common estate. Whereupon Phrynicus, saying and knowing of what sort the messengers should propone & declare the bringing again of Alcibiades, & doubting lest the commons would accept it, and if it were so, that evil should chance to him, for the resistance that he had made to the contrary, Alcibiades having the principal authority, he devised one such a practic. Which is, that he secretly sent one of his men to Astyochus, chief of the army by sea, of the Peloponesians, which was yet at Milet, whom he advertised by his letters of many things, and among o●her how Alcibiades destroyed all the affair of the said Peloponesians, and treatedde to make alliance between Tyssaphernes and the Athenians, and by the said letters declared that he was to be pardoned in that he advertised and did counsel the thing, which was to the disadvantage of his city and country, insomuch as he did it for to noye his enemy. Astyochus, having received his letters, did not greatly esteem them. For it was not in his puissance to punish Alcibiades, for that, that he did no more come to him. But he went to Tissaphernes and the said Alcibiades, which were in the city of Magnesia, 
Magnesia.  and seignifyed unto them what was written to him out of Samie, making himself witness of that, which had been addressed unto him, by that mean for to gratify Tyssaphernes: and as men did judge to make his particular proffytt thereby, and also that, unto that end, he suffered that the payment of the soldiers was delayed by the said Tyssaphernes. Alcibiades, having recovered the letters of Phrynicus, sent them incontinently to the officers & chiefest that were in Samie, admonysshing and requiring them, that they should put Phrynicus to death. Who, being hereof advertised, and perceiving himself in great danger, he did write eftsoons to Asteochus, complaining of this, that he had discoveredde and delivered his letters to his enemies, offering unto him an other party, to wit, to bring into his power all the army, that he had at Samie, for to cause them all to die. delivering him sufficient easy means, for that that the town had not walls, and he excused himself afresh unto him saying, that no man ought to repute him wicked, whider that he did the same or whatsoever any other thing, for to eschew the danger of his life, wherein he was, by procurement of his mortal enemies. Astyochus caused eftsoons this treatee to be knowing to Tissaphernes and Alcibiades. Phrynicus being advertised hereof, & that the same Alcibiades had not yet had his later letters in his hands, he took & furst practised the other capytaines that were at Samie, & said unto them that he was advertised how the enemies, considering that the same city was not enclosed with walls, & that the port was so little that all the ships that they had there, could not be within it: were determined for to assail their camp, wherefore he was of opinion that incontinently the walls should be raised round abouts the town, and in the rest to make great watch & great ward, & that he, for the authority, which he had over them by mean of his charge, should constrain them to do it. Which thing they did willingly aswell for to eschew the danger that was present, as also for to be able to ward & conserve it in time to come. soon after, the letters of Alcibiades did come to the other captains of the army, by the which he advertised them of the treatee of Phrynicus, & how that he would betray & deliver them all into the hands of thenemies, who would right soon sail to assault them. But the said captains & other that understood it would not credytt it, but rather judged that he did write it but for hatred & that he charged Phrynicus to have intelligence & confederation with th'enemies of that thing, which the same Alcibiades knew well that they would do, and by that mean the letters of Alcibiades did in nothing hurt the said Phrynicus, but rather they did aver & credit that, which he had already discovered of th'enterprise of the said enemies. After that, Alcibiades cess not to persuade Tissaphernes, that he should conclude amity with the Athenians, whereunto he readily inclined, for that, that he already was in fear of the Lacedimonians, seeing that they were more puissant by sea, than the Athenians. And neverthelesss Alcibiades went about to get authority towards Tissaphernes, in manner that he should give faith unto him. And chief after that he had understand the difference, that had been between Tissaphernes & the commissaries Lacedæmonians at Cnidus, 
Cnidus  touching the articles of alliance made by Theramenes, which difference had already been moved bifore that the said Peloponesians came to the Rhodes. And also bifore that same, Alcibiades had uttered the purpose, whereof we have spoken, to Tissaphernes, showing unto him that the Lacedæmonians went about to restore & set all the greekish cities in liberty, whereby, being afterwards chanced the proposition that Lichas had at the assemble of Cnidus, who said that the same article was not to be holden, by the which it was spokene that the king should recover to his obeissance all the cities, which he or his predecessors had governed: he fortified his opinion more & more. And by such means, Alcibiades, as a man that intended great things, went about to show himself in all sorts, affectioned to the said Tissaphernes. During this time, the messengers which were sent with Pysander by the Athenians that were at Samie, to the city of Athens, being there arrived proponed & declared to the commons that which they had in charge, touching some marely the principal points, & chief that in doing this, which was demanded of them, they might have the king on their side, & by that mean obtain the victory against the peloponnesians, to wit, in calling again Alcibiades & in changing the governance of the town, like as hath been said. Against the which things many of the people did speak with great instance, aswell for the affection which they had to the common estate, as also for thenmity that they had against Alcibiades. And they said that it should be a thing tomuch to their reproach for to restore to authority him, who had violated & broken their laws, & against whom, those that pronounced the hallowed things had borne witness of the corrupting, and violation of their ceremonies. By reason whereof, perceiving himself coulpable, he willingly bannysshedde himself, and therefore the same citizens were bound to great curssynges and punishments towards the gods, in case that they should call him again. Whereupon Pysander, saying the great multitude of the Againesayers, he went thither, where the greatest press of them was, and taking them by the hand the one after the other, he demanded of them if they had any hope of victory against the Peloponesians by other mean, saying that they had so great an army by sea, as theirs, and great number of cities of Grece in their alliance, and moreover the king and Tyssaphernes, who fournysshed them with money, whereof the Athenians had no more, neither could hope to have, but on the kings bihaulf. Whereunto all those, whom he demanded, answered him that they perceived none other mean. Than he replied unto them that the same could not be done, if they reformed not the governance of the city, & did not commit it into the hand of a small number, and that the king desired it for to be more sure of the city. Wherefore he required them that they should not be willing to have more regard to the governance of the tytie, than to to wealth of the same. For afterwards, with the time, it should be in their faculty and power for to change it, if they thought good. Let us than call again, said he, at this present Alcibiades, who alone hath power to do it. Through these declarations and persuasions of Pysander, the people, which at the beginning did take this change of the estate and governance to be strange, understanding by the proposition of the same Pysander, that there was no other mean to save the Empire and the city, partly in fear and partly in hope, they were content that the governance should be committed into the hand of a small number of men. And the decree was made, whereby the people did give charge and commission to Pysander, with ten other citizens for to go to Tyssaphernes and Alcibiades, for to create and accord with them, touching the same, in such sort as should seem unto them most profitable for the city. And by the self decree, Phrynicus with his companion Sciron, 
Sciron  who had been accused by the said Pysander, was deposed from their charge, and in their stead were placed Diomedon and Leon, 

Diomedon.  
Leon.   who were sent unto the army in the sea. And the charge, which Pysander had laid against Phrynicus, was that he suffered Amorges to be betrayed and lost and it seemed to him that he was not sufficient for to conduct the things, that should be treated with Alcibiades. Pysander having than set fourth all the conjurations and form of doings, which were in the beginning, bifore that the common estate had authority, aswell touching the judgements as also the officers, and done so much that the people being assembled, had consented to the abolysshing & abrogating of the commons estate, and moreover provided for all things that seemed to him necessary for the state of the things present: he launched fourth into the sea with his ten companions and sailed fromthence to Tyssaphernes.   

¶ How those of Lhio having been repulsed at a sault which they made in the camp of the Athenians, with great loss of their men: were straightly assieged & brought into great necessity. And how the treaty, which Alcibiades purposed, for to make alliance between Tyssaphernes and the athenians, was brokene, and the alliance renewed between the said Tyssaphernes and the Lacedemonyans. ☞ The ix Chapter.  
ON the other side, Dyomedom and Leon, after that they were arrived at the army by sea, they governed it against the Rhodes. And seeing that the peloponesians ships were in the poorte, which wardedde it and by that mean that they could not enter therein, they sailed fromethence to land in an other place, whereat the Rhodians being above ready against them, they repulsed them, and that done, they embarked themself again, and sailed into Chalcedon, Fromwhence and also fro Coo● they made sharper war against the rhodians, and also might easily spy if any Peloponesyans' ships passed thereby. During this time, Xenophantydas Laconian did come out of Chio to the Rhodes from Pedaritus, who signified to the Lacedemonyans that were there, that the wall, which the athenians had raised up against the city of Chio was already finished. And that if all the army by sea, did not right shortly come to their succours, the same city should be lost. Which thing understanding, It was determined by an general accord of them all for to secure it. In this mean time Pedaritus and the Chiens issued fourth against the ramparts which the athenians had made about their ships, with such force that they did beat down and break one part thereof, and also did ●ake some of the said ships. But the athenians, being come to the succours of their men and rampires, the Chiens did furst fly. And afterwards Pedaritus, who was willing to stand to it, being abandoned of those, which were about him, was slain & a great number of Chiens with him and a great quantity of harnoys takene. By occasion of which overthrow the city was assieged yet more straightly than bifore, aswell by sea as by land, & therewith was in great necessity of victuals. On the other side, Pysander and his companions being arrived with Tyssaphernes, they begun to treat with him the appointment and to set fourth the parties. But he fearing more the Lacedæmonians than than, and as he that minded (ensuing the counsel of Alcibiades) to suffer them yet more ●o feeble and weaken the one the other, did not wholly declare himself to the same Alcibiades. Who perceiving that, did put fourth such parties between the athenians & Tyssaphernes, that they could not agree, which thing, in my fantasy, the said Tyssaphernes also purposed, but to divers ends & for divers causes. To wit, Tissaphernes, for that that he feared the peloponnesians, & therefore durst not well depart from them. And Alcibiades for this, that seeing the Tissaphernes was not willing to conclude the appointment, he would not give knolaige thereof to the Athenians that it was not in his puissance to cause him to condescend unto it, but rather was he willing to cause them to believe, that he had already won him, and that they were the cause of the breaking of, for that that they made to him tomuch slender offers. And for to come to his purposes, he demanded of them in the name of the said Tyssaphernes, for whom he did speak in his presence of things so great and so unreasonable, that he was forcedde to keep himself from agreeing unto them, that the conclusion should not be made. For furst he demanded of them all the country of Ionum with all the Islands adjoining to the same. And that same being agreed unto by the athenians at the third assembly, which they made, for to show that he had some authority with the king, he demanded them that they should suffer him to make ships at his will and with the same to sail into his lands with such number and as often as it should ●●me good unto him. The Ahenyans would not give place to that demand, but seeing that intolerable things were demanded of them, and judging them ●elf as deceived by Alcibiades, they departed in great anger and disdain, and returned to Samie. After that same, Tyssaphernes the self winter sailed again to Caunus, to join himself a new with the Peloponesians and to make alliance upon such conditions as he might, paying unto them the sold or wages, at their pleasure, to the end that they should not become his enemies, fearing that if they were constrained for to come to battaylle, by sea with the athenians, lest that they should be overcome for lack of men, considered that the more part of them had not be paid, or else that the athenians should obtain that, which they required without him: or happily that he feared more, lest that for to recover their payment, they would waste and destroy the country of the king bordering unto them, which was in the main land. For these reasons than, and for to come to his intentes, which were to make the Greeks equal in force, having caused the peloponesians to come, he delyveredde them payment and sold or wages, of the army by sea, and did come to the third treaty with them in this same manner and substance.  

The third treaty of alliance between the Lacedemonyans and the king Dareus.  
THe thirteenth year of the king Dareus, Alexippidas, 
Alexippidas.  being tribune of the people at Lacedemonie, the treaty was made in the field of Meander, 
Meander  between the Lacedemonyans & their allies of the one party, & Tyssaphernes, Theramenes, 
Theramenes.  and the children of Pharnacus on the other party, touching the affairs between the said parties. Furst that all the same which appertained to the king in Asia, should remain to him, and that he might determine and dispose of his province at his pleasure. That the Peloponesians nor their allies should not enter into the kings country, for to endamage it, nor likewise the king into the country of the Lacedemonyans nor of the allies. And if any of the said allies did the contrary, the other should prohybitt & resist them: and the king likewise, if any of his subjects did it in the lands of the said confederates. That Tyssaphernes should pay the sold or wages to the ships, which be presently ready, attending that those of the king should come, and than the Lacedæmonians and their said allies should wage and entertain theirs, at their proper costs & expenses if they would, and if they rather desired that Tyssaphernes should pay the charge, that he should be bound to lend them money, which should be rendered & repaid unto him the war finished by the said allies. That after that the kings ships should be come, they should join with those of the allies & all togethers make war against the Athenians, so long as it should seem good to the said Tyssaphernes, & to the said Lacedemonyans and confederates, & if it should seem good unto them to depart from the said enterprise, that it shallbe done with a common accord & not otherwise. Such were the articles of the said treaty. After the which, Tyssaphernes used diligence to cause the ships to come from Phenice, and to accomplish all the other things, which he had promised, and he showed himself moreover much affectioned unto the enterprise. About the end of the winter, the Beotians did take the town of Orope, 
Orop●.  with the garnison of Athenians, that were within it, & that by the treaty of those of the town, & also of some of the Erethriens, hoping afterwards to cause the town of Eubee to rebel. For the same town of Orope, being in the land of Erythree, which those Athenians did hold, it could not be, but that the loss thereof should turn to their great damage aswell to the city of Erythree as to all the Isle of Eubee. After the same, the Erythreens sent to the Peloponesians that were at Rhodes for to cause them to come into Eubee. But for that, that thaffair of Chio seemed unto them more urgent, for the necessity, wherein the town was, they refused the other enterprise, & departed fronthence for to sail to secure it. And passing nigh to Orope, they descrived the Athenians ships that were departed from Chalce, 
Chalce,  which kept the main sea, nevertheless for that, that they sailed to divers voyages, the one came not against the other, but rather took every one his way, to wit, the Athenians to Samie, & the peloponnesians to Milet, forsomuch as they perceived well that Chio could not be succoured without battle, and in the mean time the end of the winter did come, which was the twentieth year of the war, which Thucydides hath written. In the beginning of the furst spring, Dercilidas Spartian was sent with a small number of men into Hellespont, for to cause the town of Abide, to rebel against the Athenians, which is a coloine of the Melesiens'. On the other side the Chiens● seeing that Astyochus s●acked somuch to come to their succour, they were constrained to come to fight in the sea against the Athenians under the conduct of Leontes the Spartian, who they had made their chief after the death of Pedaritus, in the time that Astyochus was yet at Rhodes, & was come with Antisthenes, from Mylet. Now they had, xii, strange ships, that were come to their succours, to wit, five of the Thu●iens, eight of the syracusans, one of Anea, one of Milet, & one of Leontes, and, xxxvi, of theirs. And so all those that were able to fight, issued fourth, and came to assault the Athenians very boldly, having chosen a place of advantage for themself. And the combat was sharp & dangerous on both sides, wherein the Chiens should not have had the worse, but the night came upon them which departed them, and the Chiens returned into the town. In the self time Dercilidas being arrived by land in Hellesponte, the town of Abide, did forthwith render itself into his hands & of Pharnabazus, and two days after, the city of Lamsaque did the like, whereof, Strombichides, who was afore Chio, being advertised, he came soubdaynly with, xxiiii, Athenians ships for to secure and defend that same quarter, amongst the which ships, there was barks that carried men at arms, Being than arrived at Lamsaque, & having vanquished in battle those of the town, that issued fourth against them, he did take even at one coming, the said town, for that, that it was not walled, togethers with all those which were within the ships, afterwards having restored the free men into the town, he sailed forthwith unto Abide. But seeing that there was no hope to take it nor appearance for to assiege it, he departed and did go to Seste, 
Sestus  which is a city in the country of Cheronese, situated directly foranempst Abide, the which the Medes had holden for a certain time, and therein he did put a good garnison for the saulf guard and defence of all the country of Hellesponte. But in these enterfeates by cause of the departure of Dercilidas, the Chiens, & also the Melesians were masters of the sea, whereupon Astyochus, understanding the combat by sea, which the same Chiens had had against the said Athenians and the departure of the said Strombichides, he was more animated and assured therein. And so he did come with two ships and no more to Chio, and there he took with him all those that he found there, and sailed strait to Samie. And saying that the enemies would not issue fourth to fight, for that, that they trusted not well the one the other, they returned to Mylet.    

How a great division happened amongst the athenians, aswell within the city, as without, chief in the army that was in Samie, by mean of the change of the estate and governance of the same, which did greatly endamage them. ☞ The ten Chapter.  
THe different and controversy of the said athenians was for that, that in the same time, the estate and governance of the town, had been changed at Athens, out of the power of the common people, unto a small number. For Pysander and his companions, being returned to Samie, brought the army that was there, to their will and obeisance, and one great part of the Samiens, chief they exhorted the prycipalle of the town to take the governance thereof into their hands, although that there were many, which were willing to maignteigne the common estate, whereby happened great division and sedition between them. Also the Athenians, that were there in the army, having consulted upon the thing among themselves, and saying that Alcibiades was not earnest in the matter, they concluded to forsake him, and not to call him again, for that, that it seemed to them, that though he did come again into the city, yet should he not be convenient nor meet, for to order and govern the affairs under the governance of a small number, but rather was expedient that those that were there, of the estate, whereof was question: should devise the manner, how that practic should be conductedde, and also how the feat in war should be pursued. Whereunto every man of them did readily offer to contrybute of his own money and all other things necessary, knowing that they should no more labour for the commons nor for any other, but for themself. And so they sent again Pysander and the moiety of the ambassadors which had been sent towards Tyssaphernes, unto Athenes, for to give order there in the affairs, and charged them, that through all the cities which they should pass, of the obeisance of the athenians, that they should comytte the governance into the hand of a small number of the principals, and the other part of the said ambassadors also departed & every one did go into sundry places for to do the like. And also they ordained that Dyotrephes, 
Diotrephus.  who was than at the siege of Chio, should go into the province of Thrace, which was delivered into his governance, who, in his departure from the said siege, passing through Thasse, abolished the common estate, and committed the governance into the hands of a small number of men. But being departed out of the city, the great part of the Thessyans, having enclosed their town with wall abouts one month after his departure, perswadedde themselves to have no more need to be governed by those, which the Athenians had set there, nor by the mean to remain under their obeisance: but rather hopedde within short time to recover entire liberty through the aid of the Lacedemonyans, for that, that their citizens, which were banished by the Athenians, were withdrawn to Lacedemonie, and sollycited with their power, that ships should be sent unto them and that the town might rebel. So it chanced unto them holy in that same, as they desired, which is, that the city without any danger was committed into their liberty, and the commons, which were bent to speak against the estate of a small number, were without hurt rebuke or offence deprived of the governance, and to those that took party with the athenians, and unto whom Diotrephes had betaken the government, it chanced whole contrary to their thinkinges. And the like was done in many other of the cities subjecteth to the athenians, which, considering (as it seemeth to me) that they should have no more fear of the athenians, and that the same form of living in their obeissance under the colour of policy, was for troth but a coloured servitude or bondage, they attended all for a true liberty. As touching Pisander and his companions, that were gone with him, they committed the governance of the cities, through which, they passed, into the hand of a small nombere, at their pleasuer: and out of some of the same, they did take soldiers, which they carried with them to Athenes, where they found that their complices and friends, had already done many things, redounding to their intent for to abolish the commons estate. For one Androcles, who had great authority with the common people, and that had been one of the chiefest, that were cause of the banishment of Alcibiades, was slain by a secret conspiraty of some young companions of the city for two purposes. The one for that, that he had toomuch authority with the common people, the other for to acquire and get the good will of Alcibiades: who as they thought should have come again into authority, trusting that he would make Tyssaphernes their friend. And for the self purposes they had by like means caused some other to be slain, which seemed unto them, to be contrary unto that practic: & also they had showed unto the commons by studied and apparent narrations and reasons: that there should be no more wages paid but to those, that sarued in the war, and that in the administration of the common affairs, no greater number should intermeddle, than of five houndred men, and chiefly of those, that were able to serve the comone weal, both with bodies and with goods: which thing seemed honnorable to the common people, and those same, which were cause of the bringing down of the common estate, thought yet by that change to have authority. For also the ancient fashion of assembling the people and the counseille in all affairs, of hearing the opinions of all men, and of following the greater number, did still remain. But nothing might be proponed or declared without deliberation of the small number, which had the authority. Amongst whom, there were that conferred a part of all that should be proponed and set fourth for their intent: and when they had said their opinion, no man durst speak against it for fear: seeing the great number and authority of the said governors. For also, when any did speak against it, means were found for to cause him to die: also they did no justice, neither make inquyrie for manquellers or murderers: whereof the people were so afraid and abashed: that they durst not say a word: and they thought that they did get very much by holding their peace or keeping silence, in that they received no other incomodytie and violence. And so much the more they were in greater fear, that they doubted, least there had been a much greater number of people in that same conspiracy, for it was not very easy to understand, who were the coniuratours and accomplices or parttakers in that same sect, aswell for greatness of the city and multitude of people, as also that the one did not know the intent of the other, and also did not complain the one to the other, neither to discover his secret unto him, nor to treat to take secret vengeance thereof. For the suspicion and mistrust was so great through out the people, that a man durst not trust, no not his acquaintance and friends, doubting least they had been of the same conspiratie, for that, that there was in it such things, as never were doubted. By reason whereof a man could no more know, to which, of the commons he might trust, whereby the estate of the coniurators or parttakers was greatly assured, principally because of the said diffidence or mistrust. Pysander and his companions than being come in the time of that same trouble, they brought to pass right easily, & in a small season, their enterprise. And furst having assembled the people, they caused them to consent to choose ten grephiers and secretayries, the which should have full power and authority to pronounce to the people, that which should be devised to be put in consultation for the wealth of the city at a day, which was named. The which day being come and the assembly made in a great field, wherein was situated the temple of Neptunus abouts ten stades out of the city: there was no other thing recited by the grephiers, but that it was lawful for to declare and publish the decree of the athenians in whatsoever part a man would. And who soever should write that the pronouncer did against the laws, or otherewyse did him outrage or empeshement, should be grievously punished. Afterwards, the said decree was published, which was of this substance, that all the officers which were than in authority by the choosing of the commons, should be abolished and set of, and that no wages should be paid unto them: & that they should elect five presedentes, who should afterwards name an hundred men, and every of those, should choice three other, which should be in the whole foore hundred: who, when they should come unto the court, should have full power & ample authority to execute that, which should be determined to be for the wealth of the common weal: and moreover to assemble five thousand citizens, at all and asmany times, as they should think good. Pysander did pronounce that same decree, who in the same, & in other things did willingly all that, which he learned to s●●ue for the extinguishing and abrogation of the commons estate. But the said decree had already of long time bifore bene made by Antiphon, 
Antiphon  who was in great reputation. For truly there was not at the same time in the city any man that exceeded him in virtue, and also he was very well advised and prudent for to find & counsel in good, expedient & common affairs: & moreover he had a great grace to speak and declare them: and albeit that he never would come to the assembly of the people, neither to any other contentious congregation, except that he were required: yet the common people had him in suspicion for the effycacitie & elegancy of his speaking. And though that he would not intermeddle in causes, yet every man that had any matter, were it judicial or touching the commons, he reputed that he had great favour, if he might have him for counsellor. And after that the estate of eight hundred was abragated & that men proceeded against those, which were the principal authors thereof, being accused as the other, he defended his case and answered therein in my conceit better than any man, to my remembrance, ever did. Phrynicus also showed himself greatly favourable to the same commons estate, for fear of Alcibiades, whom he knew to have understanded all that, which he had treated with Astiochus being at Samie: for it seemed to him that he would never return so long, as the said governance of foore houndred endured. And also he was esteemed a man virtuous & constant in great adversities for that, that men had seen by experience, that he never showed himself that his heart failed him. Theramines also son of Agnon was of the chief & principal for to extinguish the common government, who was a man very sufficient, aswell in word as in deed. This work being than conducted by so great number of men of understanding & of authority: it was no marvel that it was brought to effect, though that it seemed and was for troth a very difficile and hard thing to deprive the common people of Athens from their liberty, which had been & wherein they were about a houndred years after that the tyrants or evil rulers were banished. And they had not only been exempted out of the subjection of all other: but also for, more than the half of the foresaid time, they had governed over other people. The assemble of the people being departed, after that they had approved and ratefyed the said decree, the four hundred governors were afterwards brought into the court, in this manner. The athenians were continually in armure by reason of the enemies, which were in Decelea, to wit, the one for to ward the walls, the other the gates and other places, whereunto they were appointed. And when the assigned day did come for to do the said act: those that were not of that conjuration or sect: were suffered to go into their houses, as the custom was. And to those, that were of it, was commanded that they should tarry, not in the place of their watch, and where their weapons were, but in some other part thereby, and that if they perceived any that would resist that, which was done or impeach or let it, that they should repulse such with their weapons if need were. And those, which were deputed and ordained thereunto, were the Andrians, the Thenyans, three houndred of the Caristiens, and those of the city of Egyne, which the athenians had caused to come for to inhabit there. The things being than so ordonned, the four hundred chosen to the governance, every of them bearing a dagger hid under his habillement or clothing, and with them six skoore young men for to assist and strengthen them, when it should be needful: entered all togethers into the palace, where the court was holden, and environed the senators, which did sit in counsel. Who after the custom declared their opinions by black and white beans, and so said unto them that they should take their payment, for the time, that they had served, and departed. Which payment the same four hundred had brought them, and as they issued fourth of the counsailles chamber, they delivered to every of them their duties. And by that mean, they departed out of the court without making any resistance, and without that the rest of the commons once stirred. And than the four hundred did enter and choice among themself certain threasouriers and receivers, and that done, did sacrifice solemnly for the treating of the said new officers. And by that mean the comone governance was holy changed, and a great part of that, which was done before that time, was revoked, resarued, that they did not call again the banished men, for that Alcibiades should not be comprised therein. In the rest, the said governors did all things at their will, and among other caused some of the citizens to die, doubting least that they should have been placedde in their steed, for that they seemed to them not to be for their purpose. Some other they did put into prison, and some they banished. That done, they sent unto Agis king of the Lacedemonyans, who was at Decelea, an herald: signefying that they would reconcile themself with the Lacedemonyans, and showing him that he might conceive and take more surety and trust in them, than in the variable and unconstant commons. But he, which thought well, that the city could not be but in trouble: and that the commons would not suffer their authority to be easily abolished, specially, if they perceived any great army coming before their town: and that the estate of the said four hundred was not so established, but that it might well be troubled, he made them no answer touching the appoynctement. But within few days after, he caused to assemble a great number of men of war, in the country of Peloponese, & with them and those, that he had Decelea, he came unto the walls of the city of Athenes, trusting that they would have rendered themselves to his will, aswell for the trouble, that was among them, both within and without the city, as also for fear, seeing so great puissance at their gates. And though that they would not do it, yet it seemed unto him, that he might easily take the great walls by force, for that, that they were solitary and required ever great watch and ward. But it chanced wholly otherwise, for the athenians did make no tumult nor insurrection amongst themselves, but they caused their horsemen and also one part of their footmen, aswell well armed, as light armed to issue fourth, the which repulsed incontinently, those, which were approached next unto the walls, and did slay a great part of them, the spoils of whom, they carried into the town. Whereupon Agis seeing, that his enterprise did take no good effect, he returned to Decelea, & certain days after his return, he sent back the strange soldiers, which he had caused to come for that same enterprise, and reteygned those, that he had first there. And nevertheless the foore hundred sent eftsoons unto him for to treat the appoynctement, the which he did take in good part, so that he persuaded them to send Ambassadors unto Lacedemonie for to treat the peace, which they greatly desired. On the other side, they sent ten citizens of their faction or sect, unto those, that were at Samie, for to show them, among many other charges, which they had, that the same, which they had done in changing of the commons estate, was not to the damage of the city, but for the wealth thereof, and that the authority, was not in the power of eight hundred only, but of five thousand, and thereby that it was as much in the hands of the commons, as bifore time it had been: for somuch as at no affair, that ever was treated upon in the city as domestical, nor within the self country as foreign, there was never found under the commons governance so great a number, as five thousand men. And the eight hundred did send this Ambassade unto Samie, immediately after the beginning, fearing least those that were there of the army by sea, would not be agreeable to that change, neither obey their governance, and least the evylland the discord should begin there, and afterwards come into the city, as it happened. For after the time, that the said change was made at Athens, there was a mutine and sedition made in the said city of Samie, for the self occasion in this manner. For some Samyens, the which in favour of the commons estate, that was than in the city and for defence there of, were raised up and in the armure against the pryncipalles of the town that would have usurped the administration, did soon after turn & changed their opinion at the persuasion of Pysander, when he was come thither, and of other his followers and accomplices Athenians, whom he found there. And willing to put down the said common estate, they assembled to the number of eight hundred fully determined to assault and drive away all those, that conducted the common governance: pretending themselves to be and represent all the commons. And at the arrival they did slay an ungracious man, and one of an evil living an athenian named Hyperbolus, 
Hiperbolus.  who was banished out of Athens, neither for suspicion nor fear, that any man had of his puissance nor of his authority: but for sin and offence, and for that, that he procured shame to the city, togethers with one of the Dukes athenians named Charminus, 
Charminus.  and some other athenians that were in his company, by whose counsel he governed himself. And they determined to proceed further in favour of the small number. But the other citizens taking party with the common estate, which understood this conjuration or conspyratie, did discover it, chief to some of the captains that were under the charge of Diomedom & of Leon, dukes of the Athenians. The which dukes, for so much as they had had that same charge & other honours of the commons, were not content that the authority should come into hands of a small number. And likewise they discovered it unto Thrasylus, whereof the one was patron of a ship, and the other capitain of the men of war, that were in the same: and also the said men of war, whom they knew to have affection to the said commons estate: praying and requiring that they would not suffer them to be so foiled and overcharged by the said coniuratours, which had conspired their death, neither also in such affair, to habandonne, the city of Samie, which should cause it to lose and withdraw the good will, that it had borne to the athenians, if they would change the form of living, which they had used until that same time. This thing, being so declared to the Chiefs and captains, they did speak particularly to the soldiers: persuading them not to suffer that same conspyratie to take effect. And first they practised the company of the athenians, that men call Pareles, and afterwards all the free men, that were in that same athenian ship, which had been both than & at all times before, contrary to the estate and governance of the small number, and also were in good estimation with Diomedon & with Leon, in such sort, that when they made any voyage in the sea, they delivered unto them willingly the charge and ward of certain ships. Those same than being joined with those of the town, that were for the commons estate, they de●yed the three hundred coniurators that were chosen and put in authority. Whereof they did slay thirty and banished three of the pryncypal authors. They pardoned the other, and restored the commons estate into his former authority. That done, the Samyens and the athenian soldiers, that were there, did incontinently send that same ship with Parales togethers with that captain and Patron of the same ship, named Chereas', the son o● Archestratus, that was aiding to that same business, for to advertise the athenians of that, which had been there done, knowing also that the governance of the city of Athens had been put into the power of four hundred. Who understanding the coming of that same ship, caused two or three of the said Parales to be taken and put into prison, and caused the other to be charged into other ships, and sent them into divers places of Eubea for to be surely warded, resarued Chereas', who perceiving, which way the wind would blow, hid and saved himself: and afterwards returned to Samie, and reoported to those, that were there, all that, which had been done at Athens, and made the things much greater, than they were: saying that all they that took part with the commons, were beaten and outraged, without that, that there was any one parson that durst hiss against the governors: and that they oultraged and wronged not only the men but also their wy●es and children. And moreover that they determined the like to all those that were in the army of Samie, that should be ●waruinge and discrepant from their will●● and to take their wives, children and next parents, and to cause them to die if they would not condescend unto their will. And the said Chereas' reaported many other things, which were all lies, whereby the soldiers were so spiteful and inflamed, that they were of opinion to slay not only those, that had brought in the estate of a small number at Samie: but also those all, that had cleaved and consented thereunto. Being declared unto them by some, which intermeddled for to quiett and appaysetheym, that in so doing they should put the city in danger to fall into the hands of the enemies, which were in great number in the sea, for to come to assault them, they did forbear to do it. And nevertheless willing to set up again openly the common estate in the same city: Thrasibulus and Thrasillus, who were the chiefs and principal conductors of that same practic, constrained all the athenians, that were there in the army, and chiefly those, that took party with the governance of the small number, for to help with their power to defend the common estate: and to follow (touching the same) that, which those captains would do, and in that doing to defend the city of Samie against the peloponesians, and to take the four hundred new governors of Athens, for enemies: and not to make any treaty nor appointment with them. All the Samyens, which were in age to bear weapons, made the like oath: unto whom the soldiers made also oath, for to live & to die with them in one self fortune. Reputing that there was none other hope of wealth, neither for them nor for those of the town. But rather they all did take themself for lost, ayther if the estate of four hundred should take place at Athenes, orels if the peloponesians should take the town by force. In these entrefaictes a long time was employed ad lost, whilst the soldiers athenians that were in the army of Samie, wylled to restore the city of Athens to the common estate: and those, which had the governance at Athens, to constrain those of Samie, to do as they did. But the soldiers being assembled for this matter, they fourthwith deposed all the captains & other, having charge in that same army, that were suspected to favour the estate of eight hundred, and did put other into their places. Of which number were Thrasybulus and Thrasillus, 

Thrasybulus.  
Thrasillus.   who the one after the other, exhorted all the soldiers to be constant in the same purpose for many reasons, which they declared unto them: though that the city of Athenes had condescended to the government of the said eight hundred. And among other things they showed them, how they themselves were in greater number than those, which remained in the City, and also had greater abundance and faculty of all things than they, for somuch as having the ships in their hands and all the army by sea, they might constraigne all the subjecteth & confederated cities, for to contribute money. And if they were banished out of Athens they had the same city of Samie, which, was nayther small nor weak, but rather the same of Athens, being deprived of the force by sea, wherein it pretended to exceed all other: they should be sufficiently puissant, for to chase away the enemies Peloponesyans, if they should come to assault them in Samie, like as they had done at other times: & also for to resist those that were at Athenes, & for to be the masters, having the ships in their hands, by mean whereof, they might have victua●lles in abundance, where those of Athenes should have lack thereof. And that, which they had had until that same hour, which came to descend in the poarte of Pyreus, was by the mean and favour of the army by sea, which was there at Samie, which thing they could no more have, if they refused to restore the governance of the city into the hands of the commons: and thereby, that those, which were there, might better impeach, and stop the usage of the sea, fro those, that were in the city of Athenes: than the same that were in the city, from them. For that, which the same city could furnish of it self, was the lea●t party, that a man might hope to have for to resist the enemis, & losing the same they should lose nothing: for that, that there was no more money in the City that they might send, but rather the soldiers were constrained to serve at their expenses: and also they had no more good counsel, which was the only thing, that caused the city to have obeissance of the hosts that were without: but rather they had greatly lack thereof, forsomuch as they had violated and corrupted their aunycent laws: where they, which were at Samye, both would conserve them, & also constrain other to keep them. Wherefore it was not to believe that those amongst them, which had been authors of a better counsel and opinion in this matter, than those: that were in the city: should be more mean And on the other part, if they would offer unto Alcibiades his restoring and his reappeale: he would right willingly make the alliance and amity between them and the king. And if all other parties should fail them, having so great an army by sea: yet might they sail into whatsoever such place, as they should think good, where they might find both cities and lands for to inhabytte. With such sayings and persuasions they animated the one, the other: & nevertheless used all diligence for to prepare all things apperteigning to the war. Which things perceived by the Ambassadors, which the foore hundred sent thither, to be already divulged and spread abroad through the commons, they kept silence and did not expound nor utter their charge.   

¶ How Tissaphernes did come into great suspicion of the peloponesians: aswell for that, that he abused them with the succours which he had promised: as also for this, that Alcibiades was restored and called again by the athenians that were in the army, and had all the authority with them, which he used to the wealth and proffytt of his party. ☞ The xi Chapte.  
IN these enterfayctes the peloponesians soldiers by sea, that were at Mylet: murmured and did speak openly against Astyochus and against Tyssaphernes, saying that they destroyed & wasted all, to wit, Astyochus, for that, that he would not fight, when their army by sea was weak, yea although that they than were in a great dyssentyon among themself, and that their army by sea was departed into many places, yet would he not assail them, but consumed the time under colour of attending and tarrying the ships, that should come out of Phenice, and he did give them succours with words, but not in effect, willing so to consume and destroy them in expenses: and also he paid not entirely and continuelly the army by sea, by occasion whereof it was lost and destroyed. Wherefore they said that he should delay them no more, but sail to assault the said athenians, and the syracusans most instantly required him thereunto. Astyochus and the other Chiefz that were there for the confederated cities, being advertised thereof, determined to faight, understanding specially, that there was great mutine and sedition at Samie. So they assembled all the ships, that they had, which were six score and two at Micale, and fromthence advertised and commanded those, which were at Mylet, that they should march by land. Now the ships of the athenians were eight skoore and two in number, which were come out of Samie, into Glauca, in the country of Mycale. And it must be understand that the city of Samye is a little in length of the land from the coast of Mycale. Fromewhence the athenians, saying the peloponesians ships to come against them, they retired to Samye: for it seemed unto them, that they were not sufficiently strong for to hazard the battle, wherein rested the question of the whole estate. And forsomuch as they had learned, that the enemies did come with an earnest will to fayghte: they sailed looking for Strombichides, who was at Hellesponte & should come thither with the ships that he had brought from Chio to Abide, whythe thing they had commanded him to do, soon after that they retired to Samie, and that the Peloponesians came to Micale. In the which place, they had the same day made their camp, aswell with men, which they had in their ships, as with those, that were at Mylett, and also with the people of the country. And they determined to go the morrow after to meet the enemies at Samie. But being advertised of the coming of Stronbichides, they did return unto Mylet, in the which place, the athenians determined to go to present them battle, after that they should have been reforced or new strengthened with the ships, that Strombichides governed: for they were in all an houndred and eight ships. But seeing that the peloponesians would not issue fourth at large, they returned unto Samie. And after their departure, the peloponesians, although that they had so fair and so puissant an army: yet nevertheless reputing not themself sufficient for to fight against the enemies, and not knowing in the rest how they might entertain that same army, specially seeing that Tyssaphernes paid it not well: they sent unto Pharnabazus, 
Pharnabazus.  Clearchus son of Ramphius, 
Clearchus.  Capytain of forty ships, ensuing that which had been already commanded unto them from Peloponese, for that, that the said Pharnabazus had promised to pay the army: and on the other side, they did understand that if they sailed to Bizance, the town would turn unto them. So Clearchus launched forthwith his forty ships keeping the main sea● for not to be perceived of his enemies. But there came upon him soubdainly; tempest, so that his ships were dispersed and skatered abroad, & one part, which followed Clearchus, sailed to Delos, y● other returned to Mylet, and soon after did come again to the said Clearchus. Who came by land into Hellesponte. 
Hellespō●tus.  But ten ships, which were bifore arrived at the said Hellespont caused the city to turn to their confederation. Whereof the athenians, which were at Samie, being soon after advertised, sent a number of ships for to ward and defend Hellesponte, the which had a light battle bifore Byzance: to wit, eight ships of them, against the like number of the Peloponesians. In this mean time, they, that were chiefz of that same army for the athenians, and principally Thrasibulus (who had always been of advise, that Alcibiades ought to be called home again, and also sithence that the estate of Athens was changed, by his mean) they were always from much into more in that purpose. And he declared it in such sort and so persuaded the soldiers, which were there: that they all agreed to the restoring of the said Alcibiades: and the decree was concluded and put in writing, by the which the said Alcibiades was pardonned, and that he should be called home again into the city. The which being so published, Thrasibulus went unto Tyssaphernes, and brought the same Alcibiades with him to Samie. Hoping by his mean to withdraw the said Tyssaphernes to the amity of the athenians. Alcibiades, being arrived at Samie, caused the people to assemble, and proponed and declared unto them, many great losses and damaiges, which he had su●teigned in his banishment: and afterwards did speak profoundly, highly and wittily of the affairs of the common wealth: in such sort, that he did put them in great hope, to set it up again: magnefyinge greatly the authority, which he had with the said Tissaphernes, to the end, that those, which had the authority and adm●●nistration at Athenes, should be in fear of him, & by that mean their conspiraties and confederations should be dissolved a●d weakened: and also that those, that were at Samie should conceive and have the more trust in him, and by consequent, that he might be in more reputation, and that the enemies should the more mistrust the said Tyssaphernes and lose the hope, which they had to be aided by him. For he said to the said athenians, that were at Samie, that the same Tyssaphernes had promised him to pay the wages of their soldiers (if he might find and take sure trust in them) until the end of their affairs: though that he should therefore sell asmuch as he was worth: and that he would cause to come to their succour and aid the phoenicians ships, which were already in Aspendus, in stead of sending thento the peloponesians. And for all the assurance, he demanded of them, but that they should receive and take again the said Alcibiades. Who having declared such and like words, the captains and soldiers did adioigne and add him to the number of the other chiefz of the army, & did give him authority for to order in all things. And in effect they took so great confidence and hope in him, that they made no manner of doubt in their wealth: neither of the ruin & fall of the eight hundred, also they were all ready even at the self time, upon confidence of that, which he had said, for to sail into Pyreus, without having regard to the enemies that were there so nigh: but though that there were many that made great instance to obtain the same, yet would he not consent thereunto, saying, that it was not expedient, having the enemies so nigh, to sail into Pyreus. And that sithence that they had given the charge of the war unto him, and had made him Chief, that he would provide for every thing with Tyssaphernes. Towards whom he returned incontinently after the departure of that same assembly, for to show and declare unto them, that he would communicate and consult with him in all things: & to the said Tissaphernes, that he was in great authority with the Athenians, and was their chief, to the end that he might be the moor esteemed of him, and that he should understand that by the same mean, he might aid and hurt him. Also it happened therein even as he understood it: for through the favour of Tissaghernes he held the athenians in fear: and through the fear of them, the self Tissaphernes. When the Peloponesians, that were at Mylet, understood the repeal and calling home again, that was made of Alcibiades, having already so great suspicion against him: they begun to blame him openly. And for troth in that, that they refused to sail to encounter the army by sea, which was come to present them battle, even to Mylet, had caused the said Tissaphernes to be more cold to pay the sold or wages of the said army, togethers with this, that Alcibiades had a right long time traveled and laboured to cause him to come into difference and dissension with the said Peloponesians. This bruit being than come, up the warryours, that were at Mylet, begun to assemble themself by troupes, as they had done before time, & to make a great mutine or sedition. So that some amongst them, men of authority, saying that they had never had their entire payment, & also that the s●ne little, which had been paid to them, was not continued: they threatened that if ●●ey were not brought into some part aither for to fight or for to have to live with, they would abandon and forsake the ships, and charged Astyochus therewith: who, for his particular profit was minded to complain to Tyssaphernes. By this murmuraryon and mutine, a great tumult ensued against the said Astyochus. For the marroners of the syracusans and those of the Thuriens, for that, that they were less subjecteth, than the other: made greatest instance, and that with sharp and more prycking words, to have their payment, than the other. U●to whom, Astyochus made a rude answer, & Hermocrates, willing to speak for his men and to maingteigne their quarrel, he lifted up a staff, which he held for to strike him: which perceived, the mariners & soldiers syracusans did all run impytuous●ye & furiously upon the said Astiochus. Who perceiving them coming, withdrew himself into Franchise or Sanctuary in a chapel thereby, & by that mean saved himself. But afterwards being come fourth fromthence, they did take him, and besides that, the Mylesiens' went to assault a castle or bulleworke, which Tissaphernes had there made, the which they took, and chased fromthence his men, that he had set therein, which thing was agreeable to the other allies, and also the other syracusans. But Lichas was therewith displeased, saying that the Mylesians and other, which were under domyny on of the king, should obey and please Tissaphernes in the things that were reasonable until that the affairs of the war might have been better ordered: by occasion whereof, and of many other like declarations, the Mylesyans conceived so great indignation against him, that, being soon after dead afa disease or malady, they would not suffer that his body should be engraved in the place, where the Lacedemonyans, that were there, had appointed. In these entrefaites and these dissensions being among the soldiers: Tyssaphernes and Astyochus arrived at Mylet. Myndarus, 
Myndarus.  being sent for chief of that same army from the Lacedemonyans in the stead of Astiochus: who after that he had rendered the charge to the said Mindarus he returned to Lacedemonie, and Tyssaphernes sent with him an Ambassador of Gaulere named Cara, 

Gauletes.  
Cara.   which could speak well both languages, to wit, Greek and Persian, aswell for to complain of the outrage that the Milesians had done unto him and his men in this castle or bastillion: as also for to excuse himself of that, wherewith he knew well that they would charge him & that they had sent men to Lacedemonie to do it, and that Hermocrates was gone with them, who affirmed that he and Alcibiades were agreed for to destroy and mar the affairs of the Peloponesians. For he had had of a long time a marvelous hatred against the said Tissaphernes by cause of the pay●mente, and also for this, that being come the other three Chiefs of the syracusans ships unto Mylet, to wit, Potamus, 
Potamus.  Miston and Demarchus, 

Miston  
Demarchus.   the same Tyssaphernes had sharply charged him in their presence of many things and among other, that the hatred, which he had against him, was for this cause, that he would not deliver unto him a certain some of money, which he had demanded of him. In this manner Astyochus, the messengers of the Mylesians and Hermocrates sailed from Mylet the Lacedemonye. And on the other side Alcibiades returned from Tyssaphernes to Samie. Being arrived at which place, certain messengers did come from Delos, which, the four houndred governors of Athenes had sent thither for to pacify & quyett those, that were in the said place of Samie. But at the beginning, the people being by them assembled, the soldiers made instance that no man should give them audience, but rather cried with a loud voice, that men ought to hack into pieces such people, as would destroy the comone estate, nevertheless after many words, silence was made, and they were heard with great difficulty: who declared how the change of the estate, which had been made, was not for the destruction of the city, as they were done to understand, but rather for the wealth of the same, and to the end that it should not come into the power of the enemies, who were come unto before the town. Whereupone it was devised to be necessary to depute the said foore hundred to give order to the defence, and in the affairs of the same, with the other five thousand, all the which should be parttakers in every whatsoever thing for the conducting or admynistratyon of the affairs. And also that it was not true, which Chereas' had spokene for envy, that men had banished and evil entreated the children, parents and friends of those, which were without: but rather suffered them all in their goods, houses and in liberty, as they had before time been. But having made their excuses and declarations and willing to pass further: they were impeached or interrupted by those Chartagians that were there, which took that, that was said in an evil part, and bigone to speak many and divers opinions, but the more part did put it fourth, that men should sail fromthence by unto Pyreus. In the which trouble, Alcibiades showed himself asmuch or more friend to the party, wherewith he did take, than any of the other. For seeing that the athenians, which were there, were minded to sail against those, that were at Athenes, and knowing that if that deed were done, it should be occasion, that the enemies should take all the country of Ionum and of Hellesponte, he would not suffer it, but rather did speak against it: which thing, none other but he, might do in the same fury. And by his authority he stayed that same navigation: and also caused those to hold their peace, which cried against the messengiers and blamed them openly. And afterwards sent them again despeched by himself in this manner. To wit, that as touching the five thousand men, which were named for to aid in the governance of the City, he was not of opinion, that they should be taken from the governance, but he willed gladly that the eight hundred should be dismissed, and that the counsel should be readmytted in the number of five hundred in like form, as it was bifore. And so much as touched that, which had been made by the said foore hundred, for to dymynishe the expenses of the city for to furnish the payment of the men of war, he did right well allow it, and exhorted them to provide well in the other affairs of the city, and not to suffer the city to come into the hands and power of the enemies, giving them good hope for to appoint and conclude all these dissensions, the city remaining in his entire estate, without that they should rise in strife and armour the one against the other, whereunto men ought to have good regard. For if they at any time should come to fight, to wit, those that were in the city, against them that were at Samie, which of the parties should have the victory, there should none remain with whom the appointment might be made. Now were come thither Ambassadors from the Argives, which presented to the athenians that were there, aid & succours against the eight hundred, for defence of the common estate, unto whom Alcibiades did render thanks for their good offres, and nevertheless having demanded of them, who had prayed them to come thither for that matter, and they having answered that they were not come thither, as called by any parson: he ●ente them away graciously. And for troth they had not been required to come. But certain Paraliens, being sent by the eight hundred in a ship of war for to sail to see what was done in Eubee, and also for to carry three Ambassadors, that those foore hundred sent to Lacedemonie, to wit, Lespondias', Aristophon & Milesias: the said Paralians when they were arrived at Argos rendered the said ambassadors prisoners unto the Argyues, as those, which had been the principal authors & accomplices for to beat down the common estate of Athenes: and the said Paralians did not afterwards return to Athenes: but did take in the Ambassadors of the Argives, and did carry them in the ships to Samie. In the same summer, Tyssaphernes knowing that the peloponesians had a right naughty opinion of him, aswell for other reasons, as also for the restoring of Alcibiades, for the which, they presumed that he was reallied with the athenians, for to purge himself of that same suspicion towards them, he prepared himself for to go ●o meet the Phenycyan ships, that should come, and for to haste them forwards, which were in the poarte of Aspendus: and required that Lichas should come with him: and during that he should be in his voyage, he left Tamus one of his provosts, 
Tamus  to whom he did give charge, as he said, for to pay the sold or wages to the peloponesians mariners: howbeit it appeared afterwards that he was not gone to the said place of Aspendus for the same purpose. For he caused not the said ships to come, though that there were in the same place one houndred and xu all ready to sail. And albeit that it can not be knowing for ●routh the cause wherefore he sailed thither, and wherefore he caused not the said ships to come: yet were there sundry judgements pronounced. For some did presume that he did it, for to entertain the affairs of the peloponesians under the hope of that his journey: for also Tamus who he had left for his Lieutenant paid no better than he had done: but rather worse, the other judged that he was gone thither, for to recover the money, which was ordained for the sold of the Phenycians by sending them home again: other presumed that he was gone for to abolish the evil opinion, which the peloponesians had of him, and for to show them that he was willing effectuously to help them: sithence that he sailed for that same army by sea, which was knowing to be ready. But as for me I hold it for most certain, and the thing is clearly evident, that he was not minded to bring his ships, but to dyssimule in that voyage to the end, that in attending his coming, the affairs of the Greeks should come into confusion: and that by not giving aid to the one party nor to the other, and frustrating and deceiving them both, they should remain equal and weak. For it was very notorious that if he had been willing to join with good purpose and sincerely with the Lacedemonyans, they might then have obteign●d the victory. For that, that in the self season they were of themselves as puissant by sea, as the athenians. And the excuse, that he made for that, that he had not brought the ships: declared evidently his malice & deceit. For he said, that it was not for that, that the phoenicians had not furnished such number of ships, as he had appointed them. And yet nevertheless it is to believe that the king would have been right ioyefulle that he might have done the self effect with lesser number, and by consequent with lesser expenses. But for whatsoever intent that he did it, the peloponesians by his order, did send two galleys with him to the said place of Aspendus, of the which was Chiefa Lacedemonyan, named Philippe. On the other side Alcibiades understanding the voyage of Tissaphernes, did take xiii. ships of those, that were at Samie and sailed into that same quarter: doing the athenians to understand, that were at the said Samie, that his journey should profit them greatly. For he would compass it that the same army by sea, which was at Aspendus, should come to their succours, or else should not go to the aid of the Lacedemonyans, and thereof assured them, knowing (as it is to be believed) the will of the said Tissaphernes, by the comunication which he had had with him: which was, for no●e sending of the said army to the peloponesians, and also he practised it to the intent for to rendere the said Tyssaphernes from moor into more suspect with the peloponesians, to the end that afterwards he should be constrained to turn to the party of the athenians. So he sailed towards him, keeping always the main sea from the coast of Phaselide and Cumus.   

¶ How the athenians, being come into great division and dissension among themselves, by cause of the common estate, which had been changed, assembled to come to some accord and appointment. ☞ The xii Chapter.  
During this time, the ambassadors, which the eight hundred had sent to Samie, being arrived and returned to Athenes: they made their report of the charge, that Alcibiades had given them, to wit, that they should give themself to ward and keep well the city, and defend themselves against the enemies, and that he had hope for to reconcile those that were in the army at Samie, and also for to vainquyshe the Peloponesians. Which words did give great courage to many of the eight hundred, which were already cloyed and annoyed with that same form of government and would willingly have wythdrawin themself if they had thought them to be able to do it without danger: so that all with one accord did take the administration of the affairs, having specially the two principal men, and the most puissant of the city for their chiefs, to wit. Theramenes, 
Theramenes.  son of Agnon, and Aristocrates, 
Aristocrates.  son of Sicillius, & besides those same, many other of the most apparent and excellent of the assembly of the eight hundred, who excusedde themself, of this that they had sent ambassadors to the Lacedemonyans, saying that they did it for fear of Alcibiades, and of other that were at Samie, to the end that the city should not be offended. And it seemed to them that men might eschew, that the government should not come into the hands of a small number, if it were ordained that the five thousand, that had been named by the said eight hundred, might have the authority in effect and not in word: and that by the same mean the estate might be reformed in an other sort to the wealth of the city. Whereof albeit that they made always mention in their propositions, yet nevertheless the more part of them did wring it to their particular proffytt, to ambition and authority, hoping that in abating the said government of eight hundred, they should be not only equal to the other, but also superiors. And moreover in the common estate. every one endured and suffered the rather or better willing a repoulse, for that-that the offices were given by election of the people: than in the estate of the particulars, for it seemed unto him, not to have been repulsed by his egalls, when that it was done by the people. And for troth the authority, which Alcibiades had with them at Samie, did give great courage to these here, joined, that it seemed not to them good, that the same estate of eight hundred should endure, wherefore every one of them enforced himself, the most that he might, to acquire and get credytt with the people, for to be principal in authority Neverthelas, those, which were the pryncipalles of the said eight hundred, travailed to the contrary so much, as they might, and chief Phrinicus, 
Phrynicus.  who, whilst that he was Duke and chief of those, that were at Samie, had been contrary or adversary to Alcibiades. And also Astiochus, 
Aristarchus.  who had always been contrary to the common estate, and likewise Pysander, 
Pysander  Antiphon and the other, 
Antiphon  that were the most puissant in the city, who, after the time that they had embraced and takene the administration, and also after the change and sedition, that had been at Samie: sent ambassadors of their own bodies and conveyed them to Lacedemonie, and went about to maignteigne the government of the small number with all their power, and also caused the wall of Eetione to be repaired and heighthened. And after the return of their ambassadors, whcihe they had ●ent to Samie, seeing that many of their own sect changed their will, who had been taken for constant and fully determined in the affair, they sent readelye Antiphon and Phrynicus, with ten other of their bend eftsoons to the Lacedemonyans, and did give them charge for to appoint with them, for and upon the lesser evil that they might, provided that the appointment should be tolerable. And this did they for fear that they had aswell of those, that were at Athens, as of those, which were at Samie. And as touching the wall, that they repaired and heighthenened at Eetione, they did it) as Theramenes said, and those that were with him) not so much for to impeach that they, which were at Samie might not enter into the port Pyreus: as for to receive the army by sea and by land of the enemies, when they would, forsomuch as the same place of Eetione is at the entering into the poorte of Pyreus, in manner of a cressente or half a circle, whereby the wall, which they made for the coast of the land, rendered the place so fortified, that it should be in their power with a small number of people, that they might put within it, to suffer the ships that should come to enter or for to empescher or keep them fourth, for that, that the same place joineth to the other tower of the poorte, which hath a very strait entering, and besides that reparation which they made at Eetione, they repaired the old wall, that was without Pyreus, of the coast of the land, and builded a new wall within it of the coast of the sea, and between both, made great halls and Stoarehouses, into the which they constraynedde every one of the town to bring and bestow the corn, which he had in his house, and also the same, that was from without by sea, they caused to be discharged there, and they that were minded to have thereof, were constrained to go and buy it there. Theramenes, had already (bifore that the later ambassadors went from the eight hundred to Lacedemonie) divulged and opened these things, to wit, that the eight hundred did make the said reparations & provisions for to receive the enemies. But after that they were returned without doing any thing, he did speak & publish more openly that the same wall, which was caused to be made, should be cause of putting the estate of the city into danger, for at the self time did come thither, xlii, ships of the ennemis, whereof the one part were Italians & sicilians, that came from Peloponese, to wit, of those that were sent into Eubea: & certene other were of those, that were left in the port of Ye, 
Ya.  in the country of Laconie, of whom Agisandridas, 
Agisandridas.  son of Egisander, the Spartian was chief, whereupon Theramenes said, that they were not arrived there, so much to sail their voyage of Eubea, as for to aid those that made the said wall of Eetione, and that if they made not very good watch, there was great danger least they should take Pyreus secretly or by stealth. And that which Theramenes and those that were with him did speak, was not wholly lies, nor said for envy. For truly those, which held the estate of a small number at Athens, would gladly (if they might) have governed the city in liberty and under their authority, and to have been able to command the subjects, in the name of the said city, as representing the common wealth. But if they could not defend and maigteigne their authority, they were determined (having the port, the ships and the fortress of Pyreus in their hand) to live there in surety, fearing lest if the people did return unto their former common estate, they should furst be destroyedde. And if than they might not save and defend themself there: rather than to fall into the hands of the people, they determined to let the enemies into Pyreus, but so that they should not have neither the ships nor the fortresses in their hands, and to capitulate and confer with them ●ouchynge the estate of the city, the best that they could, so that their parsons might be saved. For these respects they kept good watch and ward, on the walls & in the ports, and in the rest they advanced themself, the most that they might to build the places, where the enemies might have entering and passage forth: fearing to be soubdainly takene and prevented, the which enterprises and delyberations were furst devised and treated upon among a few people. But sithence Phrynicus, after his return out of Lacedemonie, was hurt in the midst of the market place, by one of those that warded, wheeupon anon after his return from the Palais, he died: and the same man that did hurt him, fled away. But an Argive, that had aided him, was by order of the foore hundred taken, who being racked and demanded, to tell who had caused him to do it, could name no parson. And he said that he knew none other thing, but that in the house of the capitain of the watch, and of many other citizens, a great number of people did oftentimes assemble. Whereupon, and through occasion of that same news, Theramenes, Aristocrates, and the other, which were of their confederatie, aswell of the number of eight hundred, as other, were the more chaffed and heated in their enterprise. And somouche the more, that the army by sea, the which was at Ye, having takene the poorte and sojourn at Epidaure, made many coursynges and pillages, in the land of Egyne. Wherefore Theramenes said, that it was not to be believed that if the said army had been willing to sail into Eubea, that it would have come coursing until the gulf of Egyne, for afterwards to return to Epidaure, except that they had been called by those which held and fortified Pyreus, like as he had always said. For this cause, after many declarations made unto the people for to cause the commons to raise against them, it was finally determined to take Ye, by force. Ensuing the which deliberation, they that were busied at the fortefyinge of Fetione, over whom Aristocrates was chief, did take one of the number of eight hundred, which nevertheless held secretly the contrary part, named, Alexicles and warded him in his own house, 
Alexicles.  and after the same, they took many of them, and among other, one of the capitains that had the warding of Munichie, 
Munichie.  named Hermon, and that was done by consent of the greatest party of the soldiers. The which thing being signified to the eight hundred, which at that time were in the palace of the town (reserved those, that was not pleased with the government) determined to take their armure & weapons, for to give charge upon Theramenes and those which were with him. Who excusing himself said that he was ready for to sail to Ye, to apprehend and take those, that made such novelties. And so he did take one of the capitains, which was of his will and mind, with him, and went to Pyreus. Unto whom Aristarchus and the horsemen were aiding, whereby a great and horrible tumult was incontinently stirred up. For they that were within the city, said plainly, that Pyreus was taken, and all those that were found within it, were slain. And on the other side, those, which were within Pyreus, thought that all those that were in the city, had come against them. So that the auntyente of the city had enough to do for to keep the citizens from putting themself all into armure, and therein Thucydides the Pharsalien travailed greatly with them. 

Thucydides.  
Pharsilianus.   Who, having had great amity and acquaintance with many amongst them, laboured to appaise them with sweet words, requiring and exhorting them, that they should not will to put the city into danger of destruction, having the enemies so nigh, which laid in wait for them, by means of which declarations, the fury was appaysedde, and all withdrew theymeselues into their houses. During this time, Theramenes, who was officier with the other being at Pyreus, made semblant, with words only, to be angry against the footmen well armed. But Aristarchus and those of his bend, which were of the contrary faction or sect, were for troth, thoroughly displeased against them. The which for all that, ceased not to proceed in their business and work, until that some of them demanded of Theramenes, whider it seemed unto him for the best to finish the wall, or to raze it down. For being by him answered, that if it pleased them to grind it down, he would not therewith be angry: incontinently all those, which wrought, and many of the other that were in Pyreus, mountedde upon the said wall and in a very short time, brought it to ground. And in that doing, to th'intent to encouraige the people unto their purpose and will, they said with a loud voice unto the standers by, these words. Whosoever hath more desire that the five thousand shall govern, rather than the eight hundred, he ought to do this, which we do. And that did they say for to declare that they were not willing to set up again the common estate: but rather showed themself concented, that the five thousand should govern, fearing least that it should escape to any of those, which pretended to have any governance in the said common estate, for to name it by error or oversight, by speaking the one to other, whereof the eight hundred were much astonied, for that, that they were not content that the said five thousand should have authority, nor also understand that they should be deposed. For in that doing it should come again, to the common estate, also in giving them the authority, it should in manner be all one, the authority being in so great number of men. And so this fashion of not declaring the thing held the men in fear, asmuch of the one side as of the other. The morrow following, the eight hundred, although that they were yet in great trouble assembled togethers in the palace. On the other side those, which were in armure in Pyreus, having razed down the wall, and released Alexicles, whom they had bifore apprehended, they went into the Theatre or guild hall of Dyonisius, that is to say of Bacchus, which is bifore Munichie within Pyreus. So they held there their counsel, and after having debated upon that, which they had to do, they concluded for to go into the city, and there to bestow their armure in the place accustomed, which thing they did. And they being unarmed, came many citizens, sent secretly from the eight hundred, which addressed and repaired to those, which they knew to be most tractable, praying them, that they should keep the peace without making any trouble or tumult in the city, and also to defend, that the other did it not, showing them, that they all togethers might name the five thousand that should have the governance, and put into the same number the eight hundred to such charge and authority, as they should think good, for to keep the city from danger of comymnge into the power of the enemies. Through which declarations and requests, which were made by divers men in divers places and to divers personaiges, the people was greatly quyetted, fearing least their dissension, should come to the ruin and destruction of the city. And in effect it was generally agreed, that at a certain day, an universal assembly of the people should be made within the temple of Bacchus.   

How the Peloponesians had a vicorye by sea against the athenians, nigh to Erithree. And afterwards how the governance of the eight hundred was abrogated, and the sedition in the city by that mean appeased. ☞ The xiii Chapter.  
THe people, being at the day assigned, assembled in the temple of Bacchus: bifore that any thing had been proponed and declared, news came, that, xlii, ships were departed from Megare, for to come to salamine, under the conduct of Agisandridas. Which thing seemed to the people, to be the effect of that, which Theramenes and his followers had said bifore, that the army by sea of the enemies, would come strait to the wall, which was in building, and that for the same cause it was expedient for to raze it down. And it might be, that Agisandridas, kept himself abouts Epidaure, and other nigh places of a set purpose, knowing the dissension wherein the athenians were, for to execute some good thing, if he might see occasion and opportunity. The athenians understanding then these news, departed all ronning into Pyreus, reputing the same domestical and intestyne war, more great and more dangerous, than the same of the enemies, and being bifore their poorte, more than if it had been in any other place further of. For this cause some did cast themself into the ships, which were ready and tacled within the poorte: the other they did bring to shore, and trimmed those which were not ready: and the other mounted upon the walls, that were at the entering of the said poorte, for to defend it. But the peloponesians ships, having passed Sunie sailed or kept their way, between Thorice and towards Prastie, and came fromethence to aboard at Orope. Which perceived, the athenians did soubdainly apprehend and take the mariners, which they found ready (like as the custom is to do in a city, which is in civil war, and in great danger of enemies) for to withstand it. For also all the comfort and succours, which they than had, was out of Eubea, the coast of the land being occupied by the enemies. And so they sent Tymocrates, with the ships that they could then make ready into Erithree, which after, that he was arrived having in all, xxxvi, ships, those same comprised, which were bifore already in Eubea: he was constrained to fight, forsomuch as Agisandridas having already dined, was departed from Orope, and did come against Erethrie, which is not distant from the said Orope but three skoare stades by sea. The athenians, than saying the army of the enemies coming in battle against them: they mounted soubdaynly into their ships, thinking that the soldiers should have forthwith followed them, but they were skatered through all the quarters of the town, for to make provision of victuals, for that, that the burgeoses of the same had maliciously found mean that there were no victuals to be sold in the market, to the end that the said soldiers, being occupied to search victuailles through the town, they might not in time mount into the ships, and by that mean that the enemies might betrapp or suddenly take them. And also they in the rest convenanted with the enemies to make them a sign, when they should perceive that it were time, for to assail the said athenians ships. Which thing they did. And notwithstanding all this, the athenians, that were in the ships within the poorte, susteigned a good while the force of the enemies, but at the end they were constrained to put themself in flight. So they were followed by the enemies even unto the shore of the sea, whereupon those, which retired into the town as into the land of friends, were by the burgeosses, villaynously slain. But those, which retired into the forts, that the athenians held, were saved. And likewise the ships, that could sail unto Chalcide were saved. But the other that were to the number of, xxii, were takene, with all those, that were in them, mariners and other, whereof some were slain, and the other deteigned prisoners, and by reason of the same victory, they raised up there a Trophy and within a small time after, they brought all the Island of Eubea, into their obeisance, except Oree, 
Oreum  which the same athenians did hold, and also compounded with all the places bordering thereabouts. When the news of the same overthrow, did come to Athenes, all the people were afraid asmuch or more, than of any thing, that had ever happened unto them. For although that the overthrow, which they had received in Sycille had been of great ymportance, and many other losses which they had had at divers times: yet the host which was at Samie, being turned and rebelled against them, and not having neither more ships nor men to put in them, and they themselves moreover in such dissension in the city, that they did but attend and watch the hour for to invade the one the other: to have presently lost, after so many calamities and myschances, even at one instant all the Island of Eubea, out from the which they had more succours than out of their own land of Athenes: it should have been a right strange thing, if they had not been thereof astonied. And so much the more that the said Island being so nigh unto the city, they feared greatly lest the enemies in the fury and heat of the same victory, would have come forthwith, all with one power, into Pyreus, the which being wholly unprovided of ships, if they had had courage, they might well have done, and chief they might have assaulted the city, the which by that mean should have come yet into greater devysione, or at the lest assieged it. By which doing those that were in the army by sea of the athenians in Ionum, though that they were adversaries, and against the government of the eight hundred, should yet have been constrained for their particular interest and for the wealth of their city to abandon & forsake the said country of Ionum, for to come, to the succours of their city. And by that mean all the country of Ionum, of Hellesponte, and the Islands that be in that same sea abouts Eubea, and in effect all the Empire and the signory of the athenians should have come into the power of the athenians. But the Lacedemonyans, both in the same and in many other things were much profitable to the athenians, and principally through the multitude and diversity of people that there in their company, who were much different, contrary and disagreeing, both in will & in manner of living. For some of them were hasty and diligent: the other slack and loitering, some hardy and the other fearful, and specially touching the feat by sea, they were in great discord, which redounded to the great profit of the athenians. And that might be well known by the syracusans. Who, for that, that they were all of one accord and of one will: did great things, and had fair victories. And for to return to the history, the athenians having learned these news, in whatsoever manner and necessity that they were, they nevertheless armedde twenty ships, and forthwith at the self hour, they assembled together in the self place of Pyreus, and at an other time, in a place which they name Picne, 
Picne.  wherein they had at other times accustomed to assemble themself, and it was concludedde in the same assemblies that the eight hundred should be deposed, and that the auctorye should be in the hands of five thousand, of the which number, all those might be, that could bear armure and that would serve in the office without wages, and whosoever would do otherwise, should be abhorred and execrable. Afterwards there were many other assemblies, wherein divers laws and ordonances were made touching the administration of the common wealth. And in the beginning thereof, it seemed to me that they made many good things for the conducting of the common affairs to the wealth of the city, reducing and bringing the dissension that ●as amongst them, by cause of the particular and common government, unto a good mean, which was occasion for to cause many evils things that were done in the city to cease, and by that mean maigteigned it. Moreover they ordained that Alcibiades and the other which were with him should be reapealled and called home again, and likewise that it should be commanded to them that were at Samie, that they should come for to aid to give order in the affairs of the city. In these enterfeates, Pysander and Alexicles and some other of the number of eight hundred withdrew themselves to Decelea. But Aristarchus, which was their chief without other company of them, did take a certain number of Archers, which were there of the most barbarous or estrangers, and departed fromethence to Oenoe, 
Oenoe.  which is a castle that the athenians held in the frontiers of the Boeotians, whom the Boeotians did keep assieged by cause of certain murders, that those, of the said castle had committed and done to their people, and there were with him certain Beotians that were come of their own mind. Aristarchus being there arrived, he treated with the said Corynthians and Beotians to cause the place to be rendered unto them. And so he did parliament and speak with those that were within it. Doing them to understand that the appointment was made of all the other differences and questions between the Lacedemonyans and the athenians. Wherefore it was requisitt that they should render the said castle to the Beotians. Unto which words and declarations, those that were within it (who knew nothing of that, which was done, as people that be assieged) did give credytt and faith, for that specially, that the said Aristarchus was the chief of the eight hundred, and so rendered the place by composition. In such manner the government of the small number ceased at Athens, and by that mean the sedition and division of the citizens.   

How the armies by sea aswell of the Athenians as of the Peloponesians, sailledde into Hellesponte, and there prepared themselves for to fight. ☞ The xiiii Chapter.  
IN the self season, the Peloponesians, that were at Mylet, did know manifestly that they were abused by Tyssaphernes, aswell for that, that none of those (to whom he had commanded, when he departed to sail at Alpendus, that they should have paid the said Peloponesyans their sold or wages) neither had delivered them any thing, nor also there was any news of the coming again of the same Tyssaphernes, nor of the ships that he should bring out of Phenice. But Phillippe that was gone thither with him, had written to Myndarus, 
Myndarus.  chief of the army by sea that he needed not to attend or tarry for the said ships, and a Spartian named Hypocrates, 
Hypocrates.  who was at Pharsalide had written the self thing. 
Pharsalide.  For that cause the said soldiers, being solycited and instanced by Pharnabazus, 
Pharnabasus.  who desired with the aid of the said army by sea of the Pelopone●ians to cause all the towns, which the Athenians held in his province for to rebel, like as Tyssaphernes had done: Myndarus chief of that same army allied and confederated himself with him, hoping to have some more advantage of him, than of Tyssaphernes. And for to do the thing more secrettly: bifore that the athenians, that were in Samie perceived it, with the greatest diligence that he could, he departed from the said Mylet with, lxxiii, ships, and did take his journey towards Hellespont, 
Hellespontus.  whider in the self summer were also gone, xii, other, the which had made many coursynges and pyllaiges in one quarter of Cheronese. But he being in the gulf of the said Cheronese, was taken with a storm or pyrrye, and was constrained to withdraw to Icare, 
Icarus.  & there to sojourn five or two days, attending that the sea might be appeased and quieted, & afterwards to sail to Chio. In the mean time, Thrasylus, who was at Samie, was advertised, how that same Myndarus was departed from Milett. So he departed with, lv, ships in the greatest haste that he could, for to be the first in Hellespont. But being advertised that the army of the enemies was at Chio, and thinking that it would have sojourned there certain days, he set espies into the Isle of Lesbos, and also in the main land, that is in the quarter overanempste the Isle, to the end that the said enemies should not pass, but that he should be advertised thereof. And he, with the rest of the army saylledde to Methymna, 
Methimna.  where he caused flower and other victuals to be takene in, for to sail from Lesbos to Chio, if that the enemies would long have sojourned there. And also they were minded to sail to the city of Erese, for to recover it, if they could, for that, that it was rebelled from the Lesby●ns, by mean of certain bannysshed men out of Methymna, which were of the pryncipalles of the city. Who, having called out of the city of Cumes abouts fifty good men, their friends and allies, & soulded or waged abouts three houndred soldiers of the main land, under conduct of a citizeine of Thebes which they had chosen, for the amity & alliance, that they had with the Thebayns: were sailed by sea strait to Methymna, thinking to enter therein by force, but their enterprise did take no effect. For they being entered into it, the Athenians, that were at Mytilene in garnison: did come soubdainly to the succours of the burgeoses, and having sought against the said bannysshed men, constrained them to issue fourth again in the night out of the town, and did go strait to Erese, the which they constrained to receive them and to rebel from the Mythileniens. Thrasilus with all his army than being there arrived, prepared himself, for to assault the town. And on the other side, Thrasibulus, who had been advertised at Samie, of the coming of the said bannysshed men to Erese, was already come thither bifore with five ships, and moreover two other ships did arrive there after the coming of Thrasillus, which came out of Hellesponte, and sailed fromethence home to their houses, in such sort that aswell with the ships that were at Methymna, as with the other, that were come thither, there were to the number of, lxvii, which carried, men, artillery and engines, for to take Erese. In the mean time Myndarus with the peloponesians ships, having made provision of victuals, for the space of two days at Chio, and received the payment of the soldiers by those of the town, to wit, xliii pence for every one: the third day they launched fourth, and fearing to encounter and meet the ships, that were at Erese, they took the main sea, and leaving the Isle of Lesbos on the left hand, they came alongst the main land for to aboard in the town of Carterie in the land of Phocaide, where he dined with his bend. And incontinently as they had dined, they passed alongeste of the land of Cumes and did come for to supper in the town, 
Cumes.  of Arginusse, 
Arginusse.  which is in the main land directly against Mytilene. And after that they had supped, they sailed most part of the night so long that abouts none they arrived at Hamatus, which is a town in the main land foranempst Methymna, where they soubdainlye dined. Sithence after dinner passing foranemste Lecte, 
Lectus.  Larisse, 
Larissa.  Amaxitie, 
Amexitus.  and other places of that same country, one part of the ships came to aboard at Rhetee, 
Rhetium.  where Hellesponte beginneth, abouts midnight, and the other part aboorded at Sigea, 
Sigeun.  and in other poartes and havens adioigning. The athenians, that were at Seste, to the number of, xviii, ships, saying the signs and tokens of their watches, which were made by fierce, and also likewise a great number of other fierce that were made alongeste the sea coast: knew that the Peloponesians were entered into the gulf of Hellesponte. And so embarked themself incontinently, and the self night did come beneath Cheronese, for to aboard in Eleunte, thinking by that mean to avoid and eschew the army of enemies by the main sea, and for effect they did pass so diligently, that the, xvi, ships, which were in Abide, perceived them not, although that they were advertised by the Peloponesians, that they should take good heed or watch well, that the athenians ships should not pass without their knowledge. But after that the break of the day appeared, they did soon see the ships of Myndarus. So they incontinently fled, but they did not all take the main sea, for one party retyredde into the main land, and some other to Lenmus, 
Lemmus  there were eight of them that remained the last, which were takene nigh to Eleunte, with the people, that were within them, for they came to cross a thwart them foranempste the chapelle of Protesilaus, two were takene empty or void, whereof the people was saved, and one was burned, which had been likewise takene empty. And that done, having assembled the same day aswell of Abide as of other places, the number of eight skoore and two ships, they did come strait to Eleunte, thinking to take it by force, but saying that there was no hope therein, they sailed to Abide. In this mean time the Athenians, thinking that the army by sea, of the enemies, could not pass, but that they should know it, they were still bifore Erese, and made there preparations for to assault the wall. But when they were advertised that the other had passed they left forthwith their s●ege and sailed with all diligence towards Hellesponte for to succour their people. So they encountredde or met two of the Peloponesians ships, which had over aigerly followed the other athenians, and did take them, and the morrow after they arrived at Eleunte, being locked in the which place, they received the other ships that were escaped from the encountering at Imbre, and by the space of five days, they made their preparations for the battle, after the which they did come to the combat, which was in the manner that followeth.   

¶ How the Athenians had a victory against the Peloponesians in the sea of Hellesponte. ☞ The xu Chapter.  
THe army of the athenians was locked at both points and extended from of the coast of Ses●e towards the main land. On the other side that same of the Peloponesians, perceiving the other to come forwards, departed from Abide, for to encounter it. And when both parties did see, that it was needful to fight, they extended themselves into the sea, to wit, the Lacedemonyans, who had, xlviii, ships, enlarged themselves from Abide to Dardan, in the right point whereof were the syracusans, and Myndarus held the left, wherein the lightest ships were. The athenians extended themselves towards Cheronese: from Idaque to Archiane, which were in all eight skoore and sixteen ships, in the left point whereof was Thrasyllus, and Thrasybulus in the right, and the other capitains, every one in the place, that was appointed for him. So the Peloponesians advanced themself to fight and furst to give the assault, to the end to have enclosed with their left point, the right point of the Athenians, if they might, in such sort, that they should not have been able to enlarge themself in the sea, and that the other ships, which were in the midst should be constrained to retire to the land, which was not very far of. Whereupon the athenians, perceiving from the coast that the enemies would come to enclose them, they assaulted them lively, and having takene their charge of the sea, they sailed and governed their ships more galiardly: than the other. On the otheresyde, their left point had been passed already the rocky place, which is called, the sepulchre of the dog, 
The sepulchre of the dog.  by mean whereof the ships, that were in the midst of their battle, remained nakedde and disseparated from those of the two points, so much in the greater danger, that the enemies had the more nombere of ships, and far better furnished with men. And moreover that same rocky place of the sepulchre of the dog, extendeth alongst into the sea of such sort, that those that were within the gulf and retreatte thereof, could see nothing of that which was done without. For this cause the Peloponesians, saying those same, separated and feobled in such sort, came to give charge upon them and repulsed them unto the land, and those same Peloponesians, saying themself to have the victory, a great number of them landed for to follow the athenians, which could not be succouredde by their people, to wit, by those, that were in the right point with Thrasibulus, for that they were oppressed with greater number of ships, than they had. neither with those, which were in the left point with Thrasillus, for that, that they could not see what those same did there, by cause of the rocky place or promontory that was between both, and moreover they had much to do for to resist the ships of the syracusans and a great number of other, which oppressed them greatly, until that the Peloponesians, perceiving themselves to have the victory, begun to put themselves into disorder for to follow the enemies ships, so as they scattered themselves abroad. For Thrasybulus, which perceived it, without more contending to sail with those, that were bifore him: rushed with all his ships and with all his strength upon them, so that he put them to flight. And finding those, which had brokene the midst of his battle into disorder, he brought them in such fear, that many of them without tarrying did put themselves into flight. Which perceived, the Siracusains, and the other that were with them, which had been already greatly oppressed by Thrasillus, did likewise put themself in flight: in such sort, that all the army of the Peloponesians fled strait towards the river of Pydia, and fromethence towards Abide. And albeit that the athenians did not take a great number of the enemies ships: yet that same victory did come very well to their purpose: for that, that they were bifore time in great fear of the Peloponesians by sea, by cause of many losses, which they had made in many places with them: but above all, for the same of Sicily. Whereby, after the victory, the fear cessed, which they had of the said Peloponesyans by sea, and also the murmuration that was amongst their people, by cause of the same. And nevertheless they did take of the enemies ships those, which did follow eight of Chio, five of the Corynthians, two of the Ambraciotes and two of the Beotians: and of the Leucadians, Lacedemonyans, Siracusains and Pellyens of every of them, one: & they lost fifteen of theirs. So they received after the battle the shipwreck and the cariongns. Where of they did by appoynctement render to the enemies, theirs: and afterwards, having addressed and raised their Trophy upon the rocky place of the sepulchre of the dog, they dyspesched a brygantyne, by the which they advertised the athenians of that same victory. Through the which news, the citizens that were in much great fear and despair by cause of the great inconveniences, that were happened unto them, aswell in Eubea, as in the city itself, through their seditions: recovered their spirittes, and did greatly take again their courage, hoping to be yet able to have the victory against their enemies, if there case were well and diligently conducted. Foore days after the same victory, having in this mean time, with great diligence repaired their ships, which were bruised and crushed at Seste, they departed fromthence for to sail to recover the city of Cizice, 
Sicum.  which were rebelled from them. And in passing their voyage, they did see eight peloponesians ships in the haven of Harpagie and of Priape, 

Herpagius.  
Priapus.   which were departed from Bizance: the which they assaulted, vanquished and took. And fromthence they sailed to Cizice, and also did take it easily for that, that it had no walls, and they recovered of the burgeoses a good sum of money. During this time the peloponesians departed out from Abide, and sailed to Eleunte. Where they did take of the ships, which had been gaigned and won of the enemies those thereof, that they found whole and entire: for they of the town had burned a great number of them. And also sent Hypocrates and Epicles into Eubea for to bring away other of them. 
Hypocrates.  In the self season Alcibiades departed out of Cannus & of Phaselide with xiiii ships, to Samie: and did the athenians that were there to understand, how he had impeached that the Phenycians ships did not come to the aid of the Peloponesians, and also had drawin and treyned Tyssaphernes to the benevolence of the athenians, much more than bi●oretyme he had been. Sithence having with his eight ships tacled other nine that he found there, he sailed into Halicarnassus: where he levied a great some of money, and so enclosed the town with wall. Afterwards he did return to Samie about the beginning of Autumpne. On the other side, Tissaphernes, having understanded, how the army by sea of the peloponesians was departed from Mylet for to pass into Hellesponce, departed from Aspende for to sail into Ionum. And in the mean time that the peloponesians were occupied in the affairs of Hellesponte, the citizens of Antandrie (which is a town of the Eoliens) having takene a certain number of people in Abide, caused them by night to pass through the mount of Ida. 
Antandrii  So they put them into the town and did chase fromthence the men of Arsacus the Persyen, 
Arsacus  who was capitain there for Tissaphernes, for that, that he entreated them noughtelye. And besides the evil entreating, they had great fear of him and of his cruelty for the experience, which they had seen him use against the Delyens. Who, when they were chased out of the Isle of Delos by the athenians, under colour of relygione, they being wythdrawin into a town nigh unto Antandria, named Atramyrtum: 
Atramyrtum.  that same Arsacus, which did bear them certain hatred, dissimuled or cloaked his evil will, and feigned with the pryncipalles of them that he would use their service in war, and give them wages, and by that mean caused them all to issue fourth into the fields. And one day, as they were at dinner caused them to be bisett round abouts by his men and with strokes of darts to be slain right cruelly. For this reasons than and for not being of power to support the charges that were exacted of them, the Antandryans chased away his men. Whereby Tyssaphernes found himself greatly offended, beside that, which had already been done by the Peloposyans at Mylet and at Cnydus: from whence they had likewise chased his men. And fearing least it should happen worse, and also having in great despite, that Pharnabazus, having wythdrawin them to wages should with their aid, do with lesser charges and in lesser time, more in effect than he could do with the athenians, he determined to sail unto them into Hellesponte for to complain to them of the said outrages that had been done to him, and also for to excuse and discharge himself of that, wherewith men charged him, specially touching the Phenycians ships. So he took his journey, and being arrived at Ephesus, 
Ephesus.  he made his sacrifice in the temple of Diana. And when the winter that shall come after this summer shallbe fynishedde, it shallbe the end of the twenty and one year of this same war.   
¶ HEre endeth the History of Thucydides the athenian, of the war that was between the peloponesians and the athenians. Prince of Hystorians that have wryttonne in the Greek tongue, out of the which, this book was sometime translated into Latin by Laurence Ualle, and afterwards brought into the the French tongue by the Lord Claudius of seissel, furst Bushopp of Marseille and afterwards Archebushopp o● Turyn, and being translated into the English is finally, by the most gracious privielege of the Kings most excellent Majesty, Edward the sixth by the grace of God King of England, France and Icelande, defender of the faith and of the Church of England and also of Irlande in earth the Supreme head: published and brought into light to the proffitt and edification of the subjects of his majesties Realms and dominions. And newly imprinted in the City of London, in the fourth year of his majesties most prosperous Reign.   

Leaf Page line Faults Corrections. i●. second. xxi. and it was. and how it was. xi. first. first. a truce for iiii. for four the same. the same. xxxix. Anaxagoras. Athenagoras. xii. both. xi. xlii. viil. xiii xxxi. king of air. king Darius. xv. first. first. chosenne. chased. xx. second. x●ii. his house. their houses. xxiiii. second. xxxix. had had. had. xxix. first. xiii. be not said. be said. xxxiii. first. xiiii. that. then. xxxviii. first. first. the said city of Samye. leave it once fourth. ●. first. xi. gate. port. lii●. second. first. Corsayrians. thieves or sea rovers. lxiii. second. iii. declared. defended. lxv. second. seven. a great number. a great number of them, lxx. first. ●●●x. over all inhabited. over all not inhabited. lxxii. second. xxvii. of poarte. of the poarte lxxxii. second. xxv. asmuch as the. asmuch on the● lxxxiii. second. xlvii. that we have not begun that ye have begun the wart● against us. lxxix. first. xviii. against you. And against you, and study not hue how they may do you some ill turn. And lxxxiiii. first. xvi. the Athenians, ye● the Athenians at your commandment, yet. the same. second. xvii● whereof, and for. wherof● for. lxxxx. second. xliii. ymbecillitie of the other. ymbersllitie of their wits and the ability of the other. the same. the same. v. than not to be outraged than to be outraged or circumvented. xCiiii. first. xiiii. against him. against them. xCviii. second. first. their army in. their army by sea in. xCix. second. second. set battle. set in battle. C. second. xlix. truce should not be. truce should be. C. second. xxxix. this same been accorded this same shall have been Cii. first. iiii. Lacedæmonians. Athenians. Cvi. first. second. when. then. the same. second. iiii. out of Corinthe out of Coreie●. Cxii. first. xxxviii. Athenians. Peloponesians. Cxiiii. second. x. Athenians Acanthians. Cxvii. second. thirty. all those, those. all those, that. Cxviii. first. xxviii. them unto them. theirs unto them. Cxxii. second. xxxiii. that his tresues. that this trefues Cxxiiii. second. xxii. easy for us. easy for them. Cxxxii first. xlii. tother city of Sparte. the city of Sparte. Cxxxv. first. xliii. on the one party. on the other party. Cxxxvii. first. xxxi. with the Athenes. with the athenians. Cxxxix. second. last. those Patras. those of Patras. Cxl. second. xxiiii. men captain. captain. the same. the same. the same. of the war. of the men of warre● C●li. first. xxv. and other were. and other that were. Cxlvii. first. xxviii. so that he persuadeth. that as he persuadeth. the same. the same. thirty. and to accept it. for to accept it. the same. the same. xxxviii. thereof resisteth. thereof resteth. Cl. first. xxxii. and the like did. and the like they did. fly. second. xxii. little hazard that I may. little hazard as I may. ●lxi. first. xxiiii. which they had sent. which the Athenians had sent● Clxvi. second. x. for his cause. for this cause. Clx●●ii. first. iii. if it becometh friend. if he becometh friend. Clxxiiii. first. xviii. Egesta. Egestains. Clxxvii. first. xxii. with the suffer. with the stuff. Clxx●x. first. xiiii. October. December. the same. the same. xxxix. that is plemyrum. that is nigh plemyrum. Clxxx. first. vi. did give give. did give. the same. second. thirty. of the athenians. of the Lacedæmonians. the same. the same. xli. to come with. to come to sail with. Clxxxii. first xlix. fynisshed. furnished. the same. second. last. xxiii. xxxiii. Clxxxviii. first. xxxix of the servitude ●bōdage leave it once fourth, Cl●xxx. first. vi. of soartes. of all soartes. the same. the same. xiii. victua●lles were. victuals they were, the same. the same. xli. than we should, than we would. the same. second. xxxiii. neither more here. not here. the same. the same. xxxiiii. nor other. neither 〈◊〉 other. ●lxxxxv. second. xx. to m●t● the. to m●t● 〈◊〉. CCv. first. x. to followeth. that 〈◊〉. the same. the same. xlvi. neither nother. n●the● other. the same. second. xvi. September. December. CCvi. first. xx●vi. and all the ●●yuall. 〈◊〉 at the 〈◊〉. CCxii●. furshe. xxii. treaty●●. 〈◊〉 the same. the same. xli●. ● he had decelea. he had in 〈◊〉. CCxiii. first. first. unto Chrasil●s. unto 〈…〉 the same. second. last. more mean. And more 〈…〉 in other 〈…〉 CCxvi. second. xxix. in this castle. in his ca●●elle. CCxx. second. xxxvi. people that th●●e in. people that w●re in. CCxxiii. second. xxxii. the the french. the french.