AN ANSWER TO A CHALLENGE MADE BY A JESUIT in JRELAND. WHEREIN THE JUDGEMENT OF ANTIQUITY in the points questioned is truly delivered, and the Novelty of the now ROMISH doctrine plainly discovered By JAMES USHER Bishop of Meath. MATTH. 19.8. From the beginning it was not so. DUBLIN, Printed by the Society of Stationers. 1624. TO HIS MOST SACRED MAJESTY, JAMES BY THE GRACE OF God King of great BRITAIN, FRANCE, and IRELAND, Defender of the Faith, etc. Most Gracious and Dread Sovereign. We find it recorded for the everlasting honour of Theodosius the younger, that it was his use a Socrat. lib. 7. hist. cap. 22. to reason with his Bishops of the things contained in the holy Scriptures, as if he himself had been one of their order: and of the Emperor Alexius in latter days; that b Suthym. Zigaben. in Praefat. Dogmaticae Panopliae. whatsoever time he could spare from the public cares of the Commonwealth, he did wholly employ in the diligent reading of God's book, and in conferring thereof with worthy men, of whom his Court was never empty. How little inferior, or how much superior rather, your Majesty is to either of these in this kind of praise, I need not speak: it is acknowledged even by such as differ from you in the point of Religion, as a matter that hath c Io. Brereley, in his Epistle before S. Augu●tines Religion. added more than ordinary lustre of ornament to your Royal estate; that you do not forbear so much as at the time of your bodily repast, to have for the then like feeding of your intellectual part, your Highness' table surrounded with the attendance and conference of your grave and learned Divines. What inward joy my heart conceived, as oft as I have had the happiness to be present at such seasons, I forbear to utter: only I will say with Job; that d job 29.11. the ear which heard you blessed you, and the eye which saw you, gave witness to you. But of all other things which I observed, your singular dexterity in detecting the frauds of the Romish Church, and untying the most knotty arguments of the Sophisters of that side, was it (I confess) that I admired most. especially where occasion was offered you to utter your skill, not in the word of God alone, but also in the Antiquities of the Church: wherein you have attained such a measure of knowledge as (with honour to God, I trust I may speak it, & without flattery to you) in a well studied Divine we would account very commendable, but in such a Monarch as yourself almost incredible. And this is one cause (most Gracious Sovereign) beside my general duty, and the many special obligations whereby I am otherwise bound unto your Majesty, which hath emboldened me to entreat your patience at this time, in vouchsafing to be a spectator of this combat, which I am now entered into with a jesuit, who chargeth us to disallow many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true; and undertaketh to make good, that they of his side do not disagree from that holy Church, either in these, or in any other point of Religion. Now true it is, if a man do only attend unto the bare sound of the word, (as in the question of Merit, for example) or to the thing in general, without descending into the particular consideration of the true ground thereof (as in the matter of Praying for the dead) he may easily be induced to believe, that in diverse of these controversies the Fathers speak clearly for them and against us: neither is there any one thing that hath won more credit to that religion, or more advanced it in the consciences of simple men, than the conformity that it retaineth in some words and outward observances with the ancient Church o● Christ. Whereas if the thing itself were narrowly looked into, it would be found that they have only the shell without the kernel, and we the kernel without the shell: they having retained certain words and rites of the ancient Church, but applied them to a new invented doctrine; and we on the other side having relinquished these words and observances, but retained nevertheless the same primitive doctrine, unto which by their first institution they had relation. The more cause have I to count myself happy, that am to answer of these matters before a King that is able to discern betwixt things that differ, and hath knowledge of all these questions. Act. 26.26. before whom therefore I may speak boldly: because I am persuaded that none of these things are hid from him. For it is not of late days that your Majesty hath begun to take these things into your consideration: from a child have you been trained up to this warfare; yea before you were twenty years of age, the Lord had taught your hands to fight against the man of sin, and your fingers to make battle against his Babel. Whereof your Paraphrase upon the Revelation of S. John is a memorable monument left to all posterity: which I can never look upon, but those verses of the Pöet run always in my mind: Caesaribus virtus contigit ante diem; Ovid. Jngenium coeleste suis velocius annis Surgit, & ignavae fert mala damna morae. How constant you have been ever since in the profession and maintenance of the truth: your late protestation, made unto both the houses of your Parliament, giveth sufficient evidence. So much whereof as may serve for a present antidote against that false and scandalous e Merc. Gallobelgic. ann. 1623. Oration spread amongst foreigners under your Majesty's sacred name: I humbly make bold to insert in this place, as a perpetual testimony of your integrity in this behalf. f His Majesty's Answer to the Petition of the Parliament touching Recusants, 23. April. 1624. WHAT my religion is my books do declare, my profession and my behaviour do show: and I hope in God, I shall never live to be thought otherwise; sure I am, I shall never deserve it. And for my part I wish that it might be written in Marble and remain to posterity, as a mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my Religion. for he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be trusted by man. My Lords, I protest before God, my heart hath bled, when I have heard of the increase of Popery: and God is my Judge it hath been so great a grief unto me, that it hath been like thorns in mine eyes and pricks in my sides; so far have I been and ever shall be, from turning any other way. And my Lords and Gentlemen, you all shall be my Confessors; if I knew any way better than other to hinder the growth of Popery, I would take it: and he cannot be an honest man, who knowing as I do and being persuaded as I am, would do otherwise. As you have so long since begun, and happily continued, so go on (most renowned King) and still show yourself to be a Defender of the faith. fight the Lords battles courageously, honour him evermore, and advance his truth. that when you have fought this good fight, 2 Tim. 4.7.8 and finished your course, and kept the faith; you may receive the Crown of righteousness, reserved in heaven for you. for the obtaining of which double blessing, both of grace and of glory, together with all outward prosperity and happiness in this life; you shall never want the instant prayers of Your Majesty's most faithful subject and humble servant, JA. MIDENSIS. TO THE READER. IT is now about six years (as I gather by the reckoning laid down in the 25th page of this book) since this following Challenge was brought unto me from a jesuit; and received that general Answer, which now serveth to make up the first chapter only of this present work. The particular points, which were by him but barely named, I meddled not withal at that time: conceiving it to be his part (as in the 34th page is touched) who sustained the person of the Assailant, to bring forth his arms and give the first onset, and mine, as the Defendant, to repel his encounter afterwards. Only I then collected certain materials out of the Scriptures and writings of the Fathers, which I meant to make use of for a second conflict, whensoever this Challenger should be pleased to descend to the handling of the particular articles by him proposed; the truth of every of which he had taken upon him to prove, by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the primitive Church, as also by good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Father's authority would not suffice. Thus this matter lay dead for diverse years together: and so would still have done, but that some of high place in both Kingdoms, having been pleased to think far better of that little which I had done than the thing deserved, advised me to go forward, and to deliver the judgement of Antiquity touching those particular points in controversy, wherein the Challenger was so confident that the whole current of the Doctors, Pastors and Fathers of the Primitive Church did mainly run on his side. Hereupon I gathered my scattered notes together, and as the multitude of my employments would give me leave, now entered into the handling of one point and then of another: treating of each, either more briefly or more largely, as the opportunity of my present leisure would give me leave. And so at last, after many interruptions, I have made up in such manner as thou seest, a kind of a Doctrinal History of those several points, which the jesuit culled out, as special instances of the consonancy of the doctrine now maintained in the Church of Rome, with the perpetual and constant judgement of all Antiquity. The doctrine that here I take upon me to defend, (what different opinions soever I relate of others) is that which by public authority is professed in the Church of England, and comprised in the book of Articles agreed upon in the Synod held at LONDON in the year 1562. concerning which I dare be bold to challenge our Challenger and all his complices, that they shall never be able to prove, that there is either any one article of Religion disallowed therein, which the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church did generally hold to be true, (I use the words of my challenging jesuit) or any one point of doctrine allowed, which by those Saints and Fathers was generally held to be untrue. As for the testimonies of the Authors which I allege, I have been careful to set down in the margin their own words in their own language (such places of the Greek Doctors only excepted, whereof the original text could not be had) as well for the better satisfaction of the Readers (who either cannot come by that variety of books, whereof use is here made, or will not take the pains to enter into a curious search of every particular allegation) as for the preventing of those trifling quarrels that are commonly made against translations. for if it fall out, that word be not every where precisely rendered by word (as who would tie himself to such a pedantical observation?) none but an idle caviller can object, that this was done with any purpose to corrupt the meaning of the Author; whose words he seeth laid down before his eyes, to the end he may the better judge of the translation and rectify it where there is cause. Again, because it is a thing very material in the historical handling of controversies, both to understand the Times wherein the several Authors lived, and likewise what books be truly or falsely ascribed to each of them: for some direction of the Reader in the first, I have annexed at the end of this book, a Chronological Catalogue of the Authors cited therein (wherein such as have no number of years affixed unto them, are thereby signified to be Incerti temporis; their age being not found by me, upon this sudden search, to be noted by any:) and for the second, I have seldom neglected in the work itself, whensoever a doubtful or supposititious writing was alleged, to give some intimation whereby it might be discerned that it was not esteemed to be the book of that Author, unto whom it was entitled. The exact discussion as well of the Author's Times, as of the Censures of their works, I refer to my Theological Bibliotheque: if God hereafter shall lend me life and leisure, to make up that work, for the use of those that mean to give themselves to that Noble study of the doctrine and rites of the ancient Church. In the mean time I commit this book to thy favourable censure, and thyself to God's gracious direction: earnestly advising thee, that whatsoever other studies thou intermittest, the careful and conscionable reading of God's book may never be neglected by thee. for whatsoever becometh of our disputes touching other antiquities or novelties: thou mayest stand assured, that thou shalt there find so much by God's blessing, as shall be able to make thee wise unto salvation, 2 Tim. 3.15. and to build thee up, Acts 20.32. and to give thee an inheritance among all them that are sanctified. Which next under God's glory, is the utmost thing (I know) that thou aimest at: and for the attaining whereunto I heartily wish, Coloss. 3.16 that the word of Christ may dwell in thee richly, in all wisdom. THE CONTENTS of the BOOK. CHAP. I. A General answer to the Jesuits Challenge. pag. 1. CHAP. II. Of Traditions. pag. 35. CHAP. III. Of the Real presence. pag. 44. CHAP. FOUR Of Confession. pag. 81. CHAP. V. Of the Priest's power to forgive sins. pag. 109. CHAP. VI Of Purgatory. pag. 163. CHAP. VII. Of Prayer for the dead. pag. 182. CHAP. VIII. Of Limbus Patrum; and Christ's descent into Hell. pag. 252. CHAP. IX. Of Prayer to Saints. pag. 377. CHAP. X. Of Images. pag. 447. CHAP. XI. Of freewill. pag. 464. CHAP. XII. Of Merits. pag. 492. THE JESVITES CHALLENGE. How shall I answer to a Papist, demanding this Question? YOur Doctors and Masters grant that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 years after Christ, did hold the true Religion. First then would I fain know, what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion, which you commend in them of the first 400 years? In what Pope his days was the true Religion overthrown in Rome? Next, I would fain know, How can your Religion be true, which dissalloweth of many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true? For they of your side, that have read the Fathers of that unspotted Church, can well testify (and if any deny it, it shall be presently shown) that the Doctors, Pastors, and Fathers of that Church do allow of Traditions; that they acknowledge the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar: that they exhorted the people to confess their sins unto their ghostly Fathers: that they affirmed, that Priests have power to forgive sins: that they taught, that there is a Purgatory: that prayer for the dead is both commendable and godly: that there is Limbus Patrum, and that our Saviour descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament; because before his Passion none ever entered into Heaven: that prayer to Saints, and use of holy Images was of great account amongst them: that man hath freewill, and that for his meritorious works he receiveth, through the assistance of God's grace, the bliss of everlasting happiness. Now would I fain know whether of both have the true Religion, they that hold all these above said points, with the Primitive Church; or they that do most vehemently contradict, and gainsay them? They that do not disagree with that holy Church, in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all? Will you say, that these Fathers maintained these opinions, contrary to the word of God? why you know that they were the pillars of Christianity, the champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholic Religion, which they most learnedly defended against divers heresies; and therefore spent all their time in a most serious study of the holy Scripture. Or will you say, that although they knew the Scriptures to repugn, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions? Why yourselves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and virtuous lives, free from all malicious corrupting, or perverting of God's holy word, and by their holy lives are now made worthy to reign with God in his glory. In so much as their admirable learning may sufficiently cross out all suspicion of ignorant error; and their innocent sanctity freeeth us from all mistrust of malicious corruption. Now would I willingly see what reasonable answer may be made to this. For the Protestants grant, that the Church of Rome for 400 or 500 years, held the true Religion of Christ: yet do they exclaim against the abovesaid Articles, which the same Church did maintain and uphold, as may be shown by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church; and shall be largely laid down, if any learned Protestant will deny it. Yea, which is more, for the confirmation of all the above mentioned points of our Religion, we will produce good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Father's authority will not suffice. And we do desire any Protestant to allege any one Text out of the said Scripture, which condemneth any of the above written points: which we hold for certain they shall never be able to do. For indeed they are neither more learned, more pious, nor more holy than the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome, which they allow and esteem of so much, and by which we most willingly will be tried, in any point which is in controversy betwixt the Protestants and the Catholics. Which we desire may be done with christian charity and sincerity, to the glory of God, and instruction of them that are astray. W. B. AN ANSWER TO THE FORMER CHALLENGE. TO uphold the Religion, which at this day is maintained in the Church of Rome, and to discredit the truth which we profess: three things are here urged, by one who hath undertaken to make good the Papists cause against all gainsayers. The first concerneth the original of the errors wherewith that part standeth charged: the Author and time whereof, he requireth us to show. The other two respect the testimony, both of the Primitive Church, & of the sacred Scriptures: which, in the points wherein we vary, if this man may be believed, maketh wholly for them, and against us. First then would he fain know, what Bishop of Rome did first alter that Religion, which we commend in them of the first 400 years? In what Popes days was the true Religion overthrown in Rome? To which I answer, First, that we do not hold that Rome was built in a day; or that the great dunghill of errors, which now we see in it, was raised in an age: and therefore it is a vain demand, to require from us the name of any one Bishop of Rome, by whom or under whom this Babylonish confusion was brought in. Secondly, that a great difference is to be put betwixt Heresies which openly oppose the foundations of our Faith; and that Apostasy which the Spirit hath evidently foretold should be brought in by such as speak lies in hypocrisy. (1. Tim. 4.1, 2.) The impiety of the one is so notorious, that at the very first appearance it is manifestly discerned: the other is a mystery of iniquity (as the Apostle termeth it, 2. Thes. 2.7.) iniquitas, sed mystica, id est, pietatis nomine palliata, (so the ordinary Gloss expoundeth the place) an iniquity indeed, but mystical, that is, cloaked with the name of piety. And therefore they who kept continual watch and ward against the one, might sleep while the seeds of the other were a sowing; yea peradventure might at unawares themselves have some hand in bringing in of this Trojan horse, commended thus unto them under the name of Religion, and semblance of devotion. Thirdly, that the original of errors is oftentimes so obscure, and their breed so base, that howsoever it might be easily observed by such as lived in the same age, yet no wise man will marvel, if in tract of time the beginnings of many of them should be forgotten, and no register of the time of their birth found extant. We a Act. 23.8. read that the Sadducees taught, there were no Angels: is any man able to declare unto us, under what high Priest they first broached this error? The Grecians, Circassians, Georgians, Syrians, Egyptians, Habassines, Muscovites and Russians, descent at this day from the Church of Rome in many particulars: will you take upon you to show in what Bishops days these several differences did first arise? When the point hath been well scanned, it will be found, that many errors have crept into their profession, the time of the entrance whereof you are not able to design: and some things also are maintained by you against them, which have not been delivered for Catholic doctrine in the primitive times, but brought in afterwards, yourselves know not when. Such, for example, is that sacrilege of yours, whereby you withhold from the people the use of the Cup in the Lord's Supper; as also your doctrine of Indulgences and Purgatory: which they reject, and you defend. For touching the first, b Valent. de legit. usu Euchar. cap. 10. Gregorius de Valentia, one of your principal Champions, confesseth that the use of receiving the Sacrament in one kind, began first in some Churches, and grew to be a general custom in the Latin Church not much before the Council of Constance, in which at last (to wit, 200 years ago) this custom was made a law. But if you put the question to him, as you do to us, What Bishop of Rome did first bring in this custom? he giveth you this answer, that it began to be used, not by the decree of any Bishop, but by the very use of the Churches, and the consent of the faithful. If you further question with him, quando primum vigere coepit ea consuetudo in aliquibus Ecclesijs? When first did that custom get footing in some Churches? he returneth you for answer, Minimé constat: it is more than he can tell. The like doth c Roffens. Assert. Lutheran. confutat. artic. 18. Fisher Bishop of Rochester, & d Caietan. Opusc. tom. 1. tract 15. the Indulgent. cap 1. Cardinal Caietan give us to understand of Indulgences; that no certainty can be had, what their original was, or by whom they were first brought in. Fisher also further addeth concerning Purgatory: that in the ancient Fathers, there is either none at all, or very rare mention of it; that by the Grecians it is not believed even to this day; that the Latins also, not all at once, but by little and little received it: and that, Purgatory being so lately known, it is not to be mervailed, that in the first times of the Church there was no use of Indulgences; seeing these had their beginning, after that men for a while had been affrighted with the torments of Purgatory. Out of which confession of the adverse part, you may observe: 1. What little reason these men have, to require us to set down the precise time wherein all their profane novelties were first brought in: seeing that this is more than they themselves are able to do. 2. That some of them may come in pedetentim (as Fisher acknowledgeth Purgatory did) by little and little, and by very slow steps, which are not so easy to be discerned, as fools be borne in hand they are. 3. That it is a fond imagination, to suppose that all such changes must be made by some Bishop, or any one certain author: whereas it is confessed, that some may come in by the tacit consent of many, and grow after into a general custom, the beginning whereof is past man's memory. And as some superstitious usages may draw their original from the undiscreet devotion of the multitude: so some also may be derived from want of devotion in the people; and some alterations likewise must be attributed to the very change of time itself. Of the one we cannot give a fitter instance, then in your private Mass, wherein the Priest receiveth the Sacrament alone: which c Hard. answer to the first Article of Iuels challenge, fol. 26. b. Edit. Ant●erp. Ann. 1565. Harding fetdheth from no other ground, then lack of devotion of the people's part. When you therefore can tell us, in what Popes days the people fell from their devotion; we may chance tell you, in what Popes days your private Mass began. An experiment of the other we may see in the use of the Latin Service, in the Churches of Italy, France, and Spain. For if we be questioned, When that use first began there? and further demanded, f Allen. artic. 11. demand. 9 Whether the language formerly used in their Liturgy, was changed upon a sudden? our answer must be, That Latin Service was used in those countries from the beginning: but that the Latin tongue at that time was commonly understood of all, which afterward by little and little degenerated into those vulgar languages which now are used. When you therefore shall be pleased to certify us, in what Popes days the Latin tongue was changed into the Italian, French, and Spanish (which we pray you do for our learning:) we will then give you to understand, that from that time forward the language, not of the Service, but of the people, was altered. Nec enim lingua vulgaris populo subtracta est, sed populus ab eà recessit (saith g Erasm. in declarationib. ad censuras Parisiens'. tit. 12. sect. 41. Erasmus:) The vulgar tongue was not taken away from the people; but the people departed from it. If this which I have said, will not satisfy you; I would wish you call unto your remembrance, the answer which Arnobius sometimes gave to a foolish question, propounded by the enemies of the Christian faith: h Arnob lib. 2. contra Gentes. Nec si nequivero causas vobis exponere, cur aliquid fiat illo, vel hoc modo, continuo sequitur, ut infecta fiant, quae facta sunt. And consider, whether I may not return the like answer unto you. If I be not able to declare unto you, by what Bishop of Rome, and in what Popes days, the simplicity of the ancient faith was first corrupted; it will not presently follow, that what was done, must needs by undone. Or rather, if you please, call to mind the Parable in the Gospel, where i Matth. 13.24, 25. the kingdom of heaven is likened unto a man, which sowed good seed in his field; but while men slept, his enemy came and sowed Tares among the Wheat, and went his way. These that slept, took no notice, when or by whom the Tares were scattered among the Wheat; neither at the first rising, did they discern betwixt the one and the other, though they were awake. But k Ibid. v. 26, 27. when the blade was sprung up, and brought forth fruit, than appeared the Tares: and then they put the question unto their Master; Sir, didst not thou sow good seed in thy field? from whence then hath it tares? Their Master indeed telleth them, it was the enemies doing: but you could tell them otherwise, and come upon them thus. You yourselves grant, that the seed which was first sown in this field, was good seed, and such as was put there by your Master himself. If this which you call Tares, be no good grain, and hath sprung from some other seed then that which was sown here at first: I would fain know that man's name, who was the sour of it; and likewise the time in which it was sown. Now you being not able to show either the one, or the other: it must needs be, that your eyes here deceive you; or if these be tares, they are of no enemies, but of your Masters own sowing. To let pass the slumberings of former times, we could tell you of an age, wherein men not only slept, but also snorted: it was (if you know it not) the tenth from Christ, the next neighbour to that wherein l Apoc. 20.7. Hell broke lose. That m Infelix dicitur hoc seculum, exhaustum hominibus ingenio & doctrinâ claris, sive etiam claris principibus & pontificibus. Genebrard. Chro●●. libr. 4. Unhappy age (as Genebrard, and other of your own Writers term it,) exhausted both of men of account for wit and learning, and of worthy Princes and Bishops: In which there were n Bellarm. in Chronol. an. 970 no famous Writers, nor Counsels; than which (if we will credit Bellarmine) there was never age o Idem, de Rom. Pon●if lib. 4. cap. 12. more unlearned and unhappy. If I be not able to discover what feats the Devil wrought in that time of darkness, wherein men were not so vigilant in marking his conveyances; and such as might see somewhat, were not so forward in writing books of their Observations: must the infelicity of that age, wherein there was little learning, and less writing, yea, which for want of Writers (as Cardinal p Baron. Annal. tom. 10. an. 900. sect. 1. Baronius acknowledgeth) hath been usually named the Obscure age; must this (I say) enforce me to yield, that the Devil brought in no tares all that while, but let slip the opportunity of so dark a night, and slept himself for company? There are other means left unto us, whereby we may discern the Tares brought in by the instruments of Satan; from the good seed which was sown by the Apostles of Christ; beside this observation of times and seasons, which will often fail us. Ipsa doctrina eorum (saith q Tertull. Prescript. advers. Haeret. cap. 32. Tertullian) cum Apostolicâ comparata, ex diversitate & contrarietate suâ pronuntiabit, neque Apostoti alicujus auctoris esse, neque Apostolici. Their very doctrine itself, being compared with the Apostolic, by the diversity and contrariety thereof, will pronounce, that it had for author, neither any Apostle, nor any man Apostolical. For there cannot be a better prescription against Heretical novelties, then that which our Saviour Christ useth against the Pharisees; r Matth. 19.8. From the beginning it was not so: nor a better preservative against the infection of seducers that are crept in unawares, then that which is prescribed by the Apostle s jude, v. 3, 4. jude; earnestly to contend for the faith which was once delivered unto the Saints. Now to the end we t Luke 1.4. might know the certainty of those things, wherein the Saints were at the first instructed; God hath provided, that the memorial thereof should be recorded in his own Book, that it might remain u Esai. 30.8. for the time to come, for ever and ever. He then who out of that Book is able to demonstrate, that the doctrine or practice now prevailing, swarveth from that which was at first established in the Church by the Apostles of Christ; doth as strongly prove, that a change hath been made in the middle times, as if he were able to nominate the place where, the time when, and the person by whom any such corruption was first brought in. In the Apostles days, when a man had examined himself, he was admitted unto the Lord's Table, there to eat of that bread, and drink of that cup: as appeareth plainly, 1. Cor. 11.28. In the Church of Rome at this day, the people are indeed permitted to eat of the bread (if bread they may call it) but not allowed to drink of the cup. Must all of us now shut our eyes, and sing, * As it was in the beginning, ●o now. Sicut erat in principio, & nunc: unless we be able to tell by whom, and when this first institution was altered? By S. Paul's order, who would have all things done to edification, Christians should pray with understanding, and not in an unknown language: as may be seen in the fourteenth chapter of the same Epistle to the Corinthians. The case is now so altered, that the bringing in of a tongue not understood (which hindered the edifying of Babel itself, and scattered the builders thereof) is accounted a good means to further the edifying of your Babel, and to x Ledesim. de Scripture. quâvis lingud non legendis, cap. 17. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Verbo Dei, cap. 15 hold her followers together. Is not this then a good ground to resolve a man's judgement, that things are not now kept in that order, wherein they were set at first by the Apostles: although he be not able to point unto the first author of the disorder? And as we may thus discover innovations, by having recourse unto the first and best times: so may we do the like, by comparing the state of things present with the middle times of the Church. Thus I find by the constant and approved practice of the ancient Church; that all sorts of people, men, women, and children, had free libertic to read the holy Scriptures. I find now the contrary among the Papists: and shall I say for all this, that they have not removed the bounds which were set by the Fathers, because perhaps I cannot name the Pope, that ventured to make the first enclosure of these commons of God's people? I hear S. y Hieronym. Praefat in libros Solomon. Epist. 115. Hier●me say: judith, & Tobiae, & Macchabaeorum libros legit quidem Ecclesia, sed eos inter Canonicas Scripturas non recipit. The Church doth read indeed the books of judith, and Toby, and the Macchabees; but doth not receive them for Canonical Scripture. I see that at this day, the Church of Rome receiveth them for such. May not I then conclude, that betwixt S. Hieromes time and ours, there hath been a change; and that the Church of Rome now, is not of the same judgement with the Church of God the●: howsoever I cannot precisely lay down the time, wherein she first thought herself to be wiser herein than her Forefathers? But here our Adversary closeth with us, and layeth down a number of points, held by them, and denied by us: which he undertaketh to make good, as well by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the Primitive Church of Rome; as also by good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, if the Father's authority will not suffice. Where if he would change his order, and give the sacred Scriptures the precedency; he should therein do more right to God the author of them, who well deserveth to have audience in the first place: and withal ease both himself and us of a needless labour, in seeking any further authority to compose our differences. For if he can produce (as he beareth us in hand he can) good and certain grounds o●t of the sacred Scriptures, for the points in controversy, the matter is at an end: he that will not rest satisfied with such evidences as these, may (if he please) travail further, and speed worse. Therefore as S. Aug. de Pastorib. cap. 14. Augustine heretofore provoked the Donatists, so provoke I him: Auferantur chartae humanae, sonent voces divinae: ede mihi unam Scripturae vocem pro parte Donati. Let humane writings be removed, let God's voice sound: bring me on●e voice of the Scripture for the part of Donatus. Produce but one clear testimony of the sacred Scripture, for the Pope's part, and it shall suffice: allege what authority you list, without Scripture, and it cannot suffice. We reverence indeed the ancient Fathers, as it is fit we should; and hold it our duty to rise up before the hoar head, and to honour the person of the aged: Levit. 19.32. but still with reservation of the respect we owe to their Father and ours, that Ancient of days, Dan. 7.6. the hair of whose head is like the pure wool. We may not forget the lesson, which our great Master hath taught us: a Matth. 23.9. Call no man your Father upon the earth; for one is your Father which is in heaven. Him therefore alone do we acknowledge for the Father of our Faith: no other Father do we know; upon whose bare credit we may ground our consciences, in things that are to be believed. And this we say, not as if we feared that these men were able to produce better proofs out of the writings of the Fathers, for the part of the Pope, than we can do for the Catholic cause (when we come to join in the particulars, they shall find it otherwise:) but partly to bring the matter unto a shorter trial, partly to give the word of God his due, and to declare what that rock is upon which alone we build our faith, Ephes. 2 20. even the foundation of the Apostles and Prophets; from which no sleight that they can devise, shall ever draw us. The same course did S. Augustine take with the Pelagians: against whom he wanted not the authority of the Fathers of the Church. b Quos si colligere, & eorum testimoniis uti velim, & nimis longum erit, & de canonicis authoritatibus, à quibus non debemus averti, minùs fortasse videbor praesumpsisse quam debui. Aug. de nupt. & concupiscent. lib. 2. cap 29. Which if I would collect (saith he) and use their testimonies, it would be too long a work, and I might peradventure seem to have less confidence than I ought in the Canonical authorities, from which we ought not to be withdrawn. Yet was the Pelagian Heresy then but newly budded: which is the time wherein the pressing of the Father's testimonies is thought to be best in season. With how much better warrant may we follow this precedent, having to deal with such as have had time and leisure enough to falsify the Father's writings, and to teach them the learning and the tongue of the Chaldeans? The method of confuting heresies by the consent of holy Fathers, is by none commended more than by Vincentius Lirinensis who is careful notwithstanding, herein to give us this caveat. c Sed neque semper, neque omnes haereses hoc modo impugnandae sunt, sed novitiae recentesque tantummodo, cum primùm scilicet exorium tur; antequàm infalsare vetustae fidei regulas, ●p●●us temporis vetantur angustiis, ae priusquàm manante latiùs veneno majorum volumina vitiare cone●tur Caeterùm dilatatae & inveteratae haereses nequaquam hâ● viâ adgrediendae sunt, eò quòd proli●o temporum tractu longa his furandae veritatis patu●rit occasio. V●ncent. de Heres. cap. 39 But neither always, nor all kinds of heresies are to be impugned after this manner, but such only as are new, and lately sprung: namely, when they do first arise, while by the straightness of the time itself they be hindered from falsifying the rules of the ancient faith; and before the time that, their poison spreading farther, they attempt to corrupt the writings of the ancient. But farre-spred and inveterate heresies are not to be dealt withal this way; for as much as by long continuance of time, a long occasion hath lain open unto them to steal away the truth. The heresies with which we have to deal, have spread so far, and continued so long, that the defenders of them are bold to make Universality and Duration the special marks of their Church: they had opportunity enough of time and place, to put in ure all deceivableness of unrighteousness; neither will they have it to say, that in coining and clipping, and washing the monuments of Antiquity, they have been wanting to themselves. Before the Council of Nice (as hath been observed by d Aeneas Silvius, Epist. 288. one, who sometime was Pope himself) little respect, to speak of, was had to the Church of Rome. If this may be thought to prejudice the dignity of that Church, which would be held, to have sat as Queen among the Nations, from the very beginning of Christianity: you shall have a crafty merchant (Isidorus Mercator, I trow, they call him) that will help the matter, by counterfeiting Decretal Epistles in the name of the primitive Bishops of Rome, and bringing in thirty of them in a row, as so many Knights of the Post, to bear witness of that great authority, which the Church of Rome enjoyed before the Nicene Fathers were assembled. If the Nicene Fathers have not amplified the bounds of her jurisdiction, in so large a manner as she desired: she hath had her well-willers, that have supplied the Counsels negligence in that behalf, and made Canons for the purpose, in the name of the good Fathers, that never dreamt of such a business. If the power of judging all others will not content the Pope, unless he himself may be exempted from being judged by any other: another e Condil. Roman. sub Syl●estr. cap. 20. Nem● enim judicabi● primam sedem. Council, as ancient at least as that of Nice, shall be suborned, wherein it shall be concluded, by the consent of 284 imaginary Bishops, that No man may judge the first seat. and for failing, in an elder f Concil. Sinuessan. circa fin. Council than that, consisting of 300 buckram Bishops of the very self same making, the like note shall be sung: quoniam prima sedes non judicabitur à quoquam; The first seat must not be judged by any man. Lastly, if the Pope do not think that the fullness of spiritual power is sufficient for his greatness, unless he may be also Lord paramount in temporalibus: he hath his followers ready at hand, to frame a fair donation, in the name of Constantine the Emperor, whereby his Holiness shall be estated, not only in the City of Rome, but also in the signory of the whole West. It would require a Volume, to rehearse the names of those several Tractates, which have been basely bred in the former days of darkness, and fathered upon the ancient Doctors of the Church, who, if they were now alive, would be deposed that they were never privy to their begetting. Neither hath this corrupting humour stayed itself in forging of whole Counsels, and entire Treatises of the ancient writers: but hath, like a canker, fretted away divers of their sound parts, and so altered their complexions, that they appear not to be the same men they were. To instance in the great question of Transubstantiation: we were wont to read in the books attributed unto S. Ambrose, De Sacramentis, libr. 4. cap. 4. Si ergo tanta vis est in sermone Domini jesu, ut inciperent esse quae non erant: quanto magis operatorius est, ut sint quae erant, & in aliud commutentur? If therefore there be so great force in the speech of our Lord jesus, that the things which were not begun to be (namely at the first creation:) how much more is the same powerful to make, that things may still be that which they were, and yet be changed into another thing? It is not unknown, how much those words, ut sint quae erant, have troubled their brains, who maintain, that after the words of consecration, the elements of bread and wine be not that thing which they were: and what devises they have found, to make the bread and wine in the Sacrament to be like unto the Beast in the Revelation, g Apoc. 17.8. that was, and is not, and yet is. But that Gordian knot, which they with their skill could not so readily untie, their masters at Rome (Alexander-like) have now cut asunder; paring clean away in their Roman Edition (which is also followed in that set out at Paris, Anno 1603.) those words that so much troubled them, and letting the rest run smoothly after this manner: quanto magis operatorius est, ut quae erant, in aliud commutentur? how much more is the speech of our Lord powerful to make, that those things which were, should be changed into another thing? The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew, homil. 11. writeth thus: Si ergo haec vasa sanctificata ad privatos usus transferre sic periculosum est, in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur: quanto magis vasa corporis nostri, quae sibi Deus ad habitaculum praeparavit, non debemus locum dare Diabolo agendi in eis quod vult? If therefore it be so dangerous a matter, to transfer unto private uses those holy vessels, in which the true body of Christ is not, but the mystery of his body is contained: how much more for the vessels of our body, which God hath prepared for himself to dwell in, ought not we to give way unto the Devil, to do in them what he pleaseth? Those words (in quibus non est verum corpus Christi, sed mysterium corporis ejus continetur: in which the true body of Christ is not, but the mystery of his body is contained) did threaten to cut the very throat of the Papists real presence; and therefore in good policy they thought it fit to cut their throat first, for doing any further hurt. Whereupon, in the Editions of this Work printed at Antwerp, apud joannem Steelsium, anno 1537: at Paris, apud joannem Roigny, anno 1543: and at Paris again, apud Audoenum Parvum, anno 1557. not one syllable of them is to be seen; though extant in the ancienter editions, one whereof is as old as the year 1487. And to the same purpose, in the 19 Homily, in stead of Sacrificium panis & vini, the sacrifice of bread and wine, (which we find in the old impressions) these latter editions have chopped in, Sacrificium corporis & sanguinis Christi, the sacrifice of the body and blood of Christ. In the year 1608. there were published at Paris certain works of Fulbertus Bishop of Chartres, * Quae tam ad refutandas haereses huius temporis, quam ad Gallorum Hist. pertinent. pertaining as well to the refuting of the heresies of this time, (for so saith the inscription) as to the clearing of the History of the French. Among those things that appertain to the confutation of the Heresies of this time, there is one especially, fol. 168. laid down in these words. Nisi manducaveritis, inquit, carnem filij hominis, & sanguinem biberitis, non habebitis vitam in vobis. Facinus vel flagitium videtur jubere. Figura ergo est, dicet haereticus, praecipiens Passioni Domini esse communicandum tantùm, & suaviter atque utiliter recondendum in memoria, quòd pro nobis caro ejus crucifixa & vulnerata sit. Unless (saith Christ) ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye shall not have life in you. He seemeth to command an outrage or wickedness. It is therefore a figure, will the heretic say, requiring us only to communicate with the Lords Passion, and sweetly and profitably to lay up in our memory, that his flesh was crucified and wounded for us. He that put in those words, (dicet haereticus) thought he had notably met with the heretics of this time: but was not aware that thereby he made S. Augustine an Heretic for company. For the Heretic that speaketh thus, is even S. Augustine himself: whose very words these are, in his third book de Doctrinâ Christianâ, the 16. chapter. Which some belike having put the publisher in mind of: he was glad to put this among his Errata, and to confess that these two words were not to be found in the Manuscript copy which he had from Petavius; Vide Tom. 11. Bibliothecae Patrum, edit. Colon. pag. 44. b. but telleth us not what we are to think of him, that for the countenancing of the Popish cause, ventured so shamefully to abuse S. Augustine. In the year 1616. a Tome of ancient Writers, that never saw the light before, was set forth at Ingolstad by Petrus Stevartius: where, among other Tractates, a certain Penitential, written by Rabanus that famous Archbishop of Mentz, is to be seen. In the 33. chapter of that book, Rabanus making answer unto an idle question moved by Bishop Heribaldus concerning the Eucharist, (what should become of it, after it was consumed, and sent into the draught, after the manner of other meats:) hath these words. (initio pag. 669.) Nam quidam nuper de ipso sacramento corporís & sanguinis Domini non ritè sentientes dixerunt: hoc ipsum corpus, & sanguinem Domini, quod de Mariâ Virgine natum est, &, in quo ipse Dominus passus est in cruse, & resurrexit de sepulcro*— cui errori quantum potuimus, ad Egilum Abbatem scribentes, de corpore ipso quid veré credendum sit aperuimus. For some of late, not holding rightly of the Sacrament of the body and blood of our Lord, have said; that the very body and blood of our Lord, which was borne of the Virgin Mary, and, in which our Lord himself suffered on the Cross, and rose again from the grave *— Against which error, writing unto Abbot Egilus, according to our ability, we have declared, what is truly to be believed concerning Christ's body. You see Rabanus tongue is clipped here for telling tales: but how this came to pass, were worth the learning. Stevartius freeth himself from the fact, telling us in his margin, * Lacuna hîc est in MS exemplari. that here there was a blank in the manuscript copy, and we do easily believe him: for Possevine the jesuit hath given us to understand, that h Ad istos enim quoque purgatio pertinet. Possevi●. lib. 1. Bibliothec● select. cap. 12. Manuscript books also are to be purged, as well as printed. But whence was this Manuscript fetched, think you? Out of i Ex MS. Cod. celeberrimi Monasterii Weingartensis. the famous Monastery of Weingart; saith Stevartius. The Monks of Weingart then belike must answer the matter: and they (I dare say) upon examination will take their oaths, that it was no part of their intention to give any furtherance unto the cause of the Protestants hereby. If hereunto we add, that Heribaldus and Rabanus both, are k Wald. tom. 1. Doctrinal. in Prologue. ad Martinum V. ranked among heretics by Thomas Walden, l Id. tom. 2. cap. 19 & 61. for holding the Eucharist to be subject to digestion and avoidance, like other meats; the suspicion will be more vehement: whereunto yet I will adjoine one evidence more, that shall leave the matter past suspicion. In the Libraries of my worthy friends, Sr. Rob. Cotton, (that noble Baronett, so renowned for his great care in collecting & preserving all antiquities) & Dr. Ward, the learned Mastr of Sidney College in Cambridge; I met with an ancient Treatise of the Sacrament (beginning thus: Sicut ante nos quidam sapiens dixit, cujus sententiam probamus, licèt nomen ignoremus.) which is the same with that in the Jesuits College at Louvain, blindly * Ant. Possevin. Apparat. sac. in Berengario Turon. fathered upon Berengarius. The author of this Treatise, having first twited Heribaldus for propounding, & Rabanus for resolving this question of the avoidance of the Eucharist: layeth down afterward the opinion of Paschasius Ratbertus, (whose writing is yet extant) quòd non alia plané sit caro quae sumitur de altari, quam quae nata est de Mariâ Virgin, & passa in cruse, & quae resurrexit de sepulcro, quaeqúe & pro mundi vitâ adhuc hodie offeratur. That the flesh which is received at the altar, is no other than that which was borne of the Virgin Mary, suffered on the Cross, rose again from the grave, and as yet is daily offered for the life of the world. Contra quem (saith he) satis argumentatur, & Rabanus in Epistolâ ad * al. Elgionem, &, Helgimonem. Egilonem Abbatem, & Ratrannus quidam libro composito ad Karolum regem; dicentes aliam esse. Against whom both Rabanus in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo, and one Ratrannus in a book which he made to King Charles, argue largely; saying that it is another kind of flesh. Whereby, what Rabanus his opinion was of this point in his Epistle to Abbot Egilo or Egilus, & consequently what that was which the Monks of Weingart could not endure in his Penitential, I trust is plain enough. I omit other corruptions of antiquity in this same question, which I have touched m De Christian. Eccles. success. & statu, Edit. ann. 1613. pag. 45. & 198. elsewhere: only that of Bertram I may not pass over, wherein the dishonesty of these men, in handling the writings of the ancient, is laid open, even by the confession of their own mouths. Thus the case standeth. That Ratrannus who joined with Rabanus in refuting the error of the carnal presence, at the first bringing in thereof by Paschasius Ratbertus; is he who commonly is known by the name of Bertramus. The book which he wrote of this argument to Carolus Calvus the Emperor, was forbidden to be read, by order from the Roman Inquisition, confirmed afterwards by the Council of Trent. The Divines of Douai, perceiving that the forbidding of the book did not keep men from reading it, but gave them rather occasion to seek more earnestly after it: thought it better policy, that Bertram should be permitted to go abroad, but handled in such sort, as other ancient writers, that made against them, were wont to be. Seeing therefore (say n Quum igitur in Catholicis veteribus aliis plurimos feramus errores, & extenuemus, excusemus, excogitato commento persaepe negemus, & commodum iis sensum affingamus, dum opponuntur in disputationibus, aut in conflictionibus cum adversariis: non videmus cur non eanden aequitatem & diligentem recognitionem mereatur Bertramus. ne haeretici ogganniant, nos antiquitatem pro ipsis facientem exurere & prohibere. Index Expurg. Belgic. pag. 5. edit. Antuerp. ann. 1571. they) we bear with very many errors in other of the old Catholic writers, and extenuate them, excuse them, by inventing some device oftentimes deny them, and fain some commodious sense for them, when they are objected in disputations or conflicts with our adversaries: we do not see, why Bertram may not deserve the same equity, and diligent reviseall. Lest the heretics cry out, that we burn and forbid such antiquity as maketh for them. Mark this dealing well. The world must be borne in hand, that all the Fathers make for the Church of Rome against us, in all our controversies. When we bring forth express testimonies of the Fathers to the contrary; what must then be done? A good face must be put upon the matter, one device or other must be invented to elude the testimonies objected, and still it must be denied that the Fathers make against the doctrine of the Papists. Bertram, for example, writeth thus. o Quae á se differunt, idem non sunt. Corpus Christi quod mortuum est & resurrexit, & immortal factum jam non moritur, & mors illi ultrà non dominabitur, aeternum est, nec jam passibile. Hoc autem quod in Ecclesiâ celebratur, temporale est, non aeternum; corruptibile est, non in corruptum. B●rtram. de corp. & sang. Dom. The things which differ one from another, are not the same. The body of Christ which was dead and rose again, and being made immortal now dyeth not, (death no more having dominion over it) is everlasting, and now not subject to suffering. But this which is celebrated in the Church, is temporal, not everlasting; it is corruptible, not free from corruption. What device must they find out here? They must say this is meant of the accidents or p Secundùm species Sacramenti corruptibiles: aut de re ipsâ & usu sacramenti, qui non contingit, nisi praesenti in saeculo. Index expurg. pag. 7. forms of the Sacrament, which are corruptible; or of the use of the Sacrament, which continueth only in this present world. But how will this shift serve the turn, when as the whole drift of the discourse tendeth to prove, that that which is received by the mouth of the faithful in the Sacrament, is not that very body of Christ which died upon the Cross, and rose again from death? Non malé aut inconsulté omittantur igitur omnia haec; It were not amiss therefore (say our Popish Censurers) nor unadvisedly done, that all these things should be left out. If this be your manner of dealing with antiquity, let all men judge whether it be not high time for us to listen unto the advice of Vincentius Lirinensis, and not be so forward to commit the trial of our controversies to the writings of the Fathers, who have had the ill hap to fall into such hucksters handling. Yet that you may see, how confident we are in the goodness of our cause: we will not now stand upon our right, nor refuse to enter with you into this field; but give you leave for this time both to be the Challenger, and the appointer of your own weapons. Let us then hear your challenge, wherein you would so fain be answered. I would fain know (say you) how can your Religion be true, which disalloweth of many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true? For they of your side, that have read the Fathers of that unspotted Church, can well testify (and if any deny it, it shall be presently shown) that the Doctors, Pastors, and Fathers of that Church do allow of Traditions, etc. And again: Now would I fain know, whether of both have the true Religion; they that hold all these abovesaid points with the primitive Church, or they that do most vehemently contradict, and gainsay them? they that do not disagree with that holy Church, in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all? And the third time too, for failing: Now would I willingly see, what reasonable answer may be made to this. For the Protestants grant that the Church of Rome, for 400 or 500 years, held the true Religion of Christ: yet do they exclaim against the abovesaid articles, which the same Church did maintain and uphold; as may be shown by the express testimonies of the Fathers of the same Church, and shall be largely laid down, if any learned Protestant will deny it. If Albertus Pighius had now been alive, as great a Scholar as he was, he might have learned that he never knew before. Who did ever yet (saith q Quis per Romanam Ecclesiam unquam intellexit aut universalem Ecclesiam, aut generale Concilium? Pigh. Eccles. Hierarch. lib. 6. cap. 3. he) by the Church of Rome understand the Universal Church? That doth this man (say I) who styleth all the ancient Doctors and Martyrs of the Church Universal, with the name of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church of Rome. But it seemeth a small matter unto him, for the magnifying of that Church, to confound Vrbem & Orbem: unless he mingle also Heaven and Earth together, by giving the title of that unspotted Church, which is the special privilege of the Church triumphant in heaven, unto the Church of Rome here militant upon earth. S. Augustine surely would not have himself otherwise understood, whensoever he speaketh of the unspotted Church: and therefore, to prevent all mistaking, he thus expoundeth himself in his Retractations. r Vbicunque in his libris commemoravi Ecclesiam non habentem maculam aut rugam; non sic accipiendum est quasi jam sit, sed quae praeparatur ut sit quando apparebit etiam gloriosa. Nunc enim propter quasdam ignorantias & infirmitates membrorum svorum habet unde quotidie tota dicat: Dimitte nobis debita nostra. August. Retractat. lib. 2. cap. 18. Wheresoever in these books I have made mention of the Church not having spot or wrinkle; it is not so to be taken, as if she were so now, but that she is prepared to be so, when she shall appear glorious. For now, by reason of certain ignorances and infirmities of her members, the whole Church hath cause to say every day: Forgive us our trespasses. Now as long as the Church is subject to these ignorances and infirmities, it cannot be otherwise, but there must be differences betwixt the members thereof: one part may understand that whereof an other is ignorant; and ignorance being the mother of error, one particular Church may wrongly conceive of some points, wherein others may be rightly informed. Neither will it follow thereupon, that these Churches must be of different Religions, because they fully agree not in all things: or that therefore the Reformed Churches in our days must disclaim all kindred with those in ancient times, because they have washed away some spots from themselves, which they discerned to have been in them. It is not every spot that taketh away the beauty of a Church, not every sickness that taketh away the life thereof: and therefore though we should admit that the ancient Church of Rome was somewhat impaired both in beauty and in health too, (wherein we have no reason to be sorry, that we are unlike unto her) there is no necessity that hereupon presently she must cease to be our sister. S. Cyprian and the rest of the African Bishops that joined with him, held that such as were baptised by heretics, should be rebaptised: the African Bishops in the time of Aurelius were of another mind. Doth the diversity of their judgements in this point, make them to have been of a divers Religion? It was the use of the ancient Church to minister the Communion unto Infants: which is yet also practised by the Christians in Egypt and Ethiopia. The Church of Rome, upon better consideration, hath thought fit to do otherwise: and yet for all that will not yield, that either she herself hath forsaken the Religion of her ancestors, because she followeth them not in this; or that they were of the same religion with the Cophtites and Habassines, because they agree together in this particular. So put case the Church of Rome now did use prayer for the dead in the same manner that the ancient Church did: (which we will show to be otherwise:) the reformed Churches that upon better advice have altered that usage, need not therefore grant that either themselves hold a different Religion from that of the Fathers, because they do not precisely follow them in this, nor yet that the Fathers were therefore Papists, because in this point they thus concurred. For as two may be discerned to be sisters by the likeness of their faces, although the one have some spots or blemishes which the other hath not: so a third may be brought in, which may show like spots and blemishes, and yet have no such likeness of visage as may bewray her to be the others sister. But our Challenger having first conceited in his mind an Idea of an unspotted Church upon earth; then being far in love with the painted face of the present Church of Rome, and out of love with us, because we like not as he liketh: he taketh a view of both our faces in the false glasses of affection, and findeth her on whom he doteth to answer his unspotted Church in all points, but us to agree with it in almost nothing. And thereupon he would fain know, whether of both have the true Religion? they that do not disagree with that holy Church in any point of Religion; or they that agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all? Indeed, if that which he assumeth for granted, could as easily be proved, as it is boldly avouched: the question would quickly be resolved, whether of us both have the true Religion? But he is to understand, that strong conceits are but weak proofs: and that the Jesuits have not been the first, from whom such brags as these have been heard. Dioscorus the heretic was as pert, when he uttered these speeches in the Council of Chalcedon: s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Chalced. Act. 1. pag. 97. edit. Rom. I am cast out with the Fathers. I defend the doctrines of the Fathers, I transgress them not in any point: and I have their testimonies, not barely, but in their very books. Neither need we wonder, that he should bear us down, that the Church of Rome at this day doth not disagree from the primitive Church in any point of Religion; who sticketh not so confidently to affirm, that we agree with it but in very few, and disagree in almost all. For those few points, wherein he confesseth we do agree with the ancient Church, must either be meant of such articles only, wherein we disagree from the now Church of Rome; or else of the whole body of that Religion which we profess. If in the former he yield that we do agree with the primitive Church: what credit doth he leave unto himself, who with the same breath hath given out, that the present Church of Rome doth not disagree with that holy Church in any point? If he meaneth latter: with what face can he say, that we agree with that holy Church but in very few points of religion, and disagree in almost all? Irenaeus, who was the Disciple of those which heard S. john the Apostle, t Irenae. lib. 1. cap 2.3. Epiphan. haeres. 31. layeth down the articles of that faith, in the unity whereof the Churches that were founded in Germany, Spain, France, the East, Egypt, Lybia, and all the world, did sweetly accord: as if they had all dwelled in one house, all had but one soul, and one heart, and one mouth. Is he able to show one point, wherein we have broken that harmony, which Irenaeus commendeth in the Catholic Church of his time? But that Rule of faith so much commended by him and Tertullian, and the rest of the Fathers; and all the articles of the several Creeds that were ever received in the ancient Church, as badges of the Catholic profession (to which we willingly subscribe) is with this man almost nothing: none must now be counted a Catholic, but he that can conform his belief unto the u Forma professionis fidei, in Bullâ Pij IV. edit. ann. 1564. Creed of the new fashion, compiled by Pope Pius the fourth some four and fifty years ago. As for the particular differences, wherein he thinketh he hath the advantage of us; when we come unto the sifting of them, it shall appear how far he was deceived in his imagination. In the mean time, having as yet not strucken one stroke, but threatened only to do wonders, if any would be so hardy to accept his Challenge; he might have done very well, to have deferred his triumph, until such time as he had obtained the victory. For as if he had borne us down with the weight of the authority of the Fathers, and so astonished us therewith, that we could not tell what to say for ourselves; he thus bestirreth himself, in a most ridiculous manner, fight with his own shadow. Will you say that these Fathers (saith he, who hath not hitherto laid down so much as the name of any one Father) maintained these opinions contrary to the word of God? Why you know that they were the pillars of Christianity, the champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholic Religion, which they most learnedly defended against divers heresies, and therefore spent all their time in a most serious study of the holy Scripture. Or will you say that, although they knew the Scriptures to repugn, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinions by malice and corrupt intentions? Why yourselves cannot deny but that they lived most holy and virtuous lives, free from all malicious corrupting or perverting of God's holy word, and by their holy lives are now made worthy to reign with God in his glory. Insomuch as their admirable learning may sufficiently cross out all suspicion of ignorant error; and their innocent sanctity freeth us from all mistrust of malicious corruption. But, by his leave, he is a little too hasty. He were best to bethink himself more advisedly of that which he hath undertaken to perform: and to remember the saying of the King of Israel unto Benhadad; x 1. King. 20.11. Let not him that girdeth on his harness, boast himself, as he that putteth it off. He hath taken upon him to prove, that our Religion cannot be true, because it disalloweth of many chief articles, which the Saints and Fathers of that primitive Church of Rome did generally hold to be true. For performance hereof, it will not be sufficient for him to show that some of these Fathers maintained some of these opinions: he must prove (if he will be as good as his word, and deal any thing to the purpose) that they held them generally, and held them too, not as opinions, but tanquam de fide, as appertaining to the substance of faith and religion. For (as Vincentius Lirinensis well observeth) y Antiqua sanctorum patrum consensio, non in omnibus divinae legis quaestiunculis, sed solùm, certé praecipué, in fidei regulâ magno nobis study & investiganda est, & sequenda. Vinc●n●▪ contra haer●s. cap. 39 the ancient consent of the holy Fathers is with great care to be sought and followed by us, not in every petty question belonging to the Law of God, but only, or at least principally, in the Rule of faith. But all the points propounded by our Challenger, be not chief articles: and therefore if in some of them the Fathers have held some opinions, that will not bear weight in the balance of the Sanctuary (as some conceits they had herein, which the Papists themselves must confess to be erroneous) their defects in that kind do abate nothing of that reverend estimation which we have them in, for their great pains taken in the defence of the true Catholic Religion, and the serious study of the holy Scripture. Neither do I think that he who thus commendeth them for the pillars of Christianity, and the champions of Christ's Church; will therefore hold himself tied to stand unto every thing that they have said: sure he will not, if he follow the steps of the great ones of his own Society. For what doth he think of justin Martyr, Irenaeus, and Epiphanius? Doth he not account them among those pillars and champions he speaketh of? Yet, saith Cardinal Bellarmine, z justini, Irenaei, Epiphani● atque Oecumenii sententiam non video, quo pacto ab errore possimus defendere. Bellarmin. lib. 1. de Sanctor. Beatit. cap. 6. I do not see, how we may defend their opinion from error. When others object, that they have two or three hundred testimonies of the Doctors to prove that the Virgin Mary was conceived in sin: a Primó quide agunt multitudine Doctorun, quos errare in re tanti momenti non est facilè admittendum. Respondemus tamen ex Augustini libro 1. de Morib. Eccles c. 2. tùm ex B. Thomae doctrinâ, locum ab authoritate esse infirmum. Salmer. in Epist. ad Rom. libr. 2. disput. 51. Salmeron the jesuit steps forth, and answereth them, first, out of the doctrine of Augustine and Thomas, that the argument drawn from authority is weak: then, out of the word of God, Exod. 23. In judicio, plurimorum non acquiesces sententiae, ut á vero devies. In judgement, thou shalt not be led with the sentence of the most, to decline from the truth. And lastly telleth them, b Cúm Donatistae in autorun multitudine gloriarentur; respondit Augustinus, signum esse causae á veritatis nervo destitutae, quae soli multorum autoritati, qui errare possunt, innititur. Ibid. that when the Donatists gloried in the multitude of authors, S. Augustin did answer them, that it was a sign their cause was destitute of the strength of truth, which was only supported by the authority of many, who were subject to error. And when his Adversaries press him, not only with the multitude, but also with the c Tertio argumenta petunt á Doctorum antiquitate, cui semper major honour est habitus, quam novitatibus. Respondetur, quamlibet aetatem antiquitati semper detulisse: & quilibet senex, ut quidam Poëta dixit, laudator temporis acti. Sed illud asserimus: quo juniores, eo perspicaciores esse Doctores. Ibid. antiquity of the Doctors alleged, unto which more honour always hath been given, then unto novelties: he answereth, that indeed every age hath always attributed much unto antiquity; and every old man, as the Poet saith, is a commender of the time past: but this (saith he) we aver, that the younger the Doctors are, the more sharp-sighted they be. And therefore for his part he yieldeth rather to the judgement of the younger Doctors of Paris: d Name in celeberrimâ Parisiorum Academiâ nullus Magistri in Theologiâ titulo dignus habetur, qui prius etiam iuris iurandi religione non se adstrinxerit ad hoc Virginis privilegium tuendum, & propugnandum. Ibid. Vid. & Laur. Sur. commentar. rer. in orb gestar. ann. 1501. among whom none is held worthy of the title of a Master in Divinity, who hath not first bound himself with a religious oath, to defend and maintain the privilege of the B. Virgin. Only he forgot to tell, how they which take that oath, might dispense with another oath which the Pope requireth them to take; that e Nec eam unquam nisi juxta unanimem consensum Patrum accipiam, & interpretabor. Bulla Pij IU. pag. 478 Bullarij á Petro Matthaeo edit. Lugdun. ann. 1588. they will never understand and interpret the holy Scripture, but according to the uniform consent of the Fathers. Pererius in his disputations upon the Epistle to the Romans, confesseth that f Graeci Patres, nec pauci etiam Latinorum Doctorum arbitrati sunt, idqúe in scriptis suis prodiderunt; causam praedestinationis hominum ad vitam aeternam, esse praescientiam quam Deus ab aeterno habuit, vel bonorum operum quae facturi erant cooperando ipsius gratiae, vel fidei quâ credituri erant verbo Dei & obedituri vocationi ejus. Perer. in Rom. 8. sect. 106. the Greek Fathers, and not a few of the Latin Doctors too, have delivered in their writings, that the cause of the predestination of men unto everlasting life is the foreknowledge which God had from eternity, either of the good works which they were to do by cooperating with his grace, or of the faith whereby they were to believe the word of God, & to obey his calling. And yet he for his part notwithstanding thinketh, that g Sed hoc videtur contrarium divinae Scripturae, praecipué auten doctrinae B. Pauli. Jdem ibid. sect. 111. At enimveró praescientian fidei non esse rationem praedestinationis hominum, nullius est negotii multis & apertis Scripturae testimoniis ostendere. Ibid. sect. 109. this is contrary to the holy Scripture, but especially to the doctrine of S. Paul. If our Questionist had been by him, he would have plucked his fellow by the sleeve, and taken him up in this manner. Will you say that these Fathers maintained this opinion contrary to the word of God? Why you know that they were the pillars of Christianity, the Champions of Christ his Church, and of the true Catholic religion, which they most learnedly defended against divers heresies, and therefore spent all their time in a most serious study of the holy Scripture. He would also perhaps further challenge him, as he doth us: Will you say that, although they knew the Scriptures to repugn, yet they brought in the aforesaid opinion by malice & corrupt intentions? For sure he might have asked this wise question of any of his own fellows, as well as of us, who do allow and esteem so much of these blessed Doctors and Martyrs of the ancient Church (as he himself in the end of his Challenge doth acknowledge:) which verily we should have little reason to do, if we did imagine that they brought in opinions which they knew to be repugnant to the Scriptures, for any malice, or corrupt intentions. Indeed men they were, compassed with the common infirmities of our nature, and therefore subject unto error: but godly men, and therefore free from all malicious error. Howsoever than we yield unto you, that their innocent sanctity freeth us from all mistrust of malicious corruption: yet you must pardon us if we make question, whether their admirable learning may sufficiently cross out all suspicion of error, which may arise either of affection, or want of due consideration, or such ignorance as the very best are subject unto in this life. For it is not admirable learning that is sufficient to cross out that suspicion: but such an immediate guidance of the holy Ghost, as the Prophets and Apostles were led by, who were the penners of the Canocicall Scripture. But this is your old wont, to blind the eyes of the simple with setting forth the sanctity and the learning of the Fathers: much after the manner of your grandfather Pelagius; who in the third of his books which he writ in defence of freewill, thought he had struck all dead by his commending of S. Ambrose. Blessed Ambrose the Bishop (saith h Beatus Ambrosius Episcopus, in cuius praecipué libris Romana ●lucet fides, qui scriptorum inter Latinos flos quidam speciosus enituit, cuius fidem & purissimum in Scriptures sensum▪ ne inimicus quidem ausus est reprehendere. he) in whose books the Roman faith doth especially appear, who like a beautiful flower shined among the Latin writers, whose faith and most pure understanding in the Scriptures the enemy himself durst not reprehend. Unto whom S. Augustine: i Ecce qualibus & quantis praedicat laudibus, quamlibet sanctum & doctum virum, nequaquam tamen authoritati Scripturae canonicae comparandum. August. de gratiâ Christi▪ cont. Pelag. l●b. 1. cap. 43. Behold with what and how great praises he extolleth a man, though holy and learned, yet not to be compared unto the authority of the Canonical Scripture. And therefore advance the learning and holiness of these worthy men, as much as you list: other answer you are not like to have from us, then that which the same S. Augustine maketh unto S. Hierome. k Solis eis Scripturarum libris, qui iam Canonici appellantur, didici hunc timorem honoremqúe deserre, ut nullum eorum authorem scribendo aliquid errâsse firmissimé credam etc. Alios autem ita lego, ut quantalibet sanctitate doctrinaqúe praepolleant, non ideò verum putem, quia ipsi ita senserunt: sed quia mihi vel per illos authore● canonicos, vel probabili ratione, quòd á vero non abhorreat, persuad●●e potuerunt. Aug. ep. 19 This reverence and honour have I learned to give to those books of Scripture only, which now are called Canonical, that I most firmly believe none of their authors could any whit err in writing. But others I so read, that with how great sanctity and learning soever they do excel, I therefore think not any thing to be true, because they so thought it: but because they were able to persuade me, either by those Canonical authors, or by some probable reason, that it did not swarve from truth. Yet even to this field also do our challengers provoke us; and if the Father's authority will not suffice, they offer to produce good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, for confirmation of all the points of their religion which they have mentioned: yea, further, they challenge any Protestant to allege any one text out of the said Scripture which condemneth any of the above written points. At which boldness of theirs we should much wonder, but that we consider that Bankrupts commonly do then most brag of their ability, when their estate is at the lowest: perhaps also, that Ignorance might be it, that did beget in them this Boldness. For if they had been pleased to take the advice of their learned Counsel: their Canonists would have told them touching Confession, (which is one of their points;) that l Gloss. in Gratian. de Poeniten. dist. 5. cap. 1. In poenitentia. it were better to hold, that it was ordained by a certain tradition of the universal Church, then by the authority of the New or Old Testament. Melchior Canus m Can. lib. 3. loc. Theolog. cap. 4. could have put them in mind, that it is no where expressed in Scripture, that Christ descended into Hell, to deliver the souls of Adam, and the rest of the Fathers which were detained there. And Dominicus Bannes, n Bannes, in 2.2 qu. 1. artic. 10. col. 302. that the holy Scriptures teach, neither expressé, nor yet impressé & involuté, that prayers are to be made unto Saints, or that their Images are to be worshipped. Or, if the testimony of a lesuite will more prevail with them: that Images should be worshipped, Saints prayed unto, Auricular Confession frequented, Sacrifices celebrated both for the quick and the dead, and other things of this kind; o Coster in compendiosâ orthodoxae fidei Demonstrat. propos. 5. cap. 2 pag. 162 edit. Colon. ann. 1607. Fr. Coster would have to be reckoned among divine Traditions, which be not laid down in the Scriptures. Howsoever yet the matter standeth, we have no reason but willingly to accept of their challenge: and to require them to bring forth those good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, for confirmation of all the articles by them propounded: as also to let them see, whether we be able to allege any Text of Scripture, which condemneth any of those points. Although I must confess it will be a hard matter, to make them see any thing, which before hand have resolved to close their eyes; having their minds so preoccupied with prejudice, that they profess before ever we begin, they hold for certain that we shall never be able to produce any such Text. And why, think you? because, forsooth, we are neither more learned, more pious, nor more holy, than the blessed Doctors and Martyrs of that first Church of Rome. As who should say, we yielded at the first word, that all those blessed Doctors and Martyrs expounded the Scriptures every where to our disadvantage: or were so well persuaded of the tenderness of a Jesuits conscience, that because he hath taken an oath never to interpret the Scripture, but according to the uniform consent of the Fathers, he could not therefore have the forehead to say: p Non nego me huius interpretationis authorem neminem habere: sed hanc eò magis probo quam illam alteram Augustini, caeterarum alioqui probabilissimam; quòd haec cum Calvinistarum sensu magis pugnet: quod mihi magnum est probabilitatis argumentum. Maldonat. in Io●an. 6.62. I do not deny, that I have no author of this interpretation: yet do I so much the rather approve it, than that other of Augustine's, though the most probable of all the rest; because it is more contrary to the sense of the Calvinists: which to me is a great argument of probability. Or as if lastly a man might not descent from the ancient Doctors, so much as in an exposition of a Text of Scripture, but he must presently make himself more learned, more pious, and more holy, than they were. Yet their great Tostatus might have taught them, q Sed nec ista argumentatio valet, se. Iste homo s●it aliquam conclusionem, quam nescivit Aug. e●go est sapientior Aug. Et sicut quidam peritus medicus dixit, homines nostri temporis ad antiquos comparantur, sicut pusillus homo positus collo Gigantis ad ipsum Gigantem Nam pusillus ibi positus videt quicquid vidit Gigas, & insuper plus; & tamen si deponatur de collo Gigantis, parùm aut nihil videbit ad Gigantem collatus. Ita & no● firmati super ingenia antiquorum & opera eorum, non esset admirandum, immo foret valde rationabile, si videremus quidquid illi viderunt, & insuper plus: licèt hoc adhuc non profitemur. Abulens. 2. part. Defensor. cap. 18. that this argument holdeth not: Such a one knoweth some conclusion, that Augustine did not know; therefore he is wiser than Augustine. Because, as a certain skilful Physician said, the men of our time being compared with the ancient, are like unto a little man set upon a Giant's neck, compared with the Giant himself. For as that little man placed there, seeth whatsoever the Giant seeth, and somewhat more; and yet if he be taken down from the Giant's neck, would see little or nothing in comparison of the Giant: even so we being settled upon the wits and works of the ancient, it were not to be wondered, nay it should be very agreeable unto reason, that we should see whatsoever they saw, and somewhat more. Though yet (saith he) we do not profess so much. And even to the same effect speaketh Friar Stella: that though it be far from him to condemn the common exposition given by the ancient holy Doctors; r Bene tamen sci●us, Pygmaeos Gigantum humeris impositos, plusquam ipsos Gigantes videre. Stella, enarrat. in Luc. cap. 10. yet he knoweth full well, that Pygmeis being put upon Giant's shoulders, do see further than the Giants themselves. Salmeron addeth, s Per incrementa temporum nota facta sunt divina mysteria, quae tamen anteà multos latuerunt: ita ut hoc loco nôsse, beneficium sit temporis, non quòd nos meliores simus, quam Patres nostri. Salmeron. in epist. ad Roman. lib. 2. disput. ●1. that by the increase of time, divine mysteries have been made known, which before were hid from many: so that to know them now, is to be attributed unto the benefit of the time, not that we are better than our Fathers were. Bishop Fisher, t Neque cuinquam obscurum est, quin posterioribus ingeniis multa sint, tam ex evangeliis, quam ex scripturis caeteris, nunc excussa luculentiùs, & intellecta perspicaciùs, quam fuerant olim. Nimirum, aut quia veteribus adhuc non erat perfracta glacies, neque sufficiebat illorum aetas, totum illud scripturarum pelagus ad amussim expendere: aut quia semper in amplissimo scripturarum campo post messores quantumvis exquisitissimos, spicas adhuc intactas licebit colligere. Rossens confutat. Assert. Lutheran. artic. 18. that it cannot be obscure unto any, that many things, as well in the Gospels as in the rest of the Scriptures, are now more exquisitely discussed by latter wits, and more clearly understood, than they have been heretofore. Either by reason that the ice was not as yet broken unto the ancient, neither did their age suffice to weigh exactly that whole sea of the Scriptures: or because in this most large field of the Scriptures, even after the most diligent reapers, some ears will remain to be gathered, as yet untouched. Hereupon Cardinal Caietan, in the beginning of his Commentaries upon Moses, adviseth his Reader, u Nullus itaque detestetur novum sacrae scripturae sensum ex hoc quod dissonat á priscis doctoribus; sed scrutetur perspicaciùs textum ac contextum scripturae: & si quadrare invenerit, laudet Deum, qui non alligavit expositionem scriptura●um sacrarum priscorum doctorum sensibus. Caietan. in Genes. 1. not to loathe the new sense of the holy Scripture for this, that it dissenteth from the ancient Doctors: but to search more exactly the text and context of the Scripture; and if he find it agree, to praise God, that hath not tied the exposition of the Scriptures to the senses of the ancient Doctors. But leaving comparisons, which, you know, are odious (the envy whereof notwithstanding your own Doctors and Masters, you see, help us to bear off, and teach us how to decline:) I now come to the examination of the particular points by you propounded. It should indeed be your part by right, to be the Assailant, who first did make the Challenge: and I, who sustain the person of the Defendant, might here well stay, accepting only your challenge, & expecting your encounter. Yet do not I mean at this time to answer your Bill of Challenge as Bills are usually answered in the Chancery, with saving all advantages to the Defendant: I am content in this also to abridge myself of the liberty which I might lawfully take, & make a further demonstration of my forwardness in undertaking the maintenance of so good a cause, by giving the first onset myself. OF TRADITIONS. TO begin therefore with Traditions, which is your forlorn Hope that in the first place we are to set upon: this must I needs tell you before we begin, that you much mistake the matter, if you think that Traditions of all sorts promiscuously are struck at by our Religion. We willingly acknowledge, that the word of God which by some of the Apostles was set down in writing, was both by themselves, and others of their fellowlabourers, delivered by word of mouth: and that the Church in succeeding ages was bound not only to preserve those sacred writings committed to her trust, but also to deliver unto her children viuâ voce the form of wholesome words contained therein. Traditions therefore of this nature, come not within the compass of our controversy: the question being betwixt us de ipsâ doctrinâ traditâ, not the tradendi modo; touching the substance of the doctrine delivered, not of the manner of delivering it. Again, it must be remembered that here we speak of doctrine delivered as the word of God, that is, of points of religion revealed unto the Prophets and Apostles, for the perpetual information of God's people: not of rites and ceremonies, and other ordinances which are left to the disposition of the Church, and consequently be not of divine but of positive and humane right. Traditions therefore of this kind likewise are not properly brought within the circuit of this question. But that Traditions of men should be obtruded unto us for articles of Religion, and admitted for parts of God's worship; or that any Traditions should be accepted for parcels of God's word, beside the holy Scriptures, and such doctrines as are either expressly therein contained, or by sound inference may be deduced from thence: I think we have reason to gainsay. As long as for the first we have this direct sentence from God himself; Matth. 15. In vain do they worship me, teaching for doctrines, the Commandments of men. And for the second, the express warrant of the Apostle, 2. Tim. 3. testifying of the holy Scriptures, not only that they are able to make us wise unto salvation (which they should not be able to do, if they did not contain all things necessary to salvation) but also that by them the man of God (that is, x 1. Tim. 6.11. the minister of God's word, unto whom it appertaineth y Act. 20.27. to declare all the counsel of God) may be perfectly instructed to every good work: which could not be, if the Scriptures did not contain all the counsel of God which was fit for him to learn, or if there were any other word of God which he were bound to teach, that should not be contained within the limits of the Book of God. Now whether herein we disagree from the doctrine generally received by the Fathers: we refer ourselves to their own sayings. For Ritual Traditions unwritten, and for doctrinal Traditions written indeed, but preserved also by the continual preaching of the Pastors of the Church successively; we find no man a more earnest advocate than Tertullian. Yet he, having to deal with Hermogenes the heretic in a question concerning the faith, (whether all things at the beginning were made of nothing?) presseth him in this manner, with the argument ab authoritate negatiué; for avoiding whereof, the Papists are driven to fly for succour to their unwritten verities. a An autem de aliquâ subjacenti materiâ facta sint omnia, nusquam adhuc legi. Scriptum esse doceat Hermogenis officina. Si non est scriptum timeat Vae illud adjicientibus aut detrahentibus destinatum. Tertull. advers Hermogen. cap. 22. Whether all things were made of any subject matter, I have as yet read no where. Let those of Hermogenes his shop show that it is written. If it be not written, let them fear that Woe which is allotted to such as add or take away. In the two Testaments, saith Origen, b In quibus licèat omne verbum quod ad Deum pertinet requiri & discuti; atque ex ipsis omnem rerum scientiam capi. Si quid autem superfuerit quod non divina Scriptura decer●at, nullam aliam debere tertiam Scripturam ad authoritatem scientiae suscipi: sed igni tradamus quod superest, id est, Deo reservemus. Neque enim in proesenti vitâ Deus scire nos omnia voluit, Orig. in Levit. hom. 5. every word that appertaineth to God may be required and discussed; and all knowledge of things out of them may be understood. But if any thing do remain, which the holy Scripture doth not determine; no other third Scripture ought to be received for to authorise any knowledge: but that which remaineth we must commit to the fire, that is, we must reserve it to God. For in this present world God would not have us to know all things. Hippolytus the Martyr, in his Homily against the Heresy of Noëtus. c Vnus Deus est, quem non aliunde, fratres, agnoscimus, quam ex sanctis Scriptures. Quemadmodum enim si quis vellet sapientiam hujus saeculi exercere, non aliter hoc consequi poterit, nisi dogmata Philosophorun legate: sic quicunque volumus pietatem in Deum exercere, non aliunde discemus, quam ex Scripturis divinis. Quaecunque ergo sanctae Scripturae praedicant, sciamus; & quaecunque docent, cog●noscamus Hippolyt. tom. 3. Biblioth. Pat. pa. 20.21. edit. Colon. There is one God, whom we do not otherwise acknowledge (brethren) but out of the holy Scriptures. For as he that would profess the wisdom of this world, cannot otherwise attain hereunto, unless he read the doctrine of the Philosophers: so whosoever of us will exercise piety toward God, cannot learn this elsewhere, but out of the holy Scriptures. Whatsoever therefore the holy Scriptures do preach, that let us know; and whatsoever they teach, that let us understand. Athanasius, in his Oration against the Gentiles, toward the beginning: d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. The holy Scriptures given by inspiration of God, are of themselves sufficient to the discovery of truth. S. Ambrose: e Quae in Scriptures sanctis non reperimus, ea quemadmodum usurpare possumus? Ambros. Offic. lib. 1. cap. 23. The things which we find not in the Scriptures, how can we use them? And again: f Lego quia primus est, lego quia non est secundus▪ illi qui secundum aiunt, doceant lectione. Id in Virgins instit. cap. 11. I read that he is the first, I read that he is not the second; they who say he is the second, let them show it by reading. It is well, g Bene habet, ut iis quae sunt scripta contentus sis. Hilar. l. 3. de Trinit. saith S. Hilary, that thou art content with those things which be written. And in another place, h In quantum ego nunc beatae religiosaeque voluntatis veré te Domine Constanti Imperator admiror, fidem tantùm secundùm ea quae scripta sunt desiderantem. Id. lib. 2. ad Constantium. Aug. he commendeth Constantius the Emperor, for desiring the faith to be ordered only according to those things that be written. S. Basil: i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. hom. 29. advers. calumniantes S. Trinitat. Believe those things which are written; the things which are not written seek not. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem de Fide. It is a manifest falling from the faith, and an argument of arrogancy, either to reject any point of those things that are written, or to bring in any of those things that are not written. He teacheth further, l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem, in Ethicis, Regul 26. that every word and action ought to be confirmed by the testimony of the holy Scripture, for confirmation of the faith of the good, and the confusion of the evil▪ and that it is the property of a faithful man, to be fully persuaded of the truth of those things that are delivered in the holy Scripture, m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. reg. 80. ca 22. and not to dare either to reject or to add any thing thereunto. For if whatsoever is not of faith be sin, as the Apostle saith, and faith is by hearing, and hearing by the word of God: than whatsoever is without the holy Scripture, being not of faith, must needs be sin. Thus far S. Basil. In like manner Gregory Nyssene, S. Basils' brother, layeth this for a ground, n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. Nyssen. Dialog. de Animâ & Resurrect. tom. 2. edit. Grae●olat. pag. 639. which no man should contradict; that in that only the truth must be acknowledged, wherein the seal of the Scripture testimony is to be seen. And accordingly in another book (attributed also unto him) we find this conclusion made: o cum id nullo Scripturae testimonio suffultum sit, ut falsum improbabimus. lib. de Cognit Dei, citat. ab Euthymio in Panoplia, Tit. 8. Forasmuch as this is upholden with no testimony of the Scripture, as false we will reject it. Thus also S. Hierome disputeth against Helvidius· p Vt haec quae scripta sunt non negamus; ita ea quae non sunt scripta renuimu●. Natum Deum esse de Virgin credimus, quia legimus: Mariam nupsisse post partum non credimus, quia non legimus. Hieron. advers. Helvid. As we deny not those things that are written; so we refuse those things that are not written. That God was borne of a Virgin we believe, because we read it: that Mary did marry after she was delivered, we believe not, because we read it not. In those things, q In iis quae aperté in Scripturâ posita sunt, inveniuntur illa omnia quae continent fidem moresque vivendi. August. de doctrinâ Christian. li. 2. cap. 9 saith S. Augustine, which are laid down plainly in the Scriptures, all those things are found which appertain to faith and direction of life. And again: r Quicquid inde audieritis, hoc vobis bene sapiat: quicquid extra est respuite, ne erretis in nebulâ. Id. in li. de Pastor. cap. 11. Whatsoever ye hear from the holy Scriptures, let that savour well unto you; whatsoever is without them, refuse, lest you wander in a cloud. And in another place: s Omnia quae praeteritis temporibus erga humanum genus majores nostri gesta esse meminerunt, nobisque tradiderunt; omnia etiam quae nos videmus, & posteris tradimus, quae tamen pertinent ad veram religionem quaerendam & tenendan, divina scriptura non tacuit. Idem, ep 42. All those things which in times past our ancestors have mentioned to be done toward mankind, and have delivered unto us; all those things also which we see, and do deliver unto our posterity, so far as they appertain to the seeking and maintaining of true Religion, the holy Scripture hath not passed in silence. The holy Scripture, t Sufficit divina Scriptura ad faciendum eos qui in illâ educati sunt sapientes, & probatissimos, & suffientissimam habentes intelligentiam: Cyril. li. 7. cont julian. saith S. Cyrill of Alexandria, is sufficient to make them which are brought up in it wise, and most approved, and furnished with most sufficient understanding. And again: u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyril Glaphyrorun, in Gen. l. 2. That which the holy Scripture hath not said, by what means should we receive, and account it among those things that be true? Lastly, in the writings of Theodoret we meet with these kind of speeches. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theod. dialog. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By the holy Scripture alone am I persuaded. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. dial. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I am not so bold, as to affirm any thing which the sacred Scripture passeth in silence. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Exod. quaest. 26. quod in Graecorum Catenâ in Pentateuchum, à Franc. Zephyro editâ, ita expositum legimus: Impudentis est, quod á Scripturâ reticetur, velle inquirere. It is an idle and a senseless thing, to seek those things that are passed in silence. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theodoret. in Genesim. quaest. 45. We ought not to seek those things which are passed in silence; but rest in the things that are written. By the verdict of these twelve men, you may judge, what opinion was held in those ancient times of such Traditions as did cross, either the verity or the perfection of the sacred Scripture: which are the Traditions we set ourselves against. If now it be demanded, in what Popes days the contrary doctrine was brought in among Christians: I answer, that if S. Peter were ever Pope, in his days it was, that some seducers first laboured to bring in Will-worship into the Church; against whom S. Paul opposing himself, Coloss. 2. counteth it a sufficient argument to condemn all such inventions, that they were the commandments and doctrines of men. Shortly after them, started up other Heretics, who taught, that b Quia non possit ex his inveniri veritas ab his, qui nesciant Traditionem. Non enim per literas traditam illam, sed per vivam vocem: ob quam causam & Paulum dixisse; Sapientiam autem loquimur inter perfectos. Irenae. contr. hares. lib. 3. cap. 2. the truth could not be found out of the Scriptures by those to whom Tradition was unknowen. forasmuch as it was not delivered by writing, but by word of mouth: for which cause S. Paul also should say; We speak wisdom among them that be perfect. The very same Text do the c Bellarmin lib. 4. de Verbo Dei, cap. 8. Jesuits allege, to prove the dignity of many mysteries to be such, that they require silence; and that it is unmeet they should be opened in the Scriptures, which are read to the whole world, and therefore can only be learned by unwritten Traditions. Wherein they consider not, how they make so near an approach unto the confines of some of the ancientest Heretics, that they may well shake hands together. For howsoever some of them were so mad as to d Dicentes, se non solum Presbyteris, sed etiam Apostolis existente● sapientiores, since●am invenisse veritatem. etc. Evenit itaque neque Scripturis jam neque Traditioni consentire eos. Iren. ut sup. say, that they were wiser than the Apostles themselves; and therefore made light account of the doctrine which they delivered unto the Church, either by writing or by word of mouth: yet all of them broke not forth into that open impiety; the same mystery of iniquity wrought in some of Antichrists forerunners then, which is discovered in his ministers now. e Confitentur quidem nihil Apostolos ignorâsse, nec diversa inter se praedicâsse, sed non omnia illos volunt omnibus revelâsse: quaedam enim palam & universis, quaedam secretó & paucis demandâsse. quia & hoc verbo usus est Paulus ad Timotheum: O Timothee, depositum custodi. Et rursum: Bonum depositum custodi. Tertull. de prescript. advers. haeret. cap. 25. They confessed indeed (as witnesseth Tertullian) that the Apostles were ignorant of nothing, and differed not among themselves in their preaching: but they say, they revealed not all things unto all men; some things they delivered openly and to all, some things secretly and to a few. because that Paul useth this speech unto Timothy: O Timothy, keep that which is committed to thy trust. And again; That good thing which was committed unto thee, keep. Which very Texts the f Bellar. lib 4. de Verbo Dei, cap. 5. Jesuits likewise bring in, to prove, that there are some Traditions, which are not contained in the Scripture. In the days of S. Hierome also, this was wont to be the saying of Heretics: g Filii sumus sapientium, qui ab initio doctrinam nobis Apostolicam tradiderunt. Hieron. lib 7. in Esa. ca 19 We are the sons of the wise men, which from the beginning have delivered the doctrine of the Apostles unto us. But h Sed & alia, quae absque auctoritate & testimoniis scripturarum, quasi traditione Apostolicâ sponte reperiunt atque confingunt, percutit gladius Dei. Id. in Agg●. c. 1. those things (saith that Father) which they of themselves find out and fain to have received as it were by Tradition from the Apostles, without the authority and testimonies of the Scriptures, the sword of God doth smite. S. i Chrysost. in johan 10. homil. 59 tom. 2. edit. Savil. pag. 799. Chrysostome in like manner giveth this for a mark of Antichrist, and of all spiritual thiefs: that they come not in by the door of the Scriptures. For the Scripture (saith he) k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. like unto a sure door, doth bar an entrance unto Heretics, safeguarding us in all things that we will, and not suffering us to be deceived. Whereupon he concludeth, that l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. who so useth not the Scriptures, but cometh in otherwise, that is, betaketh himself to another and an unlawful way, he is a thief. How this mystery of iniquity wrought when Antichrist came unto his full growth, and what experiments his followers gave of their thievish entry in this kind, was well observed by the author of the book De unitate Ecclesiae (thought by some to be Waltram Bishop of Naumburg:) who speaking of the m Quale mysterium iniquitatis praetendunt plures Monachi in veste suâ, per quos fiunt, & facta sunt schismata atque haereses in Ecclesiâ: qui etiam á matre filios segregant, oves á pastore ●ollicitant, Dei sacramenta disturbant: qui etiam Dei traditione contemptâ, alienas doctrinas appetunt, & magist●ria humanae institutionis inducunt Lib de unitat. Eccl●s. Tom. 1. Script. Germanic. á M. Fre●ero edit. pag 233. Monks that for the upholding of Pope Hildebrands' faction, brought in schisms and heresies into the Church, noteth this specially of them; that despising the tradition of God, they desired other doctrines, and brought in masteries of humane institution. Against whom he allegeth the authority of their own S. Benedict, the father of the Monks in the West; writing thus: n Ideoque nihil debet Abbas extra praeceptum Domini quod sit, aut docere, aut constituere, vel jubere: sed jussio ejus vel doctrina, ut fermentum divinae justitiae in discipulorum mentibus conspergatur. Benedict. in Regulâ. The Abbot ought to teach, or ordain, or command nothing, which is without the precept of the Lord: but his commandment or instruction should be spread as the leaven of divine righteousness in the minds of his Disciples. Whereunto also he might have added the testimony of the two famous Fathers of Monastical discipline in the East: S. Antony I mean, who taught his Scholars that o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas in Vitae Antoniuses. quod Evagrius Antioch●nu. presbyter redaidie: Ad omnem mandatorum disciplinam Scripturas posse sufficere. the Scriptures were sufficient for doctrine; and S. Basil, who unto the question, Whether it were expedient that novices should presently learn those things that are in the Scripture? returneth this answer: p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. in Reguiis br●viorib. op. 95. It is fit and necessary, that every one should learn out of the holy Scripture that which is for his use; both for his full settlement in godliness, and that he may not be accustomed unto humane traditions. Mark here the difference betwixt the Monks of Saint Basil, and Pope Hildebrands' breeding. The Novices of the former were trained in the Scriptures, to the end they might not be accustomed unto humane traditions: those of the latter, to the clean contrary intent, were kept back from the study of the Scriptures, that they might be accustomed unto humane traditions. For this, by the foresaid author, is expressly noted of those Hildebrandine Monks, that they q Qui ne pueros quidem vel adolescentes permittunt in monasteriis habere studium salutaris scientiae: ut scilicet rude ingenium ●utriatur siliquis daemoniorum, quae sunt consuetudines humanarum traditionum: ut ejusmodi spurcitiis assuefacti, non possint gustare quam suavis est Dominus. Lib. de Vnitat. Eccles. pag. 22●. permitted not young men in their Monasteries to study this saving knowledge: to the end that their rude wit might be nourished with the husks of devils, which are the customs of humane traditions; that being accustomed to such filth, they might not taste how sweet the Lord was. And even thus in the times following, from Monks to Friars, and from them to secular Priests and Prelates, as it were by tradition from hand to hand, the like ungodly policy was continued, of keeping the common people from the knowledge of the Scriptures; as for other reasons, so likewise that by this means they might be drawn to humane traditions. Which was not only observed by r Verùm enimveró vereor, ne isti qui velint populum nihil attingere, non tam periculo commoveantur illorum quam sui respectu: videlicèt ut ab istis solis, velut ab oraculis petantur omnia. Quid hâc de rescriptum est? hoc scriptum est Quem habet sensum, quod scriptum est? Sic intellige, sic senti, sic loquere. Atqui istuc est bubalum esse, non hominem. Fortassis movet & nonnullos, quoniam animadvertunt divinam scripturam parùm quadrare ad vitam suam. malunt eam antiquari, aut certé nesciri; ne quid hinc jaciatur in os. Et ad humanas traditiunculas populum avocant, quas ipsi ad suam commoditatem probé commenti sunt. E. asm in ena●rat. 1. Psalmi, edit. ann. 1515. Erasmus, before ever Luther stirred against the Pope: but openly in a manner confessed afterwards by a bitter adversary of his, Petrus Suitor, a Carthusian Monk; who, among other inconveniences for which he would have the people debarred from reading the Scripture, allegeth this also for one. s cum multa palàm tradantur observanda, quae sacris in literis expressé non habentur: nónne idiotae haec animadvertentes facilè murmurabunt, conquerentes cur tantae sibi imponantur sarcinae, quibus & libertas Evangelica ita graviter elevatur? Nónne & facilè retrahentur ab observantiâ institutionum Ecclesiasticarum, quando ●as in lege Christi animadverterint non contineri? Suitor de tralatione Bibliae cap. 22. fol. 96. edit. Paris. an. 1525. Whereas many things are openly taught to be observed, which are not to be expressly had in the holy Scriptures: will not the simple people, observing these things, quickly murmur, and complain that so great burdens should be imposed upon them, whereby the liberty of the Gospel is so greatly impaired? Will not they also easily be drawn away from the observation of the ordinances of the Church, when they shall observe that they are not contained in the Law of Christ? Having thus therefore discovered unto these Deuterotae (for so S. t Hieronym. lib. 2. Comment. in Esai. cap. 3. & lib. 9 in Esai. cap. 29. Hierome useth to style such Tradition-mongers) both their grandfathers, and their more immediate progenitors: I pass now forward unto the second point. OF THE REAL PRESENCE. HOw far the real presence of the body of Christ in the Sacrament, is allowed or disallowed by us, I have at large declared in an a Serm. a● Westminst. before the house of Commons. ann. 1620. other place. The sum is this: That in the receiving of the blessed Sacrament, we are to distinguish between the outward and the inward action of the Communicant. In the outward, with our bodily mouth we receive really the visible elements of Bread and Wine: in the inward, we do by faith really receive the body and blood of our Lord, that is to say, we are truly and indeed made partakers of Christ crucified, to the spiritual strengthening of our inward man. They of the adverse part have made such a confusion of these things, that for the first, they do utterly deny, that after the words of consecration there remaineth any Bread or Wine at all to be received: and for the second, do affirm, that the body and blood of Christ is in such a manner present, under the outward shows of bread and wine, that whosoever receiveth the one (be he good or bad, believer or unbeliever) doth therewith really receive the other. We are therefore here put to prove, that Bread is bread, and Wine is wine: a matter (one would think) that easily might be determined by common sense. That which you see (saith b Quod ergo vidistis, Panis est & Calix: quod vobis etiam oculi vestri renunciant. August. in Sermone de sacram. apud Bedam▪ in 1. Cor. 10. & Ratrannum de corp. & sangu. Dom. vel in Sermone de Verbis Domini: ut citatur ab Algero, lib. 1. de Sacram. cap. 5. S. Augustine) is the Bread and the Cup: which your very eyes do declare unto you. But because we have to deal with men, that will needs herein be senseless; we will for this time refer them to c Tertull. in lib. de Animâ, cap. 17. cui titulus: De quinque sensibus. Tertullians' discourse of the five senses, (wishing they may be restored to the use of their five wits again:) and ponder the testimonies of our Saviour Christ, in the sixth of john, and in the words of the Institution, which they oppose against all sense, but in the end shall find to be as opposite to this fantastical conceit of theirs, as any thing can be. Touching our Saviour's speech, of the eating of his flesh, and the drinking of his blood, in the sixth of john; these five things specially may be observed. First, that the question betwixt our Adversaries & us, being not, Whether Christ's body be turned into bread, but whether bread be turned into Christ's body; the words in S. john, if they be pressed literally, serve more strongly to prove the former, than the latter. Secondly, that this Sermon was uttered by our Saviour, above a year before the celebration of his last Supper, wherein the Sacrament of his body and blood was instituted: at which time none of his hearers could possibly have understood him to have spoken of the external eating of him in the Sacrament. Thirdly, that by the eating of the flesh of Christ, and the drinking of his blood, there, is not here meant an external eating or drinking with the mouth and throat of the body, (as the d joh 6.52. jews then, and the Romanists far more grossly than they, have since imagined:) but an internal and a spiritual, effected by a lively faith and the quickening spirit of Christ in the soul of the believer. For e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. in Psalm. 33. there is a spiritual mouth of the inner man, (as S. Basil noteth) wherewith he is nourished that is made partaker of the Word of life, which is the bread that cometh down from heaven. Fourthly, that this spiritual feeding upon the body and blood of Christ, is not to be found in the Sacrament only, but also out of the Sacrament. Fiftly, that the eating of the flesh, and the drinking of the b●ood here mentioned, is of such excellent virtue, that the receiver is thereby made to remain in Christ, and Christ in him, and by that means certainly freed from d●ath, and assured of everlasting life. Which seeing it cannot be verified of the eating of the Sacrament (whereof both the godly & the wicked are partakers:) it proveth, not only that our Saviour did not here speak of the Sacramental eating; but further also, that the thing which is delivered in the external part of the Sacrament, cannot be conceived to be really, but sacramentally only, the flesh and blood of Christ. The first of these may be plainly seen in the Text: where our Saviour doth not only say, I am the bread of life, vers. 48. and, I am the living bread that came down from heaven, vers. 51. but addeth also in the 55. verse. For my flesh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink indeed. Which words being the most forcible of all the rest, & those wherewith the simpler sort are commonly most deluded, might carry some show of proof, that Christ's flesh & blood should be turned into bread & wine; but have no manner of colour to prove, that bread and wine are turned into the flesh and blood of Christ. The truth of the second, appeareth by the four●h verse: in which we find, that this fell out not long before the Passeover; and consequently, a year at least before that last Passeover, wherein our Saviour instituted the Sacrament of his Supper. We willingly indeed do acknowledge, that that which is inwardly presented in the Lord's Supper, and spiritually received by the soul of the faithful, is that very thing which is treated of in the sixth of john: but we deny that it was our Saviour's intention in this place, to speak of that which is externally delivered in the Sacrament, and orally received by the Communicant. And for our warrant herein, we need look no further then to that earnest asseveration of our Saviour in the 53. verse: Verily, verily I say unto you; Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye have no life in you. Wherein there is not only an obligation laid upon them for doing of this, (which in no likelihood could be intended of the external eating of the Sacrament, that was not as yet in being:) but also an absolute necessity imposed, non praecepti solùm ratione, sed etiam medij. Now to hold, that all they are excluded from life, which have not had the means to receive the Sacrament of the Lords Supper: is as untrue, as it is uncharitable. And therefore many of the Papists themselves, as Biel, Cusanus, Cajelan, Tapper, Hessels, jansenius, and others, confess, that our Saviour in the sixth of john did not properly treat of the Sacrament. The third of the points proposed, may be collected out of the first part of Christ's speech, in the 35. and 36. verses. I am the bread of life: he that cometh to me, shall never hunger; and he that believeth on me, shall never thirst. But I said unto you, that ye also have seen me, and believe not. But especially, out of the last, from the 61. verse forward. When jesus knew in himself that his Disciples murmured at it, he said unto them; Doth this offend you? What then if you should see the Son of man ascend up where he was before? It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothing: the words that I speak unto you are spirit and life. But there are some of you that believe not. Which words Athanasius (or whosoever was the author of the Tractate upon that place; Quicunque dixerit verbum in filium homi●is) noteth our Saviour to have used; that his hearers might learn, f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A●hanas. that those things which he spoke, were not carnal but spiritual. For how many could his body have sufficed for meat, that it should be made the food of the whole world? But therefore it was that he made mention of the Son of man's ascension into heaven, that he might draw them from this corporal conceit; and that hereafter they might learn, that the flesh which he spoke of, was celestial meat from above, and spiritual nourishment to be given by him. For the words which I have spoken unto you (saith he) are spirit and life. So likewise Tertullian: g Etsi carnem ait nihil prodes●e, ex materiâ dicti dirigendus est sensus. Nam quia durum & intolerabilem existimaverunt sermonem ejus, quasi veré carnem suam illis edendam determinâsset: ut in spiritu disponeret slatum salutis, praemisit; Spiritus est qui vivificat. atque ita subjunxit: Caro nihil prodest, ad vivificandum scilicèt. Tertull de Resurrect. carnis. cap. 37. Although he saith that the flesh profiteth nothing, the meaning of the speech must be directed according to the intent of the matter in hand. For, because they thought it to be a hard and an intolerable speech, as if he had determined that his flesh should be truly eaten by them: that he might dispose the state of salvation by the spirit, he premised; It is the spirit that quíckneth. and so subjoined; The flesh profiteth nothing, namely to quicken. etc. h Quia & sermo caro erat factus, proinde in causam vitae appetendus, & devorandus auditu, & ruminandus intellectu, & fide digerendus. Name & paulò antè carnem suam panem quoque coelestem pronuntiârat; urgens usquequaque per allegoriam necessariorum pabulorum, memoriam patrum, qui panes & carnes Aegyptiorum praeverterant divinae vocationi. Idem ibid. And because the Word was made flesh, it therefore was to be desired for causing of life, and to be devoured by hearing, and to be chewed by understanding, and to be digested by faith. For a little before he had also affirmed that his flesh was heavenly bread: urging still by the Allegory of necessary food, the remembrance of the fathers, who preferred the bread and the flesh of the Egyptians before God's calling. Add hereunto the sentence of Origen: i Est & in novo Testamento litera quae occidit eum, qui non spiritualiter ea quae dicuntur adverterit. Si enim secundùm literam sequaris hoc ipsum quod dictum est; Nisi manducave●itis carnem meam, & biberitis sanguinem meum occidit haec litera. Orig. in Levit. cap. 10. ●om 7. There is in the New Testament also a letter which killeth him that doth not spiritually conceive the things that be spoken. For if according to the letter you do follow this same which is said; Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood: this letter killeth. And those sayings which every where occur in S. Augustine's Tractates upon john: k Quomodo in coelum manum mittan, ut ibi sedentem teneam? Fidem mitte, & tenuisti. Aug. in Evang. johan. Tract. 50. How shall I send up my hand unto heaven, to take hold on Christ sitting there? Send thy faith, and thou hast hold of him! l Vt quid paras●dentes & ven●rem? C●ede, & manducàsti. Id. ibid. Tracta●. 25. Why preparest thou thy teeth and thy belly? Bele●ve, and thou hast eaten. m Credere enim in eum, hoc est mandu●a●e panem vivum. Qui credit in eum, manducat. Invisibiliter saginatur, quia invisibiliter renascitur. Infans intus est, novus intus est: ubi novellatur, ibi satiatur. Id. ibid. Tractat. 26. For this is to eat the living bread, to believe in him. He that believeth in him, eateth. He is invisibly fed, because he is invisibly regenerated. He is inwardly a b●be, inwardly renewed: where he is renewed, there is he nourished. The fourth proposition doth necessarily follow upon the third. For if the eating and drinking here spoken of, be not an external eating and drinking, but an inward participation of Christ, by the communion of his quickening spirit: it is evident, that this blessing is to be found in the soul, not only in the use of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, but at other times also. It is no ways to be doubted by any one (saith S. n Nulli est aliquatenùs ambigendum, tunc unumquemque fidelium corporis sanguinisque Dominici participem fieri, quando in baptismate membrum Christi efficitur: nec alienari ab illius pan●s calicisque consortio, etiamsi antequàm panem illum comedat & calicem bibat, de hoc seculo in unitate corporis Christi constitutus abscedat. Sacramenti quippè illius participatione ac beneficio non privatur, quando ipse hoc quod illud sacramentum significat, invenit. August. in Serm ad infants▪ de sacram. apud Bedam, in 1. Cor. ●0. Augustine) that every one of the faithful is made partaker of the body and blood of our Lord, when he is made a member of Christ in Baptism: and that he is not estranged from the communion of that bread and cup, although before he eat that bread, and drink that cup, he depart out of this world, being settled in the unity of the body of Christ. For he is not deprived of the participation and the benefit of that Sacrament, when he hath found that which this Sacrament doth signify. And hereupon we see, that divers of the Fathers do apply the sixth of john, to the hearing of the Word also: as, o Clem. Ale●andr. P●dagog. lib 1. cap. 6. Clemens Alexandrinus, p Origen. in L●vit. cap. 10 homil. 7. Origen, Eusebius Caesareensis, and others. We are said to drink the blood of Christ (saith q Bibere autem dicimur sanguinem Christi, non solùm sacramentorum rit●, said & cum sermones ejus recipimus, in quibus vita consistit sicut & ipse dicit: Verba quae locutus sum, spiritus & vita est. Origen. in Numer. cap. 24 hom. 16. Origen) not only by way of the Sacraments, but also when we receive his word, wherein consisteth life. even as he himself saith· The words which I have spoken, are spirit and life. Upon which words of Christ, Eusebius paraphraseth after this manner: r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. lib. 3. Ecclesiasticae Theologiae, contra Marcellum Ancyranum. MS. in publicâ Oxoniensis Academiae Bibliothecâ: & in privatis virorum doctissimorum, D. Richardi Montacutij & M. Patricij junij. Do not think that I speak of that flesh wherewith I am compassed, as if you must eat of that; neither imagine that I command you to drink my sensible and bodily blood: but understand well, that the words which I have spoken unto you, are spirit and life. So that those very words and speeches of his, are his flesh and blood; whereof who is partaker, being always therewith nourished as it were with heavenly bread, shall likewise be made partaker of heavenly life. Therefore let not that offend you, saith he, which I have spoken of the eating of my flesh and of the drinking of my blood; neither let the superficial hearing of those things which were said by me of flesh and blood, trouble you. For these things sensibly heard, profit nothing: but the spirit is it, which quickeneth them that are able to hear spiritually. Thus far Eusebius: whose words I have laid down the more largely, because they are not vulgar. There remaineth the fifth and last point: which is oftentimes repeated by our Saviour in this Sermon. as in the 50. verse: This is the bread which cometh down from heaven, that a man may eat thereof, and not dye, and in the 51: If any man eat of this bread, he shall live for ever. and in the 54: Who so eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath eternal life. and in the 56: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. and in the 58: This is that bread which came down from heaven: not as your fathers did eat Manna, and are dead: he that eateth of this bread, shall live for ever. Whereupon Origen rightly observeth the difference that is betwixt the eating of the typical or symbolical (for so he calleth the Sacrament) and the true body of Christ. Of the former, thus he writeth: s Quod sanctificatur per verbum Dei & per obsecrationem, non suápte naturâ sanctificat utentem. Nam id si esset, sanctificaret etiam illum, qui comedit indigné Domino: neque quisquam ob hunc esum infirmus aut aegrotus fuisset, aut obdormisset. Name tale quiddam Paulus demonstrate, quum ait: Propter hoc inter vos infirmi, & male habentes, & dormiunt multi. Origen. in Matt. 15. That which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, doth not of it own● nature, sanctify him that useth it. For if that were so, it would sanctify him also which doth eat unworthy of the Lord: neither should any one for this eating be weak, or sick, or dead. For such a thing doth Paul show, when he saith: For this cause many are weak and sickly among you, and many sleep. Of the latter, thus: t Mult● porrò & de ipso Verbo dici possent, quod factum est caro, verusque cibus, quem qui comederit, omnino vivet in aeternum; quem nullus malus potest ed ere. Etenim si fieri possit, ut qui malus adhuc perseveret, edat Verbum factum carnem, quum sit verbum & panis vivus, nequaquàm scriptum fuisset: Quisquis ederit panem hunc, vivet in aeternum Id. ibid. Many things may be spoken of the Word itself, which was made flesh, and true meat; which whosoever eateth, shall certainly live for ever: which no evil person can eat. For if it could be, that he who continueth evil, might eat the Word made flesh (seeing he is the word and the bread of life) it should not have been written: Whosoever eateth this bread, shall live for ever. The like difference doth S. Augustine, also upon the same ground, make betwixt the eating of Christ's body sacramentally and really. For having affirmed, that wicked men u Nec isti dicendi sunt manducare corpus Christi. quoniam nec in membris computandi sunt Christi. August. de Civit. Dei, lib 21. cap. 25. may not be said to eat the body of Christ, because they are not to be counted among the members of Christ: he afterward addeth. x Denique ipse dicens, Qui manducat carnem meam, & bibit sanguinem meum, in me manet, & ego in eo; ostendit quid sit non sacramento tenus, sed reverà manducare corpus Christi, & ejus sanguinem bibere: hoc est enim in Christo manner, ut in illo maneat & Christus. Sic enim hoc dixit, tanquàm diceret: Qui non in me manet, & in quo ego non maneo, non se dicat aut existimet manducare corpus meum, aut bibere sanguinem meum. Id. ibid. Christ himself saying, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, remaineth in me, and I in him, sheweth what it is, not sacramentally but indeed, to eat the flesh of Christ and drink his blood: for this is, to remain in Christ, that Christ likewise may remain in him. For he said this, as if he should have said: He that remaineth not in me, and in whom I do not remain; let not him say or think, that he eateth my flesh or drinketh my blood. And in another place, expounding those words of Christ here alleged; he thereupon inferreth thus: y Hoc est ergo manducare illam escam, & illum bibere potum; in Christo manner, & illum manentem in se habere. Ac per hoc qui non manet in Christo, & in quo non manet Christus, proculdubio nec manducat spiritaliter carnem ejus, nec bibit ejus sanguinem, licèt carnaliter & visibiliter premat dentibus sacramentum corporis & sanguinis Christi: sed magis tantae rei sacramentum ad judicium sibi manducat et bibit, quia immundus praesumpsit ad Christi accedere sacramenta. Id. in Evangel. johan. Tract. 26. This is therefore to eat that meat, and drink that drink; to remain in Christ, and to have Christ remaining in him. And by this, he that remaineth not in Christ, and in whom Christ abideth not, without doubt doth neither spiritually eat his flesh, nor drink his blood: although he do carnally and visibly press with his teeth the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ; and so rather eateth and drinketh the Sacrament of so great a thing for judgement to himself, because that being unclean he did presume to come unto the Sacraments of Christ. Hence it is that we find so often in him, and in other of the Fathers, that the body and blood of Christ is communicated only unto those that shall live, and not unto those that shall dye for ever. z Hic est panis vitae. Qui ergò vitam manducat, mori non potest. Quomodo enim morietur, cui cibus vita est? Quomodo deficiet, qui habuerit vitalem substantiam? Ambr. in Psal. 118. octonar. 18. He is the bread of life. He therefore that eateth life, cannot dye. For how should he dye, whose meat is life? how should he fail, who hath a vital substance? saith S. Ambrose. And it is a good note of Macarius: that, as men use to give one kind of meat to their servants, and another to their children; so Christ who a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Macar. Egypt. homil. 14. created all things, nourisheth indeed evil and ungrateful persons: but the sons which he begat of his own seed, and whom he made partakers of his grace, in whom the Lord is form, he nourisheth with a peculiar refection and food, and meat and drink, beyond other men; giving himself unto them, that have their conversation with his Father. as the Lord himself saith: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, remaineth in me, and I in him, and shall not see death. Among the sentences collected by Prosper out of S. Augustine, this also is one. b Escam vitae accipit, & aeternitatis poculum bibit, qui in Christo manet, & cujus Christus habita●or est. Nam qui discordat à Christo, nec carnem ejus manducat, nec sanguinem bibit: etiamsi tantae reisacramentum ad judicium suae praesumptionis quotidie indifferenter accipiat. Prosp. senten●. 339. He receiveth the meat of life, and drinketh the cup of eternity, who remaineth in Christ, and whose inhabiter is Christ. For he that is at discord with Christ, doth neither eat his flesh nor drink his blood: although, to the judgement of his presumption, he indifferently doth receive every day the sacrament of so great a thing. Which distinction between the Sacrament and the thing whereof it is a sacrament, (and consequently between the sacramental and the real eating of the body of Christ,) is thus briefly and most excellently expressed by S. Augustine himself, in his exposition upon the sixth of john. c Hujus rei sacramentum de mensâ Dominicâ sumitur; quibusdam ad vitam, quibusdam ad exitium. Res veró ipsa, cujus sacramemtum est, omni homini ad vitam, nulli ad exitium, quicunque ejus particeps fuerit August. in johan. tractat. 26. The sacrament of this thing, is taken from the Lords Table; by some unto life, by some unto destruction: but the thing itself whereof it is a sacrament, is received by every man unto life, and by none unto destruction, that is made partaker thereof. Our conclusion therefore is this: The body and blood of Christ, is received by all unto life, and by none unto condemnation. But that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament, is not received by all unto life, but by many unto condemnation. Therefore that substance which is outwardly delivered in the Sacrament, is not really the body and blood of Christ. The first proposition is plainly proved by the Texts which have been alleged out of the sixth of john. The second is manifest, both by common experience, and by the testimony of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 11. vers. 17, 27, 29. We may therefore well conclude, that the sixth of john is so far from giving any furtherance to the doctrine of the Romanists in this point, that it utterly overthroweth their fond opinion, who imagine the body and blood of Christ to be in such a sort present under the visible forms of bread and wine, that whosoever receiveth the one, must of force also really be made partaker of the other. The like are we now to show in the words of the Institution. For the better clearing whereof, the Reader may be pleased to consider, first, that the words are not; This shall be my body: nor, This is made, or, shall be changed into my body: but, This Is my body. Secondly, that the word THIS, can have relation to no other substance, but that which was then present, when our Saviour spoke that word; which (as we shall make it plainly appear) was Bread. Thirdly, that it being proved that the word This, doth demonstrate the Bread; it must of necessity follow, that Christ affirming that to be his BODY, cannot be conceived to have meant it so to be properly, but relatively and sacramentally. The first of these, is by both sides yielded unto: so likewise is the third. For this is impossible, saith the Gloss d Hoc tamen est impossibile, quòd panis sit corpus Christi. De consecrat. dist. 2. cap 55. Panis est in altari. Gloss. upon Gratian, that bread should be the body of Christ. And it cannot be, saith Cardinal e Non igitur potest fieri, ut vera sit propositio, in quâ sub●ectum supponit pro pane, praedicatum autem pro corpore Christi. Panis enim & corpus Domini res diversissimae sunt. Bellarmin. de Eucharist. lib. 3. cap. 19 Bellarmine, that that proposition should be true, the former part whereof designeth Bread, the latter the Body of Christ: for as much as Bread and the Lords Body be things most adverse. And therefore he confidently affirmeth, f Ibiden scripsi● Lut●erus, verba Evangelistae, Hoc est corpus meum, hunc facere sensum, H●● panis est corpus meum: quae sententia aut accipi debet tropicé, ut panis sit corpus Christi significatiué; aut est plané absurda & impossibilis. nec enim fieri potest ut panis sit corpus Christi. Id. lib. 1. de Eucharist. cap 1. that if the words, This is my body, did make this sense, This bread is my body: this sentence must either be taken tropically, that bread may be the body of Christ significatively; or else it is plainly absurd & impossible for it cannot be, saith he, that bread should be the body of Christ. Doctor g Matth. Kellison, Survey of the new Religion, lib. 8. chap. 7. sect 7. Kellison also in like manner doth freely acknowledge, that If Christ had said, This bread is my body; we must have understood him figuratively and metaphorically. So that the whole matter of difference resteth now upon the second point: whether our Saviour, when he said This is my body, meant any thing to be his Body, but that Bread which was before him. A matter which easily might be determined, in any indifferent man's judgement, by the words immediately going before. He took bread, and gave thanks, and broke, and gave it unto them, saying: This is my body which is given for you; this do in remembrance of me. (Luk. 22.19.) For what did he demonstrate here, and said was his Body, but that which he gave unto his Disciples? What did he give unto them, but what he broke? What broke he, but what he took? and doth not the Text expressly say, that he took bread? Was it not therefore of the Bread, he said; This is my Body? And could Bread possibly be otherwise understood to have been his Body, but as a Sacrament, and (as he himself with the same breath declared his own meaning) a memorial thereof? If these words be not of themselves clear enough, but have need of further exposition: can we look for a better, then that which S. Paul giveth of them, 1. Cor. 10.16. The bread which we break, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? Did not S. Paul therefore so understand Christ, as if he had said; This bread is my body? And if Christ had said so; doth not Kellison confess, and right reason evince, that he must have been understood figuratively? considering that it is simply impossible, that Bread should really be the Body of Christ. If it be said, that S. Paul by Bread, doth not here understand that which is properly Bread, but that which lately was bread (but now is become the body of Christ:) we must remember, that S. Paul doth not only say The bread, but The bread which we break. which breaking, being an accident properly belonging to the bread itself, and not to the body of Christ (which being in glory, cannot be subject to any more breaking) doth evidently show, that the Apostle by Bread understandeth Bread indeed. Neither can the Romanists well deny this, unless they will deny themselves, and confess that they did but dream all this while they have imagined that the change of the bread into the body of Christ, is made by virtue of the sacramental words alone, which have not their effect until they have all been fully uttered. For the Pronoune THIS, which is the first of these words, doth point to something which was then present. But no substance was then present but bread: seeing by their own grounds, the body of Christ cometh not in, until the last word of that sentence, yea and the last syllable of that word, be completely pronounced. What other substance therefore can they make this to signify, but this bread only? In the institution of the other part of the Sacrament, the words are yet more plain, Matth. 26. vers. 27.28. He took the cup, and gave thanks, and gave it to them, saying, Drink ye all of it. For this is my blood of the new Testament: or, (as S. Paul and S. Luke relate it) This cup is the new Testament in my blood. That which he bid them all drink of, is that which he said was his blood. But our Saviour could mean nothing but the Wine, when he said, Drink ye all of it: because this sentence was uttered by him before the words of consecration, at which time our Adversaries themselves do confess, that there was nothing in the cup but wine, or wine and water at the most. It was wine therefore which he said was his blood: even the fruit of the Vine, as he himself termeth it. For as in the delivery of the other cup before the institution of the Sacrament, S. Luke (who alone maketh mention of that part of the history) telleth us, that he said unto his Disciples; h Luk. 22.18. I will not drink of the fruit of the Vine, until the kingdom of God shall come: so doth S Matthew and S. Mark likewise testify, that at the delivery of the Sacramental cup, when he had said, This is my blood of the new Testament, which is shed for many for the remission of sins; he also added: i Matth. 26.29. Mark. 14.25. But I say unto you, I will not drink henceforth of this fruit of the Vine, until that day that I drink it new with you in my Father's kingdom. Now seeing it is contrary both to sense and saith, that Wine or the fruit of the Vine, should really be the blood of Christ; there being that formal difference in the nature of the things, that there is an utter impossibility that in true propriety of speech the one should be the other: nothing in this world is more plain, than when our Saviour said it was his blood, he could not mean it to be so substantially, but sacramentally. And what other interpretation can the Romanists themselves give of those words of the institution in S. Paul? k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1 Cor. 11.25. This cup is the new Testament in my blood. How is the cup, or the thing contained in the cup, the new Testament, otherwise then as a Sacrament of it? Mark how in the like case the Lord himself, at the institution of the first Sacrament of the old Testament, useth the same manner of speech, Genes. 17.10. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gen. 17.10. This is my Covenant, or Testament (for the Greek word in both places is the same:) and in the words presently following, thus expoundeth his own meaning. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (vel, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gen. 17.11 It shall be a SIGN of the Covenant betwixt me and you. And generally for all Sacraments, the rule is thus laid down by S. Augustine, in his Epistle to Bonifacius: n Si enim Sacramenta quandam similitudinem earum rerum quarum sacramenta sunt non haberent, omninò Sacramenta non essent Ex hâc autem similitudine plerumque etiam ipsarum rerum nomina accipiunt. Sicut ergo secundùm quendam modum sacramentum corporis Christi corpus Christi est, sacramentum sanguinis Christi sanguis Christi est; ita-sacramentum fidei fides est. Aug. epist. 23. If Sacraments did not some manner of way resemble the things whereof they are Sacraments, they should not be Sacraments at all. And for this resemblance they do of oftentimes also bear the names of the things themselves. As therefore the Sacrament of the body of Christ, is after a certain manner the body of Christ, and the sacrament of Christ's blood is the blood of Christ; so likewise the sacrament of faith, is faith. By the sacrament of faith he understandeth Baptism; of which he afterward allegeth that saying of the Apostle, Rom. 6.4. We are buried with Christ by baptism into death: and then addeth. o Non ait, Sepulturan significamus: sed prorsus ait, Consepulti sumus. Sacramentum ergo tantae rei non nisi ejusdem rei vocabulo nuncupavit. Id ibid. He saith not, We signify his burial; but he plainly saith, We are buried. Therefore the sacrament of so great a thing he would not otherwise call but by the name of the thing itself. And in his Questions upon Leviticus: p Solet autem res quae significat, ejus rei nomine quam significat nuncupari. sicut scriptum est: Septen spicae, septem anni sunt▪ (non enim dixit; Septem annos significant) &, septem bo●es, septem anni sunt: & multa hujusmodi. Hinc est quod dictum est: Petra erat Christus Non enim dixit, Petra significat Christum; sed tamquam hoc esset, quod utique per substantiam non hoc erat, sed per significationem. Sic & sanguis, quoniam propter vitalem quandam corpulentiam animam significat, in sacramentis anima dictus est Aug. in Levit. quaest 57 The thing that signifieth (saith he) useth to be called by the name of that thing which it signifieth. as it is written: The seven ears of corn, are seven years; (for he said not; they signify seven years:) and the seven Kine are seven years: and many such like. Hence was that saying: The Rock was Christ. For he said not, The Rock did signify Christ; but as if it had been that very thing, which doubtless by substance it was not, but by signification. So also the blood, because for a certain vital corpulency which it hath, it signifieth the soul; after the manner of Sacraments it is called the soul. Our argument therefore out of the words of the institution, standeth thus: If it be true, that Christ called Bread his body, and Wine his blood: then must it be true also, that the things which be honoured with those names, cannot be really his body & blood, but figuratively and sacramentally. But the former is true. Therefore also the latter. The first proposition hath been proved by the undoubted principles of right reason, and the clear confession of the adverse part: the second, by the circumstances of the Text of the Evangelists, by the exposition of S. Paul, and by the received grounds of the Romanists themselves. The conclusion therefore resteth firm: and so we have made it clear, that the words of the Institution do not only not uphold, but directly also overthrow the whole frame of that which the Church of Rome teacheth, touching the corporal presence of Christ under the forms of Bread and Wine. If I should now lay down here all the sentences of the Fathers, which teach that that which Christ called his Body, is Bread in substance, and the Body of the Lord in signification and sacramental relation: I should never make an end. justin Martyr, in his second Apology to Antoninus the Emperor, telleth us, that the bread and the wine, even that q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. justin. Apolog. 2. sanctified food wherewith our blood and flesh by conversion are nourished, is that which we are taught to be the flesh and blood of jesus incarnate. Irenaeus in his 4th book against heresies, saith, that our Lord r Quomodo autem justé Dominus, si alterius patris existit, hujus conditionis, quae est secundùm nos, accipiens panem, suum corpus esse confitebatur; & temperamentum calicis suum sanguinem confirmavit. hen. lib. 4 cap 57 taking bread of that condition which is usual among us, confessed it to be his body: & s Calicem, qui est ex eâ creaturâ quae est secundùm nos, suum sanguinem confessus est. Id lib. 4. cap. 32. the cup likewise containing that creature which is usual among us, his blood. And in his fifth book he addeth: t Eum calicem qui est creatura, suum sanguinem qui effusus est, ex quo auget nostrùm sanguinem; & eum panem qui est á creaturâ, suum corpus confirmavit, ex quo nostra auget corpora. Quando ergo & mixtus calix & fractus panis percipit verbum Dei, fit Eucharistia sanguinis & corporis Christi, ex quibus augetur & consistit carnis nostrae substantia. Id. lib. 5. cap 2. edit. Colon an. 1596. That cup which is a creature, he confirmed to be his blood which was shed, whereby he increaseth our blood; and that bread which is of the creature, to be his body, whereby he increaseth our bodies. Therefore when the mixed cup and the broken bread doth receive the word of God, it is made the Eucharist of the blood and body of Christ, whereby the substance of our flesh is increased and doth consist. Our Lord, saith Clemens Alexandrinus, u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Alexand. Paedagog. lib. 2. cap. 2. did bless wine, when he said; Take, drink, This is my blood, the blood of the Vine. Tertullian: x Acceptum panem & distributum discipulis, corpus suum illum fecit, Hoc est corpus meum dicendo, id est, figura corporis mei. Tertull. advers. Marcian. lib. 4. cap 40. Christ taking bread and distributing it to his Disciples, made it his body, saying, This is my body, that is, the figure of my body. Origen: y Ille cibus qui sanctificatur per verbum Dei, perque obsecrationem, juxta id quod habet materiale, in ventrem abit, & in secessum ejicitur: caeterùm juxta precationem quae illi accessit proportione fidei fit utilis, efficiens ut perspicax fiat animus, spectans ad id quod utile est. Nec materia panis, sed super illum dictus sermo est, qui prodest non indigné Domino comedenti illum. Et haec quidem de typico symbolicóque corpore. Origen. in Matth. cap. 15. That meat which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, as touching the material part thereof goeth into the belly, and is voided into the draught: but as touching the prayer which is added, according to the portion of faith it is made profitable; enlightening the mind, and making it to behold that which is profitable. Neither is it the matter of bread, but the word spoken over it, which profiteth him that doth not unworthily eat thereof. And these things I speak of the typical and symbolical body; saith Origen. In the Dialogues against the Marcionites, collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus (who lived in the time of the Emperors Commodus and Severus) Origen, who is made the chief speaker therein, is brought in thus disputing against the Heretics: z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Orig. Dial. 3. If Christ, as these men say, were without body and blood: of what kind of flesh, or of what body, or of what kind of blood did he give the bread and the cup to be Images of, when he commanded his Disciples by them to make a commemoration of him? S. Cyprian also noteth, a Quâ in parte invenimus calicem mixtum suisse quem Dominus obtulit, & vinum suisse, quod sanguinem sun̄ dixit. Cypr. epist. ●●. sect. 6, that it was Wine, even the fruit of the Vine, which the Lord said was his blood: and that b Nec corpus Domini potest esse fa●ina sola, aut aqua sola; nisi utrumque adunatum fuerit & copulatum, & panis unius compage solidatum. Id. ibid. sect. 10. flower alone, or water alone, cannot be the body of our Lord, unless both be united and coupled together, and kneaded into the lump of one bread. And again; that c Nam quando Dominus corpus suum panem vocat de multorum granorum adunatione congestum; populum nostrum, quem portabat, indicat adunatum: & quando sanguinem suum vinum appellat, de botris atque acinis plurimis expressum atque in unum coactum, gregem item nostrum significat, commixtione adunatae multitudinis copulatum. Id. epist. 76. sect. 4. the Lord calleth bread his body, which is made up by the uniting of many corns: and wine his blood, which is pressed out of many clusters of grapes, and gathered into one liquor. Which I find also word for word in a manner, transcribed in the Commentaries upon the Gospels, attributed unto d Theoph. Antioch. in Evang. lib. 1. pag. 152. tom. 2 Bibliothec. Patr. edit. Colon. Theophilus' Bishop of Antioch. Whereby it appeareth, that in those elder times the words of the institution were no otherwise conceived, then as if Christ had plainly said; This bread is my body, and, This wine is my blood: which is the main thing that we strive for with our Adversaries; and for which the words themselves are plain enough. the substance whereof we find thus laid down in the Harmony of the Gospels, gathered, as some say, by Tatianus, as others, by Ammonius, within the second or the third age after Christ. e Mox acceptopane, deinde vini chalice, corpus esse suum ac sanguinem testatus, manducare illos jussit & bibere; quòd ea sit futurae calamitatis suae mortisque memoria. Ammon. harmony. Evang. tom. 3. Biblioth. Patr. pag. 28. Having taken the bread, then afterward the cup of wine, and testified it to be his body and blood, he commanded them to eat and drink thereof; forasmuch as it was the memorial of his future passion and death. To the Fathers of the first three hundred years, we will now adjoin the testimonies of those that flourished in the ages following. The first whereof shall be Eusebius: who saith that our Saviour f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. lib. 8. Demonstrat. Evangel. in fine cap. 1. delivered to his Disciples the symbols of his divine dispensation, commanding them to make the Image of his own body; and g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. appointing them to use Bread for the symbol of his Body. and that we still h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. l●b. 1. Demonstr. cap. ult. celebrate upon the Lord's table, the memory of his sacrifice, by the symbols of his body and blood, according to the ordinances of the New Testament. Acacius, who succeeded him in his Bishopric, saith that i Panis vinumque ex hâc materiâ vescentes sanctificat. Acac. in Gen. 2. Graec. caten. in Pentate●ch Zephyro interp. the bread and wine sanctifieth them that feed upon that matter: acknowledging thereby, that the material part of those outward elements do still remain. In the Church, saith k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Macar. Egypt. homil. 27. Macarius, is offered bread wine, the type of his flesh and blood: and they which are partakers of the visible bread, do spiritually eat the flesh of the Lord. Christ, saith S. l In typo sanguinis sui non obtulit aquam, sed vinum. Hieronym. lib. 2. advers. jovinian. Hierome, did not offer water, but wine, for the type of his blood. S. Augustine bringeth in our Saviour thus speaking of this matter. m Non hoc corpus quod videtis manducaturi estis, & bibituri illum sanguinem, quem susu●i sunt qui me crucifigent. Sacramentum aliquod vobis commendavi: spiritualiter intellectum vivisicabit vos. Augustin. in Psalm. 98. You shall not eat this body which you see, nor drink that blood which they shall shed that will crucify me. I have commended a certain Sacrament unto you: that being spiritually understood will quicken you. The same Father in another place writeth, that n Adhibuit ad convivium, in quo corporis & sanguinis sui figuram discipulis commendavit & tradidit. Id. in Psal. 3. Christ admitted judas to that banquet, wherein he commended and delivered unto his Disciples the figure of his body and blood: but (as he elsewhere o Illi manducabant panem Dominum: ille panem Domini contra Dominum. Id. in Evang. johan. tract. 59 addeth) they did eat that bread which was the Lord himself; he the bread of the Lord against the Lord. Lastly: the Lord (saith p Non enim Dominus dubitavit dicere, Hoc est corpus meum; cum signum daret corporis sui. August. contr. Adimant. cap. 12. he) did not doubt to say, This is my body; when he gave the sign of his body. So the Author of the Homily upon the 22. Psalm, (among the works of Chrysostome:) q Istam mensam praeparavit servis & ancillis in conspectu corum, ut quotidie in similitudinem corporis & sanguinis Christi, panem & vinum secundùm ordinem Melchisedec, nobis ostenderet in sacramento In Psal 22 Chrysost. tom. 1 This table he hath prepared for his servants and handmaids in their sight: that he might every day, for a similitude of the body and blood of Christ, show unto us in a sacrament bread and wine after the order of Melchisedec. And S. Chrysostome himself, in his Epistle written to Caesarius, against the heresy of Apolinarius: r Sicut enim antequàm sanctificetur panis, panem nominamus: divinâ autem illum sanctificante gratiâ, mediante sacerdote, liberatus est quidem ab appellatione panis, dignus autem habitus est Dominici corporis appellatione, etiamsi natura panis in ipso permansit: & non duo corpora, sed unum Filii corpus praedicatur sic & hîc divinâ i●undante corporis naturâ (vel potius, divinâ naturâ in corpore insidente: Graecé enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hîc legitur▪ in MS. Bibliothecae Florentinae exemplari, unde ist●●ranstulit Perus Martyr) unum filium, unam personam, ●traque haec fecerunt. Chrysost. ad Caesarium monachum. As before the bread be sanctified, we call it bread; but when God's grace hath sanctified it by the means of the Priest, it is delivered from the name of bread, and is reputed worthy the name of the Lords body, although the nature of the bread remain still in it; and it is not called two bodies, but one body of God's son: so likewise here, the divine nature residing in the body of Christ, these two make one son, and one person. In the self same manner also do Theodoret, Gelasius, and Ephraemius proceed against the Eutychian heretics. Theodoret for his part, layeth down these grounds. That our Saviour s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theod. dialog. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fol. 8. edit. Rom. ann. 1547. in the delivery of the mysteries called bread his body, and that which was mixed (in the cup) his blood. That t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. he changed the names; and gave to the body the name of the symbol or sign, and to the symbol the name of the body. That he u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. honoured the visible symbols with the name of his body and blood; not changing the nature, but adding grace to nature. And that x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. this most holy food, is a symbol & type of those things whose names it beareth, to wit, of the body and blood of Christ. Gelasius writeth thus: y Certa sacramenta quae sumimus corporis & sanguinis Christi, divina res est, propter quod, & per eadem divinae efficimur consortes naturae; & tamen esse non desinit substantia, vel natura panis & vini. Et certé imago & similitudo corporis & sanguinis Christi, in actione mysteriorum celebrantur. Satis ergo nobis evidenter ostenditur, hoc nobis in ipso Christo Domino sentiendum, quod in ejus imagine profitemur, celebramus, & sumus: ut sicut in hanc, scilicèt in divinam transeant, sancto spiritu perficiente substantiam, permanente tamen in suae proprietate naturae; sic illud ipsum mysterium principale, cujus nobis efficientiam virtutemque veraciter repraesentant, etc. Gelas. de duab. nature. in Christo, contra Eutychen. The sacraments which we receive, of the body and blood of Christ, are a divine thing, by means whereof we are made partakers of the divine nature: and yet the substance or nature of bread and wine doth not cease to be. And indeed the image and the similitude of the body and blood of Christ are celebrated in the action of the mysteries. It appeareth therefore evidently enough unto us, that we are to hold the same opinion of the Lord Christ himself, which we profess, celebrate, and are, in his Image. that as (those Sacraments) by the operation of the holy Spirit, pass into this, that is, into the divine substance, and yet remain in the propriety of their own nature: so that principal mystery itself, whose force and virtue they truly represent, should be conceived to be. namely, to consist of two natures, divine and humane; the one not abolishing the truth of the other. Lastly, Ephraemius the Patriarch of Antioch, having spoken of the distinction of these two natures in Christ, and said, that z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Schottus the jesuit translateth this, & sensibilis essentiae non cognoscitur: which is a strange interpretation, if you mark it) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ephraemius de sacris Antioch●ae legib. lib. 1. in Pho●ij Bibliothecâ, cod. 219. no man having understanding, could say, that there was the same nature of that which could be handled, and of that which could not be handled, of that which was visible, and of that which was invisible; addeth. And even thus, the body of Christ which is received by the faithful, (the Sacrament he meaneth) doth neither depart from his sensible substance, and yet remaineth undivided from intelligible grace. and Baptism, being wholly made spiritual, and remaining one, doth both retain the property of his sensible substance, (of water, I mean) and yet looseth not that which it is made. Thus have we produced evidences of all sorts, for confirmation of the doctrine by us professed touching the blessed Sacrament: which cannot but give sufficient satisfaction to all that with any indifferency will take the matter into their consideration. But the men with whom we have to deal, are so far fallen out with the truth; that neither sense nor reason, neither authority of Scriptures or of Fathers, can persuade them to be friends again with it: unless we show unto them, in what Popes days the contrary falsehood was first devised. If nothing else will give them content: we must put them in mind, that about the time wherein Soter was Bishop of Rome, there lived a cozening companion, called Marcus; whose qualities are thus set out by an ancient Christian, a Vet. author, citatus ab Irenaeo, lib 1. cap. 12 who was famous in those days, though now his name be unknown unto us. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where first he chargeth him to have been an Idolmake●; then he objecteth unto him his skill in Astrology and Magic, by means whereof, and by the assistance of Satan, he laboured with a show of miracles, to win credit unto his false doctrines, amongst his seduced disciples: and lastly he concludeth that his father the Devil had employed him as a forerunner of his antithean craft, or his antichristian deceivableness of unrighteousness, if you will have it in the Apostles language. For he was indeed the Devil's forerunner, both for the b Apoc. 9.20, 21. idolatries and sorceries which afterward were brought into the East, and for those c Apoc. 18.3, 23. Romish fornications and enchantments wherewith the whole West was corrupted, by that man of sin, d 2. Thess. 2.9. whose coming was foretold to be after the working of Satan, with all power and signs, and lying wonders. And that we may keep ourselves within the compass of that particular, which now we have in hand: we find in Irenaeus, that this Arch-heretick made special use of his juggling feats, to breed a persuasion in the minds of those whom he had perverted; that in the cup of his pretended Eucharist, he really delivered them blood to drink. For e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Irenaeus, lib. 1. cap. 9 feigning himself to consecrate the cups filled with wine, and extending the words of Invocation to a great length, he made them to appear of a purple and red colour: to the end it might be thought, that the Grace which is above all things, did distil the blood thereof into that cup by his Invocation. And even according to this precedent we find it fell our afterwards, that the principal and most powerful means whereby the like gross conceit (of the guttural ●ating and drinking of the body and blood of Christ) was at the first fastened upon the multitude, and in process of time more deeply rooted in them, were such delusions and feigned apparitions as these: which yet that great Schooleman himself, Alexander of Hales, confesseth to happen sometimes, either by f Humanâ procuratione, vel fortè diabolicâ operatione. Alex. Halens. Summ. Theolog. part. 4. quaest. 11. memb. 2. artic. 4. sect. 3. ●he procurement of man, or by the operation of the devil. Paschasius Radbertus, who was one of the first letters forward of this doctrine in the West, spendeth a large chapter upon this point: wherein he telleth us, g Nemo, qui Sanctorum vitas & exempla legerit, potest ignorare, quòd saepè haec mystica corporis & sanguinis sacramenta, aut propter dubios, aut certé propter ardentiùs amantes Christum, visibili spécie in agni formâ, aut in carnis & sanguinis colore monstrata sint: quatenùs de se Christus clementer adhuc non credentibus fidem faceret: ita u● dum oblata frangitur, vel offertur hostia, videretur agnus in manibus & crnor in chalice, quasi ex immolatione profluere. ut quod latebat in mysterio, patesceret adhuc dubitantibus in miraculo. Paschas. de corp. & sangu. Dom. cap. 14. that Christ in the sacrament did show himself oftentimes in a visible shape, either in the form of a Lamb, or in the colour of flesh and blood, so that while the host was a breaking or an offering, a Lamb in the Priest's hands, and blood in the Chalice should be seen as it were flowing from the sacrifice, that what lay hid in a mystery, might to them that yet doubted be made manifest in a miracle. And specially in that place he insisteth upon a narration, which he found in gestis Anglorum, (but deserved well to have been put into gesta Romanorum for the goodness of it) of one Ple●gils or Plegilus a Priest; how an Angel showed Christ unto him in the form of a child upon the Altar, whom first he took into his arms and kissed, but eat him up afterwards, when he was returned to his former shape again. Whereof arose that jest which Berengarius was wont to use: h Speciosa certé pax nebulonis; ut cui o●is praebuerat basium, dentium inferret exitium. Guilielm. Malmesbur. de gestis Reg. Anglor. lib. 3. This was a proper peace of the knave indeed, that whom he had kissed with his mouth, he would devour with his teeth. But there are three other tales of singular note; which though they may justly strive for winning of the Whetstone with any other, yet for their antiquity have gained credit above the rest: being devised, as it seemeth, much about the same time with that other of Plegilus, but having relation unto higher times. The first was had out of the English Legends too, as i Io Diac. vit. Greg. lib. 2. cap. 41. johannes Diaconus reporteth it in the life of Gregory the first: of a Roman Matron, who found a piece of the sacramental bread turned into the fashion of a finger, all bloody, which afterwards, upon the prayers of S. Gregory, was converted to his former shape again. The other two were first coined by the Grecian liars, and from them conveyed unto the Latins, and registered in the book which they called Vitas patrum: which being commonly believed to have been collected by S. k Sanctus Hieronymus presbyter, ipsas Sanctorum Patrum Vitas Latino edidit sermone. Paschas. Radbert. in epist. ad Frudegard. Consul libros Carolinos, de Imaginib. lib. 4. cap. 11. Hierome, and accustomed to be read ordinarily in every Monastery; gave occasion of further spread, and made much way for the progress of this mystery of iniquity. The former of these is not only related there, l Inter sententias Patrum, áe P●●agio Roman●e ecclesiae d●acono Latiné versas, libel. ●8. cui ●i●●lus de Providentiâ vel Proevidentiâ: sive, ut in P●o●ij ●iblio●hecâ habetur, ●od. 98. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. but also in the Legend of Simeon Metaphrastes, (which is such another author among the Grecians, as jacobus de Voragine was among the Latins) in the m Tom. 4. Surij, pag 257. edit. Colon an. 1573. life of Arsenius: how that a little child was seen upon the Altar, and an Angel cutting him into small pieces with a knife, and receiving his blood into the Chalice, as long as the Priest was breaking the bread into little parts. The latter, is of a certain jew, receiving the Sacrament at S. Basils' hands, converted visibly into true flesh and blood: which is expressed by Cyrus Theodorus Prodromus, in this Tetrastich. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But the chief author of the fable was a cheating fellow, who, n Nomen Amphilochii ad mentiendum accepit. Baron. tom 4. an. 369. sect. 43. that he might lie with authority, took upon him the name of Amphilochius, S. Basils' companion, and set out a book of his life o Scatens mendaciis, Id. ibid. an. 363. sect. 55. fraught with leasings: as Cardinal Baronius himself acknowledgeth. S. Augustine's conclusion therefore may here well take place. p Removean●ur ista vel figmenta mendacium hominum, vel portenta fallacium spirituum. Aut enim non sunt vera quae dicuntur, aut si haereticorum aliqua mira facta sunt, magis cavere debemus: quòd cum dixisset Dominus quosdam futuros esse fallaces, qui nonnulla signa faciendo etiam electos si fieri posset fallerent; adjecit vehementer commendans, & ait, Ecce praedixi vobis. August. de unitat. Eccles. cap. 16. Let these things be taken away, which are either fictions of lying men, or wonders wrought by evil spirits. For either there is no truth in these reports, or if there be any strange things done by heretics, we ought the more to beware of them: because, when the Lord had said, that certain deceivers should come, who by doing of some wonders should seduce (if it were possible) the very elect, he very earnestly commended this unto our consideration, and said; Behold, I have told you before. yea and added a further charge also, that if these impostors should say unto us of him, q Matt. 24.26. Behold he is in secret closerts, we should not believe it: which whether it be appliable to them who tell us, that Christ is to be found in a Pixe, and think that they have him in safe custody under Locke and Key; I leave to the consideration of others. The thing which now I would have further observed, is only this; that, as that wretched heretic who first went about to persuade m●n by his lying wonders, that he really delivered wine unto them in the cup of the Eucharist, was censured for being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an Idol-maker· so in after ages, from the Idolmakers and Image-worshippers of the East it was, that this gross opinion of the oral eating and drinking of Christ in the Sacrament, drew it first breath; r Rom. 1.27, 28. God having for their idolatry, justly given them up unto a reprobate mind, that they might receive that recompense of their error which was meet. The Pope's name in whose days this fell out, was Gregory the second: the man's name who was the principal setter of it abroach, was s Damascen. Orthodox. sid. lib. 4. cap. 14. john Damascen; one that laid the foundation of school-divinity among the Greeks, as Peter Lombard afterwards did among the Latins. On the contrary side, they who opposed the Idolatry of those times, and more especially the CCCXXXVIII. Bishops assembled together at the Council of Constantinople, in the year 754. maintained, that Christ t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. chose no other shape or type under heaven to represent his incarnation by, but the Sacrament; which u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. he delivered to his ministers for a type and a most effectual commemoration thereof; x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. commanding the substance of bread to be offered, which did not any way resemble the form of a man, that so no occasion might be given of bringing in Idolatry. which bread they affirmed to be the body of Christ, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, (as they themselves expound it) y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. a holy and z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. So a little after it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. a true image of his natural flesh. These assertions of theirs are to be found in the a Concil. gener. tom. 3. pag. 599.600. edit Rom. third Tome of the sixth Action of the second Council of Nice, assembled not long after for the reestablishing of Images in the Church. where a pratchant deacon, called Epiphanius, to cross that which those former Bishops had delivered, confidently avoucheth that none of the Apostles, nor of the Fathers, did ever call the Sacrament an image of the body of Christ. He confesseth indeed that some of the Fathers (as Eustathius expounding the Proverbs of Solomon, and S. Basil in his Liturgy) do call the bread and wine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, correspondent types or figures, before they were consecrated: b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. pag. 601. but after the consecration (saith he) they are called, and are, and believed to be the body and blood of Christ properly. where the Popes own followers, who of late published the Acts of the general Counsels at Rome, were so far ashamed of the ignorance of this blind Bayard; that they correct his boldness with this marginal note. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. in margin. The holy gifts are oftentimes found to be called antitypes, or figures correspondent, after they be consecrated: as by Gregory Nazianz. in the funeral Oration upon his sister, and in his Apology; by Cyrill of jerusalem in his fifth Cateches. Mystagogic. and by others. And we have already heard, how the author of the Dialogues against the Marcionites, and after him Eusebius and Gelasius, expressly call the Sacrament an image of Christ's body: howsoever this peremptory Clerk denieth, that ever any did so. By all which it may easily appear, that, not the oppugners, but the defenders of Images, were the men who first went about herein to alter the language used by their forefathers. Now as in the days of Gregory the third this matter was set afoot by Damascen in the East: so about a hundred years after, in the Papacy of Gregory the fourth, the same began to be propounded in the West, by means of one Amalarius, who was Bishop, not (as he is commonly taken to be) of Triers, but of Mets first, and afterwards of Lions. This man writing doubtfully of this point; otherwhiles followeth the doctrine of S. Augustine, d Amalar. de Ecclesiastic. office, lib. 1. cap. 24. that Sacraments were oftentimes called by the names of the things themselves, and so the Sacrament of Christ's body was secundùm quendam modum, after a certain manner the body of Christ: otherwhiles maketh it a part of his e Hic credimus naturam simplicem panis & vini mixti, verti in naturam rationabilem, scilicèt corporis & sanguinis Christi. Id. li. 3. cap. 24. belief, that the simple nature of the bread and wine mixed, is turned into a reasonable nature, to wit, of the body and blood of Christ. But what should become of this body, after the eating thereof, was a matter that went beyond his little wit: and therefore, said he, f Ita veró sumptum corpus Domini bonâ intention, non est mihi disputandum utrùm invisibiliter assumatur in coelum, aut reservetur in corpore nostro usque in diem sepulturae, aut exhaletur in auras, aut exeat de corpore cum sanguine, aut per os emittatur; dicente Domino, Omne quod intrat in os in ventrem vadit & in secessum emittitur. Idem, in epistolâ ad Guitardum, MS. in Biblioth. Colleg. S. Benedict. Cantabrig. cod. 55. when the body of Christ is taken with a good intention, it is not for me to dispute, whether it be invisibly taken up into heaven, or kept in our body until the day of our burial, or exhaled into the air, or whether it go out of the body with the blood, (at the opening of a vein) or be sent out by the mouth; our Lord saying, that every thing which entereth into the mouth goeth into the belly, and is sent forth into the draught. For this, and another like foolery de g Id. de Ecclesiastic. office lib. 3. cap. 35. triformi & tripartito corpore Christi, of the three parts or kinds of Christ's body (which seem to be those ineptiae de tripartito Christi corpore, that Paschasius in the end of his Epistle intreateth Frudegardus not to follow:) he was censured in a h Florus in Acts Synod. Carisiac. MS. apud N. Ranchinum, in Senatu Tolosan● Regium Consiliarium. Vid. Phil. Morn. de Miss. lib. 4. cap. 8. Synod held at Carisiacum: wherein it was declared by the Bishops of France, that i Panis & vinum efficitur spiritualiter corpus Christi. etc. Mentis ergo est cibus iste, non ventris: nec corrumpitur, sed permanet, in vitam aeternam. Ibid. the bread and wine are spiritually made the body of Christ; which being a meat of the mind, and not of the belly, is not corrupted, but remaineth unto everlasting life. These dotages of Amalarius, did not only give occasion to that question propounded by Heribaldus to Rabanus, whereof we have spoken k Supr. pag. 16. heretofore; but also to that other of far greater consequence: Whether that which was externally delivered & received in the sacrament, were the very same body which was borne of the Virgin Mary, & suffered upon the Cr●sse, & rose again from the Grave. Paschasius Radbertus (a Deacon of those times, but somewhat of a better and more modest temper then the Greek Deacon showed himself to be of) held that it was the ve●ie same; and to that purpose wrote his book to Placidus, of the Body & Blood of our Lord: wherein (saith a jesuit) l Genuinun Ecclesiae Catholicae sensum ita primus explicuit, ut viam caeteris aperuerit, qui de eodem argumento multi postea scripsere. jac. Sirmond. in vitâ Radberti. he was the first that did so explicate the true sense of the Càtholick Church, (his own Roman he meaneth) that he opened the way to those many others, who wrote afterwards of the same argument. Rabanus on the other side, in a writing directed to Abbot Egilo, maintained the contrary doctrine: as hath before been noted. Then one Frudegardus, reading the third book of S. Augustin de doctrinâ Christianâ, and finding there, that the eating of the flesh and drinking of the blood of Christ was a figurative manner of speech, began somewhat to doubt of the truth of that which formerly he had read in that foresaid Treatise of Paschasius: which moved Paschasius to write again of the same argument, as of a question wherein he confesseth m Quaeris enim de re ex quâ multi dubitant and again. Quamvis multi ex hoc dubitent, quomodo ille integer manet, & hoc corpus Christi & sanguis ●sse possit. Paschas. epist. ad Frudegard. many were then doubtful. But neither by his first nor by his second writing was he able to take these doubts out of men's minds: and therefore Carolus Calvus the Emperor, being desirous to compose these differences, and to have unity settled among his subjects, required Ratrannus (a learned man of that time, who lived in the Monastery of Corbey, whereof Paschasius was Abbat) to deliver his judgement touching these points. n Quod in Ecclesiâ ore fidelium sumitur corpus & sanguis Christi, quaerit vestrae magnitudinis excellentia, in mysterio fiat, an in veritate, etc. & utrùm ipsum corpus sit, quod de Mariâ natum est, & passum, mortuum & sepultum, quodque resurgens & coelos ascendens, ad dextram Patris consideat? Ratrann. sive Bertram. in lib. de corp. & sangu. Dom. edit. Colon. ann. 1551. pag. 180. Whether the body and blood of Christ which in the Church is received by the mouth of the faithful, be celebrated in a mystery or in the truth; and whether it be the same body, which was born of Mary, which did suffer, was dead and buried, & which rising again and ascending into heaven sitteth at the right hand of the Father? Whereunto he returneth this answer: that o Panis ille vinumque, figuraté Christi corpus & sanguis existit. Ibid. pag. 183. the bread and the wine are the body and blood of Christ figuratively; that p Nam secundùm creaturarum substantiam quod fuerunt ante consecrationem, hoc & posteà consistunt. Ib. pag. 105. for the substance of the creatures, that which they were before consecration, the same are they also afterward; that q Dominicum corpus & sanguis Dominicus appellantur; quoniam ejus sumunt appellationem, cujus existunt sacramentum. Ibid. pag. 200. they are called the Lords body and the Lords blood, because they take the name of that thing, of which they are a sacrament; & that r Videmus itaque multâ differentiâ separari mysterium sanguinis & corporis Christi, quod nunc á fide●ibus sumitur in Ecclesiâ, & illud quod natum est de Mariâ virgine, quod passum, quod sepultum, quod resurrexit, quod coelos ascendit, quod ad dextram Patris sedet. Ibid. pag. 222. there is a great difference betwixt the mystery of the blood and body of Christ, which is taken now by the faithful in the Church, and that which was borne of the Virgin Mary, which suffered, which was buried, which rose again, which sitteth at the right hand of the Father. All which he proveth at large, both s Animadvertat (clarissime Princeps) sapientia vestra, quòd positis sanctarum Scripturarum testimoniis, & sanctorum Patrum dictis evidentissimé monstratum est; quòd panis qui corpus Christi, & calix qui sanguis Christi appellatur, figura sit, quia mysterium: & quòd non parva differentia sit inter corpus quod per mysterium existit, & corpus quod passum est, & sepultum, & resurrexit. Ibid. pag. 228. by testimonies of the holy Scriptures, and by the sayings of the ancient Fathers. Whereupon Turrian the jesuit is driven for pure need, to shift off the matter with this silly interrogation. t Caeterùm, Bertramum ci●are, quid aliud est, quam dicere, haeresim Calvini non esse novam? Fr. Turrian. de Eucharist. contra Volanum, lib. 1. cap. 22. To cite Bertram (so Ratrannus is more usually named) what is it else, but to say, that the heresy of Calvin is not new? As if these things were alleged by us for any other end, then to show, that this way which they call heresy is not new, but hath been trodden in long since, by such as in their times were accounted good and Catholic teachers in the Church. That since they have been esteemed otherwise, is an argument of the alteration of the times, and of the conversion of the state of things: which is the matter that now we are enquiring of, and which our Adversaries (in an evil hour to them) do so earnestly press us to discover. The Emperor Charles, unto whom this answer of Ratrannus was directed, had then in his Court a famous countryman of ours, called johannes Scotus: who wrote a book of the same argument, and to the same effect that the other had done. This man for his extraordinary learning, was in England (where he lived in great account with King Alfred) surnamed john the wise: and had very lately a room in the u Martyrolog. Rom. IV. ID. Novemb. edit. An●uerp. ann. 15●6. martyrologue of the Church of Rome, though now he be ejected thence. We find him indeed censured by the Church of Lions and others in that time, for certain opinions which he delivered touching God's foreknowledge and predestination before the beginning of the world, Man's freewill and the concurrence thereof with Grace in this present world, and the manner of the punishment of reprobate Men & Angels in the world to come: but we find not any where, that his book of the Sacrament was condemned, before the days of ˣ Lanfranc; who was the first that leavened that Church of England afterward with this corrupt doctrine of the carnal presence. Till then, this question of the real presence continued still in debate: and it was as free for any man to follow the doctrine of Ratrannus or johannes Scotus therein, as that of Paschasius Radbertus, which since the time of Satan's losing, obtained the upper hand. Men have often searched, and do yet often search, how bread that is gathered of corn; and through fires heat baked, may be turned to Christ's body; or how wine that is pressed out of many grapes is turned, through one blessing, to the Lords blood: saith y Homilia Paschalis, Anglo-Saxonicé impressa Londini, per Io. Daium: & MS. in publicâ Cantabrigiensis Academiae Bibliothecâ. Aelfrick Abbot of Malmesburie, in his Saxon Homily, written about 650. years ago. His resolution is not only the same with that of Ratrannus, but also in many places directly translated out of him: as may appear by these passages following, compared with his Latin laid down in the margin. z Ille panis qui per Sacerdotis ministerium Christi corpus efficitur, aliud exteriùs humanis sensibus ostendit, & aliud interiùs fidelium mentibus clamat. Exteriùs quidem panis, quod antè fuerat, forma praetenditur, colour ostenditur, sapor accipitur: hast interiùs Christi corpus ostenditur. Ratrann. sive Bertram. de corp. & sangu. Dom. pag. 182. The bread and the wine which by the Priest's ministry is hallowed, show one thing without to men's senses, and another thing they call within to believing minds. Without they be seen bread & wine both in figure and in taste: and they be truly after their hallowing Christ's body and his blood by spiritual mystery. a Consideremus fontem sacri baptismatis, qui fons vitae non immerito nuncupatur. etc. In eo si consideretur solummodo quod corporeus aspicit sensus, elementum fluidum conspicitur, corruptioni subjectum, nec nisi corpora lavandi potentiam obtinere. Sed accessit sancti Spiritus per Sacerdotis consecrationem virtus; & efficax facta est non solùm corpora verumetiam animas diluere, & spirituales sordes spirituali potentiâ dimovere. Eccè in uno eodemque elemento, duo videmus inesse sibi resistentia. etc. Igitur in proprietate humor corruptibilis, in mysterio veró virtus sanabilis. Sic itaque Christi corpus & sanguis superficie tenus considerata, creatura est, mutabilitati corruptelaeque subjecta: si mysterii veró perpendis virtutem, vita est, participantibus se tribuens immortalitatem Ibid. pag. 187 188. So the holy font water that is called the wellspring of life, is like in shape to other waters, and is subject to corruption: but the holy Ghosts might cometh to the corruptible water through the Priest's blessing; and it may after wash the body and soul from all sin, by spiritual virtue. Behold now we see two things in this one creature: in true nature that water is corruptible moisture, and in spiritual mystery hath healing virtue. So also if we behold that holy housel after bodily sense, then see we that it is a creature corruptible and mutable. If we acknowledge therein spiritual virtue, then understand we that life is therein, and that it giveth immortality to them that eat it with belief. b Multâ differentiâ separantur, corpus in quo passus est Christus, et hoc corpus quod in mysterio passionis Christi qu●tidiè à fid●libus celebratur abide. pag. 212. & 22●. Much is betwixt the body Christ suffered in, and the body that is hallowed to housel. c Illa namque caro quae c●ucifixa est, de Virgins carne facta est, ossibus & nervis compacta, & humanorum membrorum lineamentis distincta, rationalis animae spiritu vivificata in propriam vitam & congruentes motus. At veró caro spiritualis, quae populum credentem spiritualiter pascit, secundùm speciem quam gerit exteriùs, frumenti granis manu artificis consistit, nullis nervis ossibusque compacta, nullâ membrorum varietate distincta, nullâ rationali substantiâ vegetata, nullos proprios potens motus exercere. Quicquid enim in eâ vitae praebet substantiam, spiritualis est potentiae, & invisibilis efficientiae, divinaeque vi●tutis. Ibid. pag. 214. The body truly that Christ suffered in, was borne of the flesh of Mary, with blood and with bone, with skin and with sinews, in humane limbs, with a reasonable soul living: and his spiritual body, which we call the housel, is gathered of many corns, without blood and bone, without limb, without soul; and therefore nothing is to be understood therein bodily, but spiritually. Whatsoever is in that housel, which giveth substance of life, that is spiritual virtue, and invisible doing. d Corpus Christi quod mortuum est & resurrexit, & immortal factum, jam non moritur, & mors illi ultrà non dominabitur, aeternum est, nec jam passibile. Hoc autem quod in Ecclesiâ celebratur, temporale est, non aeternum; corruptibile est, non incorruptum, etc. dispartitur ad sumendum, & dentibus commolitum, in corpus trajicitur. Ibid. pag. 216.217. Certainly Christ's body which suffered death and rose from death, shall never dye henceforth, but is eternal and unpassible. That housel is temporal, not eternal, corruptible & dealed into sundry parts, chewed between teeth and sent into the belly. e Et hoc corpus, pignus est & species: illud veró ipsa veritas. Hoc enim geritur, donec ad illud perveniatur: ubi veró ad illud perventum fuerit, hoc removebitur. Ib. pag. 222. This mystery is a pledge and a figure: Christ's body is truth itself. This pledge we do keep mystically, until that we be come to the truth itself; and then is this pledge ended. Christ hallowed bread and wine to housel before his suffering, and said: This is my body & my blood. f Videmus nondum passum esse Christum, etc. Sicut ergo paulò antequàm pateretur, panis substantiam & vini creaturam convertere potuit in proprium corpus quod passurum erat, & in suum sanguinem qui pòst fundendus extabat: sic etiam in deserto manna & aquam de petrâ in suam carnem & sanguinem convertere praevaluit etc. Ibid. pag. 193. Yet he had not then suffered: but so notwithstanding he turned through invisible virtue, the bread to his own body, and that wine to his blood: as he before did in the wilderness, before that he was borne to men, when he turned that heavenly meat to his flesh, and the flowing water from that stone to his own blood. g Manducavit & Moses manna, manducavit & Aaron, manducavit & Phinees, manducaverunt ibi multi qui Deo placuerunt; & mortui non sunt. Quare? Quia visibilem cibum spiritualiter intellexerunt, spiritualiter esurierunt, spiritualiter gustaverunt, ut spiritualiter satiarentur. Ibid. pag. 217. ex August. in Evang. johan. tractat. 26. Moses and Aaron, and many other of that people which pleased God, did eat that heavenly bread, and they died not the everlasting death, though they died the common. They saw that the heavenly meat was visible and corruptible: and they spiritually understood by that visible thing, and spiritually received it. This Homily was appointed publicly to be read to the people in England, on Easter day, before they did receive the communion. The like matter also was delivered to the Clergy by the Bishops at their Synods; out of two other writings of the same h Impress. Londini cum Homiliâ Paschali: & MS. in publicâ Oxoniensis Academiae Bibliothecâ▪ & Colleg. S. Benedict. Cantabrig. Aelfrick: in the one whereof, directed to Wulfsine Bishop of Shyrburne, we read thus. That housel is Christ's body, not bodily but spiritually. Not the body which he suffered in, but the body of which he spoke, when he blessed bread and wine to housel the night before his suffering; and said by the blessed bread, This is my body: and again by the holy wine, This is my blood which is shed for many in forgiveness of sins. In the other, written to Wulfstane Archbishop of York, thus. The Lord which hallowed housel before his suffering, and saith that the bread was his own body, and that the wine was truly his blood; halloweth daily by the hands of the Priest, bread to his body and wine to his blood in spiritual mystery, as we read in books. And yet notwithstanding that lively bread is not bodily so, nor the self same body that Christ suffered in: nor that holy wine is the Saviour's blood which was shed for us, in bodily thing, but in spiritual understanding. Both be truly, that bread his body, and that wine also his blood, as was the heavenly bread, which we call Manna, that fed forty years' Gods people; and the clear water, which did then run from the stone in the wilderness, was truly his blood: as Paul wrote in one of his Epistles. Thus was Priest and people taught to believe, in the Church of England, toward the end of the tenth, and the beginning of the eleventh age after the Incarnation of our Saviour Christ. And therefore it is not to be wondered, that when Berengarius shortly after stood to maintain this doctrine, i Sigebert. Gemblac. & Guiliel. Nangiac. in Chron. an. 1051. Conrade. Bruwilerens. in vitâ Wolphelmi, apud Surium, April. 22. many both by word and writing disputed for him: and not only the English, but also all the French almost & the Italians (as k Flor. histor. ann. 1087. Matthew of Westminster reporteth) were so ready to entertain that which he delivered. Who though they were so borne down by the power of the Pope (who now was grown to his height) that they durst not make open profession of that which they believed: yet many continued, even there where Satan had his throne, who privately employed both their tongues and their penns in defence of the truth; as out of Zacharias Chrysopolitanus, Rupertus Tuitiensis, and others I have l De Christian. Eccles. success. & stat. edit. ann. 1613. pag. 190.191.192. et 208. elsewhere showed. Until at length, in the year 1215. Pope Innocent the third, in the Council of Lateran, published it to the Church for an oracle: that m Cujus corpus & sanguis in sacramento altaris sub speciebus panis & vini veraciter continentur; transsubstantiatis pane in corpus, & vino in sanguinem potestate divinâ. Concil. Lateran. cap. 1. the body and blood of jesus Christ are truly contained under the forms ●f bread and wine; the bread being transsubstantiated into the body, and the wine into the blood, by the power of God. And so are we now come to the end of this controversy: the original and progress whereof I have prosecuted the more at large, because it is of greatest importance, the very life of the Mass and all massing Priests depending thereupon. But this prolixity shall be some ways recompensed by the briefer handling of the points following: the next whereof is that OF CONFESSION. Our Challenger here telleth us, that the Doctors, Pastors and Fathers of the primitive Church, exhorted the people to confess their sins unto their ghostly fathers. And we tell him again, that by the public order prescribed in our Church, before the administration of the holy Communion, the Minister likewise doth exhort the people, that if there be any of them, which cannot quiet his own conscience, but requireth further comfort or counsel; he should come to him, or some other discreet and learned Minister of God's word, and open his grief: that he may receive such ghostly counsel, advice and comfort, as his conscience may be relieved; and that by the ministry of God's word he may receive comfort, and the benefit of absolution, to the quieting of his conscience, and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness. Whereby it appeareth, that the exhorting of the people to confess their sins unto their ghostly fathers, maketh no such wall of separation betwixt the ancient Doctors and us, but we may well for all this be of the same religion that they were of: and consequently, that this doughty Champion hath more will than skill to manage controversies, who could make no wiser choice of points of differences to be insisted upon. Be it therefore known unto him, that no kind of Confession, either public or private, is disallowed by us, that is any way requisite for the due execution of that ancient power of the Keys which Christ bestowed upon his Church: the thing which we reject, is that new picklock of Sacramental Confession, obtruded upon men's consciences, as a matter necessary to salvation, by the Canons of the late Conventicle of Trent. where those good Fathers put their curse upon every one, that either shall a Si quis negaverit Confessionem sacramentalem vel institutam, vel ad salutem necessariam esse jure divino: etc. Anathema sit. Concil. Trident. Sess. 14. Can. 6. deny, that Sacramental confession was ordained by divine right, and is by the same right necessary to salvation: or shall b Si quis dixerit, in sacramento Poenitentiae ad remissionem peccatorum necessarium non esse jure divino, confiteri omnia & singula peccata mortalia, quorum memoria cum debitâ & diligenti praemeditatione habeatur, etiam occulta & quae sunt contra duo ultima Decalogi praecepta, & circumstantias quae peccati speciem mutant: sed eam confessionem tantùm esse utilem ad erudiendum & consolandum poenitentem, & olim observatam fuisse tantùm ad satisfactionem canonicam imponendam; &c Anathema sit. Ibid. can. 7. affirm, that in the Sacrament of Penance it is not by the ordinance of God necessary for the obtaining of the remission of sins, to confess all and every one of those mortal sins, the memory whereof by due and diligent premeditation may be had; even such as are hidden and be against the two last Commandments of the Decalogue, together with the circumstances which change the kind of the sin; but that this confession is only profitable to instruct and comfort the penitent, and was anciently observed only for the imposing of Canonical satisfaction. This doctrine, I say, we cannot but reject: as being repugnant to that which we have learned both from the Scriptures and from the Fathers. For in the Scriptures we find, that the confession which the penitent sinner maketh to God alone, hath the promise of forgiveness annexed unto it: which no Priest upon earth hath power to make void, upon pretence that himself or some of his fellows were not first particularly acquainted with the business. c Psalm. 32.5. I acknowledged my sin unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid: I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord; and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. And lest we should think that this was some peculiar privilege vouchsafed to d 2. Sam. 23.1. the man who was raised upon high, the Anointed of the God of jacob: the same sweet Psalmist of Israel doth presently enlarge his note, and inferreth this general conclusion thereupon. e Psalm. 32.6. For this shall every one that is godly prey unto thee, in a time when thou mayest be found. King Solomon, in his prayer for the people at the dedication of the Temple, treadeth just in his Father's steps. If they turn (saith f 2. Chronic. 6.37.39. 1. Kin. 8.47, 50. he) and pray unto thee in the land of their captivity, saying; We have sinned, we have done amiss, and have dealt wickedly: if they return to thee with all their heart, and with all their soul; etc. forgive thy people, which have sinned against thee, all their transgressions wherein they have transgressed against thee. And the poor g Luk. 18.13, 14. Publican putting up his supplication in the Temple accordingly [God be merciful to me a sinner,] went back to his house justified; without making confession to any other ghostly Father, but only h Hebr. 12.9. the Father of Spirits. of whom S. john giveth us this assurance: that i 1. joh. 1.9. if we confess our sins, he is faithful and just, to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness. Which promise, that it appertained to such as did confess their sins unto God, the ancient Fathers were so well assured of: that they cast in a manner all upon this Confession, and left little or nothing to that which was made unto man. Nay, they do not only leave it free for men, to confess or not confess their sins unto others (which is the most that we would have:) but some of them also seem, in words at least, to advise men not to do it at all; which is more than we seek for. S. Chrysostome of all others is most copious in this argument: some of whose passages to this purpose, I will here lay down. k Nunc autem neque necessarium praesentibus testibus confiteri: cogitation fiat delictorum exquisitio, absque teste sit hoc judicium. Solus te Deus confitentem videat. Chrysost. homil. de Penitent. & Confession. tom. 5 edit. Latin. col. 901. edit. Basil. an. 1558. It is not necessary (saith he) that thou shouldest confess in the presence of witnesses: let the inquiry of thy offences be made in thy thought, let this judgement be without a witness; let God only see thee confessing. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. circa finem homiliae 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the incomprehensib. Dei nature. tom. 6. edit. Graec. D. Hen. Savil. pag. 424. & tom. 5. pag 262.263. Therefore I entreat and beseech and pray you, that you would continually make your confession to God. For I do not bring thee into the theatre of thy fellow servants, neither do I constrain thee to discover thy sins unto men: unclasp thy conscience before God, and show thy wounds unto him, and of him ask a medicine. Show them to him that will not reproach, but heal thee. For although thou hold thy peace, he knoweth all. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in epist. ad Hebr. cap 12. homil. 31. tom. 4. Savil. pag. 589. Let us not call ourselves sinners only, but let us recount our sins, and repeat every one of them in special. I do not say unto thee, Bring thyself upon the stage, nor, Accuse thyself unto others: but I counsel thee to obey the Prophet, saying, Reveal thy way unto the Lord. Confess them before God, confess thy sins before the judge; praying, if not with thy tongue, yet at least with thy memory: and so look to obtain mercy. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Psalm. 50. hom. 2. tom. 1. Savil. pag. 708. But thou art ashamed to say, that thou hast sinned. Confess thy faults then daily in thy prayer. For do I say; Confess them to thy fellow-servant, who may reproach thee therewith? Confess them to God, who healeth them. For, although thou confess them not at all, God is not ignorant of them. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. homil. 4. de Lazaro, tom. 5. Savil. pag. 258. Wherefore then, tell me, art thou ashamed & blushest to confess thy sins? For dost thou discover them to a man, that he may reproach thee? Dost thou confess them to thy fellow servant, that he may bring thee upon the stage? To him who is thy Lord, who hath care of thee, who is kind, who is thy physician, thou showest thy wound. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id ibid. I constrain thee not, saith he, to go into the midst of the theatre, and to make many witnesses of the matter. Confess thy sin to me alone in private, that I may heal thy sore, and free thee from grief. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad pop. Antiochen. homil 2●. ●om. 6. Savil. pag. 608. And this is not only wonderful, that he forgiveth us our sins, but that he neither discovereth them, nor maketh them open and manifest, nor constraineth us to come forth in public and disclose our misdemeanours; but commandeth us to give an account thereof unto him alone, and unto him to make confession of them. Neither doth S. Chrysostome here walk alone. That saying of S. Augustine is to the same effect: r Quid mihi ergo est cum hominibus ut audiant confessiones meas, quasi ipsi sanaturi sint omnes languores meos? Aug. Confess. lib. 10. cap. 3. What have I to do with men, that they should hear my confessions, as though they should heal all my diseases? and that collection of S. Hilary upon the two last verses of the 52 Psalm, s Confessionis autem caussam addidit, dicens: Quia fecisti. au●orem scilicèt universitatis hujus Dominum esse confessus; nulli alii docens consitendun, quam qui fecit Olivam fructife●am spei mise●icordia in seculum seculi. H. lar. in Psal. 51 that David there teacheth us to confess to no other but unto the Lord, who hath made the Olive fruitful with the mercy of hope (or, the hope of mercy) for ever and ever. and that advise of Pinuphius the Egyptian Abbot (which I find also inserted amongst the t Antiqu. lib. Canon. 66. titulorum, MS. in Bibliot●ecâ Cottoni●nà. Canons collected for the use of the Church of England, in the time of the Saxons; under the title, De poenitentiâ soli Deo confitendâ:) u Quis est qui non possit suppliciter dicere? Peccatum meum cognitum tibi feci, & in●ustitiam meam non operui ut per hanc con●essionem etiam illud confidenter subjungere mereatur: Et tu remisisti impietatem cordis mei. Quòd si verecundiâ retrahente revelare ea coram hominibus erubescis, illi quem latere non possunt, confiteri ea jugi supplicatione non desinas, ac dicere [Iniquitatem meam ego cognosco, & peccatum meum contra me est semper: tibi soli peccavi, & malum coram te feci:] qui & absque ullius verecundiae publicatione curare, & sine improperio peccata donare consuevi●. Io. Cassiar. Collat. 20 cap 8 Who is it that cannot humbly say? I made my sin known unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid. that by this confession he may confidently adjoin that which followeth: And thou forgavest the impiety of my heart. But if shamefastness do so draw thee back, that thou blushest to reveal them before men: cease not by continual supplication to confess them unto him from whom they cannot be hid, and to say [I know mine iniquity, and my sin is against me always; To thee only have I sinned, and done evil before thee] whose custom is, both to cure without the publishing of any shame, and to forgive sins without upbraiding. S. Augustine, Cassiodor, and Gregory make a further observation upon that place of the 32 Psalm: I said, I will confess my transgressions unto the Lord; and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin. that God upon the only promise and purpose of making this confession, did forgive the sin. Mark (saith x Attend quanta sit indulgentiae vitalis velocitas, quan●a misericordiae Dei commendatio: ut confitentis desiderium comitetur venia, antequàm ad cruciatum perveniat poenitentia; antè remissio ad cor perveniat, quam confessio in vocem ●rumpat. Gregor. exposit. 2. Psal. Poenit●ntia al. Gregory) how great the swiftness is of this vital Indulgence, how great the commendation is of God's mercy; that pardon should accompany the very desire of him that is about to confess, before that repentance do come to afflict him; and remission should come to the heart, before that confession did break forth by the voice. So S. Basil, upon those other words of the Psalmist, I have roared by reason of the disquietness of my heart; (Psalm. 38.8.) maketh this paraphrase. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. in Psalm. 37. I do not confess with my lips, that I may manifest myself unto many. but inwardly in my very heart, shutting mine eyes, to thee alone who seest the things that are in secret, do I show my groans, roaring within myself. For the groans of my heart sufficed for a confession, and the lamentations sent to thee my God from the depth of my soul. And as S. Basil maketh the groans of the heart to be a sufficient confession so doth S. Ambrose the tears of the penitent. Tears (saith z Lavant lachrymae delictum, quod voce pudor est confiteri. Et veniae fletus consulunt, & verecundiae: lachrymae sine horrore culpam loquuntur; lachrymae crimen sine offensione verecundiae confitentur. Ambros. lib. 10. commentar. in Luc. cap. 22. he) do wash the sin, which the voice is ashamed to confess. Weeping doth provide both for pardon and for shamefastness: tears do speak our fault without horror, tears do confess our crime without offence of our shamefastness from whence, he that glosseth upon Gratian (who hath inserted these words of S. Ambrose into his collection of the Decrees) doth infer; that a Vnde etsi propter pudorem nolit quis confiteri; solae lachrymae delent peccata. Gloss. de Poenit. distinct 1. cap. 2. Lachrymae if for shame a man will not confess, tears alone do blot out his sin. Maximus Taurinensis followeth S. Ambrose herein almost verbatim. The tear (saith b Lavat lachryma delictum, quod voce pudor est confiteri. Lachrymae ergo verecundiae consulunt pariter & saluti; nec erubescunt in petendo, & impetrant in rogando. Maxim. homil. de Penitent. Petri. Tom. 5. Biblioth. Pat●. part. 1. pag. 21. edit. Colon. he) washeth the sin, which the voice is ashamed to confess. Tears therefore do equally provide both for our shamefastness and for our health: they neither blush in ask, and they obtain in requesting. Lastly Prosper, speaking of sins committed by such as are in the ministry, writeth thus c Deum sibi faciliùs placabunt illi, qui non humano convicti judicio, sed ultrò crimen agnoscunt: qui aut propriis illud confessionibus produnt, aut nescientibus aliis quales occulti sunt, ipsi in se voluntari●e excommunicationis sententiam ferunt, & ab altari cui ministrabant, non animo sed officio separati, vitam tanquam mortuam plangunt; certi, quòd reconciliato sibi efficacis poenitentiae fructibus Deo, non solùm amissa recipiant, sed etiam cives supernae civitatis effecti, ad gaudia sempiterna perveniant. Prosper, de vitâ contemplatiuâ, lib 2. cap. 7. They shall more easily appease God, who being not convicted by humane judgement, do of their own accord acknowledge their offence: who either do discover it by their own confessions, or others not knowing what they are in secret, do themselves give sentence of voluntary excommunication upon themselves, and being separated (not in mind, but in office). from the Altar to which they did minister, do lament their life as dead; assuring themselves, that God being reconciled unto them by the fruits of effectual repentance, they shall not only receive what they have lost, but also being made citizens of that city which is above, they shall come to everlasting joys. By this it appeareth, that the ancient Fathers did not think, that the remission of sins was so tied unto external confession, that a man might not look for salvation from God, if he concealed his faults from Man: but that inward contrition, and confession made to God alone, was sufficient in this case. Otherwise, neither they nor we do debar men from opening their grievances unto the Physicians of their souls: either for their better information in the true state of their disease, or for the quieting of their troubled consciences, or for receiving further direction from them out of God's word, both for the recovery of their present sickness and for the prevention of the like danger in time to come. d Si peccavero, etiam in quocunque minuto peccato, & consumit me cogitatio mea, & arguit me, dicens: Quare peccâsti? quid faciam? Respondit senex: Quacunque horâ ceciderit homo in culpam, & dixerit ex cord, Domine Deus peccavi, indulge mihi; mox cessabit cogitationis vel tristitiae illa consumptio, Respons. Patr. Egypt. á Pas●hasio diacono Latiné verse. cap. 11. If I shall sin, although it be in any small offence, and my thought do consume me, and accuse me, saying; Why hast thou sinned? what shall I do? said a brother once to Abbot Arsenius. The old man answered: Whatsoever hour a man shall fall into a fault, and shall say from his heart, Lord God I have sinned, grant me pardon; that consumption of thought or heaviness shall cease forthwith. And it was as good a remedy as could be prescribed for a green wound: to take it in hand presently, to present it to the view of our heavenly Physician, e Novit omnia Dominus, sed expectat vocem tuam; non ut puniat, sed ut ignoscat: non vult ut insultet tibi Diabolus, & celantem peccata tua arguat. Praeveni accusatorem tuum: si te ipse accusaveris, accusatorem nullum timebis. Ambr. de Poenitent. lib. 2. cap. 17. to prevent Satan by taking his office (as it were) out of his hand, and f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. LXX. in Esa. 43.26. & Proverb 18 17. accusing ourselves first, that we may be justified. But when it is not taken in time, but suffered to fester and rankle; the cure will not now prove to be so easy: it being found true by often experience, that the wounded conscience will still pinch grievously, notwithstanding the confession made unto God in secret. At such a time as this then, where the sinner can find no ease at home, what should he do but use the best means he can to find it abroad? Is g jerem. 8.22. there no balm in Gilead? is there no physician there? No doubt but God hath provided both the one and the other, for recovering of the health of the daughter of his people: and S. james hath herein given us this direction. h jam. 5.16. Confess your faults one to another, and pray one for another, that ye may be healed. According to which prescription, Gregory Nyssen, toward the end of his Sermon of Repentance, useth this exhortation to the sinner. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Greg. Nyssen. de Penitent. in Operun Appendice, edit. Paris. an. 1618. pag. 175.176. Be sensible of the disease, wherewith thou art taken, afflict thyself as much as thou canst. Seek also the mourning of thy entirely affected brethren, to help thee unto liberty. Show me thy bitter and abundant tears, that I may also mingle mine therewith. Take likewise the Priest for a partner of thine affliction, as thy Father. For who is it that so falsely obtaineth the name of a father, or hath so adamantine a soul, that he will not condole with his sons lamenting? Show unto him without blushing the things that were kept close: discover the secrets of thy soul, as showing thy hidden disease unto thy physician. He will have care both of thy credit and of thy cure. It was no part of his meaning to advise us, that we should open ourselves in this manner unto every hedge-priest; as if there were a virtue generally annexed to the order, that upon confession made and absolution received from any of that rank, all should be strait made up: but he would have us communicate our case both to such Christian brethren, and to such a ghostly father, as had skill in physic of this kind, and out of a fellow-feeling of our grief, would apply themselves to our recovery. Therefore, saith Origen, k Tantummodò circumspice diligentiùs, cui debeas confiteri peccatum tuum Proba prius medicum, cui debeas caussam languoris expone●e, qui sciat infirmari cum infirmante, fle●e cum flente, qui condolendi & compatiendi noverit disciplinam: ut ita demùm si quid ille dixerit, qui se prius & eruditum medicum ostenderit & mise●icordem, si quid consilii dederit, facias, & sequaris Origen. in Psal. 37. homil. 2. look about thee diligently, unto whom thou oughtest to confess thy sin. Try first the physician, unto whom thou oughtest to declare the cause of thy malady, who knoweth to be weak with him that is weak, to weep with him that weepeth, who understandeth the discipline of condoling and compassionating: that so at length, if he shall say any thing, who hath first showed himself to be both a skilful physician and a merciful, or if he shall give any counsel, thou mayest do and follow it. For, as S. Basil well noteth, l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. in Regul. breviorib. resp. 229. the very same course is to be held in the confession of sins, which is in the opening of the diseases of the body. As men therefore do not discover the diseases of their body to all, nor to every sort of people, but to those that are skilful in the cure thereof: even so ought the confession of our sins be made, unto such as are able to cure them; according to that which is written. Ye that are strong, bear the infirmities of the weak, that is, take them away by your diligence. He requireth care and diligence in performance of the cure: being ignorant (good man) of that new compendious method of healing, invented by our Roman Paracelsians, whereby a man m Secundùm Archiepisc. imò sanctum Thomam, & alios Theologos, in confession fit quis de attrito contritus, virtute clavium. Summa Sylvestrina: the Confess Sacramental. ca 1. sect. 1. in confession of attrite is made contrite by virtue of the keys; that the sinner need put his ghostly father to no further trouble than this. Speak the word only, and I shall be healed. And this is that Sacramental confession, devised of late by the Priests of Rome: which they notwithstanding would feign father upon S. Peter, from whom the Church of Rome (as they would have us believe) received this instruction. n Quòd si fortè alicujus cor vel livor, vel infidelitas, vel aliquod malum latenter irrepserit; non erubescat, qui animae suae curam gerit, confiteri haec huic qui prae est, ut ab ipso per verbum Dei & consilium salubre curetur. Clem. epist. 1. that if envy, or infidelity, or any other evil did secretly creep into any man's heart, he who had care of his own soul should not be ashamed to confess those things unto him who had the oversight over him; that by God's word and wholesome counsel, he might be cured by him. And so indeed we read in the apocryphal epistle of Clement, pretended to be written unto S. james the brother of our Lord: where in the several editions of Crab, Sichardus, Venradius, Surius, Nicolinus, and Binius, we find this note also laid down in the margin; Nota de confession sacramentali, Mark this of sacramental confession. But their own o Maldonat. Disputat. de Sacrament, tom. 2. de Confessionis origine cap. 2. Maldonat would have taught them, that this note was not worth the marking: forasmuch as the proper end of sacramental confession, is the obtaining of remission of sins, by virtue of the keys of the Church; whereas the end of the confession here said to be commended by S. Peter, was the obtaining of counsel out of God's word for the remedy of sins. which kind of medicinal confession we well approve of, and acknowledge to have been ordinarily prescribed by the ancient Fathers for the cure of secret sins. For as for notorious offences, which bred open scandal, private confession was not thought sufficient: but there was further required public acknowledgement of the fault, & the solemn use of the keys for the reconciliation of the penitent. p Si peccatum ejus non solùm in gravi ejus malo, sed etiam in tanto scandalo est aliorum, atque hoc expedire utilitati Ecclesiae videtur Antistiti, in notitiâ multorum, vel etiam totius plebis agere poenitentiam non recuset, non resistat, non lethali & mortiferae plagae per pudorem addat tumorem. August. in lib. de Poenitentiâ: quae postrema est homilia ex 50. in 10. Tom. If his sin do not only redound to his own evil, but also unto much scandal of others, and the Bishop thinketh it to be expedient for the profit of the Church, let him not refuse to perform his penance in the knowledge of many or of the whole people also, let him not resist, let him not by his shamefastness add swelling to his deadly and mortal wound: saith S. Augustine. and more largely in another place; where he meeteth with the objection, of the sufficiency of internal repentance, in this manner. q Nemo sibi dicat, Occulté ago, apud Deum ago; novit Deus qui mihi ignoscit, quia in cord ago. Ergo sine caussâ dictum est: Quae solveritis in terrâ, soluta erunt in coelo? Ergo sine caussâ sunt claves datae Ecclesiae Dei? Frustramus Evangelium Dei: frustramus verba Christi? Promittimus vobis quod ille negat? Nónne vos decipimus? job dicit: Si erubui in conspectu populi confiteri peccata mea. Talis justus thesauri divini obryzi, tali camino probatus, ista dicit: & resistit mihi filius pestilentiae, & erubescit genu figere sub benedictione Dei? Quod non erubuit Imperator, erubescit nec senator, sed tantùm curialis? Superba cervix, mens tortuosa. fortassis, imò quod non dubitatur, proptereà Deus v●luit ut Theodosius Imperator ageret poenitentiam publicam in conspectu populi, maximé quia peccatum ejus celari non potuit: & erubescit Senator, quod non erubuit Imperator? erubescit nec Senator, sed tantùm curialis, quod non erubuit Imperator? Erubescit plebeius sive negotiator, quod non erubuit Imperator? Quae ista superbia est? Nónne sola sufficeret gehennae, etiamsi adulterium nullum esset. Id. hom. 49. ex 50. ca 3. Let no man say unto himself: I do it secretly, I do it before God; God who pardoneth me doth know, that I do it in my heart. Is it therefore said without cause; Whatsoever you shall lose on earth, shall be loosed in heaven? Are the keys therefore without cause given unto the Church of God? Do we frustrate the Gospel of God? do we frustrate the words of Christ? Do we promise that to you which he denieth you? Do we not deceive you? job saith: If I was abashed to confess my sins in the sight of the people. So just a man of God's rich treasure, who was tried in such a furnace, saith thus: and doth the child of pestilence withstand me, and is ashamed to bow his knee under th● blessing of God? That which the Emperor was not ashamed to do, is he ashamed of, who is not as much as a Senator, but only a simple Courtier? O proud neck, o crooked mind! perhaps, nay it is not to be doubted, it was for this reason God would that Theodosius the Emperor should do public penance in the sight of the people, especially because his sin could not be concealed: and is a Senator ashamed of that, whereof the Emperor was not ashamed? is he ashamed of that who is no Senator, but a Courtier only, whereof the Emperor was not ashamed? Is one of the vulgar sort, or a trader ashamed of that, whereof the Emperor was not ashamed? What pride is this? Were not this alone sufficient to bring them to hell, although no adultery had been committed? Thus far S. Augustine, concerning the necessity of public Repentance for known offences: which being in tract of time disused in some places, long after this, the r Concil. Arelat. IV cap 26 & Cabilonens. II. cap. 25. Bishops of France, by the assistance of Charles the great, caused it to be brought in use again, according to the order of the old Canons. Neither is it here to be omitted, that in the time of the more ancient Fathers this strict discipline was not so restrained to the censure of public crimes; but that private transgressions also were sometimes drawn within the compass of it. For whereas at first, public confession was enjoined only for public offences: men afterwards, discerning what great benefit redounded to the penitents thereby, (aswell for the subduing of the stubbornness of their hard hearts, and the furthering of their deeper humiliation; as for their raising up again by those sensible comforts which they received by the public prayers of the Congregation, and the use of the keys) some men, I say, discerning this, and finding their own consciences burdened with the like sins, which being carried in secrecy, were not subject to the censures of the Church; to the end they might obtain the like consolation and quiet of mind, did voluntarily submit themselves to the Church's discipline herein, and undergo the burden of public Confession and Penance. This appeareth by Origen in his second Homily upon the 37 Psalm, Tertullian in his book de Poenitentiâ, chap. 9 S. Cyprian in his Treatise de Lapsis, sect. 23. (or 11. according to Pamelius his distinction) S. Ambrose in his first book de Poenitentiâ, chap. 16. and others. And to the end that this publication of secret faults might be performed in the best manner: some prudent Minister was first of all made acquainted therewith; by whose direction the delinquent might understand what sins were fit to be brought to the public notice of the Church, and in what manner the penance was to be performed for them. Therefore did Origen advise (as we heard) that one should use great care in making choice of a good and skilful physician, to whom he should disclose his grief in this kind. and s Si intellexerit, & praeviderit talem esse languorem tuum qui in conventu totius Ecclesiae exponi debeat, & curari, ex quo for●assis & caeteri aedificari poterunt, & tu ipse facilè sanari: multâ hoc deliberatione, & satis perito medici illius consilio procurandum est. Origen. in Psal. 37. h●mil. 2. if he understand (saith he) and foresee that thy disease is such as ought to be declared in the assembly of the whole Church, and cured there, whereby peradventure both others may be edified, and thou thyself more easily healed; with much deliberation, and by the very skilful counsel of that physician, must this be done. But within a while (shortly after the persecution raised in the days of Decius the Emperor) it was no longer left free to the Penitent to make choice of his ghostly father: but by the general consent of the Bishops it was ordained, that in every Church one certain discreet Minister should be appointed to receive the confessions of such as relapsed into sin after Baptism. This is that addition, which t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Socrat. hist. lib. 5. cap. 19 Socrates in his Ecclesiastical history noteth to have been then made unto the Penitential Canon; and to have been observed by the governor's of the Church for a long time: until at length in the time of Nectarius Bishop of Constantinople (which was about CXL. years after the persecution of Decius) upon occasion of an infamy drawn upon the Clergy by the confession of a Gentlewoman, defiled by a Deacon in that city, it was thought fit it should be abolished, and that u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Socrat. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sozomen. lib. 7. histor. cap. 16. liberty should be given unto every one, upon the private examination of his own conscience, to resort to the holy Communion. Which was agreeable both to the rule of the Apostle, 1. Cor. 11.28. (Let a man examine himself, and so let him eat of that bread and drink of that cup:) and to the judgement of the more ancient Fathers, as appeareth by Clemens Alexandrinus, who accounteth a man's own conscience to be his x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Alexandr. lib. 1. Storm. best director in this case. howsoever our new Masters of y Concil. Trid●t. Sess. 13. Can. 11. Trent have not only determined that sacramental confession must necessarily be premised before the receyving of the Eucharist; but also have pronounced them to be excommunicate ipso facto, that shall presume to teach the contrary. The case then (if these men's censures were aught worth) would go hard with Nectarius, and all the Bishops that followed him; but especially with S. john Chrysostom, who was his immediate successor in the See of Constantinople. for thus doth he expound that place of the Apostle: z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 11. homil. 28. Let every one examine himself, and then let him come. He doth not bid one man to examine another, but every one himself; making the judgement private, and the trial without witnesses. and in the end of his second homily of Fasting (which in others is the eighth de Poenitentiâ) frameth his exhortation accordingly. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. tom. 6. Savil. pag. 837. Within thy conscience, none being present but God who seeth all things, enter thou into judgement and into a search of thy sins, and recounting thy whole life, bring thy sins unto judgement in thy mind: reform thy excesses, and so with a pure conscience draw near to that sacred Table, and partake of that holy sacrifice. Yet in another place he deeply chargeth Ministers, not to admit known offenders unto the Communion. But b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in fine hom. 82 in Matt. ●dit. Graec. vel 83 Latin. if one (saith he) be ignorant that he is an evil person, after that he hath used much diligence therein, he is not to be blamed. for these things are spoken by me of such as are known. And we find both in him, and in the practice of the times following, that the order of public Penance was not wholly taken away; but according to the ancient discipline established by the Apostles in the Church, open offenders were openly censured and pressed to make public confession of their faults. Whereby it is manifest, that the liberty brought in by Nectarius, of not resorting to any Penitentiary, respected the disclosing of secret sins only; such as that foul one was, from whence the public scandal arose, which gave occasion to the repeal of the former Constitution. For to suffer open and notorious crimes, committed in the Church, to pass without control, was not a mean to prevent but to augment scandals; nay the ready way, to make the house of God become a den of thiefs. Two observations more I will add upon this part of the history. The one: that the abrogation of this Canon showeth, that the form of Confession used by the ancient, was Canonical, that is, appertaining to that external discipline of the Church which upon just occasion might be altered; and not Sacramental, and of perpetual right, which is that our Jesuits stand for. The other: that the course taken herein by Nectarius, was not only approved by S. Chrysostome, who succeeded him at Constantinople; but c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 16. generally in a manner by the Catholic Bishops of other places. howsoever the Arrians, and the rest of the sectaries (the Novatians only excepted, who from the beginning would not admit the discipline used in the Church for the reconciliation of Penitents) retained still the former usage. as by the relation of Socrates and Sozomen more fully may appear. And therefore when within some XXI. years after the time wherein they finished their histories, and about LXX. after that the publication of secret offences began to be abolished by Nectarius, certain in Italy did so do their penance, that they caused a writing to be publicly read, containing a profession of their several sins: Leo, who at that time was Bishop of Rome, gave order, that by all means d Ne de singulorum peccatorum genere libellis scripta professio publicé recitetur: cum reatus conscientiarum sufficiat solis sacerdotibus indicari confessione secretâ. Quamvis enim plenitudo fidei videatur esse laudabilis, quae propter Dei timorem apud homines erubescere non veretur: tamen quia non omnium hujusmodi sunt peccata, ut ea, quae poenitentiam poscunt, non timeant publicare, removeatur tam impro babilis consuetudo; ne multi á poenitentiae remediis arceantur, dum aut crubescunt, aut metuunt inimicis suis sua facta referare, quibus possint legum constitutione percelli. Sufficit enim illa confess●o, quae primùm Deo offertur, tum etiam Sacerdoti, qui pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit. Tunc enim demùm plures ad poenitentiam poterunt provocari si populi aur●bus non publicetur conscientia confitentis. Leo, epist. 80. ad Epis●opos Campaniae, Samnij & Pi●●ni. that course should be broken off; forasmuch as it was sufficient, that the guilt of men's consciences should be declared in secret confession to the Priests alone. For although (saith he) the fullness of faith may seem to be laudable, which for the fear of God doth not fear to blush before men: yet because all men's sins are not of that kind, that they may not fear to publish such of them as require repentance, let so inconvenient a custom be removed; lest many be driven away from the remedies of repentance, while either they are ashamed, or afraid to disclose their deeds unto their enemies, whereby they may be drawn within the peril of the laws. For that confession is sufficient, which is offered first unto God, and then unto the Priest, who cometh as an intercessor for the sins of the penitent. For then at length more may be provoked to repentance, if that the conscience of him who confesseth be not published to the ears of the people. By this place of Leo we may easily understand, how upon the removeall of public Confession of secret faults (together with the private made unto the Penitentiary, which was adjoined as a preparative thereunto) Auricular confession began to be substituted in the room thereof: to the end, that by this means more might be drawn on to this exercise of repentance; the impediments of shame and fear, which accompanied the former practice, being taken out of the way. for indeed the shame of this public Penance was such, that in the time of Tertullian (when this discipline was thought most needful for the Church) it was strongly e Plerosque tamen hoc opus ut publicationem sui aut suffugere, aut de die in diem differre, praesumo; pudoris magis memores quam salutis. Tertull. de Poenit cap. 9 presumed, that many did either shun this work as a publication of themselves, or deferred it from day to day, being more mindful (as he saith) of their shame than of their salvation. Nay S. Ambrose observed that f Nam plerique futuri supplicii metu, peccatorum suorum conscii, poenitentiam petunt: & cum acceperint, publicae supplicationis r●vocantur pudore. Hi videntur malorum petisse poenitentiam, agere bonorum, Ambr. de penitent. lib. 2. cap 9 some, who for fear of the punishment in the other world, being conscious to themselves of their sins, did here desire their penance, were yet for shame of their public supplication drawn back, after they had received it. Therefore the conjecture of g Porrò non aliam ob caussam complurium hîc testimoniis usi sumus, quam ne quis admiretur Tertullianum de clanculariâ istâ admissorum confessione nihil locutum: quae, quantum conjicimus, nata est ex istâ Exomologesi per ultroneam hominum pietatem, ut occultorum peccatorum esset & Exomologesis occulta. Nec enim usquàm praeceptam olim legimus. B. Rhenan. argument. in lib. Tertullian. de Penitent. Rhenanus is not to be contemned, that from this public confession, the private took his original: which by Stapleton, (in his Fortress, part. 2. chap. 4.) is positively delivered in this manner. Afterward this open and sharp penance was brought to the private and particular confession now used; principally for the lewdness of the common lay Christians, which in this open confession began at length to mock and insult at their brethren's simplicity and devotion. although it may seem by that which is written by h Si ergo hujusmodi homo memor delicti sui, confitea tur quae commisit, & humanâ▪ confusione parvi pendat eos qui exprobrant eum confitentem, & notant vel irrident: etc. Origen. in Psalm. 37. homil. 2. Origen, that the seeds of this lewdness began to sprout long before; howsoever i Certé periculum ejus tunc si fortè onerosum est, cum penes insultaturos in risiloquio consistit, ubi de alterius ruinâ alter attollitur, ubi prostrato superscenditur. Caeterùm inter fratres atque cons●rvos, ubi communis spes, metus, gaudium, dolour, passio: quid tuos aliud quam te opinaris? Quid consortes casuum tuorum, ut plausores fugis? Non potest corpus de unius membri vexatione laetum agere: Tertullian. de Penitent. cap 9 Tertullian imagined, that no member of the Church would be so ungracious as to commit such folly. The public confession therefore of secret sins being thus abolished, by Nectarius first (for the scandal that came thereby unto others) and by the rest of the Catholic Bishops after him (for the reproach and danger, whereunto the penitents by this means were laid open:) private Confession was so brought in to supply the defect thereof, that it was accounted no more sacramental, nor esteemed (at least generally) to be of more necessity for the obtaining of remission of sins, than that other. So that whatsoever order afterward was taken herein, may well be judged to have had the nature of a temporal law, which, according to the definition of S. Augustine, k Appellemus istam legem, si placet, temporalem, quae quamvis justa sit, commutari tamen per tempora justé potest. August. de lib. arbitr. lib. 1. cap. 6. although it be just, yet in time may be justly also changed. Nay we find that Laurence Bishop of Novaria, in his homily de Poenitentiâ, doth resolutely determine, that for obtaining remission of sins, a man needeth not to resort unto any Priest, but that his own internal repentance is sufficient for that matter: God (saith l Post Baptisma, remedium tuum in teipso statuit, remissionem in arbitrio tuo posuit, ut non quaeras Sacerdotem cum necessitas flagitaverit: sed ipse jam acsi scitus perspicuusque magister, errorem tuum intra te emendes, & peccatum tuum poenitudine abluas La●r. Novar ●om. 6. Biblioth. Patr. part. 1. pag. 337. a edit. Colon. he) after Baptism hath apppointed thy remedy within thyself, he hath put remission in thine own power, that thou needest not seek a Priest when thy necessity requireth; but thou thyself now, as a skilful and plain master, mayest amend thine error within thyself, & wash away thy sin by repentance. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Author homiliae in illud; Quaecunque ligaveritis etc. inter opera Chrysostomi, tom. 7. edit. Savil. pag. 268. He hath given unto thee (saith another, somewhat to the same purpose) the power of binding and losing. Thou hast bound thyself with the chain of the love of wealth; lose thyself with the injunction of the love of poverty. Thou hast bound thyself with the furious desire of pleasures; lose thyself with temperance. Thou hast bound thyself with the misbelief of Eunomius; lose thyself with the religious embracing of the right faith. And, that we may see how variable men's judgements were touching the matter of Confession in the ages following: Bede would have us n In hâc sententiâ illa debet esse discretio; ut quotidiana leviá que pecca●a alteru●um coaequalibus confiteamur, corumque quotidianâ credamus oratione salvari. Porrò gravioris leprae immunditiam juxta legem sacerdoti pandamus, atque ad ejus arbitrium qualiter & quanto tempore jusserit, purificari curemus. Bed. in jacob 5. confess our daily & light sins one unto another, but open the uncleanness of the greater leprosy to the Priest. Alcuinus, not long after him, would have us o Volens dimittere omnia his qui in se peccaverunt, confiteatur omnia peccata sua, quae recordari potest. Alcuin. de divin. offi●. cap 13 in capite jejunii. confess all the sins that we can remember. Others were of another mind. For some (as it appeareth by the writings of the same p Id. epist. 26. Alcuinus and of q Haymo in Evangel. Dominic. 15. post Pentecost. Ite ostendite vos Sacerdotib. Haymo) would not confess their sins to the Priest; but r Dicentes, sibi sussicere, ut soli Deo peccata sua confiteantur; si tantùm ab ipsis peccatis in reliquo cessent. Haymo, ut supra. said, it was sufficient for them that they did confess their sins to God alone, provided always that they ceased from those sins for the time to come. Others confessed their sins unto the Priests, but not fully s Sed & hoc emendatione egere perspeximus, quòd quidam dum confitentur peccata sua sacerdotibus, non plené id faciunt. Concil. C. bilo●. II. cap. 32. : as may be seen in the Council of Cavailon, held in the days of Charles the great where, though the Fathers think that this had need to be amended: yet they freely acknowledge, that it remained still a question, whether men should only confess to God, or to the Priests also; and they themselves put this difference betwixt both those confessions, that the one did properly serve for the cure, the other for direction in what sort the repentance (and so the cure) should be performed. Their words are these. t Quidan solummodò Deo confiteri debere dicunt peccata, quidam veró Sacerdotibus confitenda esse percensent: quod utrumque non sine magno fructu intra sanctam fit Ecclesiam ita duntaxat, ut & Deo, qui remissor est peccatorum, confiteamur peccata nostra, (& cum David dicamus: Delictum meum cognitum tibi feci, & injustitian meam non abscondi, Dixi, Confitebor adversùm me injustitias meas Domino, & tu remisisti impietatem peccati mei.) et secundùm institutionem Apostoli, confiteamur alterutrum peccata nostra, & oremus pro invicem ut salvemur. Confessio itaque quae Deo fit, purgat peccata: ea veró quae Sacerdoti fit, docet qualiter ipsa purgentur peccata. Deus namque salutis & sanitatis author & largitor, plerumque hanc praebet suae potentiae invisibili administratione, plerumque Medicorun operatione. Ibid. cap. 33 Some say, that they ought to confess their sins only unto God, and some think that they are to be confessed unto the Priests: both of which, not without great fruit, is practised within the holy Church. namely thus, that we both confess our sins unto God, who is the forgiver of sins (saying with David: I acknowledged my sin unto thee, and mine iniquity have I not hid. I said, I will confess against myself my transgressions unto the Lord: and thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin.) and according to the institution of the Apostle, confess our sins one unto another, and pray one for another, that we may be healed. The Confession therefore which is made unto God, purgeth sins: but that which is made unto the Priest, teacheth in what sort those sins should be purged. For God the author and bestower of salvation and health, giveth the same sometime by the invisible administration of his power, sometime by the operation of Physicians. This Canon is cited by u Grat. de Poenit. distinct. 1. cap. ult. Quidan Deo. Gratian out of the Penitential of Theodorus Archbishop of Canterbury: but clogged with some unnecessary additions. as when in the beginning thereof it is made the x Quidan Deo solummodò confiteri debere peccata dicunt, ut Graeci: qui dam veró Sacerdotibus confitenda esse percensent, ut tota feré sancta Ecclesia. Ibid. opinion of the Grecians, that sins should be confessed only unto God; and of the rest of the Church, that they should be confessed to Priests. where those words, ut Graeci, in Gratian seem unto Cardinal Bellarmine, y Videtur irrepsisse in textum ex margin: & marginalem annotationem imperiti alicujus fuisse, qui ex facto Nectarii collegit sublatam omnino Confessionem Sacramentalem apud Graecoes. Nam alioqui in ipso capitulari Theodori, unde canon ille descriptus est, non habentur duae illae voces [ut Graeci,] neque etiam habentur in Concilio II. Cabilonensi, c. 33. unde Theodorus Capitulum illud accepisse videtur: sed nec Magister Sentent. in 4. lib. dist. 17. eandem sententiam adducens, addidit illud, [ut Graeci.] Bellarmin. de Penitent. lib. 3. cap. 5. to have crept out of the margin into the text; and to have been a marginal annotation of some unskilful man, who gathered by the fact of Nectarius, that Sacramental Confession was wholly taken away among the Grecians. For otherwise (saith he) in the Capitular itself of Theodorus, whence that Canon was transcribed, those two words [ut Graeci] are not to be had; nor are they also to be had in the second Council of Cavaillon, c. 33. whence Theodorus seemeth to have taken that chapter: neither yet doth the Master of the Sentences, in his 4. book and 17. distinction bringing in the same sentence, add those words [ut Graeci.] But the Cardinal's conjecture of the translating of these words out of the margin into the text of Gratian, is of little worth: seeing we find them expressly laid down in the elder collections of the Decrees, made by z Burchard. Decret. lib. 19 cap. 145. Burchardus and a Ivo Decret. part. 15. cap. 155. Ivo; from whence it is evident that Gratian borrowed this whole chapter, as he hath done many a one beside. For as for the Capitular itself of Theodorus, whence the Cardinal too too boldly affirmeth that Canon was transcribed; as if he had looked into the book himself: we are to know, that no such Capitular of Theodorus is to be found: only Burchardus and Ivo, (in whom, as we said, those controverted words are extant) setteth down this whole chapter as taken out of Theodors Penitential, & so misguided Gratian. for indeed in Theodorus his Penitential (which I did lately transcribe out of a most ancient copy kept in Sir Robert Cottons Threasurie) no part of that chapter can be seen: nor yet any thing else tending to the matter now in hand, this short sentence only excepted. Confessionem suam Deo soli, si necesse est, licebit agere. It is lawful, that Confession be made unto God alone, if need require. And to suppose as the Cardinal doth that Theodorus should take this chapter out of the second Council of Cavaillon: were an idle imagination▪ seeing it is well known that Theodore died Archbishop of Canterbury in the year of our Lord 690: and the Council of Cavaillon was held in the year 813. that is, 123. years after the others death. The truth is; he who made the additions to the Capitularia of Charles the great and Ludovicus Pius, (gathered by Ansegisus and Benedict) translated this Canon out of that Council into his b Ad. lit. 3. cap. 31. edit. Pi●●ae●, & Lindenbrogij. Collection: which Bellarmine, as it seemeth, having someway heard of, knew not to distinguish between those Capitularia, and Theodors Penitential. being herein as negligent, as in his allegation of the fourth book of the Sentences: where the Master doth not bring in this sentence at all, but having among other questions propounded this also for one, c Vtrum sufficiat peccata confiteri soli Deo, an op●rteat confiteri Sacerdoti Quibusdam visum est sufficere, si soli Deo fiat confessio sine judicio Sacerdotali & confession ecclesiae. quia David dixit; Dixi Confitebor Domino, etc. non ait, Sacerdoti: & tamen remissum sibi peccatum dicit. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Senten● dist. 17. Whether it be sufficient that a man confess his sins to God alone, or whether he must confess to a Priest; doth thereupon set down the diversity of men's opinions touching that matter, and saith, that unto some it seemed to suffice, if confession were made to God only without the judgement of the Priest or the confession of the Church. because David said; I said, I will confess unto the Lord: he saith not, Unto the Priest; and yet he showeth that his sin was forgiven him. For in these points, as the same author had before noted, d In his enim etiam docti diversa s●ntire inveniuntur: quia super his varia ac pené adversa tradidisse videntur doctores. Ibid. even the learned were found to hold diversely: because the Doctors seemed to deliver divers and almost contrary judgements therein. The divers sentences of the Doctors touching this question, whether external confession were necessary or not, are at large laid down by Gratian: who in the end, leaveth the matter in suspense, and concludeth in this manner. e Quibus auctoritatibus, vel quibus rationum firmamentis utraque sententia innitatur, in medium breviter exposuimus. Cui autem harum potius adhaerendum sit, lectoris judicio reservatur. Vtraque enim fautores habet sapientes, & religiosos viros, De P●●ie. dist. 1. cap. 29▪ Quamvis. Upon what authorities, or upon what strength of reasons both these opinions are grounded, I have briefly laid open. But to whether of them we should rather cleave to, is reserved to the judgement of the reader. For both of them have for their favourers both wise and religious men. And so the matter rested undetermined 1150. years after Christ: howsoever the Roman Correctors of Gratian do tell us, that now the case is altered, and that f Certissimum est. & pro certissimo habendum peccati mortalis necessariam esse confessionem sacramentalem eo modo, ac tempore adhibitan, quo in Concilio Tridentino post alia Concilia est constitutum. Rom. C●rrect. ibid. it is most certain, and must be held for most certain, that the sacramental confession of mortal sins is necessary, used in that manner, and at such time, as in the Council of Trent after other Counsels it is appointed. But the first Council, wherein we find any thing determined touching this necessity, is that of Lateran under Innocent the III. wherein we heard that Transubstantiation was established▪ for there it was ordained, that g Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquàm ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter saltem semel in anno proprio sacerdoti; & injunctam sibi poenitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere, suscipiens reverenter ad minùs in Pascha Eucharistiae sacramentum: etc. alioquin & vivens ab ingressu Ecclesiae arceatur, & moriens Christianâ careat sepulturâ. Concil. Lateran. cap 21. Omnis utriusque sexus sidelis, every faithful one of either sex, being come to years of discretion, should by himself alone, once in the year at least, faithfully confess his sins unto his own Priest; and endeavour according to his strength to fulfil the penance enjoined unto him, receiving reverently at least at Easter the sacrament of the Eucharist: otherwise, that both being alive he should be kept from entering into the Church, and being dead should want Christian burial. Since which determination, Thomas Aquinas (in his exposition of the text of the fourth book of the Sentences, distinct. 17.) holdeth h Magister & Gratianus hoc pro opinione ponunt Sed nunc post determinationem Ecclesiae sub Inn. 111. factam, haeresis reputanda est. Thom. the denial of the necessity of Confession unto salvation to be heresy: which before that time (saith Bonaventure, in his disputations upon the same fourth book) was not heretical, forasmuch as many Catholic Doctors did hold contrary opinions therein, as appeareth by Gratian. But Medina will not admit by any means, i Ideò dicendum, quòd praesata assertio non est stricté haeresis, sed sapit haeresim. Io. Medina. tractat. 2. the Confession, quaest. 4. that it should be accounted strictly heresy: but would have it said, that it savours of heresy. and for this decree of Confession to be made once in the year, he saith k Nam illud, quod illic dicitur de confessione semel in anno, non procedit declarando, nec divinum jus interpretando, sed potius tempus confitendi instituendo. Id. ibid. quaest· 2. that it doth not declare nor interpret any divine right of the thing, but rather appointeth the time of confessing. Durand thinketh that it may be said, that this statute containeth l In quo praemittitur exhortatio sancta & salubris de confession faciendâ, & subjungitur praeceptum de perceptione Eucharistiae vallatum poenâ. Durand. in lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 17. quaest. 14. an holy and wholesome exhortation of making confession, and then adjoineth a precept of the receiving of the Eucharist backed with a penalty: or if both of them be precepts, that m Et ob hoc posset rationabiliter videri alicui, quòd praedicta poena illius statuti respicit solum praeceptum de communione de cujus transgressione constare potest, & non praeceptum de confession. Id. ibid. the penalty respecteth only the precept of communicating (of the transgression whereof knowledge may be taken) and not the precept of confession, of the transgression whereof the Church can take no certain notice, and therefore can appoint no certain penalty for it. But howsoever; this we are sure of, that the Canonists afterward held no absolute necessity of obedience to be required therein, as unto a Sacramental institution ordained by Christ for obtaining remission of sins; but a Canonical obedience only, as unto an useful constitution of the Church. And therefore where Gratian in his first distinction de Poenitentiâ, had in the 34. chapter and the three next following, propounded the allegations which made for them who held, n Vnde datur intelligi, quòd etiam ore tacente, veniam consequi possumus. De Poenit. dist. 1. cap. 34. Convertimini. Vid. initium eiusd. distinct. & Glossam. ibid. verb. Sunt enim. that men might obtain pardon for their sins without any oral confession of them; and then proceeded to the authorities which might seem to make for the contrary opinion: johannes Semeca at the beginning of that part, upon those words of Gratian, Alij é contrario tes●antur, putteth too this Gloss. o Ab hoc loco usque ad sect. His auctoritatib. pro aliâ parte allegat, quòd scilicèt adulto peccati● non dimittitur sine oris confession. quod tamen falsum est G●oss. From this place until the section His auctoritatib. he allegeth for the other part, that sin is not forgiven unto such as are of years, without confession of the mouth which yet is false: saith he. But this free dealing of his did so displease Friar Manrique, who by the command of Pius Quintus, set out a censure upon the Glosses of the Canon law; that he gave direction these words, which yet is false, should be clean blotted out. which direction of his notwithstanding, the Roman Correctors under Gregory the XIII. did not follow: but letting the words still stand, give them a check only with this marginal annotation. p Imó verissimum sine confessione in voto non dimitti peccatum. Rom. Correct. ibid. in marg. Nay it is most true, that without confession, in desire at least, the sin is not forgiven. In like manner, where the same Semeca holdeth it to be the better opinion, that Confession was q Meliùs dicitur ea● institutam fuisse à quadam universalis Ecclesiae traditione, potius quam ex novi v●l veteris Testamenti auctoritate, Gloss. de Poenitent. init. distinct. 5. In poenitentia. ordained by a certain tradition of the universal Church, rather than by the authority of the new or old Testament, and inferreth thereupon, that it is r Ergo necessaria est confessio in mortalibus apud nos, apud Graecoes non: quia non emanavit apud illos traditio talis Ibid. necessary among the Latins, but not among the greeks, because that tradition did not spread to them: Friar Manrique commandeth all that passage to be blotted out, but the Roman Correctors clap this note upon the margin for an antidote. s Imò confessio est instituta à Domino, & est omnibus post Baptismum lapsis in mortale peccatum, tam Graecis quam Latinis, jure divino necessaria. Rom. Correct. ibid. in marg. Nay confession was ordained by our Lord, and by God's Law is necessary to all that fall into mortal sin after Baptism, as well Greeks as Latins. and for this they quote only the 14. Session of the Council of Trent: where that opinion is accursed in us, which was held two or three hundred years ago by the men of their own religion. among whom, t Michael Angrianus in Psal. 29. Michael of Bononia (who was Prior general of the order of the Carmelites in the days of Pope Vrban the sixth) doth conclude strongly out of their own received grounds; that confession is not necessary for the obtaining of the pardon of our sin: and Panormitan the great Canonist, u Multùm mihi placet illa opinio: quia non est aliqua authoritas aperta, quae innuat Deum seu Christum aperté instituisse confessionem fiendam Sacerdoti. Panorm. in 5. Decretal. de Poenit. & remiss. cap. 12. Omnis utriusque. sect. 18. professeth that the opinion of Semeca doth much please him, which referreth the original of Confession to a general tradition of the Church: because (saith he) there is not any clear authority, which showeth that God or Christ did clearly ordain that Confession should be made unto a Priest. Yea, x Omnes juris Pontificii periti, secuti primum suum Interpretem, dicunt Confessionem tantùm esse introductam jure Ecclesiastico. Maldonat. Disp. de Sacrament. Tom. 2. the Confess. orig. cap. 2. all the Canonists, following their first Interpreter, say that Confession was brought in only by the law of the Church, and not by any divine precept: if we will believe Maldonat. who addeth notwithstanding, that y Sed tamen haec opinio, aut jam declarata est satis tanquam haeresis ab Ecclesiâ; aut faceret Ecclesia operae pretium, si declararet esse haeresim. Id. ibid. de praecepto Confess. cap 3. this opinion is either already sufficiently declared by the Church to be heresy, or that the Church should do well if it did declare it to be heresy. And we find indeed, that in the year of our Lord 1479. (which was 34. years after the death of Panormitan) by a special commission directed from Pope Sixtus the fourth unto Alfonsus Carillus Archbishop of Toledo, one Petrus Oxomensis, professor of Divinity in the University of Salamanca, was driven to abjure z Quòd confessio de peccatis in specie suerit ex aliquo statuto universalis Ecclesiae, non de jure divino. Congregat. Complutens. sub Alfonso Carillo: apud Ca●ranzam in Summâ Concil. sub Sixto IU. this conclusion, which he had before delivered as agreeable to the common opinion of the Doctors; that confession of sins in particular was grounded upon some statute of the universal Church, and not upon divine right. and when learned men for all this would not take warning, but would needs be meddling again with that which the Popish Clergy could not endure should be touched, (as johannes de Selva, among others, in the end of his treatise de jurejurando; Erasmus in divers of his works, and Beatus Rhenanus in his argument upon Tertullians' book de Poenitentiâ:) the fathers of Trent within 72. years after that, conspired together to stop all men's mouths with * Concil. Trident. S●ss. 14. Can. 6. an anathema, that should deny sacramental confession to be of divine institution or to be necessary unto salvation. And so we are come to an end of that point. OF THE PRIEST'S POWER TO FORGIVE SINS. FRom Confession we are now to proceed unto Absolution: which it were pity this man should receive, before he made confession of the open wrong he hath here done, in charging us to deny that Priests have power to forgive sins. whereas the very formal words, which our Church requireth to be used in the ordination of a Minister, are these: a The form of ordering of Priests. Whose sins thou dost forgive, they are forgiven; and whose sins thou dost retain, they are retained. And therefore if this be all the matter, the Fathers and we shall agree well enough: howsoever this makebate would feign put friends together by the ears, where there is no occasion at all of quarrel. For we acknowledge most willingly, that the principal part of the Priest's ministry is exercised in the matter of forgiveness of sins: the question only is of the manner how this part of their function is executed by them, and of the bounds and limits thereof, which the Pope and his Clergy for their own advantage have enlarged beyond all measure of truth and reason. That we may therefore give unto the Priest the things that are the Priests, and to God the things that are Gods; & not communicate unto any creature the power that properly belongeth to the Creator, who b Esai. 48.11. will not give his glory unto another: we must in the first place lay this down for a sure ground, that to forgive sins properly, directly, and absolutely, is a privilege only appertaining unto the most High. ay, saith he of himself, even I am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine own sake, and will not remember thy sins. (Esai. 43.25.) Who is a God like unto thee, that pardoneth iniquity? saith the Prophet, Micah 7.18. which in effect is the same with that of the Scribes: (Mark. 2.7. and Luk. 5.21.) Who can forgive sins, but God alone? And therefore when David saith unto God; Thou forgavest the iniquity of my sin: (Psalm. 32.5.) Gregory surnamed the great (the first Bishop of Rome of that name) thought this to be a sound paraphrase of his words. c Tu qui solus parcis, qui solus peccata dimittis. Quis enim potest peccata dimittere, nisi solus Deus? Gregor. exposit. 2. Psalmi Poenittential. Thou, who alone sparest, who alone forgivest sins. For who can forgive sins but God alone? He did not imagine that he had committed any great error in subscribing thus simply unto that sentence of the Scribes: and little dreamt that any petty Doctors afterwards would arise in Rome or Rheims, who would tell us a fair tale; that d Rhemists, annot. in Matt. 9.6. the faithless jews thought, as Heretics now adays, that to forgive sins was so proper to God, that it could not be communicated unto man; and that e Rich. Hopkins, in the Memorial of a Christ. life, pag. 179. edis, ann. 1612. true believers refer this to the increase of God's honour, which miscreant jews and Heretics do account blasphemy against God, and injurious to his Majesty. whereas in truth the faithlesness of the jews consisted in the application of this sentence unto our Saviour Christ, whom they did not acknowledge to be God; as the senslesness of these Romanists, in denying of the axiom itself. But the world is come unto a good pass, when we must be accounted heretics now adays, and consorted with miscreant jews, for holding the self same thing that the Fathers of the ancient Church delivered as a most certain truth, whensoever they had any occasion to treat of this part of the history of the Gospel. Old Irenaeus telleth us, that our Saviour in this place f Peccata igitur remittens, hominem quidem curavit, semetipsum autem manifesté ostendit quis esset. Si enim nemo potest remittere peccata, nisi solus Deus; remittebat autem haec Dominus, & curabat homines: manifestum est, quoniam ipse erat Verbum Dei, Filius hominis factus, &c., & quomodo homo compassus est nobis, tanquam Deus misereatur nostri, & remittat nobis debita nostra, quae factori nostro debemus Deo. Irenaeus advers. haeres. lib. 5. cap. 17. forgiving sins, did both cure the man, and manifestly discover who he was. For if none (saith he) can forgive sins but God alone, and our Lord did forgive them, and cured men; it is manifest, that he was the Word of God, made the Son of man: and that as man he is touched with compassion of us, as God he hath mercy on us, and forgiveth us our debts which we do owe unto God our maker. Tertullian saith, that g Nam cum Iudaei solummodò hominem eius intuentes, needum & Deum certi, quâ Dei quoque filium, meritò retractarent, non posse hominem delicta dimittere, sed Deum solum, etc. Tertullian. lib 4, advers. Martion. cap. 10. when the jews beholding only his humanity, and not being yet certain of his Deity, did deservedly reason, that a man could not forgive sins, but God alone: he by answering of them, that the Son of man had authority to forgive sins, would by this remission of sins have them call to mind that he was h Illum scilicèt solum filium hominis apud Danielis Prophetiam, consecutum iudicandi potestatem, ac per eam utíque & dimittendi delicta. Id. ibid. that only son of man, prophesied of in Daniel, who received power of judging, and thereby also of forgiving sins. (Dan. 7.13, 14.) S. Hilary commenting upon the ninth of Matthew, writeth thus. i Movet Scribas remissum ab homine peccatum Hominem enim tantùm in jesu Christo contuebantur; & remissum ab eo, quod l●x laxare non poterat Fides enim sola justificat. Deinde mu●murationē eorum Dominus introspicit, dicitque facile esse filio hominis in terraâ peccata dimittere. Verum enim, nemo potest dimittere peccata, nisi solus Deus: ergo qui remittit Deus est, quia nemo remittit nisi Deus. Deus in homine manens curationem homini praestabat. Hilar. in Matth. Canon. 8. It moveth the Scribes, that sin should be forgiven by a man. For they beheld a man only in jesus Christ; and that to be forgiven by him, which the law could not release. For it is faith only that justifieth. Afterward the Lord looketh into their murmuring, and saith that it is an easy thing for the Son of man upon earth to forgive sins. For it is true, none can forgive sins but God alone: therefore he who remitteth is God, because none remitteth but God. God remaining in man, performed this cure upon man. S. Hierom thus: k Legimus in Prophetâ dicentem Deum: Ego sum qui deleo iniquitates tuas. Consequenter ergo Scribae, quia hominem putabant, & verba Dei non intelligebant, arguunt eum blasphemiae. Sed Dominus videns cogitationes eorum, ostendit se Deum, qui possit cordis occulta cognoscere: & quodammodo tacens loquitur; Eâdem majestate & potentiâ, quâ cogitationes vestras intueor, possum & hominibus peccata dimittere. Hieronym. lib. 1. Commentar. in Matth. 9 We read that God saith in the Prophet; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities. Consequently therefore the Scribes, because they thought him to be a man, and did not understand the words of God, accuse him of blasphemy. But the Lord seeing their thoughts, showeth himself to be God, who is able to know the secrets of the heart: and holding his peace after a sort speaketh; By the same majesty and power, wherewith I behold your thoughts, I am able also to forgive sins unto men. or, as Euthymius expresseth it in his commentaries upon the same place: l Veré nullus potest remittere peccata, nisi unus, qui intuetur cogitationes hominum. Euthym. cap. 13. in Matth. In truth, none can forgive sins but one, who beholdeth the thoughts of men. S. Chrysostome likewise in his Sermons upon the same, sheweth that Christ here declared himself to be God equal unto the Father: and that m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in Matth. 9 hom 20. Graec. 30. Latin. if he had not been equal unto the Father, he would have said; Why do you attribute unto me an unfitting opinion? I am far from that power. To the same effect also writeth Christianus Druthmarus, Paschasius Ratbertus, and Walafridus Strabus in the ordinary Gloss upon the same place of S. Matthew. Victor Antiochenus upon the second of Mark; Theophylact and Bede upon the second of Mark, and the fifth of Luke: S. Ambrose upon the fifth of Luke. who in another place also bringeth this sentence of the Scribes, as a ground to prove the deity of the holy Ghost withal: forasmuch as n Peccata nemo condonat, nisi unus Deus: quia aequé scriptum est; Quis potest peccata donare nisi solus Deus? Ambros. de Spir. sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19 none forgiveth sins but one God; because it is written, Who can forgive sins but God alone? as S. Cyril doth to prove the deity of the Son. o Istud enim solum malicia Iudaeorum veré di ebat, quòd nullus potest dimittere peccata, nisi solus Deus, qui legis Dominus est Cyrill. Alexandr. Thesaur. lib. 12. cap. 4. For this only, saith he, did the malice of the jews say truly, that none can forgive sins, but God alone, who is the Lord of the law▪ and thence he frameth this argument. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Id. in lib. de rectâ fide ad Reginas. If he alone who is the Lord of all doth free us from our sins, and this agreeth to no other, and Christ bestoweth this with a power befitting God; how should he not be God? The same argument also is used by Novatianus and Athanasius to the self same purpose. q Quòd si cum nullius sit nisi Dei, cordis nosse secreta, Christus secreta conspicit cordis: quòd si, cum nullius sit nisi Dei, peccata dimittere, idem Christus peccata dimittit: etc. meritò Deus est Christus Novatian de Trinitat. cap. 13. For if, when it agreeth unto none but unto God to know the secrets of the heart, Christ doth behold the secrets of the heart; if, when it agreeth unto none but unto God to forgive sins, the same Christ doth forgive sins: then deservedly is Christ to be accounted God, saith Novatianus. So Athanasius demandeth of the Arrians: r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Athanas. orat. 3. contra Arian. pag. 239. tom. 1. edit. Graecolat. if the Son were a creature, how was he able to forgive sins? it being written in the Prophets, that this is the work of God. For who is a God like unto thee, that taketh away sins and passeth over iniquities? s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in epist. de Synodis Arimin. & Seleuc. pag. 712. Vid. etiam Orat. 4. contra Arrian. pag. 254. & 281. But the son (saith he) said unto whom he would; Thy sins are forgiven thee: when the jews murmuring also he demonstrated this forgiveness in deed, saying to the man that was sick of the palsy; Arise, take up thy bed, and go unto thine house. And therefore Bede rightly inferreth, that t Sed multo dementiùs errant Arriani, qui cum jesum & Christum esse, & peccata posse dimittere, Evangelii verbis devicti negare non audeant; nihilominus Deum negare non timent. Bed. in Marc. lib. 1. cap. 10. the Arrians do err here much more madly than the jews: who when they dare not deny, being convicted by the words of the Gospel, that jesus is both the Christ and hath power to forgive sins; yet fear not for all that to deny him to be God. and concludeth himself most sound: that u Si & Deus est iuxta Psalmistam, qui quantum distat oriens ab occasu elongavit á nobis iniquitates nostras, & filius hominis potestatem habet in terrâ dimittendi peccata: ergo idem ipse & Deus, & filius hominis est; ut & homo Christus per divinitatis sure potentiam peccata dimittere possit, & idem Deus Christus per humanitatis suae fragilitatem pro peccatoribus mori. Id. ibid. if he be God according to the Psalmist, who removeth our iniquities from us as far as the East is from the West, and the son of man hath power upon earth to forgive sins; therefore the same is both God and the son of man, that the man Christ by the power of his divinity might forgive sins, and the same Christ God by the frailty of his humanity might dye for sinners. Whereunto we will add another sweet passage of his (borrowed from some ancienter author:) x Nemo tollit peccata (quae nec Lex, quamvis sancta & iusta & bona, potuit auferre) nisi ille in quo peccatum non est. Tollit autem, & dimittendo quae facta sunt, & adiuvando ne fiant, & perducendo ad vitam ubi fieri omnino non possint. Bed. in 1. johan. 3. No man taketh away sins (which the Law, although holy and just and good, could not take away) but he in whom there is no sin. Now he taketh them away, both by pardoning those that are done, and by assisting us that they may not be done, & by bringing us to the life where they cannot at all be done. y P Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 18 D. Peter Lombard allegeth this as the saying of S. Augustine: the former sentence only being thus changed. z Nemo tollit peccata, nisi solus Christus, qui est agnus ●ollens peccata mundi. August. None taketh away sins, but Christ alone, who is the Lamb that taketh away the sins of the world. agreeable to that, which in the same place he citeth out of S. Ambrose: a Ille solus peccata dimittit, qui solus pro peccatis nostris mortuus est. Ambros. He alone forgiveth sins, who alone died for our sins. and to that of Clemens Alexandrinus: b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Alexandr. Paedaegog. lib. 1. cap. 8. He alone can remit sins, who is appointed our Master by the father of all, who alone is able to discern disobedience from obedience. to which purpose also, S. Ambrose maketh this observation upon the history of the woman taken in adultery, joh. 8.9. that c Donaturus peccatum, solus remanet jesus. etc. Non enim legatus neque nuncius, sed ipse Dominus salvum fecit populum suum. Solus remanet, quia non potest hoc cuiquam hominum cum Christo esse commune ut peccata condonet. Solius hoc munus est Christi, qui tulit peccatum mundi. Ambros. epist. 76. ad Studium. jesus being about to pardon sin, remained alone. For it is not the ambassador (saith he) nor the messenger, but the Lord himself that hath saved his people. He remaineth alone, because it cannot be common to any man with Christ to forgive sins. This is the office of Christ alone, who taketh away the sin of the world. Yea S. Chrysostom himself, who of all the Fathers giveth most in this point unto God's ambassadors and messengers, is yet careful withal to preserve God's privilege entire, by often interposing such sentences as these. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in 2. Corinth. 3. homil. 6. None can forgive sins, but God alone. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in johan 8. homil. 54. edit. Graec. vel 53. Latin. To forgive sins, belongeth to no other. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id in 1. Corinth. 15 homil. 40. To forgive sins, is possible to God only. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. God alone doth this: which also he worketh in the washing of the new birth. Wherein, that the work of cleansing the soul is wholly Gods, and the minister hath no hand at all in effecting any part of it; Optatus proveth at large in his fifth book against the Donatists: showing that h Sordes et maculas mentis lavare non potest, nisi qui ejusdem fabricator est mentis Optat▪ lib. 5. none can wash the filth and sports of the mind, but he who is the framer of the same mind; and convincing the heretics, as by many other testimonies of holy Scripture, so by that of Esai. 1.18. which he presseth in this manner. i Dei est mundare, non hominis: ipse per Prophetam Esaiam promisit se loturun, dum ait; Et si ●uerint peccata vestra velut coccum, ut nivem inalbabo. Inalbabo dixit; non dixit, faciam inalbari. Si hoc Deus promisit: quare vos vultis reddere, quod vobis nec promittere licet, nec reddere, nec habere? Ecce in Esaiâ fe promisit, Deus inalbare peccatis affectos, non per hominem. Id. ibid. It belongeth unto God to cleanse, and not unto man: he hath promised by the Prophet Esai that he himself would wash, when he saith; If your sins were as scarlet, I will make them as white as snow. I will make them white, he said: he did not say, I will cause them to be made white. If God hath promised this, why will you give that, which is neither lawful for you to promise, nor to give, nor to have? Behold in Esai God hath promised that he himself will make white such as are defiled with sins; not by man. Having thus therefore reserved unto God his prerogative royal in cleansing of the soul, we give unto his under-officers their due, when we k 1. Cor. 4.1, 2. account of them, as of the ministers of Christ, and stewards of the mysteries of God. l Chrysost. in 1. Cor. 4. hom. 10. not as Lords, that have power to dispose of spiritual graces as they please: m Id. in 2. Cor. 4. homil. 8. circa init. but as servants that are tied to follow their Master's prescriptions therein; & in following thereof do but bring their external ministry ( n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. for which itself also they are beholding to God's mercy & goodness) God conferring the inward blessing of his spirit thereupon, when & where he will. o 1. Cor. 3.5. Who then is Paul, (saith S. Paul himself) and who is Apollo? but Ministers by whom ye believed, even as the Lord gave to every man? Therefore, saith Optatus, p Est ergo in universis servientibus non dominium, sed ministerium. Optat. lib. 5. in all the servants there is no dominion, but a ministry. q Id. ibid. similiter & ●hrysostom. in 1. Cor. 3. homil. 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cui creditur, ipse dat quod creditur, non per quem creditur. It is he who is believed, that giveth the thing which is believed, not he by whom we do believe. Whereas our Saviour then saith unto his Apostles, joh. 20. Receive the holy Ghost, Whose sins you forgive shall be forgiven: r Ambros. de Spir. sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19 S. Ambrose, s August. contr. epist. Parmenian. lib. 2. cap. 11. & homil. 23. ex 50. S. Augustine, t Chrysost. in 2. Corin. 3. homil. 6. S. Chrysostome, and u Cyrill. Alexandr. in Io●an. lib. 12. cap. 56. S. Cyrill, make this observation thereupon; that this is not their work properly, but the work of the holy Ghost, who remitteth by them, and therein performeth the work of the true God. For indeed (saith S. x Et certé solius veri Dei est, ut possit à peccatis homines solvere. Cui enin alii praevaricatores legis liberare à peccato licet, nisi legis ipsius autori? Id. ibid. Cyrill) it belongeth to the true God alone, to be able to lose men from their sins. for who else can free the transgressors of the law from sin, but he who is the author of law itself? y Daturus erat Dominus hominibus Spiritum sanctum; & ab ipso Spiritu sancto fidelibus suis dimitti peccata, non meritis hominum volebat intelligi dimitti peccata. Nam quid es homo, nis● aeger sanandus? Vis mihi esse medicus? mecum quaere medicum. Augustin. homil. 23. ex. 50. The Lord (saith S. Augustine) was to give unto men the holy Ghost, and he would have it to be understood, that by the holy Ghost himself sins should be forgiven to the faithful, and not that by the merits of men sins should be forgiven. For what art thou, o man, but a sick-man that hast need to be healed? Wilt thou be a physician to me? Seek the physician together with me. So S. Ambrose: z Ecce quia per Spiritum sanctum peccata donantur. Homines autem in remissionem peccatorum ministerium suum exhibent, non jus alicujus potestatis exercent. Ambros. de Spir. Sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19 Behold, that by the holy Ghost sins are forgiven. But men to the remission of sins bring their ministry, they exercise not the authority of any power. S. Chrysostom, though he make this to be the exercise of a great power (which also he a Chrysost. lib. 3. de Sacerdotio. elsewhere amplifieth, after his manner, exceeding hyperbolically) yet in the main matter acordeth fully with S. Ambrose; that it lieth in b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in johan. 20. homil. 86. edit. Graec. v●l 85. Latin. God alone to bestow the things wherein the Priest's service is employed. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. And what speak I of Priests? saith he. Neither Angel nor Archangel can do aught in those things which are given by God: but the Father and the Son and the holy Ghost do dispense all. The Priest dareth his tongue, and putteth too his hand. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in 2. Tim. cap. 1. homil. 2. His part only is to open his mouth: but it is God that worketh all. And the reasons whereby both he, e Id. in johan. 8. homil. 54 Graec. vel 53. Latin. and Theophylact after him, do prove that the Priests of the law had no power to forgive sins; are of as great force to take the same power from the ministers of the Gospel. first, because f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theophylact. in johan. 8. it is God's part only to forgive sins. secondly, because g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. the Priests were servants, yea servants of sin, and therefore had no power to forgive sins unto others: but the Son is the Lord of the house; who h 1. joh. 3.5. was manifested to take away our sins, and in him is no sin, saith S. john. upon which saying of his, S. Augustin giveth this good note: i In quo non est peccatum, ipse venit auferre peccatum. Nam si esset & in illo peccatum, auferendum esset illi, non ipse auferret, August. tract. 4. in I johan 3. It is he in whom there is no sin, that came to take away sin. For if there had been sin in him too, it must have been taken away from him, he could not take it away himself. To forgive sins therefore being thus proper to God only and to his Christ: his ministers must not be held to have this power communicated unto them, but in an improper sense; namely because God forgiveth by them; and hath appointed them both to apply those means by which he useth to forgive sins, and to give notice unto repentant sinners of that forgiveness. k Quis enim potest peccata dimittere nisi solus Deus? qui per eos quoque dimittit, quibus dimittendi tribuit potestatem Ambros. lib. 5. commentar. in Luc. 5. For who can forgive sins but God alone? yet doth he forgive by them also, unto whom he hath given power to forgive: saith S. Ambrose, and his l Beda. & Strabus in Marc. 2. & Luc. 5. followers. And m Quamvis Dei proprium opus sit, remittere peccata: dicuntur tamen etiam Apostoli remittere, non simpliciter, sed quia adhibent media, per quae Deus remittit peccata. Haec autem media sunt, Verbum Dei & Sacramenta, Io. Ferus, annota●. in johan 20. Item, lib. 3. Comment. in Matth. cap. 16. though it be the proper work of God to remit sins, (saith Ferus:) yet are the Apostles (and their successors) said to remit also, not simply, but because they apply those means whereby God doth remit sins. Which means are, the Word of God and the Sacraments. Whereunto also we may add, the relaxation of the Censures of the Church, and Prayer▪ for in these four the whole exercise of this ministry of reconciliation (as the n 2. Cor. 5.18. Apostle calleth it) doth mainly consist. of each whereof it is needful that we should speak somewhat more particularly. That Prayer is a means ordained by God for procuring remission of sins, is plain by that of S. james. o jam. 5.15, 16. The prayer of faith shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up: and if he have committed sins, they shall be forgiven him. Confess your faults one to another, and pray one for another, that ye may be healed: for the fervent prayer of a righteous man availeth much. The later of which sentences hath reference to the prayers of every good Christian, whereunto we find a gracious promise annexed, according to that of S. john. p 1. joh. 5.16. If any man see his brother sin a sin which is not unto death, he shall ask, and he shall give him life for them that sin not unto death. But the former, as the verse immediately going before doth manifestly prove, pertaineth to the prayers made by the ministers of the Church; who have a special charge to be the Lords remembrancers for the good of his people. And therefore, as S. Augustin out the later proveth, that q Quòd etiam frater fratrem á delicti poterit contagione mundare. Aug. in Evangel. johan. tract. 58. one brother by this means may cleanse another from the contagion of sin: so doth S. Chrysostom out of the former, that Priests do perform this, not r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. lib. 3. de Sacerdot. tom. 6. edit. Savil pag. 17. by teaching only and admonishing, but by assisting us also with their prayers. and the faithful prayers, both of the one and of the other, are by S. s Augustin. de Baptismo contra Donatist. lib. 3. cap. 17.18. Augustin made the especial means whereby the power of the keys is exercised in the remitting of sins: who thereupon exhorteth offenders to show their repentance publicly in the Church, t Id. homil. 49. ex 50. Agite poenitentiam qualis agitur in Ecclesiâ, ut oret pro vobis Ecclesia. that the Church might pray for them, and impart the benefit of absolution unto them. In the life of S Basil, fathered upon u Tom. 2. Vit. Sanct. ab Aloysio Lipomano edit. Vene●. ann. 1553. fol. 298. Vit. Patrum, ab Her. Rosweydo edit. Antuerp. an. 1615. pag. 160. Miscellan. á Gerardo Vossio edit. Mogunt. an. 1604 pag. 136. Amphilochius, (of the credit whereof we have before spoken) a certain gentlewoman is brought in, coming unto S. Basil for obtaining remission of her sins: who is said there to have demanded this question of her. Hast thou heard, o woman, that none can forgive sins but God alone? and she to have returned him this answer. I have heard it, Father: and therefore have I moved thee to make intercession unto our most merciful God for me. Which agreeth well with that which x Alex. in Sum. part. 4 quaest. 21. membr. 1. Alexander of Hales and y Bonaventur. in lib. 4. Sent. dist. 18. art. 2. quaest. 1. Bonaventure do maintain: that the power of the keys extend to the remission of faults, by way of intercession only and deprecation, not by imparting any immediate absolution. And as in our private forgiving and praying one for another, S. Augustin well noteth, that z Nostrum est donante ipso ministerium charitatis & humilitatis adhibere: illius est exaudire, ac nos ab omni peccatorum contaminatione mundare per Christum, & in Christo; ut quod aliis etiam dimittimus, hoc est in terrâ solvimus, solvatur & in coelo. Augustin in fine tractat. 58. in evangel. johann. it is our part, God giving us the grace, to use the ministry of charity and humility; but it is his, to hear us, and to cleanse us from all pollution of sins for Christ, and in Christ; that what we forgive unto others, that is to say, what we lose upon earth, may be loosed also in heaven: so doth S. Ambrose show that the case also standeth with the ministers of the Gospel, in the execution of that commission given unto them for the remitting of sins, joh. 20.23. a I●●i rogant, divinitas donat. Humanum enim obsequium, sed munificentia supernae est potestatis. Ambros. de Spir. sanct. lib. 3. cap. 19 They make request, (saith he) the Godhead bestoweth the gift: for the service is done by man, but the bounty is from the power above. The reason which he rendereth thereof, is, because in their ministry it is the holy Ghost that forgiveth the sin; and it is God only that can give the holy Ghost. b Non enim humanum hoc opus, neque ab homine datur; sed invocatus á Sacerdote, á Deo traditur: in quo Dei munus, ministerium Sacerdotis est. Nam si Paulus Apostolus judicavit, quòd ipse donare Spiritum sanctum suâ authoritate non posset; & intantum se huic officio imparem credidit, ut á Deo nos spiritu optaret impleri: quis tantus est, qui hujus traditionem muneris sibi audeat arrogare? Itaque Apostolus votum precatione detulit, non jus authoritate aliquâ vindicavit: impetrare optavit, non imperare praesumpsit. Id. ibid. lib. 1. cap. 7. For this is not an humane work (saith he in another place) neither is the holy Ghost given by man, but being called upon by the Priest, is bestowed by God: wherein the gift is Gods, the ministry is the Priests. For if the Apostle Paul did judge, that he could not confer the h●ly Ghost by his authority; but believed himself to be so far unable for this office, that he wished we might be filled with the spirit from God: who is so great as dare arrogate unto himself the bestowing of this gift? Therefore the Apostle did intimate his desire by prayer, he challenged no right by any authority: he wished to obtain it, he presumed not to command it. Thus far S. Ambrose of whom Paulinus writeth, that whensoever any penitents came unto him, c Caussas autem criminum, quas illi confitebantur, nulli nisi Domino soli, apud quem intercedebat, loquebatur: bonum relinquens exemplum posteris sacerdotibus, ut intercessores apud Deum magis sint, quam accusatores ●pud homines. Paulinus, in vitâ S. Ambrosijs. the crimes which they confessed unto him he spoke of to none, but to God alone unto whom he made intercession; leaving a good example to the Priests of succeeding ages, that they be rather intercessors for them unto God, than accusers unto men. The same also, and in the self same words, doth d Iona●, in vitâ S. Eustachij Luxovi●nsi● abbatu, cap. 1. apud Surium, tom. 2. Mart. 29. jonas write of Eustachius, the scholar of Columbanus our famous countryman. Hitherto appertaineth that sentence cited by e Tho. Waldens. tom. 2. de Sacramentis, cap. 147. Thomas Waldensis out of S. Hieroms exposition upon the Psalms: that voice of God f Quotidie in unoquoque nostrûm flammam libidinis per confessionem & gratiam Spiritus sancti intercidit, id est, per orationem Sacerdotis facit cessare. Hieronym. in exposit. Psalm. 28. inedit. cutteth off daily in every one of us the flame of lust by confession and the grace of the holy Ghost, that is to say, by the prayer of the Priest maketh it to cease in us and that which before hath been alleged out of Leo; of the confession offered first to God, and then to the Priest, g Qui pro delictis poenitentium precator accedit Leo, in fin. epist. 80. ad episc. Campan. who cometh as an entreater for the sins of the penitent. which he more fully expresseth in another epistle, affirming it to be h Multum enim utile ac necessarium est, ut peccatorum reatus ante ultimum diem sacerdotali supplicatione solvatur. Id. epist. 91. ad Theodor. episc. very profitable and necessary, that the guilt of sins (or sinners) be loosed by the supplication of the Priest before the last day. See S. i Gregor. in 1. Reg. lib 2. cap. 3. ad illud: Si peccaverit vir in virum, etc. Gregory, in his moral exposition upon 1. Sam. 2.25. Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus, in his answer to the 141. question (of Gretsers' edition:) and Nicolaus Cabasilas, in the 29. chapter of his exposition of the Liturgy: where he directly affirmeth, that remission of sins is given to the penitents by the prayer of the Priests. And therefore by the Order used of old in the Church of Rome, the Priest before he began his work, was required to use this prayer. k Domine Deus omnipotens, propitius esto mihi peccatori, ut condigné possim tibi gratias agere, qui me indignum propter tuam misericordiam ministrum fecisti sacerdotalis officii, & me exiguum humilemque mediat rem constituisti ad orandum & intercedendum ad Dominum nostrum jesum Christum, pro peccatoribus ad poenitentiam revertentibus. Ideoque dominator Domine, qui omnes homines vis salvos fieri, & ad agnitionem veritatis venite, qui non vis mortem peccatoris, sed ut convertatur & vivat: suscipe orationem meam, quam fundo ante conspectum clementiae tuae, pro famulis & famulabus tuis, qui ad poenitentiam & misericordiam tuam confugerunt. Ordo Roman. antiqu. de officijs divinis, pag. 18. edit. R●m. ann 1591. Baptizatorum & Confitentium Ceremonia antiquae, edit. Colon. an. 1530. Alcuin. de divin. office cap. 13 in capite jejunii. O Lord God almighty, be merciful unto me a sinner, that I may worthily give thanks unto thee, who hast made me an unworthy one, for thy mercy's sake, a minister of the Priestly office; and hast appointed me a poor and humble mediator, to pray and make intercession unto our Lord jesus Christ, for sinners that return unto repentance. And therefore, O Lord the ruler, who wouldst have all men to be saved and come to the knowledge of the truth, who dost not desire the death of a sinner, but that he may be reconciled and live: receive my prayer, which I pour forth before the face of thy mercy, for thy servants and handmaids, who have fled to repentance and to thy mercy. Yea, in the days of Thomas Aquinas there arose a learned man among the Papists themselves, who found fault with that indicative form of absolution then used by the Priest, I absolve thee from all thy sins, and would have it delivered by way of deprecation. alleging, that this was not only the opinion of Gulielmus Altisiodorensis, Gulielmus Parisiensis, and Hugo Cardinalis; but also that l Addit etiam objiciendo, quòd vix 30. anni sunt, quòd omnes hâc solâ formâ utebantur; Absolutionem & remissionem &c. Thom. Opusc. 22. cap. 5. thirty years were scarce passed, since all did use this form only, Absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi omnipotens Deus, Almighty God give unto thee absolution and forgiveness. What Thomas doth answer hereunto, may be seen in his little treatise of the form of absolution, which upon this occasion he wrote unto the General of his order. This only will I add, that aswell in the ancient rituals and in the new m Pontificale Roman. edit. Rome an. 1615. pag. 567.568. Pontifical of the Church of Rome, as in the present practice of the Greek Church, I find the absolution expressed in the third person, as attributed wholly to God, and not in the first, as if it came from the Priest himself. One ancient form of n Absolutio Criminum. Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, & dimittat tibi omnia peccata tua, praeterita, praesentia & futura, quae commisisti coram eo & sanctis ejus, quae confessus es, vel per aliquam negligentiam seu oblivionem vel malevolentiam abscondisti: liberet te Deus ab omni malo, hîc & in futuro, conservet & confirmet te semper in omni opere bono: & perducat te Christus filius Dei vivi ad vitam sine fine manentem. Confitentium Ceremoniae antiqu. edit. Colon. an. 1530. Absolution used among the Latins, was this. Almighty God be merciful unto thee, and forgive thee all thy sins, past, present, and to come, visible and invisible, which thou hast committed before him and his Saints, which thou hast confessed or by some negligence or forgetfulness or evil will hast concealed: God deliver thee from all evil, here and hereafter, preserve and confirm thee always in every good work; and Christ the son of the living God bring thee unto the life which remaineth without end: And so among the Grecians: o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. jerem. Patriarch. C. P. respon 1. ad Tubingenses, cap. 11. whatsoever sins the penitent for forgetfulness or shamefastness doth leave unconfessed, we pray the merciful and most pitiful God that those also may be pardoned unto him, and we are persuaded that he shall receive pardon of them from God; saith jeremy the late Patriarch of Constantinople. Where by the way you may observe, no such necessity to be here held of confessing every known sin unto a Priest, that if either for shame or for some other respect the penitent do not make an entire confession, but conceal somewhat from the notice of his ghostly father; his confession should thereby be made void, and he excluded from all hope of forgiveness. which is that engine, whereby the Priests of Rome have lift up themselves into that height of domineering and tyrannising over men's conscience, wherewith we see they now hold the poor people in most miserable awe. Alexander of Hales and Bonaventure in the form of absolution used in their time, p Secundùm quod ascendit, habet se per modum inferioris & supplicantis: secundùm quod descendit, per modum superioris & judicantis. Secundùm primum modum potest gratiam impetrare, & ad hoc est idoneus: secundùm secundum modum potest Ecclesiae reconciliare. Et ideò in signum hujus, in formâ absolutionis praemittitur oratio per modum deprecativum, & subjungitur absolutio per modum indicativum: & deprecatio gratiam impetrat, & absolutio gratiam supponit. Alexand. Halens. Summ. part. 4. quaest. 21. membr. 1. & Bonaventur. in 4. Sentent. dist. 18. art. 2. quaest. 1. observe that prayer was premised in the optative, and absolution adjoined afterward in the indicative mood. whence they gather, that the Priest's prayer obtaineth grace, his absolution presupposeth it: that by the former he ascendeth unto God and procureth pardon for the fault, by the later he descendeth to the sinner and reconcileth him to the Church. for q Quia etsi aliquis apud Deum sit solutus, non tamen in fancy Ecclesiae solutus habetur, nisi per judicium Sacerdotis. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 18. Vid. Ivon. Carnotens. epist. 228. & Anselm. in Luc. 17. although a man be loosed before God, (saith the Master of the Sentences) yet is he not held loosed in the face of the Church but by the judgement of the Priest. And this losing of men by the judgement of the Priest, is by the Fathers generally accounted nothing else but a restoring of them to the peace of the Church, and an admitting of them to the Lords table again: which therefore they usually express by the terms of r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Laodicen. can. 2. bringing them to the communion, s Communioni, vel communione reconciliari. Concil. Eliberitan can 72. reconciling them to or with the communion, t Reddi ei● communionem. Amb. de Poenitent. lib. 1. cap. 1. & lib. 2. cap 9 restoring the communion to them, u Ad communicationem admittere. Cypr. epist. 53. communicationem dare. Id. epist. 54. tribuere communicationem. Id. de lapsis. admitting them to fellowship, x Pacem dare. concedere pacem. Id. ibid. granting them peace, etc. Neither do we find that they did ever use any such formal absolution as this, I absolve thee from all thy sins: wherein our Popish Priests notwithstanding do place the very form of their late devised sacrament of Penance, nay hold it to be so absolute a form, that (according to Thomas Aquinas his new divinity) y In sacramentali absolutione non sufficeret dicere, Misereatur tui omnipotens Deus, vel, Absolutionem & remissionem tribuat tibi Deus: quia per haec verba Sacerdos absolutionem non significat fieri, sed petit ut fiat. Thom. part. 3. quaest. 84. art. 3. ad 1. it would not be sufficient to say, Almighty God have mercy upon thee, or, God grant unto thee absolution and forgiveness. because, forsooth, the Priest by these words doth not signify that the absolution is done, but intreateth that it may be done. which how it will accord with the Roman Pontifical, where the form of Absolution is laid down prayer-wise, the Jesuits who follow Thomas may do well to consider. I pass this over, that in the days not only of S. z Cyprian. epist. 13. Cyprian but of a Alcuin. de divin. office cap. 13. in capite jejunii. Alcuinus also (who lived 800. years after Christ) the reconciliation of Penitents was not held to be such a proper office of the Priest; but that a Deacon, in his absence, was allowed to perform the same. The ordinary course that was held herein, b Vt secundùm formam Canonum antiquorum dentur poenitentiae, hoc est, ut prius eum, quem sui poenitet facti, á communione suspensum, faciat inter reliquos poenitentes ad manus impositionem crebrò recurrere; expleto au●em satisfactionis tempore, sicuti Sacerdotalis contemplatio probaverit, eum communioni restituat. Concil. Toletan. III. cap. 11. according to the form of the ancient Canons, is thus laid down by the fathers of the third Council of Toledo. that the Priest should first suspend him that repented of his fault from the communion, and make him to have often recourse unto imposition of hands among the rest of the penitents: then, when he had fulfilled the time of his satisfaction, as the consideration of the Priest did approve of it, he should restore him to the communion. And this was a Constitution of old fathered upon the Apostles: that Bishops c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Constitut. Apostolic. lib. 2 cap. 16. should separate those who said they repent of their sins, for a time determined according to the proportion of their sin; and afterward receive them being penitent, as fathers would do their children. To this Penitential excommunication and absolution, belongeth that saying either of S. Ambrose or S. Augustin (for the same discourse is attributed to them both:) d Qui egerit veraciter poenitentiam, & solutus fuerit á ligamento quo erat constrictus, & á Christi corpore separatus, & bene post poenitentiam vixerit: post reconciliationem cum desunctus fuerit, ad Dominum vadit, ad requiem vadit, regno Dei non privabitur & á populo Diaboli separabitur. Ambros. in Exhortat. ad Poenitent. Augustin. homil. 41. ex 50. & inter Caesarij Arelat. sermons homil. 43. & 44. He who hath truly performed his repentance, and is loosed from that bond wherewith he was tied, and separated from the body of Christ, and doth live well after his repentance: whensoever after his reconciliation he shall depart this life, he goeth to the Lord, he goeth to rest, he shall not be deprived of the kingdom of God, and from the people of the Devil he shall be separated. and that which we read in Anastasius Sinaita: e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anastas. Sinait. quaest. 6. Bind him, and till thou hast appeased God, do not let him lose; that he be not more bound with the wrath of God. for if thou bindest him not; there remain bonds for him that cannot be broken. Neither do we inquire, whither the wound were often bound; but whither the binding hath profited. If it have profited, although in a short time, use it no longer. Let the measure of the losing, be the profit of him that is bound. and that exhortation which another maketh unto the Pastors of the Church: f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homil. in illud. Quaecunque ligaveritis, etc. inter opera Chrysost. tom. 7. edit. Savil. pag. 268. Bind with separation such as have sinned after baptism; and lose them again when they have repent, receiving them as brethren. for the saying is true: Whatsoever you shall lose upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven. That this authority of losing remaineth still in the Church, we constantly maintain against the heresy of the g Hieronym. epist. 54. contra Montanum, & lib. 2. adversus jovinian. Tertullianus Montanizans, in lib. de Pudicitiâ, cap. ult. Montanists and h Ambros. lib. 1. the Poenitent. cap. 2. Socrat. lib. 1. histor. cap. 7. Sozomen. lib. 1. cap. 21. Novatians, who (upon this pretence among others, that God only had power to remit sins) took away the ministerial power of reconciling such penitents as had committed heinous sins; denying that the Church had any warrant to receive them to her communion again, and to the participation of the holy mysteries, notwithstanding their repentance were ever so sound. Which is directly contrary to the doctrine delivered by S. Paul, both in the general; that i Galat. 6.1. if a man be overtaken in a fault, they who are spiritual should restore such a one in the spirit of meekness: and in the particular of the incestuous Corinthian, who though he had been excommunicated for such a crime k 1. Cor. 5.1. as was not so much as named amongst the Gentiles; yet upon his repentance the Apostle telleth the Church, that they l 2. Cor. 2.7. ought to forgive him and comfort him, lest he should be swallowed up with overmuch sorrow. Where that speech of his is specially noted and pressed against the heretics by S. m Ambros. de Poenit. lib. 1. cap. 16. Ambrose: n 2. Cor. 2.10. To whom ye forgive any thing, I forgive also: for if I forgave any thing, to whom I forgave it, for your sakes I forgave it, in the person of Christ. o 1. Cor. 5 4, 5. For as in the name, and by the power of our Lord jesus, such a one was delivered to Satan; so p 2. Tim. 2.25, 26. God having given unto him repentance, to recover himself out of the snare of the Devil, in the same name and in the same power was he to be restored again: the ministers of reconciliation standing q 2. Cor. 5.20. in Christ's stead, and Christ himself being r Matth. 18.18, ●0. in the mids of them that are thus gathered together in his name, to bind or lose in heaven, whatsoever they according to his commission shall bind or lose on earth. And here it is to be noted, that Anastasius (by some called Nicaenus, by others Sinaita and Antiochenus) who is so eager against them which say that Confession made unto men profiteth nothing at all; confesseth yet, that the minister in hearing the confession and instructing and correcting the sinner, doth but give furtherance only thereby unto his repentance, but that the pardoning of the sin is the proper work of God. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anastas. quaest. 6. For man (saith he) cooperateth with man unto repentance, and ministereth, and buildeth, and instructeth, and reproveth, in things belonging unto salvation, (according to the Apostle, and the Prophet:) but God blotteth out the sins of those that have confessed, saying; I am he that blotteth out thine iniquities for mine own sake, and thy sins, and will not remember them. There followeth now another part of the ministry of reconciliation, consisting in the due administration of the Sacraments: which being the proper seals of the promises of the Gospel (as the Censures are of the threats) must therefore necessarily also have reference to the t Act. 2.38. Matth. 26.28. remission of sins. And so we see, the ancient Fathers do hold, that u Cyprian. epist. 76 (sect. 4. edit. Pamelij, 8. Goulaertij.) Cyrill. Alexandr. in joann. lib. 12. cap 56. Ambros. de Poenitent. lib. 1. cap. 7. Chrysost. lib. 3 de Sacerdot. tom. 6 edit. Savil. pag. 17. lin. 7.5. Vid. & tom. 7. pag. 268. lin. 37. the commission, joh. 20.23. Whose sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them, etc. is executed by the ministers of Christ, aswell in the conferring of Baptism, as in the reconciling of Penitents: yet so in both these, and in all the sacraments likewise of both the Testaments, that x August. quaest. in Levitic. cap. 84. Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. Chrysost. in Mat. 26. homil. 82. (edit. Graec. vel 83. Latin.) in 1. Cor. 3. homil. 8. & in 2. Tim 1. homil. 2. (circa finem) the ministry only is to be accounted man's, but the power Gods. For, as S. Augustin well observeth, y Aliud enim est baptizare per ministerium, aliud baptizare per potestatem. Aug. in Evang. joan. tract. 5. it is one thing to baptise by way of ministry, another thing to baptise by way of power: z Sibi tenuit Dominus baptizandi potestatem, servis ministerium dedit. Id. ibid. the power of baptising the Lord retaineth to himself, the ministry he hath given to his servants: a Potestatem dominici baptismi in nullum hominem á Domino transituram, sed ministerium plané transiturum; potestatem á Domino in neminem ministrorum, ministerium & in bonos & in malos. Id. ibid. the power of the Lords Baptism was to pass from the Lord to no man, but the ministry was; the power was to be transferred from the Lord unto none of his ministers, the ministry was both unto the good and unto the bad. And the reason which he assigneth hereof is very good: b Hoc noluit ideò, ut in illo spes esset baptizatorum, á quo se baptizatos agnoscerent. Noluit ergo servum ponere spem in servo. Id. ibid.: that the hope of the baptised might be in him, by whom they did acknowledge themselves to have been baptised. The Lord therefore would not have a servant to put his hope in a servant. And therefore those Schoolmen argued not much amiss, that gathered this conclusion thence. c Paris potestatis est interiùs baptizare, & á culpâ mortali absolvere. Sed Deus non debuit potestatem baptizandi interiùs communicare; ne spes poneretur in homine: Ergo pari ratione nec potestatem absolvendi ab actuali. Alexand. de Hales. Summ. part. 4. quaest. 21. memb. 1. It is a matter of equal power to baptise inwardly, and to absolve from mortal sin. But it was not fit, that God should communicate the power of baptising inwardly unto any; lest our hope should be reposed in man. Therefore by the same reason it was not fit, that he should communicate the power of absolving from actual sin unto any. So Bernard, or whosoever was the author of the book entitled Scala Paradisi: d Officium baptizandi Dominus concessit multis, potestatem veró & authoritatem in baptismo remittendi peccata sibi soli retinuit: unde Ioannes antonomasticé & discretiué de eo dixit; Hic est qui baptizat in Spiritu sancto. Seal. Paradis. cap. 3 tem. 9 operum Augustini. The office of baptising the Lord granted unto many, but the power and authority of remitting sins in baptism he retained unto himself alone. whence john by way of singularity and differencing said of him; He it is which baptizeth with the holy Ghost. And the Baptist indeed doth make a singular difference betwixt the conferrer of the external and the internal baptism, in saying: e Mark. 1.8. joh. 1.26, 33. I baptise with water, but it is he which baptizeth with the holy Ghost. While john f Illo operante dabat Deus, qui dando non deficit. Et nunc operantibus cunctis, humana sunt opera, sed Dei sunt munera. Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. did his service, God did give, who faileth not in giving: and now when all others do their service, the service is man's, but the gift is Gods; saith Optatus. and Arnaldus Bonaevallensis (the author of the twelve treatises de Cardinalibus operibus Christi, falsely ascribed to S. Cyprian:) touching the Sacraments in general: g Remissio peccatorum, sive per baptismum sive per alia sacramenta donetur proprié Spiritus sancti est; & ipsi soli hujus efficientiae privilegium manet. Arnald. abbess Bonaevallis, tract. de Baptismo Christi. Forgiveness of sins, whether it be given by Baptism or by other sacraments, is properly of the holy Ghost; and the privilege of effecting this remaineth to him alone. But the word of reconciliation is it, wherein the h 2. Cor. 5.18, 19 Apostle doth especially place that ministry of reconciliation, which the Lord hath committed to his Ambassadors here upon earth. This is that key of knowledge: which i Clavis, quae & conscientiam ad confessionem peccati aperit, & gratiam ad aeternitatem mysterii salutaris includit. Maxim. Taurin. de natali Petri & Pauli. hom 5. doth both open the conscience to the confession of sin, and include therein the grace of the healthful mystery unto eternity; as Maximus Taurinensis speaketh of it. This is that powerful means, which God hath sanctified for the washing away of the pollution of our souls. Now ye are clean (saith our k joh. 15.13. Vid. Eph●s. 5.26. & August. in Evangel. johann. tract. 80. Saviour to his Apostles) through the word which I have spoken unto you. And whereas every transgressor is l Proverb. 5.22. holden with the cords of his own sins: the Apostles, according to the commission given unto them by their Master, that whatsoever they should lose on earth should be loosed in heaven, did lose those cords by the word of God, and the testimonies of the Scriptures, and exhortation unto virtues. as m Funibus peccatorum svorum unusquisque constringitur. Quos funes atque vincula solvere possunt & Apostoli, imitantes magistrum suum qui eis dixerat: Quaecunque solveritis super terram, erunt soluta & in coelo. Solvunt autem eos Apostoli sermone Dei, & testimoniis scripturarum, & exhortatione virtutum. Hieronym. lib. 6. comment. in Esai. cap. 14. saith S. Hierome: Thus likewise doth S. Ambrose note, that n Remittuntur peccata per Dei verbum, cujus Levites interpres & quidam executor est. Ambros. de Abel & Cain, lib. 2. cap. 4. sins are remitted by the word of God, whereof the Levite was an interpreter and a kind of an executer: & in that respect concludeth, that o Levites igitur minister remissionis est. Id. ibid. the Levite was a minister of this remission. As the jewish Scribes therefore, by p Luk. 11.52. compared with Matth. 23.13. taking away the key of knowledge, did shut up the kingdom of heaven against men: so q Matth. 13.52. every Scribe which is instructed unto the kingdom of heaven, by r Act. 14 27. opening unto his hearers the door of faith, doth as it were unlock that kingdom unto them; being the instrument of God herein s Act. 26.18. to open men's eyes, and to turn them from darkness to light, and from the power of Satan unto God, that they may receive forgiveness of sins, and inheritance among them which are sanctified by faith in Christ. And here are we to understand, that the ministers of Christ, by applying the word of God unto the consciences of men both in public and in private, do discharge that part of their function which concerneth forgiveness of sins, partly operatively, partly declaratively. Operatively: inasmuch as God is pleased to use their preaching of the Gospel as a means of t Act. 10.44. Gal. 3.2. 2. Cor. 3 6. conferring his spirit upon the sons of men, of u 1. Cor. 4.15. Gal. 4.19. begetting them in Christ, and of x Rom. 10.17. joh. 17.20. 1. Cor. 3.5. Act. 14.27. and chap. 26. ver. 18, 20. working faith and repentance in them; whereby the remission of sins is obtained. Thus john y Mark. 1.4. preaching the Baptism of repentance for the remission of sins, and teaching z Act. 19.4. the people, that they should believe on him which should come after him, that is, on Christ jesus; is said to a Luk. 1.16, 17. turn many of the children of Israel to the Lord their God, and the disobedient to the wisdom of the just, by b Ibid. vers 77. giving knowledge of salvation to God's people, unto the remission of their sins. Not because he had properly any power given him to turn men's hearts, and to work faith and repentance for forgiveness of sins when and where he thought good: but because he was trusted with the ministry of the c Act. 20.32. Psal. 19.7. and 119. vers. 50, 93. word of God's grace, which is able to convert and quicken men's souls, and to give them an inheritance among all them which are sanctified. by the powerful application of which word, d jam. 5.20. he who converteth the sinner from the error of his way, is said to save a soul from death, and to hide a multitude of sins. For howsoever in true propriety, e Rom. 4.6, 7. jerem. 31.18. Revel. 1.18. 1. Thess. 1.10. Act. 3.26. Matth. 1.21. the covering of sins, the saving from death, and turning of men from their iniquities, is a privilege peculiar to the Lord our God; unto whom alone it appertaineth to f 2. Cor. 5.19. reconcile the world to himself▪ by not imputing their sins unto them: yet inasmuch as he hath committed unto his ambassadors the g Ibid. word of reconciliation, they in performing that work of their ministry, may be as rightly said to be employed in reconciling men unto God, and procuring remission of their sins; as they are said to h job. 33.23, 24. deliver a man from going down into the pit, when they declare unto him his righteousness, and to i 1. Tim. 4.16. save their hearers, when they k 1. Cor. 15.1, 2. Act. 11.14. preach unto them the Gospel, by which they are saved. For as the word itself which they speak, is said to be l joh. 17.20. their word, which yet m 1. Thess. 2.13. is in truth the word of God: so the work which is effectually wrought by that word in them that believe, is said to be their work, though in truth it be the proper work of God. And as they that believe by their word, are said to be their Epistle, 2. Cor. 3.2. that is to say, the Epistle of Christ ministered by them (as it is expounded in the verse following:) in like manner, forgiveness of sins and those other great graces that appertain to the believers, may be said to be their work, that is to say, the work of Christ ministered by them. For in very deed (as Optatus speaketh in the matter of Baptism) n Has res unicuique, non ejusdem rei operarius, sed credentis fides & Trinitas praestat. Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. not the minister, but the faith of the believer and the Trinity do bring these things unto every man. And where the preaching of the Gospel doth prove o Rom. 1.16. 1. Cor. ●. 18. the power of God unto salvation; only the weakness of the external ministry must be ascribed to men, but p 2. Cor. 4.7. the excellency of the power must ever be acknowledged to be of God, and not of them: q 1. Cor. 3.7. neither he that planteth, being here any thing, neither he that watereth, but God that giveth the increase. For howsoever in respect of the former, such as take pains in the Lord's husbandry may be accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the r Ibid. vers. 9 Apostle termeth them, labourers together with God (though that little piece of service itself also be not performed by their own strength, but s Ibid. vers. 10. according to the grace of God which is given unto them:) yet t jam veró quod sequitur, Sed Deus incrementum dedit; non per illos, sed per seipsum facit. Excedit hoc humanam humilitatem, excedit angelicam sublimitatem, nec omninò pertinet, nisi ad agr●colam Trinitatem, Aug. in Evangel. joann. tract. 80. that which followeth, of giving the increase, God effecteth not by them, but by himself. This (saith S. Augustin) exceedeth the lowliness of man, this exceedeth the sublimity of Angels, neither appertaineth unto any but unto the husbandman the Trinity. Now as the Spirit of God doth not only u 1. Cor. 12.11. wo●ke diversities of graces in us, distributing to every man severally as he will; but also maketh us to x 1. Cor. 2.12. know the things that are freely given to us of God: so the ministers of the New Testament, being y 1. Cor. 3.6. made able ministers of the same spirit, are not only ordained to be God's instruments to work faith and repentance in men, for the obtaining of remission of sins, but also to declare God's pleasure unto such as believe and repent, and in his name to certify them and give assurance to their consciences that their sins are forgiven. they having z Act. 20.24. received this ministry of the Lord jesus, to testify the Gospel of the grace of God; and so by their function being appointed to be witnesses rather than conferrers of that grace. For it is here with them in the losing part, as it is in the binding part of their ministry; where they are brought in, like unto those seven Angels in the book of the Revelation, a Revel. 16.1. which power out the vials of the wrath of God upon the earth; b 2. Cor. 10.6. having vengeance ready against all disobedience, and a charge from God, to c I●rem. 15.1. cast men out of his sighed: not because they are properly the avengers (for that d Psal. 94.1. title God challengeth unto himself) or that vengeance did any way appertain unto them (for e Rom. 12.19. Hebr. 10.30. it is written: Vengeance is mine, I will repay; saith the Lord) but because they were the denouncers, not the inflicters of this vengeance. So though it be the Lord that f jerem. 18.7, 9 speaketh concerning a nation, to pluck up and to pull down and to destroy, or on the other side, to build and to plant it; yet he g jerem. 1.9, 10 in whose mouth God put those words of his, is said to be set by him over the nations and over the kingdoms, to root out, and to pull down, and to destroy, and to throw down, to build and to plant: as if he himself were a doer of those great matters, who was only h Ibid vers. 5, ●. ordained to be a Prophet unto the nations, to speak the things unto them which God had commanded him. Thus likewise in the thirteenth of Leviticus, where the Laws are set down that concern the leprosy, which was a type of the pollution of sin, we meet often with these speeches, i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Priest shall cleanse him, and, k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Priest shall pollute him, and in the 44. verse, l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Priest with pollution shall pollute him: m Contaminatione contaminabit eum, haud dubium quin Sacerdos: non quo contaminationis author sit, sed quo ostendat eum contaminatum, qui prius mundus plurimis videbatur. Hieronym. lib. 7. in Esai. cap 23. not (saith S. Hierome) that he is the author of the pollution, but that he declareth him to be polluted, who before did seem unto many to have been clean. Whereupon the Master of the Sentences (following herein S. Hierome, and being afterwards therein followed himself by many others) observeth, that n In remittendis vel in retinendis culpis id juris & officii habent Evangelici sacerdotes, quod olim habebant sub lege legales in curandis leprosis. Hi ergo peccata dimittunt vel retinent, dum dimissa á Deo vel retenta indicant & ostendunt. Ponunt enim sacerdotes nomen Domini super filios Israel, sed ipse benedixit; sicut legitur in Numeris. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. dist. 14. f. in remitting or retaining sins the Priests of the Gospel have that right and office, which the legal Priests had of old under the Law in curing of the lepers. These therefore (saith he) forgive sins or retain them, whiles they show and declare that they are forgiven or retained by God. For the Priests put the name of the Lord upon the children of Israel, but it was he himself that blessed them, as it is read in Numbers. The place that he hath reference unto, is in the sixth chapter of that book, where the Priests are commanded to bless the people, by saying unto them, The Lord bless thee, etc. and then it followeth (in the last verse of that chapter:) So they shall put my Name upon the children of Israel, and I will bless them. Neither do we grant hereupon, (as the o Bellarmìn. de Penitent. lib 3. cap. 2. sect. ult. Adversary falsely chargeth us) that a layman, yea or a woman, or a child, or any infidel, or the Devil (the Father of all calumniators and liars) or a Parrot likewise, if he be taught the words, may aswel absolve as the Priest as if p 1. Cor. 4.19, 20. the speech were all the thing that here were to be considered, and not the power: where we are taught, that the kingdom of God is not in word, but in power. Indeed if the Priests by their office brought nothing with them but the ministry of the bare letter, a Parrot peradventure might be taught to sound that letter as well as they: but we believe, that q 2. Cor. 3.6. God hath made them able ministers of the New Testament, not of the letter, but of the spirit. and that the Gospel ministered by them r 1. Thess. 1.5. cometh unto us not in word only, but also in power, and in the holy Ghost, and in much assurance. For God hath added a special s Rom. 10.15. beauty to the feet of them that preach the Gospel of peace, that howsoever others may bring glad tidings of good things to the penitent sinner as truly as they do; yet neither can they do it with the same authority, neither is it to be expected that they should do it with such power, such assurance, and such full satisfaction to the afflicted conscience. The speech of every Christian (we know) should be employed t Ephes. 4.29. to the use of edifying, that it may minister grace unto the hearers; and a private brother in his place may deliver found doctrine, reprehend vice, exhort to righteousness, very commendably: yet hath the Lord notwithstanding all this, for the necessary use of his Church, appointed public officers to do the same things, and hath given unto them a peculiar u 2. Cor. 10.8. & 13.10. power for edification, wherein they may boast above others; and in the due execution whereof God is pleased to make them instruments of ministering a more plentiful measure of grace unto their hearers, then may be ordinarily looked for from others. These men are appointed to be of God's high commission, and therefore they may x Tit. 2.15. speak, and exhort, and rebuke with all authoritie· they are Gods y Revel. 1.20. Angels and z 2. Cor. 5.20. Ambassadors for Christ, and therefore in delivering their message are to be a Gal. 4.14. received as an Angel of God, yea as Christ jesus. that look how the Prophet Esay was comforted, when the Angel said unto him, b Esay. 6.7. Thine iniquity is taken away, and thy sin purged; and the poor woman in the Gospel, when jesus said unto her, c Luk. 7.48. Thy sins are forgiven: the like consolation doth the distressed sinner receive from the mouth of the Minister, when he hath compared the truth of God's word faithfully delivered by him, with the work of God's grace in his own heart. according to that of Elihu: d job. 33.23.24. If there be an Angel or a messenger with him, an Interpreter, one of a thousand, to declare unto man his righteousness; then will God have mercy upon him and say, Deliver him from going down to the pit, I have received a reconciliation. For as it is the office of this messenger and interpreter, to e 2. Cor. 5.20. pray us in Christ's stead, that we would be reconciled to God: so when we have listened unto this motion, and submitted ourselves to the Gospel of peace, it is a part of his office likewise to declare unto us in Christ's stead, that we are reconciled to God: and f 2. Cor. 13.3. in him Christ himself must be acknowledged to speak, who to us ward by this means is not weak, but is mighty in us. But our new Masters will not content themselves with such a ministerial power of forgiving sins as hath been spoken of; unless we yield that they have authority so to do properly, directly, and absolutely: that is, unless we acknowledge that their high Priest sitteth in the Temple of God as God, and all his creatures as so many demigods under him. For we g Oportet dicere, in summo Pontifice esse plenitudinem omnium gratiarum; quia ipse solus confert plenam indulgentiam omnium peccatorum. ut competat sibi, quod de primo principe Domino dicimus; quia de plenitudine ejus nos omnes accepimus. De regimine Principum, lib. 3. cap. 10 inter opuscula Thomae, num. 20. must say (if we will be drunk with the drunken) that in this high Priest there is the fullness of all graces; because he alone giveth a full indulgence of all sins: that this may agree unto him, which we say of the chief prince our Lord, that of his fullness all we have received. Nay we must acknowledge, that the meanest in the whole army of Priests that followeth this king of pride, hath such fullness of power derived unto him for the opening and shutting of heaven before men: that h Negatur remissio illis, quibus noluerint Sacerdotes remittere. Bellar. de Poenit. lib. 3. cap. 2. forgiveness is denied to them, whom the Priest will not forgive; and his Absolution on the other side is a sacramental act, which conferreth grace by the work wrought, that is, (as they i Actiué, & proximé, atque instrumentali●er efficit gratiam jus●ificationis. Id. de Sacrament. in genere, lib. 2. cap. 1. expound it) actively, and immediately, and instrumentally effecteth the grace of justification in such as receive it. that k Vt flatus extinguit ignem, & dissi●at n●bulas; sic etiam Absolutio Sacerdotis peccata dispergit, & evanescere facit. Id. de Poenitent. lib. 3. cap. 2. as the wind doth extinguish the fire, and dispel the clouds; so doth the Priest's absolution scatter sins, and make them to vanish away: the sinner being thereby immediately acquitted before God, howsoever that sound conversion of heart be wanting in him, which otherwise would be requisite. for l Id. ibid. sect. penult. a conditional Absolution, upon such terms as these, If thou dost believe and repent as thou oughtest to do, is (in these men's judgement) to no purpose, and can give no security to the penitent; seeing it dependeth upon an uncertain condition. Have we not then just cause to say unto them, as m Optat. lib. 5. Optatus did unto the Donatists: Nolite vobis Majestatis dominium vendicare? Intrude not upon the royal prerogative of our Lord and Master. No man may challenge this absolute power of the keys, but n Revel. 3.7. he that hath the key of David, that openeth and no man shutteth, and shutteth and no man openeth; he to whom o joh. 17.2. the Father hath given power over all flesh, yea p Matth. 18.18. all power in heaven and in earth; even the eternal Son of God, who hath in his hands q Revel. 1.18. the keys of death, and is able to r joh. 5.21. quicken whom he will. The Ministers of the Gospel may not meddle with the matter of sovereignty, and think that they have power to proclaim war or conclude peace betwixt God and man, according to their own discretion: they must remember, that they are s 2. Cor. 5.20. Ambassadors for Christ, and therefore in this treaty are to proceed according to the instructions which they have received from their sovereign; which if they do transgress, they go beyond their commission, therein they do not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and their authority for so much is plainly void. The Bishop (saith S. Gregory, and the Fathers in the Council of Aquisgran following him) t Saepè in solvendis ac ligandis subditis suae voluntatis motus, non autem caussarum merita sequitur. Vnde fit ut ipsâ hâc ligandi & solvendi potestate se privet; qui hanc pro suis voluntatibus, & non pro subjectorum moribus exercet. Gregor. in Evangel. homil. 26. Concil. Aquisgran sub Ludovico Pio, cap. 37. in losing and binding those that are under his charge, doth follow oftentimes the motions of his own will, and not the merit of the causes. Whence it cometh to pass, that he depriveth himself of this power of binding and losing, who doth exercise the same according to his own will, and not according to the manners of them which be subject unto him. that is to say, he maketh himself worthy to be deprived of that power, which he hath thus abused; (as the u Qui indignos ligat vel solvit, propriâ potestate se private, id est, dignum privatione se facit. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. Sentent. dist. 18. C. Master of the Sentences and x Private, id est, meretur privari. ●o. Semeca. Gloss. Grat. cause. 11. quaest 3. cap. 60. Ipse ligandi. Semeca in his Gloss upon Gratian, would have S. Gregory's meaning to be expounded) and pro tanto (as hath been said) actually voideth himself of this power, this unrighteous judgement of his given upon earth, being no ways ratified, but absolutely disannulled in the court of heaven. For he who by his office is appointed to be a minister of y Ephes. 1.13. jam. 1.18. the word of truth, hath no power given him to z 2. Cor. 13.8. do any thing against the truth, but for the truth: neither is it to be imagined, that the sentence of man, who is subject to deceive and be deceived, should any ways prejudice the sentence of God, whose * Rom. 2.2. judgement we know to be always according to the truth. Therefore doth Pacianus, in the end of his first epistle to Sympronianus the Novatian, show that at that time, absolution was a Scio frater, hanc ipsam poenitentiae veniam non passim omnibus dari, etc. Pacian. epist. 1. not so easily given unto penitents, as now a days it is: but b Magno pondere magnoque libramine, post multos gemitus effusionemque lachrymarum, post totius Ecclesiae preces, ita veniam verae poenitentiae non negari, ut judicaturo Christo nemo praejudicet. Ibid. with great pondering of the matter and with great deliberation, after many sighs and shedding of tears, after the prayers of the whole Church, pardon was so not denied unto tr●e repentance, that Christ being to judge, no man should prejudge him. and a little before, speaking of the Bishop by whose ministry this was done: c Reddet quidem ille rationem, si quid perperàm fecerit, vel si corrupté & impiê judicârit. Nec praejudicator Deo, quo minùs mali aedificatoris opera rescindat: intereà, si pia illa administratio est, adjutor Dei operum perseverat, Id. ibid. He shall give an account (saith he) if he have done any thing amiss, or if he have judged corruptly and wickedly. Neither is there any prejudice done unto God, whereby he might not undo the works of this evil builder: but in the mean time, if that administration of his be godly, he continueth a helper of the works of God. Wherein he doth but tread in the steps of S. Cyprian, who at the first rising of the Novatian heresy, wrote in the same manner unto Antonianus. d Neque enim praejudicamus Domino judicaturo, quo minùs si poenitentiam plenam & justam peccatoris invenerit, tunc ratum faciat quod á nobis fuerit hîc starutum. si veró nos aliquis poenitentiae simulatione deluserit; Deus qui non deridetur, & qui cor hominis intuetur, de his quae nos minùs perspeximus judicet, & servorum sententiam Dominus emendet. Cypr. epist. 52. sect. 11. (edit Goulart.) We do not prejudice the Lord that is to judge, but that he, if he find the repentance of the sinner to be full and just, he may then ratify that which shall be here ordained by us: but if any one do deceive us with the semblance of repentance, God (who is not mocked, and who beholdeth the heart of man) may judge of those things which we did not well discern, and the Lord may amend the sentence of the servants. Hereupon S. Hierome, expounding those words, Daniel 4.24. It may be God will pardon thy sins; reproveth those men of great rashness, that are so peremptory and absolute in their absolutions. e Cum beatus Daniel, praescius futurorum, de sententiâ Dei dubitet: rem temerariam faciunt, qui audacter peccatoribus indulgentiam pollicentur. Hieronym. in Daniel. cap. 4. When blessed Daniel (saith he) who knew things to come, doth doubt of the sentence of God: they do a rash deed, that boldly promise pardon unto sinners. S. Basil also resolveth us, that f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil regul. brevior. qu. 25. the power of forgiving is not given absolutely; but upon the obedience of the penitent, and his consent with him that hath the care of his soul. For it is in losing, as it is in binding. g Coepisti habere fratrem tuum tanquam publicanum: ligas illum in terrâ. Sed ut justé alliges, vide. Nam injusta vincula dirumpit justitia. August. de ve●bis Domini, serm. 16. cap. 4. Thou hast begun to esteem thy brother as a publican, (saith S. Augustin:) thou bindest him upon earth. But look that thou bindest him justly. For unjust bonds justice doth break. So when the Priest saith, I absolve thee: Maldonat confesseth, that he meaneth no more thereby but, h Quantum in me est, ego te absolvo. Maldonat. tom. 2. the penitent. part. 3. thes. 5. As much as in me lieth, I absolve thee: and Suarez acknowledgeth, that it implicity includeth this condition, i Nisi suscipiens obicem ponat. Fr. Suarez. in Thom. tom. 4. disp. 19 sect. 2. num. 20. Unless the receiver put some impediment; for which he allegeth the authority of Hugo de S. Victore, lib. 2. de Sacramentis, pa. 14. s. 8. affirming, k Hanc formam magis significare virtutem suam, quam eventum. Hugo. that this form doth rather signify the power and virtue, than the event of the absolution. And therefore doth the Master of the Sentences rightly observe, that l Ita & hîc aperté ostenditur, quòd non semper sequitur Deus Ecclesiae judicium: quae per surreptionem & ignorantiam interdum iudicat; Deus autem semper iudicat secundùm veritatem. Petr. Lombard. Sentent. lib. 4. distinct. 18. f. God doth not evermore follow the judgement of the Church: which sometimes judgeth by surreption and ignorance; whereas God doth always judge according to the truth. So the Priests m Aliquando enim ostendunt solutos vel ligatos, qui ita non sunt apud Deum: & poenâ satisfactionis vel excommunicationis interdum indignos ligant vel solvunt; & indignos sacramentis admittunt, & dignos admitti arcent. Sed intelligendum est hoc in illis, quorum merita solvi vel ligari postulant. Tunc enim sententia Sacerdotis iudicio Dei & totius coelestis curiae approbatur & confirmatur, cum ita ex discretione procedit, ut reorum merita non contradicant. Quoscunque ergo solvunt vel ligant, adhibentes clavem discretionis reorum meritis, solvuntur vel ligantur in coelis, id est, apud Deum: quia divino iudicio Sacerdotis sententia sic progressa approbatur & confirmatur. Id. ibid. h. Vid Gabriel Biel, in eand. distinct. 18. quaest. 1. lit. b. sometime declare men to be loosed or bound, who are not so before God: with the penalty of satisfaction or excommunication they sometime bind such as are unworthy, or lose them; they admit them that be unworthy to the Sacraments, and put back them that be worthy to be admitted. That saying therefore of Christ must be understood to be verified in them (saith he) whose merits do require that they should be loosed or bound. For than is the sentence of the Priest approved and confirmed by the judgement of God and the whole court of heaven, when it doth proceed with that discretion, that the merits of them who be dealt withal do not contradict the same. Whomsoever therefore they do loose or bind, using the key of discretion according to the parties merits, they are loosed or bound in heaven, that is to say, with God: because the sentence of the Priest proceeding in this manner, is approved and confirmed by divine judgement. Thus far the Master of the Sentences: who is followed herein by the rest of the Schoolmen; who generally agree, that the power of binding and losing committed to the Ministers of the Church, is not absolute, but must be limited with Clave non errante, as being then only of force n Quod in terrâ Sacerdos clavae non errante, & recto iudicio procedens retinet, nec dimittit; Deus etiam in coelo retinet, nec dimittit. Tolet. comment. in johan. 20. when matters are carried with right judgement, and no error is committed in the use of the keys. Our Saviour therefore must still have the privilege reserved unto him, of being the absolute Lord over his own house: it is sufficient for his officers, that they be esteemed as Moses was, o Hebr 10.5, 6. faithful in all his house as servants. The place wherein they serve, is a Steward's place: and the Apostle telleth them, p 1. Cor. 4.2. that it is required in Stewards, that the man be found faithful. They may not therefore carry themselves in their office, as the q Luk. 16.6, 7, 8. unjust steward did, and presume to strike out their Master's debt without his direction, and contrary to his liking. Now we know that our Lord hath given no authority unto his stewards, to grant an acquittance unto any of his debtors, that bring not unfeigned faith and repentance with them. r Nec angelus potest, nec archangelus: Dominus ipse, (qui solus potest dicere; Ego vobiscum sum) si peccaverimus, nisi poenitentiam deferentibus non relaxat. Ambr. epist. 28. ad Theodosium Imp. Neither Angel nor Archangel can, neither yet the Lord himself, (who alone can say; I am with you) when we have sinned, doth release us, unless we bring repentance with us: saith S. Ambrose. and Eligius Bishop of Noyon, in his Sermon unto the Penitents: s Ante omnia autem vobis scire necesse est; quia licèt impositionem manuum nostrarum accipere cupiatis, tamen absolutionem peccatorum vestrorum consequi non potestis, antequàm per compunctionis gratiam divina pietas vos absolvere dignabitur. Eligius Noviomens'. homil. 11. tom. 7. Biblioth. Patr. pag. 248. edit. Colon. Before all things it is necessary you should know, that howsoever you desire to receive the imposition of our hands; yet you cannot obtain the absolution of your sins, before the divine piety shall vouchsafe to absolve you by the grace of compunction. To think therefore that it lieth in the power of any Priest truly to absolve a man from his sins, without implying the condition of his believing and repenting as he ought to do; is both presumption and madness in the highest degree. Neither dareth Cardinal Bellarmine, who censureth this conditional absolution in us for idle and superfluous, when he hath considered better of the matter, assume unto himself, or communicate unto his brethren, the power of giving an absolute one. For he is driven to confess with other of his fellows, that when the Priest t Nam qui dicit; Ego te baptizo, vel absolvo, non affirmat se absoluté baptizare vel absolvere, eùm non ignoret, multis modis fieri posse, ut neque baptizet neque absolvat, licèt ea verba pronunciet: nimi●um si is, qui Sacramentum suscipere videtur, fortè non habeat suscipiendi intentionem, vel non sit ritè dispositus, aut obicem ponat. Igitur Minister illis verbis nihil aliud significat, nisi se, quod in se est, Sacramentum reconciliationis vel absolutionis impendere, quod vim habet in homine disposito peccata omnia dimittendi. Bellarmin. de Penitent. lib. 2. cap. 14. sect. penult. saith, I absolve thee, he doth not affirm that he doth absolve absolutely; as not being ignorant, that it may many ways come to pass that he doth not absolve, although he pronounce those words: namely if he who seemeth to receive this Sacrament (for so they call it) peradventure hath no intention to receive it, or is not rightly disposed, or putteth some block in the way. Therefore the Minister (saith he) signifieth nothing else by those words, but that he, as much as in him lieth, conferreth the sacrament of reconciliation or absolution, which in a man rightly disposed hath virtue to forgive all his sins. Now that Contrition is at all times necessarily required for obtaining remission of sins and justification, is a matter determined by the Fathers of u Concil. Tridentin. sess. 14. cap. 4. Trent. But mark yet the mystery. They equivocate with us in the term of Contrition: and make a distinction thereof into perfect and imperfect. The former of these is Contrition properly: the latter they call Attrition. which howsoever in itself it be not true Contrition, yet when the Priest with his power of forgiving sins interposeth himself in the business, they tell us that x A●t●i●io virtute clavium sit contritio. Romani Corrector●s Gloss. Gratiani, De penitent. distinct. 1. in principi●: & alij passion. attrition by virtue of the keys is made contrition: that is to say, that a sorrow arising from a servile fear of punishment, and such a fruitless y Matth. 27.3.4.5. repentance as the reprobate may carry with them to hell, by virtue of the Priest's absolution is made so fruitful, that it shall serve the turn for obtaining forgiveness of sins; as if it had been that z 2. Cor. 7.10. godly sorrow which worketh repentance to salvation not to be repent of. By which spiritual cozenage, many poor souls are most miserably deluded, while they persuade themselves that upon the receipt of the Priest's acquittance upon this carnal sorrow of theirs, all scores are cleared until that day: and then beginning upon a new reckoning, they sin and confess, confess and sin afresh, and tread this round so long till they put off all thought of saving repentance; and so the a Matth. 15.14. blind following the blind, both at last fall into the pit. b Mali & facinorosi, carnales, animales, diabolici, á seductoribus suis sibi da●i arbitrantur, quae non nisi munera Dei sunt, sive sacramenta sive spiritales aliquas operationes, circa praesentem salutem. August. de Baptism. contra Donatist lib. 3. cap. ult. Evil and wicked, carnal, natural, and devilish men (saith S. Augustin) imagine those things to be given unto them by their seducers, which are only the gifts of God, whether sacraments, or any other spiritual works, concerning their present salvation. But such as are thus seduced, may do well to listen a little to this grave admonition of S. Cyprian. c Nemo se fallat, nemo se decipiat: solus Dominus misereri potest. Veniam peccatis, quae in ipsum commissa sunt, solus potest ille largiri, qui peccata nostra portavit, qui pro nobis doluit, quem Deus tradidit pro peccatis nostris. Homo Deo esse non potest major; nec remittere aut donare indulgentiâ suâ servus potest, quod in Dominum delicto graviore commissum est: ne adhuc lapso & hoc accedat ad crimen, si nesciat esse praedictum; Maledictus homo qui spem habet in homine. Cyprian. de Lapsis (sect. 7. edit. Pamel. 14. Goulart.) Let no man deceive, let no man beguile himself: it is the Lord alone that can show mercy. He alone can grant pardon to the sins committed against him, who did himself bear our sins, who suffered grief for us, whom God did deliver for our sins. Man cannot be greater than God; neither can the servant by his indulgence remit or pardon that which by heinous trespass is committed against the Lord: lest to him that is fallen this yet be added as a further crime, if he be ignorant of that which is said; Cursed is the man that putteth his trust in man. Whereupon S. Augustin sticketh not to say, that good ministers do consider that d Ministri enim sunt, pro ●udicibus haberi nolunt, spem in se poni exhorrescunt. August. in Evangel. johan. tract. 5. they are but ministers, they would not be held for judges, they abhor that any trust should be put in them: and that the power of remitting and retaining sins is committed unto the Church, to be dispensed therein, e No secundùm arbitrium hominum, sed secundùm arbitrium Dei. August. de Baptism. contra Donatist. lib. 3. cap. 18. not according to the arbitrement of man, but according to the arbitrement of God. Whereas our adversaries lay the foundation of their Babel upon another ground: that f Christus instituit Sacerdotes iudices super terram cum eâ potestate, ut sine ipsorum sententiâ nemo post Baptismum lapsus reconciliari possit. Bellarm. de Poenit. lib. 3. cap. 2. Christ hath appointed Priests to be judges upon earth with such power, that none falling into sin after Baptism may be reconciled without their sentence; and hath g Igitur in horum a●bitrio munus solvendi & ligandi, remittendi & retinendi peccata hominum, á Christo Domino, per Spiritum sanctum fuisse positum, liquido constat. Baron. An●al. tom. 1. ann. 34. s●ct. 197. put the authority of binding and losing, of forgiving and retaining the sins of men, in their arbitrement. Whether the Ministers of the Gospel may be accounted judges in some sort, we will not much contend: for we dislike neither that saying of S. Hierome, that h Qui claves regni coelorum habentes, quodammodo ante iudicii diem iudicant. Hieronym. epist. 1. ad Heliodorum. having the keys of the kingdom of heaven, they judge after a sort before the day of judgement; nor that other of S. Gregory, that the Apostles, & such as succeed them in the government of the Church, i Principatum superni iudicii sortiuntur, ut vice Dei quibusdam peccata retineant, quibusdam relaxent. Gregor. h●mil. 26. in Evangel. obtain a principality of judgement from above, that they may in God's stead retain the sins of some, and release the sins of others. All the question is, in what sort they do judge, and whether the validity of their judgement do depend upon the truth of the conversion of the penitent: wherein if our Romanists would stand to the judgement of S. Hierome or S. Gregory (one of whom they make a Cardinal, and the other a Pope of their own Church) the controversy betwixt us would quickly be at an end. For S. Hierome, expounding that speech of our Saviour, touching the keys of the kingdom of heaven, in the sixteenth of S. Matthew; k Istum locum Episcopi & Presbyteri non intelligentes, aliquid sibi de Pharisaeorum assumunt supercilio: ut vel damnent innocentes vel solvere se noxios arbitrentur: cum apud Deum non sententia Sacerdotum, sed reorum vita quaer●tur Legimus in Levitico de leprosis, ubi iubentur, ut ostendant se Sacerdotibus, & si lepram habuerint, tunc á Sacerdote immundi fiant: non quò Sacerdotes leprosos f●ciant & immundos: sed quò habeant notitiam leprosi & non leprosi, & possint discernere, qui mundus quive immundus sit. Quomodo ergo ibi leprosum Sacerdos mundum vel immundum facit: sic & hî alligat vel solvit Episcopus & Presbyter, non eos qui insontes sunt vel noxii, sed pro officio suo, cum peccatorum audierit varietates, scit qui ligandus scit quive solvendus, Hieronym. commentar. in Matth. cap. 16. The Bishops and Priests, saith he, not understanding this place, assume to themselves somewhat of the Pharisees arrogancy: as imagining, that they may either condemn the innocent, or absolve the guilty; whereas it is not the sentence of the Priests, but the life of the parties that is inquired of with God. In the book of Leviticus we read of the Lepers, where they are commanded to show themselves to the Priests, and if they shall have the leprosy, that then they shall be made unclean by the Priest. not that the Priests should make them leprous and unclean, but that they should take notice who was a leper and who was not, and should discern who was clean and who unclean. Therefore as there the Priest doth make the leper clean or unclean; so here the Bishop or Priest doth bind or lose: not bind the innocent, or lose the guilty; but when according to his office he heareth the variety of sins, he knoweth who is to be bound and who to be loosed. Thus far S. Hierome. S. Gregory likewise in the very same place from whence the Romanists fetch that former sentence, doth thus declare in what manner that principality of judgement, which he spoke of, should be exercised: being therein also followed step by step, by the Fathers of the Council of Aquisgran. l Caussae ergo pensandae sunt, & tunc ligandi atque solvendi potestas exercenda. Videndun est quae culpa, aut quae sit poenitentia secuta post culpam: ut quos omnipotens Deus per compunctionis gratiam visitat, illos Pastoris sententia absolvat. Tunc enim vera est absolutio praesidentis: cum aeterni arbitrium sequitur judicis. Gregor. in Evangel. homil. 26. Concil. Aquisgran. cap. 37. The causes ought to be weighed, and then the power of binding and losing exercised. It is to be seen, what the fault is, and what the repentance is that hath followed after the fault: that such as almighty God doth visit with the grace of compunction, those the sentence of the Pastor may absolve. For the absolution of the Prelate is then true, when it followeth the arbitrement of the eternal judge. And this do they illustrate by that which we read in the Gospel of the raising of Lazarus, joh. 11.44. that Christ did first of all give life to him that was dead by himself, and then commanded others to lose him, and let him go. m Ecce illum discipuli iam viventem solvunt: quem magister resuscitaverat mortuum. Si enim discipuli Lazarum mortuum solverent: foetorem magis ostenderent quam virtutem. Ex quâ consideratione intuendum est: quòd illos nos debemus per pastoralem auctoritatem solvere, quos auctorem nostrum cognoscimus per suscitantem gratiam vivificare. ●idem ibidem. & El●gius Noviomens' homil. 11. tom. 7: Bibliothec. Pa●r. pag. 248. ●dit. Colon. Behold (say they) the disciples do lose him being now alive; whom their Master had raised up being dead. For if the disciples had loosed Lazarus being dead: they should have discovered a stench more than a virtue. By which consideration we may see: that by our Pastoral authority we ought to lose those, whom we know that our Author and Lord hath revived with his quickening grace. The same application also do we find made, not only by n P. Lombard. lib. 4. Sent. dist. 18. lit. f. Alexand. de Hales, Summ. part. 4. quaest. 2●. membr. 1. etc. Peter Lombard, and other of the Schoolmen, but also by judocus Clichtoveus, not long before the time of the Council of Trent. o Sed ante prodiit redivivus Lazarus ex s●pulchro, & deinde ut solveretur á discipulis & sineretur abire á Domino jussum est: quia peccatorem etiam consuetudine committendi reatus gravatum, prius Dominus intrinsecus per seipsum vivificat, postea veró eundem per Sacerdotum ministerium absolvit. Nullus quippe peccator absolvendus est, antequam per dignam poenitentiam correctus, & intrinsecùs appareat vivificatus. Vivificare autem interiùs peccatorem solius Dei munus est, qui per Proph●tam dicit: Ego sum qui deleo iniquitates vestras. Clichtov. in Evangel. joann. lib. 7. cap. 23. inter opera Cyrilli. Lazarus (saith Clichtoveus) first of all came forth alive out of the sepulchre, and then was commandment given by our Lord that he should be loosed by the disciples and suffered to go his way: because the Lord doth first inwardly by himself quicken the sinner, and afterwards absolveth him by the Priest's ministry. For no sinner is to be absolved, before it appeareth that he be amended by due repentance, and be quickened inwardly. But inwardly to quicken the sinner, is the office of God alone, who saith by the Prophet: I am he that blotteth out your iniquities. The truth therefore of the Priest's absolution, dependeth upon the truth and sincerity of God's quickening grace in the heart of the Penitent: which if it be wanting, all the absolutions in the world will stand him in no stead. For example, our Saviour saith: p M●tth. 6.14, 15. etc. 18.35. If ye forgive men their trespasses, your heavenly Father will also forgive you; but, if ye forgive not men their trespasses, neither will your Father forgive your trespasses. and in this respect (as is observed by Sedulius) q In aliorum personis aut absolvimur aut ligamur. Sedul. lib. 2. Paschalis Operis, cap. 11. in other men's persons we are either absolved or bound: — r Id. lib. 2. Paschal. Carm. graviusque soluti Nectimur, alterius si solvere vincla negamus. Suppose now, that a man who cannot find in his heart to forgive the wrong done unto him by another, is absolved here by the Priest from all his sins (according to the usual form of Absolution:) are we to think that what is thus loosed upon earth, shall be loosed in heaven? and that Christ, to make the Priest's word true, will make his own false? And what we say of charity toward man, must much more be understood of the love of God and the love of righteousness: the defect whereof is not to be supplied by the absolution of any Priest. It hath been always observed for a special difference betwixt good and bad men, that the one s Odetunt peccare boni virtutis amore. Horas. lib. 1. epist. 16. hated sin for the love of virtue, the other only for the fear of punishment. The like difference do our Adversary's make betwixt Contrition and Attrition: t Fatemur enim perfectum odium peccati esse illud, quod ex amore Dei, justitiaeque procedit; & ideò dolorem, sive odium ex timore poenae conceptum, non Contritionem, sed Attritionem nominamus. Bellarm. lib. 2. the Penitent. cap. 18. that the hatred of sin, in the one proceedeth from the love of God and of righteousness; in the other, from the fear of punishment. and yet teach for all this, that u Id. ibid. Attrition (which they confess would not otherwise suffice to justify a man) being joined with the Priest's Absolution, is sufficient for that purpose: he that was attrite being by virtue of this Absolution made contrite, and justified, that is to say, he that was led only by a servile fear, and consequently was to be ranked among disordered and evil persons, being by this means put in as good case for the matter of the forgiveness of his sins, as he that loveth God sincerely. For they themselves do grant, that x Argumentum recté probat eos, qui timorem servilem habeat, inordinatos ac malos esse etc. Id. ibid. such as have this servile fear, from whence Attrition issueth, are to be accounted evil and disordered men, by reason of their want of charity: to which purpose also they allege that saying of Gregory, Recti diligunt te, non recti adhuc timent te. Such as be righteous love thee, such as be not righteous as yet fear thee. But they have taken an order notwithstanding, that non recti shall stand recti in curiâ with them: by assuming a strange authority unto themselves of justifying the wicked (a thing, we know, that hath the curse of y Prov. 17.15. God and z Prov. 24.24. man threatened unto it) & making men friends with God, that have not the love of God dwelling in them. For although we be taught by the word of God, that a 1. joh. 4.18. perfect love casteth out fear; that we b Rom. 8.15. have not received the spirit of bondage to fear again, but the spirit of adoption whereby we cry Abba, father; that mount Sinai (which c Heb. 12.18, 21. maketh those that come unto it to fear and quake) d Gal. 4.24, 25, 31. engendereth to bondage, and is to be cast out with her children, from inheriting the promise; & that e 1. Cor. 13.2, 3. Vid. authorem libri de verâ & fall â poenitentiâ cap. 17 inter opera Augustini, tom. 4. without love, both we ourselves are nothing, and all that we have doth profit us nothing: yet these wonderful men would have us believe, that by their word alone they are able to make something of this nothing; that fear without love shall make men capable of the benefit of their pardon, as well as love without fear; that whether men come by the way of mount Sinai or mount Zion, whether they have Legal or Evangelicall repentance, they have authority to absolve them from all their sins. as if it did lie in their power, to confound God's Testaments at their pleasure, and to give unto a servile fear not the benefit of manumission only, but the privilege of adoption also; by making the children of the bondwoman children of the promise, and giving them a portion in that blessed inheritance together with the children of her that is free. f Hebr. 6.1. Repentance from dead works, is one of the foundations and principles of the doctrine of Christ. g Poenitentian certam non facit, nisi odium peccati, & amor Dei. August serm. 7. de Tempore. Nothing maketh repentance certain, but the hatred of sin, and the love of God. and without true repentance all the Priests under heaven are not able to give us a discharge from our sins, and deliver us from the wrath to come. h Matth. 18.3. Except ye be converted, ye shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven. i Luk. 13.3, 5. Except ye repent, ye shall all perish: is the Lords saying in the new Testament. and in the old: k Ezech. 18.30, 31. Repent, and turn from all your transgressions: so iniquity shall not be your ruin. Cast away from you all your transgressions, whereby ye have transgressed, and make you a new heart and a new spirit: for why will ye dye, O house of Israel? Now put case one cometh to his ghostly father, with such sorrow of mind as the terrors of a guilty conscience usually do produce, and with such a resolution to cast away his sins, as a man hath in a storm to cast away his goods, not because he doth not love them, but because he feareth to lose his life if he part not with them: doth not he betray this man's soul, who putteth into his head, that such an extorted repentance as this, which hath not one grain of love to season it withal, will qualify him sufficiently for the receiving of an absolution, by I know not what sacramental faculty that the Priest is furnished withal to that purpose? For all do confess with S. Augustin, that l Timor namque iste quo non amatur justitia, sed timetur poena, servilis est, quia carnalis est, & ideò non c●ucifigit carnem. Vivit enim peccandi voluntas, quae tunc apparet in opere, quando speratur impunitas. cum veró paena c●editur secutura, latenter vivit, vivit tamen. Mallet enim licere & dolet non licere quod lex vetat: quia non spiritaliter delectatur ejus bono, sed carnaliter malum meruit quod minatur. August. in Psalm. 118. conc. 25. this fear which loveth not justice, but dreadeth punishment, is servile, because it is carnal, and therefore doth not crucify the flesh. For the willingness to sin liveth, which then appeareth in the work, when impunity is hoped for: but when it is believed that punishment will follow, it liveth closely, yet it liveth. For it would wish rather, that it were lawful to do that which the Law forbiddeth, and is sorry that it is not lawful: because it is not spiritually delighted with the good thereof, but carnally feareth the evil which it doth threaten. What man then, do we think, will take the pains to get him a new heart and a new spirit, and undertake the toilsome work of crucifying the flesh with the lusts thereof; if without all this ado, the Priest's absolution can make that other imperfect or rather equivocal contrition, arising from a carnal and servile fear, to be sufficient for the blotting out of all his sins? Or are we not rather to think that this sacramental penance of the Papists is a device invented by the enemy to hoodwink poor souls, and to divert them from seeking that true repentance which is only able to stand them in stead? and that such as take upon them to help lame dogs over the style after this manner, by substituting quid pro quo, attrition in stead of contrition, servile fear in stead of filial love, carnal sorrow in stead of godly repentance; are physicians of no value, nay such as minister poison unto men under colour of providing a sovereign medicine for them? He therefore that will have care of his soul's health, must consider, that much resteth here in the good choice of a skilful physician; but much more, in the pains that must be taken by the patient himself. For that every one who beareth the name of a Priest, is not fit to be trusted with a matter of this moment; their own Decrees may give them fair warning, where this admonition is m Decret. de Poenit. distinct. 1. ca 88 Quem poenitet. & dist. 6. ca 1. Qui vult twice laid down, out of the author that wrote of true and false repentance. n Qui confiteri vult peccata, ut inveniat gratiam, quaerat sacerdotem scientem ligare & solvere: ne, cum negligens circa se extiterit, negligatur ab illo, qui eum misericorditer monet, & petit, ne ambo in foveam cadant, quam stultus evitare noluit. Lib. de ver. & fals. penitent. cap 10. inter opera. Augustini, tom. 4. He who will confess his sins, that he may find grace, let him seek for a Priest that knoweth how to bind and lose: lest, while he is negligent concerning himself, he be neglected by him who mercifully admonisheth and desireth him, that both fall not into the pit, which the fool would not avoid. And when the skilfullest Priest that is, hath done his best: S. Cyprian will tell them, that o Poenitenti, operanti, roganti potest clementer ignoscere; potest in acceptum refer, quidquid pro tasibus & petierint martyrs, & fecerint sacerdotes. Cyprian. de Lapsis. (sect. 13. edit. Pamel. 29 Goulart.) to him that repenteth, to him that worketh, to him that prayeth, the Lord of his mercy can grant a pardon; he can make good that which for such men either the Martyrs shall request or the Priest shall do. If we inquire, who they were that first assumed unto themselves this exorbitant power of forgiving sins: we are like to find them in the Tents of the ancient heretics and schismatics; who p 2 Pet. 2.19. promised unto others liberty, when they themselves were the servants of corruption. q Quanti panem non hab●n●es & vestimen●a, cum ipsi esuriant & nudi sint, nec habeant spirituales cibos neque Christi tunicam integram reseruârint; aliis & alimonia & vestimenta promittunt, & pleni vulneribus medicos esse se jactant: nec servant illud Mosaicu, Provide alium quem mittas; aliud que mandatum, Ne quaeras judex fieri, ne fortè non possis aufe●re iniquitates. Solus Ie●us omnes 〈…〉 scriptum est▪ Qui sanat contritos cord, & alligat contritiones eorum. H●●. onym. lib. 2. co●●ent. in Esaei. cap. 3. How many (saith S. Hierom) which have neither bread nor apparel, when they themselves are hungry and naked, and neither have spiritual meats, nor preserve the coat of Christ entire; yet promise unto others food and raiment, and being full of wounds themselves brag that they be physicians: and do not observe that of Moses, (Exod. 4.13.) Provide another whom thou mayest send; & that other commandment (Ecclesiastic. 7.6.) Do not seek to be made a judge, lest peradventure thou be not able to take away iniquity. It is jesus alone, who healeth all sicknesses and infirmities: of whom it is written, (Psalm. 147.4.) He healeth the contrite in heart, and bindeth up their sores. Thus far S. Hierom. The Rhemists in their marginal note upon Luke 7.49. tell us, that as the Pharisees did always carp Christ for remission of sins in earth, so the Heretics reprehend his Church that remitteth sins by his authority. But S. Augustin treating upon the self same place, might have taught them, that hereby the bewrayed themselves to be the off spring of Heretics, rather than children of the Church. For whereas our Saviour there had said unto the penitent woman, Thy sins are forgiven; and they that sat at meat with him began to say within themselves, Who is this that forgiveth sins also? S. Augustin first compareth their knowledge and the knowledge of the woman thus together. r Noverat ergo illum poste dimittere peccata: illi autem noverant hominem non posse peccata dimittere. Et credendum est, quòd omnes, id est, & illi discumbentes, & illa mulier accedens ad pedes Domini, omnes high nonverant hominem non posse peccata dimittere. cum ergo omnes hoc nossent: illa quae credidit eum posse peccata dimittere, plus quam hominem esse intellexit. August. hom. 23. ex. 50. cap. 7. She knew that he could forgive sins; but they knew that a man could not forgive sins. And we are to believe that all, that is, both they which sat at table, and the woman which came to our Lords feet, they all knew that a man could not forgive sins. Seeing all therefore knew this, she who believed that he could forgive sins, understood him to be more than a man. and a little after: s Tamen illud bene nost●s, bene tenetis Tenete, quia homo non potest peccata dimittere. Illa quae sibi á Christo peccata dimitti credidit, Christum non hominem tantùm, sed & Deum credidit Id. ibid. That do you know well, that do you hold well; saith that learned Father. Hold, that a man cannot forgive sins. She who believed that her sins were forgiven her by Christ, believed that Christ was not only man, but God also. Then doth he proceed to compare the knowledge of the jews then with the opinion of the Heretics in his days. Herein (saith t Sed in eo melior Pharisaeus; quia cum putaret hominem Christum, non credebat ab homine posse dimitti peccata. Melior ergo Iudaeis quam haereticis apparuit intellectus. judaei dixerunt, Quis est hic qui etiam peccata dimittit? Audet sibi homo usurpare? Quid contrà Haereticus? Ego mundo, ego sanctifico. Respondeat illi, non ego, sed Christus. O homo, quando ego á Iudaeis putatus sum homo, dimissionem peccatorum fidei dedi. Non ego, respondet tibi Christus. O Haeretice, tu cum sis homo, dicis; Veni mulier, ego te salvam facio. Ego cum putarer homo, dixi, Vade mulier, fides tua te salvam fecit. Id. ibid. cap. 8. he) the Pharisee was better than these men: for when he did think that Christ was a man, he did not believe that sins could be forgiven by a man. It appeared therefore that the jews had better understanding than the Heretics. The jews said; Who is this that forgiveth sins also? Dare a man challenge this to himself? What saith the Heretic on the other side? I do forgive, I do cleanse, I do sanctify. Let Christ answer him, not I: O man, when I was thought by the jews to be a man, I ascribed the forgiveness of sins to faith. Not I, but Christ doth answer thee. O Heretic, Thou when thou art but a man sayest; Come woman, I do make the safe. I when I was thought to be but a man said; Go woman, thy faith hath made thee safe. The Heretics at whom S. Augustin here aimeth, were the Donatists: whom Optatus also before him did thus roundly take up for the same presumption. u Intelligite ves vel seró operarios esse, non dominos. Et si Ecclesia vinea est, sunt homines & ordinati cultores. Quid in dominium patrisfamilias irruistis? Quid vobis, quod Dei est, vindicatis? Optat. lib. 5. contra Donatist. Understand at length, that you are servants, and not Lords. And if the Church be a vineyard, and men be appointed to be dressers of it: why do you rush into the dominion of the householder? Why do you challenge unto yourselves, that which is Gods? x Concedite Deo, praestare quae sua sunt. Non enim potest munus abhomine dari, quod divinum est. Si sic putatis, Prophetarun voces, & Dei promissa inanire contenditis, quibus p●obatur, quia Deus lavat, non homo Id. ibid. Give leave unto God to perform the things that belong unto himself. For that gift cannot be given by man, which is divine. If you think so, you labour to frustrate the words of the Prophets, & the promises of God, by which it is proved that God washeth (away sin,) and not man. It is noted likewise by Theodoret, of the Audian heretics: that y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theodoret. heretic. fabul. lib. 4. they bragged they did forgive sins. The manner of Confession which he saith was used among them, was not much unlike that which Alvarus Pelagius acknowledgeth to have been the usual practice of them that made greatest profession of religion and learning in his time. z Vix enim aut rarissime aliquis talium confitetur nisi per verba generalia: vix unquam aliquod grave specificant. Quod dicunt unâ die, dicunt & alterâ: ac si in omni die aequaliter offendant. Alvar. de Planct. eccles. lib. 2. artic. 78. A. For scarce at all (saith he) or very seldom doth any of them confess otherwise then in general terms: scarce do they ever specify any grievous sin. What they say one day, that they say another, as if every day they did offend alike. The manner of Absolution was the same with that, which Theodoricus de Niem noteth to have been practised by the pardoners sent abroad by Pope Boniface the ninth: who a Omnia peccata etiam sine poenitentiâ ipsis confitentibus relaxârunt; super quibuslibet irregularitatibus dispensârunt inte●ventu pecuniae: dicentes se omnem potestatem habere super hoc, quam Christus Petro ligandi & solvendi contulisset in terris. Niem de schismaete, lib. 1. cap. 68 released all sins to them that confessed, without any penance (or repentance;) affirming that they had for their warrant in so doing, all that power which Christ gave unto Peter of binding and losing upon earth. just as Theodoret reporteth the Audians were wont to do: who presently b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theodor. haer. lib. 4. after confession granted remission; not prescribing a time for repentance, as the laws of the Church did require, but giving pardon by authority. The laws of the Church prescribed a certain time unto Penitents, c August. En●birid ad Laur. cap. 65. wherein they should give proof of the soundness of their repentance: and gave order that afterwards they should be d 2. Cor. 2.7. forgiven and comforted, lest they should be swallowed up with overmuch heaviness. So that first their penance was enjoined unto them, and thereby e Vid. Nomocanonem Nesteutae in Theod. Balsamonis collect. Canon. edit. Paris. an. 1620. pag. 1101. lin. ult. & Niconis epist. ad. Enclistium, ibid. pag. 1096 1097. & Anast●s. Sinait. quaest. 6. pag. 64. edit. Graecola●. Gretseri. they were held to be bound: after performance whereof they received their absolution, by which they were loosed again. But the Audian heretics, without any such trial taken of their repentance, did of their own heads give them absolution presently upon their confession: as the Popish Priests use to do now a days. Only the Audians had one ridiculous ceremony more than the Papists; that having placed the Canonical books of Scripture upon one side, and certain Apocryphal writings on the other, they caused their followers to pass betwixt them, and in their passing to make confession of their sins: as the Papists, another idle practice more than they; that after they have given absolution, they enjoin penance to the party absolved, that is to say, (as they of old would have interpreted it) they first lose him and presently after bind him. which howsoever they hold to be done in respect of the temporal punishment remaining due after the remission of the fault: yet it appeareth plainly, that the penitential works required in the ancient Church, had reference to the fault itself; and that no absolution was to be expected from the Minister for the one, before all reckonings were ended for the other. Only where the danger of death was imminent, the case admitted some exception: reconciliation being not denied indeed unto them that desired it at such a time, yet so granted, that it was left very doubtful, whether it would stand the parties in any great stead or no. f Si quis positus in ultimâ necessitate aegritudinis suae, voluerit accipere poenitentiam & accipit, & mox reconciliatur, & hinc vadit: fateor vobis, non illi negamus quod petit, sed non praesumimus quia bene hinc exit. Non praesumo, non vos fallo, non praesumo. August. homil. 41. ex 50. Ambros. exhort. ad penitent. If any one being in the last extremity of his sickness, saith S. Augustin, is willing to receive penance, and ●oth receive it, and is presently reconciled, and departeth hence: I confess unto you, we do not deny him that which he asketh, but we do not presume that he goeth well from hence. I do not presume, I deceive you not, I do not presume. g Agens poenitentiam ad ultimum & reconciliatus, si securus hinc exit, ego non sum securus. etc. Poenitentiam dare possum, securitatem dare non possum. Ibid. He who putteth off his penance to the last, and is reconciled; whether he goeth secure from hence, I am not secure. Penance I can give him, security I cannot give him. h Nunquid dico, damnabitur? Non dico Sed dico etiam, liberabitur? Non. Et quid dicis mihi? Nescio: non praesumo, non promitto nescio. Vis te de dubio liberare; vis quod incertum est evadere? Age poenitentiam dum sanus es. Ibid. Do I say, he shall be damned? I say not so. But do I say also, he shall be freed? No. What dost thou then say unto me? I know not: I presume not, I promise not, I know not. Wilt thou free thyself of the doubt? wilt thou escape that which is uncertain? Do thy penance while thou art in health. i Poenitentia quae ab infirmo petitur, infirma est. Poenitentia quae á moriente tantùm petitur, timeo ne ipsa moriatur. Augustin. serm. 57 de Tempore. The penance which is asked for by the infirm man, is infirm. The penance which is asked for only by him that is a dying, I fear lest it also dye. But with the matter of penance we have not here to deal: those formal absolutions and pardons of course, immediately granted upon the hearing of men's confessions, is that which we charge the Romish Priests to have learned from the Audian heretics. k Nonnulli ideo poscunt poenitentiam, ut statim sibi reddi communionem velint: high non tam se solvere cupiunt, quam Sacerdotem ligare. Suam enim conscientiam non exuunt, Sacerdotis induunt. Ambros. de Poenit. lib. 2. cap. 9 Some require penance to this end, that they might presently have the communion restored unto them: these men desire, not so much to lose themselves, as to bind the Priest; saith S. Ambrose. If this be true, that the Priest doth bind himself, by his hasty and unadvised losing of others: the case is like to go hard with our Popish Priests, who ordinarily in bestowing their absolutions, use to make more haste then good speed. Wherein, with how little judgement they proceed, who thus take upon them the place of judges in men's consciences, may sufficiently appear by this: that whereas the main ground, whereupon they would build the necessity of Auricular confession, and the particular enumeration of all known sins, is pretended to be this, that the ghostly Father having taken notice of the cause may judge righteous judgement, and discern who should be bound and who should be loosed, the matter yet is so carried in this court of theirs, that every man commonly goeth away with his absolution, and all sorts of people usually receive one and the self same judgement. l jerem. 1●. 19. If thou separate the precious from the vile, thou shalt be as my mouth: saith the Lord. Whose mouth then may we hold them to be, who seldom put any difference between these, and make it their ordinary practice to pronounce the same sentence of absolution aswell upon the one as upon the other? If we would know, how late it was before this trade of pardoning men's sins after this manner was established in the Church of Rome: we cannot discover this better, then by tracing out the doctrine publicly taught in that Church touching this matter, from the time of Satan's losing until his binding again by the restoring of the purity of the Gospel in our days. And here Radulphus Arden's doth in the first place offer himself: who toward the beginning of that time preached this for sound divinity. m Potes●as peccata relaxandi solius Dei est. Ministerium veró, quod improprié etiam potestas vocatur, vicariis suis concessit; qui modo suo ligant vel absolvunt, id est, ligatos vel absolutos esse ostendunt. prius enim Deus interiùs peccatorem per compunctionem absolvit; Sacerdos veró exteriùs, sententiam proferendo, eum esse absolutum ostendit. Quod bene significatur per Lazarun, qui prius in tumulo á Domino suscitatur, & pòst, ministerio discipulorum, á vitiis (f●r●. vittis) quibus ligatus fuerat absolvitur. Rad. A. den●, homil. Dominic. 1. post Pascha. The power of releasing sins, belongeth to God alone. But the ministry (which improperly also is called a power) he hath granted unto his substitutes; who after their manner do bind and absolve, that is to say, do declare that men are bound or absolved. For God doth first inwardly absolve the sinner by compunction: and then the Priest outwardly by giving the sentence doth declare that he is absolved. Which is well signified by that of Lazarus: who first in the grave was raised up by the Lord, and afterward by the ministry of the disciples was loosed from the bands wherewith he was tied. Then follow both the Anselmes', ours of Canterbury and the other of Laon in France: who in their expositions upon the ninth of S. Matthew, clearly teach, that none but God alone can forgive sins. Ivo Bishop of Chartres writeth, that n Per internum gemitum satisfit interno judici, & id●irco indilata datur ab eo peccati remissio, cui manifesta est interna conversio. Ecclesia veró, quia occulta cordis ignorat non solvit ligatum, licèt suscitatum, nisi de monumento elatum, id est, publicâ satisfactione purgatum. Ivo Carnotens. epist. 228. by inward contrition the inward judge is satisfied, and therefore without delay forgiveness of the sin is granted by him, unto whom the inward conversion is manifest: but the Church, because it knoweth not the hidden things of the heart, doth not lose him that is bound, although he be raised up, until he be brought out of the tomb, that is to say, purged by public satisfaction. and if presently upon the inward conversion God be pleased to forgive the sin: the absolution of the Priest which followeth, cannot in any sort properly be accounted a remission of that sin, but a further manifestation only of the remission formerly granted by God himself. The Master of the Sentences after him, having propounded the divers opinions of the Doctors touching this point, demandeth at last, o In hâc tantâ varietate quid tenendum? Ho● sané dicere ac sentire possumus; quòd solus Deus dimittit peccata & retinet, & tamen Ecclesiae contulit potestatem ligandi & solvendi: sed aliter ipse solvit vel ligat, alit●r Ecclesia. Ipse enim per se tantùm dimittit peccatum; qui & animam mundat ab interiori maculâ, & á debito aeternae mortis solvit. Non autem hoc Sacerdotibus concessit: quibus tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi & ligandi, id est, ostendendi homines ligatos vel solutos. Vnde Dominus leprosum sanitati prius per se restituit, deinde ad Sacerdotes misit, quorum judicio ostenderetur mundatus. Ita etiam Lazarum jam vivificatum obtulit discipulis solvendum. Petr. Lombard. lib. 4. S●ntent. distinct. 18. e f. In this so great variety what is to be held? and returneth for answer. Surely this we may say and think: that God alone doth forgive and retain sins, and yet hath given power of binding and losing unto the Church; but He bindeth and looseth one way, and the Church another. For he only by himself forgiveth sin, who both cleanseth the soul from inward blot, and looseth it from the debt of everlasting death. But this hath he not granted unto Priests: to whom notwithstanding he hath given the power of binding and losing, that is to say, of declaring men to be bound or loosed. Whereupon the Lord did first by himself restore health unto the leper, and then sent him unto the Priests, by whose judgement he might be declared to be cleansed: so also he offered Lazarus to his disciples to be loosed, having first quickened him. In like manner Hugo Cardinalis showeth, that it is p Solius Dei est dimittere peccata. Hugo Card. in Luc. 5. only God that forgiveth sins: and that q Vinculo culpae & poenae debitae, non potest eum Sacerdos ligare vel solvere; sed tantùm ligatum vel absolutum ostendere. Sicut Sacerdos Leviticus non faciebat vel mundabat leprosum; sed tantùm infectum vel mundum ostendebat. Id. in Matth. 16. the Priest cannot bind or lose the sinner, with or from the bond of the fault and the punishment due thereunto; but only declare him to be bound or loosed. as the levitical Priest did not make nor cleanse the leper, but only declared him to be infected or clean. And a great number of the Schoolmen afterward showed themselves to be of the same judgement: that to pardon the fault and the eternal punishment due unto the same, was the proper work of God; that the Priest's absolution hath no real operation that way, but presupposeth the party to be first justified and absolved by God. Of this mind were, r Altissiodorens. Summ. lib. 4. cap. de generali usu clavium. Guilielmus Altissiodorensis, s Alexand. Haelens. Summ. part. 4. quaest. 21. membr. 1. Alexander of Hales, t Bonavent. in 4. dist. 18. art. 2. quaest 1. & 2. Bonaventure, u Gu●l Ockam. in 4. Sent. quaest. 9 li●. Q. Ockam, x Argentin. in 4. Sent. dist. 18. art. 3. Thomas de Argentinâ, y Mi●h. Angrian. in Psal. 29. & 31. Michael de Bononiâ, z Biel. in 4. Sent. dist. 14. quaest. 2. d. n. & dist. 18. quaest. 1. k. Gabriel Biel, a H●nr. de Oyta (al. lu●a) in propositionib apud Ill●ricum, in Catal. ●est. veritat. Henricus de Huecta, b Ma●or in 4. Sent di●t. 18. quaest. 1. johannes Major, and others. To lay down all their words at large would be too tedious. In general, Hadrian the sixth (one of their own Popes) acknowledgeth, that c Hadrian in Quodliberic. quaest ● art. 3 b. the most approved Divines were of this mind, that the keys of the Priesthood do not extend themselves to the remission of the fault: and d Mayor in 4. dist. 14. qu. 2. concl. 3. Major affirmeth, that this is the common Tenet of the Doctors. So likewise is it avouched by Gabriel Biel, that e Et illam opinionem communiter sequuntur doctores antiqui. Biel. in 4. dist. 14. quaest. 2. d. the old Doctors commonly follow the opinion of the Master of the Sentences; that Priests do forgive or retain sins, while they judge and declare that they are forgiven by God or retained. But all this notwithstanding, Suarez is bold to tell us, that f Veruntamen haec sententia Magistri salsa est, & jam hoc tempore erronea. Fr. Suar●z. in Thom. tom. 4. disp. 19 s●ct 2. num 4. this opinion of the Master is false, and now at this time erroneous. It was not held so the other day, when Ferus preached at Mentz, that g Non quòd homo proprié remittat peccatum; sed quòd ostendat ac certificet á Deo remissum. Neque enim aliud est Absolutio, quam ab homine accipis, quam si dicat: En sili, certifico te t●bi remissa esse peccata, annunc●o tibi te habere propitium Deum; & quaecunque Christus in Baptismo & Evangelio nobis promisit, tibi nunc per me annunciat & promittit. Io. Ferus, lib. 2 comment. in Matth. cap. 9 edit. Mogunt. an. 1●●9. man did not properly remit sin, but did declare and certify that it was remitted by God. so that the Absolution received from man, is nothing else then if he should say: Behold my son, I certify thee that thy sins are forgiven thee, I pronounce unto thee that thou hast God favourable unto thee; and whatsoever Christ in Baptism and in his Gospel hath promised unto us, he doth now declare and promise unto thee by me. Of this shalt thou have me to be a witness: go in peace, and in quiet of conscience. But jam hoc tempore the case is altered: these things must be purged out of h Fer. in Matth. edit. Antuerp. an. 1559.1570. etc. Ferus as erroneous; the opinion of the old Doctors must give place to the sentence of the new Fathers of Trent. And so we are come at length to the end of this long question: in the handling whereof I have spent more time, th● 〈◊〉 ani● of th● r●st, by reason our Priests do make this faculty of pardoning men's sins to be one of the most principal parts of their occupation, and the particular discovery thereof is not ordinarily by the writers of our side so much insisted upon. The performance therefore of my promise of brevity, is to be expected in the briefer treating upon those articles that remain: the fifth whereof we are now to take into our consideration, which is OF PURGATORY. FOr extinguishing the imaginary flames of Popish Purgatory, we need not go far to fetch water: seeing the whole current of God's word runneth mainly upon this; that a 1. joh. 1.7. the blood of jesus Christ cleanseth us from all sin; that all God's children b 1. Cor· 15. 1●. 1. Thess. 4.16. die in Christ, and that such as c Revel. 14 13. dye in him, do rest from their labours; that, as they be d 2. Cor. 5.6, 8. absent from the Lord while they are in the body, so when they be absent from the body they are present with the Lord; and in a word, that they e joh. 5.24. come not into judgement, but pass from death unto life. And if we need the assistance of the ancient Fathers in this business: behold they be here ready, with full buckets in their hands. Tertullian, to begin withal, f C●ristum laedimus, cum evocatos quosque ab illo, quasi miserandos non aequanimiter accipimus. Cupio, 〈…〉 jam, & 〈◊〉 cum Christo quantò melius ostendit votum Christianorun. Ergo votum si alios consecutos impatienter dolemus, ipsi consequi no●umus. ●er●ull. lib. ●e Patient. cap. 9 counteth it injurious unto Christ, to hold that such as be called from hence by him are in a state that should be pitied. whereas they have obtained their desire of being with Christ: according to that of the Apostle, Philip. 1.23. I desire to depart, and to be with Chrest. What pity was it, that the poor souls in Purgatory should find no 〈◊〉 in those days to inform men better of their rueful condition; nor no Secretary to draw up such another supplication for them as this, which of late years Sir Thomas Moor presented in their name, g The Supplication o● souls, made by Sir Tho Moor. To all good Christian people. In most piteous wise continually calleth and cryeth upon your devoute charity and most tender pity, for help, comfort and relief, your late acquaintance, kindred, spouses, companions, playfellows, and friends, and now your humble and unacquainted and half forgotten suppliants, poor prisoners of God, the silly souls in Purgatory, here abiding and enduring the grievous pains and hot cleansing fire, etc. If S. Cyprian had understood but half thus much: doubtless he would have strucken out the best part of that famous treatise which he wrote of Mortality (to comfort men against death, in the time of a great plague) especially such passages as these are, which by no means can be reconciled with Purgatory. h Ejus est mortem timere, qui ad Christum n●lit ire: ejus est ad Christum nolle ire, qui se non credat cum Chr●sto incipere regnare. Scriptum est enim, justum fide vivere. Si justus es, & fide vivis, si vere in Deum credis: cur non cum Christo futurus, & de Domini pollic tatione securus, quòd ad Christum voceris, amplecteris, & quòd Diabolo careas, grat●la●is? Cyprian, de Mortalit. sect. 2. edit. Goulart. It is for him to fear death, that is not willing to go unto Christ: it is for him to be unwilling to go unto Christ, who doth not believe that he beginneth to reign with Christ. For it is written, that the just doth live by faith. If thou be just and livest by faith, if thou dost truly believe in God; why, being to be with Christ, and being secure of the Lords promise, dost not thou embrace the message whereby thou art called unto Christ, and rejoycest that thou shalt be rid of the Devil? Simeon said; Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, according to thy word: for mine eyes have seen thy salvation. i Probans scilicèt, atque contestans ●unc esse servis Dei pacem, tunc liberam tunc tranquillam quieten; quando de istis mundi turbinibus▪ 〈◊〉 tracti, sedi● & securitatis aeternae portum petimus, quando expunctâ hâc morte ad immortalitatem venimus. Ibid. proving thereby, and witnessing that the servants of God then have peace, then enjoy free and quiet rest; when being drawn from these storms of the world, we arrive at the haven of our everlasting habitation and security, when this death being ended we enter into immortality. k Ad refrigerium justi vocantur, ad suplicium rapiuntur injusti: datur velociùs tutela fidentibus, perfidis poena. Ibid. sect. 11. The righteous are called to a refreshing, the unrighteous are haled to torment: safety is quickly granted to the faithful, and punishment to the unfaithful. l Nec accipiendas esse hîc atras vestes, quando illi ibi indumenta alba jam sumpserint. Ibid sect. 14. We are not to put on black mourning garments here, when our friends there have put on white. m Non est exitus iste, sed transitus, &, temporali itinere decurso, ad aeterna transgressus. Ibid. sect. 15. This is not a going out, but a passage, and, this temporal journey being finished, a going over to eternity. n Amplectamur diem, qui assignat singulos domicilio suo; qui nos istinc ereptos, & laqueis secularibus exsolutos paradiso restituit & regno coelesti. Ibid. sect. 18. Let us therefore embrace the day that bringeth every one to his own house; which having taken us away from hence, and loosed us from the snares of this world, returneth us to Paradise and to the kingdom of heaven. The same holy Father in his Apology which he wrote for Christians unto Demetrian the proconsul of afric, affirmeth in like manner; that o Donec aevi temporalis fine completo, ad aeternae vel mortis vel immortalitatis hospitia dividamur. Id. ad Demetrian. sect. 16. the end of this temporal life being accomplished, we are divided into the habitations of everlasting either death or immortality. p Quando istinc excessum fuerit, nullus jam poenitentiae locus est, nul●us satisfactionis effectus: hîc vita aut amittitur, aut tenetur Id. ibid. sect. 22. When we are once departed from hence, there is now no farther place for repentance, neither any effect of satisfaction. here life is either lost or obtained. But if q Tu sub ipso licet exitu & vitae temporalis occasu, pro delictis rogues: & Deum, qui unus & verus est, confession & fidè agnitionis ejus implores venia confitenti datur, & tredenti indulgentia salutaris de divinâ pictate conceditur; & ad immortalitatem sub ipsâ morte transitur. Hanc gratiam Christus impertit, hoc munus miscricordiae sua● tribuit; subigendo mortem tropha●o crucis, redimendo credentem pretio sanguinis sui, reconciliando hominem Deo Patri, vivificando mortalem regeneratione coelesti. Ib. thou (saith he) even at the very end and setting of thy temporal life, dost pray for thy sins, and call upon the only true God with confession and faith: pardon is given to thee confessing, and saving forgiveness is granted by the divine piety to thee believing; and at thy very death thou hast a passage unto immortality. This grace doth Christ impart, this gift of his mercy doth he bestow; by subduing death with the triumph of his cross, by redeeming the believer with the price of his blood, by reconciling man unto God the Father, by quickening him that is mortal with heavenly regeneration. Where Solomon sayeth, Ecclesiast. 12.5. that man goeth to his everlasting house, and the mourners go about in the street: S. Gregory of Neocaesarea maketh this paraphrase upon those words; r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Greg. Neocaesar. metaphras. in Ecclesiast. The good man shall go rejoicing unto his everlasting house, but the wicked shall fill all with lamentations. Therefore did the Fathers teach, that men should s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anton. Meliss. part. 1. serm. 58. etc. rejoice at their death: and the ancient Christians framed their practice accordingly; t Nos non nativitatis diem celebramus; cum sit dolorum atque tentationum introitus: sed mortis diem celebramus; utpote omnium dolorum depositionem, atque omnium tentationum effugationem. Author ●ib. 3. in job, inter opera Origenis. Vide S. Basil. homil. in Psalm. 115. pag. 318. edit. Graecolat. not celebrating the day of their nativity, which they accounted to be the entry of sorrows and temptations, but celebrating the day of death, as being the putting away of all sorrows, and the escaping of all temptations. And so being filled with u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & paulo pòst. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys. Ecclesiast. hierarch. cap. 7. a divine rejoicing they came to the extremity of death as unto the end of their holy combats: x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. where they did more clearly behold the way that led unto their immortality, as being now made nearer; and did therefore praise the gifts of God, and were replenished with divine joy, as now not fearing any change to worse, but knowing well that the good things which they possessed shall be firmly and everlastingly enjoyed by them. The author of the Questions and Answers attributed to justin Martyr, writeth thus of this matter. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. justin. resp. ad Orthodox. quaest. 7 5. After the departure of the soul out of the body, there is presently made a distinction betwixt the just and the unjust. For they are brought by the Angels to places fit for them: the souls of the righteous to Paradise, where they have the commerce and sight of Angels and Archangels, etc. the souls of the unjust to the places in hell. That z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. de Virginitate. is not death (saith Athanasius) that befalleth the righteous, but a translation: for they are translated out of this world into everlasting rest: and as a man would go out of a prison, so do the Saints go out of this troublesome life unto those good things that are prepared for them. S. Hilary out of that which is related in the Gospel of the rich man and Lazarus observeth; that a Nihil illic dilationis aut morae est. judicii enim dies, vel beatitudinis retributio est aeterna vel poenae: tempus veró mortis habet unumquenque suis legibus, dum ad judicium unumquenque aut Abraham reservat aut poena. Hilar. in Psalm. 2. as soon as this life is ended, every one without delay is sent over either to Abraham's bosom, or to the place of torment, and in that state reserved until the day of judgement. S. Ambrose in his book of the good of Death, teacheth us, that death b Et quia portus quidam est eorum qui magno vitae istius jactati salo, sidae quietis stationem requirunt: & quia deteriorem statum non efficit, sed qualem in singulis invenerit, talem judicio futuro reservat, & quiet ipsá fovet, etc. Ambros. de bono mortis, cap. 4. is a certain haven to them, who being tossed in the great Sea of this life, desire a road of safe quietness: that it maketh not a man's state worse, but such as in findeth in every one, such it reserveth unto the future judgement, and refresheth with rest. that thereby c Transitur autem á corruption ad incorruptionem, á mortalitate ad immortalitatem, á perturbatione ad tranquillitatem. Ibid. a passage is made from corruption to incorruption, from mortality to immortality, from trouble to tranquillity. Therefore he saith, that where d Insipientes mortem quasi summum malorum reformidant: sapientes quasi requiem post labores & finem malorum expetunt. Ibid. cap. 8. fools do fear death as the chief of evils, wise men do desire it, as a rest after labours and an end of their evils. and upon these grounds exhorteth us, that e His igitur freti, intrepidé pergamus ad redemptorem nostrum jesum, intrepidé ad Patriarcharum Concilium, intrepidé ad patrem nostrum Abraham, cum dies advenerit, proficiscamur: intrepidé pergamus ad illum sanctorum caetum, justorumque conventum. Ibimus enim ad patres nostros, ibimus ad illos nostrae fidei praeceptores: ut etiamsi opera desint, fides opituletur, defendat haereditas. Ibid. cap. 12. when that day cometh, we should go without fear to jesus our redeemer, without fear to the Council of the patriarchs, without fear to Abraham our father; that without fear we should address ourselves unto that assembly of Saints, and congregation of the righteous. forasmuch as we shall go to our fathers, we shall go to those schoolmasters of our faith; that albeit our works fail us, yet faith may succour us, and our title of inheritance defend us. Macarius, writing of the double state of those that depart out of this life, affirmeth that when the soul goeth out of the body; if it be guilty of sin, the Devil carrieth it away with him unto his place: but when the holy servants of God f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Macar. Egypt. homil. 22. remove out of their body, the quyers of Angels receive their souls unto their own side, unto the pure world, and so bring them unto the Lord. and in another place, moving the question concerning such as depart out of this world sustaining two persons in their soul, to wit, of sin and of grace; whither they shall go that are thus held by two parts? he maketh answer, that thither they shall go, where they have their mind and affection settled. For g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. homil. 26. the Lord (saith he) beholding thy mind, that thou fightest, and lovest him with thy whole soul, separateth death from thy soul in one hour, (for this is not hard for him to do) and taketh thee into his own bosom, and unto light. For he plucketh thee away in the minute of an hour from the mouth of darkness, and presently translateth thee into his own kingdom. For God can easily do all these things in the minute of an hour; this provided only, that thou bearest love unto him. then which, what can be more direct against the dream of Popish Purgatory? h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil Pr●●m. in Regulas fusiùs disputat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Greg. Nazianzen. orat. 9 ad julianum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. This present world is the time of repentance, the other of retribution: this of working, that of rewarding: this of patient suffering, that of receiving comfort: saith S. Basil. Gregory Nazianzen, in his funeral orations, hath many sayings to the same purpose: being so far from thinking of any Purgatory pains prepared for men in the other world, that he plainly denieth, that i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nazianz. orat. 42 in Pascha. after the night of this present life there is any purging to be expected. and therefore he telleth us, k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. orat. 15. in plagam grandinis. indeque in locis communib. Maximi, serm. 45. & Antoniuses, part. 2. serm. 94. that it is better to be corrected and purged now, than to be sent unto the torment there, where the time of punishing is, and not of purging. S. Hierome, comforteth Paula for the death of her daughter Blaesilla, in this matter. l Lugeatur mortuus; sed ille, quem gelienna suscipit, quem tartarus devorat, in cujus poenam aeternus ignis aestuat. Nos, quorum exitum Angelorum turba comitatur, quibus obviam Christus occurrit, gravemur magis, si diutiùs in tabernaculo isto mortis habitemus. Quia quamdiu hîc moramur, peregrinamur á Domino. Hieronym. epist. 25. Let the dead be lamented; but such a one, whom Gehenna doth receive, whom Hell doth devour, for whose pain the everlasting fire doth burn. Let us, whose departure a troop of Angels doth accompany, whom Christ cometh forth to meet, be more grieved, if we do longer dwell in this tabernacle of death. Because, as long as we remain here, we are pilgrims from God. By all that hath been said, the indifferent Reader may easily discern, what may be thought of the craking Cardinal, who would face us down, that m Omnes veteres Graeci & Latini ab ipso tempore Apostolorum constanter docuerunt Purgatorium esse. Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 1. c. 15. all the ancients, both Greek and Latin, from the very time of the Apostles, did constantly teach that there was a Purgatory. whereas his own partners could tell him in his ear, that n Alphons. de Castro advers. haeres. lib. 8. tit. Indulgentia. Io. Roffens. Assert. Lutheran. Confutat. artic. 18. Polydor. Vergil. de invent. ●er. lib. 8. cap. 1. in the ancient writers there is almost no mention of Purgatory, especially in the Greek writers; and therefore that by the Grecians it is not believed until this day. He allegeth indeed a number of authorities to blear m●ns eyes withal: which being narrowly looked into, will be found either to be counterfeit stuff, or to make nothing at all to the purpose; as belonging either to the point of praying for the dead only, (which in those ancient times had no relation to Purgatory; as in the handling of the next article we shall see) or unto the fire of affliction in this life, or to the fire that shall burn the world at the last day, or to the fire prepared for the Devil and his Angels, or to some other fire than that which he intended to kindle thereby. This benefit only have we here gotten by his labours: that he hath saved us the pains of seeking far for the forge, from whence the first sparkles of that purging fire of his brake forth. For the ancientest memorial that he bringeth thereof, (the places which he hath abused out of the Canonical and Apocryphal scriptures only excepted) o Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 1. cap. 11. is out of Plato in his Gorgias and Phaedo, Cicero in the end of his fiction of the dream of Scipio, and Virgil in the sixth book of his Aeneids: and next after the Apostles times, p Id. ibid. cap. 7. & 10. out of Tertullian in the seventeenth chapter of his book de Animâ, and Origen in divers places. Only he must give us leave to put him in mind, with what spirit Tertullian was led, when he wrote that book de Animâ: and with what authority he strengtheneth that conceit of men's paying in hell for their small faults before the resurrection, namely of q Hoc etiam Paracletus frequentissimé commendavit; si quis sermones ejus ex agnitione promissorum charismatum admiserit. Tertullian. de Animâ, cap. ult. the Paraclete; by whom if he mean Montanus the arch- heretic (as there is small cause to doubt that he doth) we need not much envy the Cardinal, for raising up so worshipful a patron of his Purgatory. But if Montanus come short in his testimony, Origen I am sure pays it home with full measure, not pressed down only and shaken together, but also running over. For he was one of those (as the r Non defuerunt, qui adeò Purgatorium probârint, ut nullas poenas nisi purgatorias post hanc vitam agnoverint. Ita Origenes sensit. Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 1. cap 2. Cardinal knoweth full well) who approved of Purgatory so much, that he acknowledged no other pains after this life but purgatory penalties only: and therefore in his judgement Hell and Purgatory being the self same thing, such as blindly follow the Cardinal may do well to look, that they stumble not upon Hell, while they seek for Purgatory. The Grecians profess, s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gra●ci. in lib. de Purgatorio igne, á Bon. Vulcanio edit. that they are afraid to tell their people of any temporary fire after this life; lest it should breed in them a spice of Origens' disease, and put out of their memory the thought of eternal punishment, and by this means occasioning them to be more careless of their conversation, make them indeed fit fuel for those everlasting flames. Which fear of theirs, we may perceive not to have been altogether causeless; when the Purgatory of Origen resembleth the Purgatory of the Pope so nearly, that the wisest of his Cardinals is so ready to mistake the one for the other. And, to speak the truth, the one is but an unhappy sprig cut off from the rotten trunk of the other: which sundry men long since endeavoured to graft upon other stocks, but could not bring unto any great perfection; until the Pope's followers tried their skill upon it, with that success which now we behold. Some of the ancient that put their hand to this work, extended the benefit of this fiery purge unto all men in general: others thought fit to restrain it unto such as some way or other bore the name of Christians, others to such Christians only as had one time or other made profession of the Catholic faith, and others to such alone as did continue in that profession until their dying day. Against all these S. Augustine doth learnedly dispute; proving that wicked men, of what profession soever, shall be punished with everlasting perdition. And whereas the defenders of the last opinion did ground themselves upon that place in the third chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, which the Pope also doth make the principal foundation of his Purgatory (although it be a t Vniuscujusque opus quale sit, ignis probabit. 1. Cor. 3.13. probatory, and not a purgatory fire that the Apostle there treateth of) S. Augustine maketh answer, that u Augustin. de fide & operib. cap. 15. this sentence of the Apostle is very obscure, & to be reckoned among those things which S. Peter saith are hard to be understood in his writings, which men ought not to pervert unto their own destruction: and freely x Id ibid. cap. 16 confesseth that in this matter he would rather hear more intelligent and more learned men then himself. Yet this he delivereth for his opinion: that by wood, hay, and stubble is understood that overgreat love which the faithful bear to the things of this life; and by fire, that temporal tribulation which causeth grief unto them by the loss of those things upon which they had too much placed their affections. But y Sive ergo in hâc vitâ tantùm homines ista patiuntur, sive etiam post hanc vitam talia quaedam iudicia subsequuntur; non abhorret, quantum arbitror, á ratione veritatis iste intellectus huius sententiae. Id. ibid. c. 16. whether in this life only (saith he) men suffer such things, or whether some such judgements also do follow after this life; the meaning which I have given of this sentence, as I suppose, abhorreth not from the truth. And again. z Sive ibi tantùm, sive hîc & ibi, sive ideò hîc ut non ibi, secularia (quamvis á damnatione venialia) concremantem ignem transitoriae tribulationis inveniant; non redarguo, quia forsitan verum est. Id. lib. 21 de Civit. Dei, cap. 26. Whether they find the fire of transitory tribulation (burning those secular affections, which are pardoned from damnation) in the other world only, or whether here and there, or whether therefore here that they may not find them there; I gainsay it not, because peradventure it is true. And in another place. a Tale aliquid etiam post hanc vitam fieri incredibile non est, & utrum ita sit quaeri potest, & aut inveniri aut latere; nonnullos fideles per ignem quendam purgatorium, quanto magis minúsve bona pereuntia dilexerunt, tanto tardiùs citiusque salvari. Id. in Euchirid. ad Laurent. cap. 69. That some such thing should be after this life, it is not incredible, and whether it be so it may be inquired, and either be found or remain hidden; that some of the faithful by a certain purgatory fire, by how much more or less they have loved these perishing goods, are so much the more slowly or sooner saved. Wherein the learned Father dealeth no otherwise, then when in disputing against the same men, he is content, if they would acknowledge that the wrath of God did remain everlastingly upon the damned, to give them leave to think that their pains might some way or other be lightened or mitigated. Which yet notwithstanding (saith b Quod quidem non ideo confirmo, quoniam non refello. Id. de Civit. Dei, lib. 21. cap. 24. he) I do not therefore affirm, because I oppose it not. What the Doctors of the next succeeding ages taught herein, may appear by the writings of S. Cyrill, Gennadius, Olympiodorus, and o●hers. S. Cyrill from those last words of our Saviour upon the Cross, Father into thy hands I commend my spirit, c Quod nobis magnae spei fundamentum a●que originem praebet. Credere namque deb●mus, quum á corporibus sanctorum animae abierint, tanquam in manus charissimi patris, bonitati divinae commendari; nec, ut quidam infidelium crediderunt, in terris conversari, quousque sepulturae honoribus affectae sint; nec, ut peccatorum animae, ad immensi cruciatus locum, id est ad Inferos, deferri: itinere hoc nobis á Christo primùm praeparato, sed in manus potius patris evolare. Tradidit enim animam suam manibus genitoris, ut ab illâ & per illam facto initio, certam huius rei spem habeamus: firmiter credentes, in manibus Dei nos post morlem futuros, vitamque multo meliorem ac perpetuò cum Christo victuros. ideò enim Pau●us desideravit resolvi, & esse cum Christo. Cyrill. Alexandr. in johann. lib. 12. cap. 36. delivereth this as the certain ground and foundation of our hope. We ought to believe that the souls of the Saints, when they are departed out of their bodies, are commended unto God's goodness, as unto the hands of a most dear Father; and do not remain in the earth (as some of the unbelievers have imagined) until they have had the honour of burial; neither are carried, as the souls of the wicked be, unto a place of unmeasurable torment, that is, unto Hell: but rather fly to the hands of the Father, this way being first prepared for us by Christ. For he delivered up his soul into the hands of his Father, that from it, and by it a beginning being made, we might have certain hope of this thing: firmly believing, that after death we shall be in the hands of God, and shall live a far better life for ever with Christ. for therefore Paul desired to be dissolved, and to be with Christ. Gennadius, in a book wherein he purposely taketh upon him to reckon up the particular points of doctrine received by the Church in his time, when he cometh to treat of the state of souls separated from the body, maketh no mention at all of Purgatory; but layeth down this for one of his positions. d Post ascensionem Domini ad coelos, omnium sanctorum animae cum Christo sunt, & exeuntes de corpore ad Christum vadunt, expectantes resurrectionem corporis sui, ut ad integram & perpetuam beatitudinem cum ipso pariter immutentur: sicut & peccatorum animae in inferno sub timore positae, expectant resurrectionem sui corporis, ut cum ipso ad poenam detrudantur aeternam. Gennad. de Ecclesiastic. dogmatib. cap. 79. After the ascension of our Lord into heaven, the souls of all the Saints are with Christ, and departing out of the body go unto Christ, expecting the resurrection of their body, that together with it they may be changed unto perfect and perpetual blessedness: as the souls of the sinners also being placed in Hell under fear, expect the resurrection of their body, that with it they may be thrust unto everlasting pain. In like manner Olympiodorus, expounding that place of Ecclesiastes, e Eccles. 11.3. If the tree fall toward the South or toward the North, in the place where the tree falleth, there it shall be; maketh this inference thereupon. f In quocunque igitur loco seu illustri seu tenebroso, hoc est, sive in turpi scelerum statione sive in honestâ vi●tutum, deprehendatur homo cum moritur, in eo gradu atque ordine permanet in aeternum. Nam vel requiescit in lumine felicitatis aeternae cum justis & Christo Domino, vel in tenebris cruciatur cum iniquis & principe mundi huius Diabolo. Olympiodor. in Ecclesiast. cap. 11. In whatsoever place therefore, either lightsome or dark, that is, either in the foul station of sins or in the honest of virtues, a man is taken when he dyeth, in that degree and order he remaineth for ever. For either he resteth in the light of eternal felicity with the just and with Christ our Lord, or is tormented in darkness with the wicked and with the Devil the prince of this world. The first whom we find directly to have held, that g Sed tamen de quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judicium purgatorius ignis credendus ●st. Gregor. Dialog. l●b. 4. cap. 39 for certain light faults there is a purgatory fire provided before the day of judgement; was Gregory the first, about the end of the sixth age after the birth of our Saviour Christ. It was his imagination, that the end of the world was then at hand, and that h Quemadmodum cum nox finiri & dies incipit oriri, ante Solis o●tum simul aliquo modo tenebrae cum luce commixtae sunt, quousque discedentes noct●s reliquiae in luce diei subsequentis perfectè vertantur: ita huius mundi finis jam cum futuri saeculi ex ordio permiscetur, atque ipsae reliquiarum tenebrae quâdam iam rerum spiritalium permixtione translucent. Id. ibid. cap. 41. as when the night beginneth to be ended and the day to spring, before the rising of the Sun the darkness is in some sort mingled together with the light, until the remains of the departing night be turned into the light of the following day; so the end of this world was then intermingled with the beginning of the world to come, and the very darkness of the remains thereof made transparent by a certain mixture of spiritual things. And this he assigneth for the reason, i Quid hoc est quaeso te, quòd in his extremis temporibus tam multa de animabus clarescunt, quae antè latuerunt; ita ut apertis revelationibus atque ostensionibus venturum saeculum inferre se nobis, atque aperire videatur. Ibid. cap. 40. why in those last times so many things were made clear touching the souls, which before lay hid; so that by open revelations and apparitions the world to come might seem to bring in and open itself unto them. But as we see that he was plainly deceived in the one of his conceits; so have we just cause to call into question the verity of the other. the Scripture especially having informed us, that a people for enquiry of matters should not have recourse to k Esai. 8.19, 20. the dead, but to their God, to the Law and to the Testimony: it being not God's manner, to send men l Luc. 16.29, 30. from the dead to instruct the living, but to remit them unto Moses and the Prophets, that they may hear them. And the reason is well worth the observation which the author of the Questions to Antiochus rendereth, why God would not permit the soul of any of those that departed from hence to return back unto us again, and to declare the state of things in Hell unto us: lest m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ad Antioch. quaest. 35. inter opera Athanasijs. much error might arise from thence unto us in this life. For many of the Devils (saith he) might transform themselves into the shapes of those men that were deceased, and say that they were risen from the dead; and so might spread many false matters & doctrines of the things there, unto our seduction and destruction. Neither is it to be passed over, that in those apparitions and revelations, related by Gregory, there is no mention made of any common lodge in Hell appointed for purging of the dead (which is that which the Church of Rome now striveth for) but of certain souls only that for their punishment were confined to n Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 40. & 55. baths and other such places here upon earth; which our Romanists may believe if they list, but must seek for the Purgatory they look for somewhere else. And yet may they save themselves that labour, if they will be advised by the Bishops assembled in the Council of Aquisgran (240. years after these visions were published by Gregory) who will resolve them out of the word of God, how sins are punished in the world to come. o Tribus itaque modîs peccata mortalium vindicantur: duobus in hâc vitâ, tertio in futurâ vitâ. De duobus ita Apostolus inquit: Si nosmetipsos judicaverimus, á Domino non judicabimur. Haec est vindicta, quam inspirante Deo omnis peccator, pro suis admissis poenitendo, in seipso vindicat. Quod autem prosecutus idem Apostolus infert; cum judicamur autem, á Domino corripimur, ut non cum mundo damnemur: haec est vindicta quam omnipotens Deus misericorditer peccatori irrogat, iuxta illud: Deus quem amat, corripit, flagellat autem omnem filium quem recipit. Tertia autem extat valde pertimescenda atque terribilis, quae non in hoc sed in futuro, iustissimo Dei iudicio, fiet saeculo, quando justus iudex dicturus est: Discedite á me maledicti in ignem aeternum, qui paratus est diabolo & angelis eius. Capitul. Aquisgran. Concil. ad Pipinum miss. lib. 1. cap. 1. The sins of men (say they) are punished three manner of ways: two in this life, and the third in the life to come. Of those two the Apostle saith: If we would judge ourselves, we should not be judged of the Lord. This is the punishment, wherewith (by the inspiration of God) every sinner, by repenting for his offences, taketh revenge upon himself. But where the Apostle consequently adjoineth; When we are judged we are chastened of the Lord, that we should not be condemned with this world: this is the punishment, which almighty God doth mercifully inflict upon a sinner, according to that saying; Whom God loveth, he chasteneth, and he scourgeth every son that he receiveth. But the third is very fearful and terrible, which by the most just judgement of God shall be executed, not in this world but in that which is to come, when the just judge shall say: Depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire, which is prepared for the Devil and his angels. Add hereunto the saying of the author of the book De vanitate saeculi (wrongly ascribed to S. Augustine:) p Scitote, quòd cum anima á corpore evellitur, statim aut in paradiso pro me●itis bonis collocatur, aut certè pro peccatis in infer●i tartara praecipitatur. Lib. de vanit. saeculi, cap. 1. tomo 9 Operum Augustini. Know, that when the soul is separated from the body, presently it is either placed in Paradise for his good merits, or cast headlong into the bottom of hell for his sins. and, that in the days of Otto Frisingensis himself (who wrote in the year of our Lord MCXLVI.) the doctrine of Purgatory was esteemed only a private assertion held by some, and not an article of faith generally received by the whole Church. (for why should he else write of it in this manner? q Esse apud inferos locum purgatorium, in quo salvandi vel tenebris tantùm afficiantur, vel expiationis igne decoquantur, QVIDAM asserunt. Otto Frising lib. 8. Chron. cap. 26. That there is in Hell a place of Purgatory, wherein such as are to be saved are either only troubled with darkness, or decocted with the fire of expiation, SOM● do affirm.) and last, that the Purgatory wherewith the Romish clergy doth now delude the world, is a new devise, never heard of in the Church of God, for the space of a thousand years after the birth of our Saviour Christ. For the Gregorian Purgatory, which reached no further then to the expiation of r Sed tamen hoc de parvis minimisque peccatis fieri posse credendum est; sicut est assiduus otiosus sermo, immoderatus risus, etc. Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap. 39 small and very light faults, would not serve these men's turn; who very providently considered, that little use could be made of that fire, if it had no other fuel but this to maintain it. For such peccadilloes as these (they say) may be taken away in this life s Sext. Proaem. in Glos●â. verb. Benedictionem. Francisc á Victoriâ in Summâ sacramentor. Eccles. num. 110. jacob. de Graffijs, decis. cas. conscient. part. 1. lib. 1. cap. 6. num. 10. by knocking the breast, by receiving the Bishop's blessing, by being sprinkled with holy water, and by such other easy remedies; that if this were all the matter to be cared for, men needed not greatly to stand in fear of Purgatory. Yea admit they should be so extremely negligent in their life time, that they forgot to use any of these helps: they might for all this at the time of their death be more afraid than hurt; yea this t Sed plerumque de culp●s minimis ipse solus pavor egredientes i●storu● animas purgat. Gregor. Dialog. lib. 4. cap 46. fear alone (if there were nothing else) might prove a means to purge their souls, at the very parting, from th●se faults of the lightest kind; if Gregory may be credited Nay, which is more, divers of their own u Dele● gra●ia sinalis peccatum veni●le in ipsâ dissolutione corporis & animae, etc. Hoc ab antiquis dictum est. sed nunc communiter tenetur, quòd peccatum veniale cum hinc deferatur á multis, etiam quantum ad culpam, in Pu●gatorio purgatur. Albert Magn. in Compend. Theologicae veritat. lib. 3. c. 11. Vid. Alexand. Halen● Summ. part. 4. quaest. 15. memb●. ●. artic. 3. Du●and. lib 4. dist. 46. quaest. 1. etc. elder Divines (to whom we may adjoin Cardinal x Caietan. Opusc. tom 1. tract. 23. the Purgator. quaest. 1. Caietan also in these later days) have taught; that all the remains of sin in God's children are quite abolished by final grace, at the very instant of their dissolution; so that the stain of the least sin is not left behind to be carried unto the other world. Now Purgatory (as Bellarmine describeth it) is a y Locus quidam, in quo tanquam in carcere post hanc vitam purgantur animae, quae in hâc non plené purgatae fuerunt; ut nimirùm sic purgatae in coelum ingredi valeant, quò nihil intrabit coinquinatum. De hoc est tota controversia. Bellarmin de Purgator. lib. 1. cap. 1. certain place, in which as in a prison those souls are ●urged after this life, which were not fully purged in this life; that being so purged they may be able to enter in to heaven, wherein to no unclean thing can enter. And of this, saith he, is all the controversy. If that be so: their own Doctors, you see, will quickly bring this controversy unto an end. For if the souls be fully purged here from all spot of sin: what need have they to be sent unto any other Purgatory after this life? Yes, say they, although the fault be quite remitted, and the soul clearly freed from the pollution thereof: yet may there remain a temporal punishment due for the very mortal sins that have been committed; which (if relief do not otherwise come, by the help of such as are alive) must be sound laid on in Purgatory. But why in Purgatory, say we; seeing here there is no more purging work left? for the fault and the blot being taken away already; what remaineth yet to be purged? The punishment only they say is left behind: and punishment, I hope, they will not hold to be the thing that is purged away by punishment. Again we desire them to tell us, what Father or ancient Doctor did ever teach this strange divinity? that a man being clearly purged from the blot of his sin, and fully acquitted here from the fault thereof; should yet in the other world be punished for it with such grievous torments as the tongue of man is not able to express. And yet, as new and as absurd a doctrine as it is, the Pope and his adherents have builded thereupon both their guileful Purgatory (with which it suiteth as evillfavouredly as may be) and their gainful Indulgences; which, by their own doctrine, z Id. de Indulgent. lib. 1. cap. 7. propos. 1. free not a man from the guilt of any fault, either mortal or venial, but only from the guilt of the temporal punishment, which remaineth after the fault hath been forgiven. When Thomas Aquinas & other Friars had brought the frame of this new building unto some perfection, and fashioned all things therein unto their own best advantage: the Doctors of the Greek Church did publicly oppose themselves against it. Matthaeus Quaestor by name wrote against Thomas herein: whose book is still preserved in the Emperor's Library at Vienna. So Athanasius his disputation against Purgatory is (or lately was) to be seen in the French Kings Library: and the like of Germanus (Patriarch of Constantinople) and others, elsewhere. The Apology of the Grecians touching the same subject, is commonly to be had: which was penned by a Sixt. Senens. lib. 6. Bibliothec. Sanct. annotat. 259. Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus, and b Responsio Graecorum ad positionem Latinorum, opinionem ignis purgatorii fundantium & probantium. Quae lecta & data fuit reverendiss. & reverendis patribus, & Dominis deputatis, die sabbati, XIIII. mensis junii, 1438. in sacristiâ frarrum minorum, Basileae Praesentata Nicolao Cusano. Mar●in. Crusius in Turco-Graeciâ, pag. 186, ex libro MS. joan. Capnionis. presented to Cardinal Cusanus and the deputies of the Council of Basil, in the year MCCCCXXXVIII. the 14 of june; c Ast. Concil. Florentin. the very same day, wherein Bessarion Archbishop of Nice disputed with the Latins of the same matter in the Council assembled at Ferraria. In that Apology, the Grecians begin their disputation with this proposition. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apolog Graecor. de Purgator. á Bonav. Vu●can. edit. A purgatory fire, and a punishment by fire which is temporal and shall at last have an end; neither have we received from our Doctors, neither do we know that the Church of the East doth maintain. They add further. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Neither have we received it from any of our Doctors, and moreover no small fear doth trouble us, lest by admitting a temporary fire both penal and purgatory, we should destroy the full consent of the Church. And thereupon they conclude very peremptorily. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. For these reasons therefore, neither have we ever hitherto affirmed any such thing, neither will we at all affirm it. Yet within a year after, the Pope and his ministers prevailed so far with them in the Council at Florence, that they were content for peace sake to yield, that g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Florentin. Sess 25. the middle sort of souls were in a place of punishment; but whether that were fire, or darkness and tempest, or something else, they would not contend. And accordingly was the pretended Union betwixt them and the Latins drawn up: that, h Si veré poenitentes in Dei charitate decesserint, antequàm dignis poenitentiae fructibus de commissis satisfecerint & omissis; eorum animas poenis purgatoriis post mortem purgari. Eugenij IV. Bulla Vnionis. ibid. Cuius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etiam inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cotteniana vidimus. if such as be truly penitent dye in God's favour, before they have satisfied for their sins of commission and omission by worthy fruits of penance, their souls are purged after death with purgatory punishments; neither fire, nor any other kind of punishment being specified in particular. But neither would Marcus the Bishop of Ephesus (who was one of the Legates of the patriarchs of Antioch and of jerusalem) consent to this union: neither could the Greek Church afterwards by any means be drawn to yield unto it. And so unto this day, the Romish Purgatory is rejected as well by the Grecians, as by the Muscovites and Russians, the Cophtites and Abassines, the Georgians and Armenians, together with the Syrians and Chaldaeans that are subject to the patriarchs of Antioch and Babylon, from Cyprus and Palaestina unto the East Indies. And this may suffice for the discovery of this newfound creek of Purgatory. OF PRAYER FOR THE DEAD. PRayer for the dead, as it is used in the Church of Rome, doth necessarily suppose Purgatory: and therefore whatsoever hath been alleged out of the Scriptures and Fathers against the one, doth stand in full force against the other. so that here we need not actum agere, and make a new work of overthrowing that, which hath been sufficiently beaten down already. But on the other side, the admittall of Purgatory doth not necessarily infer Prayer for the dead: nay, if we shall suppose (with our Adversaries) that Purgatory is the Matth. 5.26. prison, from whence none shall come out, until they have paid the utmost farthing; their own paying, and not other men's praying, must be the thing they are to trust unto, if ever they look to be delivered out of that jail. Our Romanists indeed do commonly take it for granted, that b Bishop against Perkins reform. Catholic, part. 2. pag. 149. Purgatory and prayer for the dead be so closely linked together, that the one doth necessarily follow the other: but in so doing, they reckon without their host, and greatly mistake the matter. For howsoever they may deal with their own devises as they please, and link their Prayers with their Purgatory as closely as they list: yet shall they never be able to show, that the commemoration and prayers for the dead, used by the ancient Church, had any relation unto their Purgatory; and therefore whatsoever they were, Popish prayers we are sure they were not. I easily foresee, that the full opening of the judgement of the Fathers in this point, will hardly stand with that brevity which I intended to use in treating of these latter questions: the particulars be so many, that necessarily do incur into the handling of this argument. But I suppose the Reader will be content rather to dispense with that promise, whereby I did abridge myself of the liberty which otherwise I might freely have taken: than be sent away unsatisfied in a matter, wherein the Adversary beareth himself confident beyond measure, that the whole stream of antiquity runneth clearly upon his side. That the truth then of things may the better appear: we are here prudently to distinguish the original institution of the Church, from the private opinions of particular Doctors which waded further herein than the general intendment of the Church did give them warrant; and diligently to consider, that the memorials, oblations and prayers made for the dead at the beginning, had reference to such as rested from their labours, and not unto any souls which were thought to be tormented in that Utopian Purgatory, whereof there was no news stirring in those days. This may be gathered, first, by the practice of the ancient Christians, laid down by the author of the Commentaries upon job, (which are wrongly ascribed unto Origen) in this manner. c Proptereà & memorias sanctorum sacimus & parentum nostrorum vel amicorum in fide morientium devoté memoriam agimus; tam illorum refrigerio gaudentes, quam etiam nobis piam consummationem in fide postulantes. Celebramus nimirum, religiosos cum sacerdotibus convocantes, fideles unâ ●um clero; invitantes adhuc egenos & pauperes, pupillos & viduas saturantes: ut fiat festivitas nostra in memoriam requiei defunctis animabus, nobis autem efficiatur in odorem suavitatis in conspectu aeterni Dei Lib. 3. commentar. in job, inter opera Origenis. We observe the memorials of the Saints, and devoutly keep the remembrance of our parents or friends which die in the faith; as well rejoicing for their refreshing, as requesting also for ourselves a godly consummation in the faith. Thus therefore do we celebrate the death, not the day of the birth: because they which die, shall live for ever. and we celebrate it, call together religious persons with the Priests, the faithful with the Clergy; inviting moreover the needy and the poor, feeding the orphans and widows: that our festivity may be for a memorial of rest to the souls departed whose remembrance we celebrate, and to us may become a sweet savour in the sight of the eternal God. Secondly, by that which S. Cyprian writeth of Laurentinus and Ignatius: whom he acknowledgeth to have received of the Lord palms and crowns for their famous martyrdom, and yet presently addeth. d Sacrificia pro eis semper, ut meministis, offerimus; quoties martyrum passiones & dies anniversariâ commemoratione celebramus. Cyprian. epist. 34. We offer sacrifices always for them, when we celebrate the passions and days of the martyrs with an anniversary commemoration. Thirdly, by that which we read in the author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, set out under the name of Dionysius the Areopagite. For where the party deceased is described by him to have departed out of this life e Vid. supr. pag. 167. replenished with divine joy, as now not fearing any change to worse, being come unto the end of all his labours; and to have been both privately acknowledged by his friends, and publicly pronounced by the ministers of the Church to be a happy man, and to be verily admitted into the f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys. Ecclesiact. hierarch. cap 7. society of the Saints that have been from the beginning of the world: yet doth he declare, that the Bishop made prayer for him, (upon what ground we shall afterward hear) that g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. God would forgive him all the sins that he had committed through humane infirmity, and bring him into the light and the land of the living, into the bosoms of Abraham, Isaac and jacob, into the place from whence pain and sorrow and sighing flieth. Fourthly, by the funeral ordinances of the Church, related by S. Chrysostome: which were appointed to admonish the living, that the parties deceased were in a state of joy and not of grief. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Chrysost. in epist. ad H●br. homil. 4. For tell me (saith he) what do the bright lamps mean? do we not accompany them therewith as champions? What mean the Hymns? i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. Consider what thou dost sing at that time. Return my soul unto thy rest; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee. and again: I will fear no evil, because thou art with me. and again: Thou art my refuge from the affliction that compasseth me. Consider what these Psalms mean. Fiftly, by the forms of the prayers that are found in the ancient Liturgies. as in that of the Churches of Syria, attributed unto S. Basil: k Memento etiam Domine eorum qui decesserunt migraruntque ex hâc vitâ & Episcoporum orthodoxorum qui inde á Petro & jacobo Apostolis ad hunc usque diem, rectum Fidei verbum claré sunt professi; & nominatim Ignatij, Dionysijs, julij, ac reliquorum Divorum laudabilis memoriae. Memento Domine eorum quoque qui usque ad sanguinem pro Religione steterunt, & Gregem tuum sacrum per justitiam & sanctitatem paverunt, etc. Basilij Anaphora, ab Andr. Masio. ex Syriaco conversa. Be mindful, O Lord, of them which are dead, and are departed out of this life, and of the orthodox Bishops which from Peter and james the Apostles until this day have clearly professed the right word of Faith; and namely, of Ignatius, Dionysius, julius, and the rest of the Saints of worthy memory. Be mindful, O Lord, of them also which have stood unto blood for Religion, and by righteousness and holiness have fed thy holy Flock. and in the Liturgy fathered upon the Apostles: l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Conctitus. Apostolic. lib. 8. cap. 12. We offer unto thee for all the Saints which have pleased thee from the beginning of the world, patriarchs, Prophets, Just men, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Bishops, Priests, Deacons, etc. and in the Liturgies of the Churches of Egypt, which carry the title of S. Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, and Cyrill of Alexandria. m Memento Domine sanctorum tuorum: dignare ut recorderis omnium sanctorum tuorum, qui tibi placuerunt ab initio, Patrum nostrorum sanctorum, Patriarcharum, Prophetarum, Apostolorum, Martyrun, Confessorum, Euangelizantium, Euangelistarun, & omnium spirituum justorum, qui obierunt in fide: & inprimis sanctae, gloriosae semperque virginis Dei genitricis Mariae; & sancti Ioannis Praecursoris, Baptistae & Martyris; Sancti Stephani protodiaconi & protomartyris; Sancti Marci Apostoli, Euangelistae & Martyris; etc. Liturg. Aegyptiac. Basilij, Gregorij▪ & Cyrilli, á Victorio Scialach ex Arabico convers pag. 22.47. & 60. edit. August ann. 1604. Be mindful, O Lord, of thy Saints: vouchsafe to remember all thy Saints, which have pleased thee from the beginning, our holy Fathers, the patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, Preachers, Evangelists, and all the souls of the just, which have died in the faith: and especially, the holy, glorious, the evermore Virgin, Mary the mother of God; and S. john the forerunner, the Baptist and Martyr; S. Stephen the first Deacon and Martyr; S. Mark the Apostle, Evangelist and Martyr; etc. and in the Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople, ascribed to S. Chrysostom: n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. Li●urg. Graec. We offer unto thee this reasonable service, for those who are at rest in the faith, our Forefathers, Fathers, patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles, Preachers, Evangelists, Martyrs, Confessors, religious persons, and every spirit perfected in the faith. but especially for our most holy, immaculate, most blessed Lady, the mother of God and aye-virgin Mary. which kind of oblation for the Saint's sounding somewhat harshly in the ears of the Latins, Leo Thuscus in his translation thought best to express it to their better liking after this manner. o Adhuc offerimu● tibi rationabile hoc obsequium pro fideliter dormientibus, pro patribus & proavis nostris▪ intervenientibus Patriarchis, Prophetis, Apostolis, Martyribus, Confessoribus, & omnibus Sanctis. Chrysost. Liturg. Latin. We offer unto thee this reasonable service for the faithfully deceased, for our fathers and forefathers; the patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Martyrs, Confessors, and all the Saints interceding for them. As if the phrase of p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Chrysost. homil. 21. in Act. tom. 4. edit. Sávil. pag. 736. & tom. 7. pag. 928. offering for the Martyrs, were not to be found in S. Chrysostoms' own works: and more universally q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. haeres. 75. for the just, both the Fathers, and the patriarchs, the Prophets and Apostles, and Evangelists and Martyrs and Confessors, the Bishops and such as led a solitary life, and the whole order; in the suffrages of the Church, rehearsed by Epiphanius. yea and in the Western Church itself: r Pro spiritibus pausantium Hilarij, Athanasijs, Martini, Ambrosijs, Augustini, Fulgentij, Leandri, Isidori, etc. Offic. ●●zarab. apud Eugen. R●bi●sium, in vi●â Francis●i Ximenij. for the spirits of those that are at rest, Hilary, Athanasius, Martin, Ambrose, Augustin, Fulgentius, Leander, Isidorus, etc. as may be seen in the Muzarabicall Office used in Spain. Sixthly, this may be confirmed out of the funeral orations of S. Ambrose: in one whereof, touching the Emperor Valentinian and his brother Gratian, thus he speaketh. s Credamus quia ascendit á deserto, hoc est, ex hoc arido & inculto loco ad illas florulentas delectationes, ubi cum fratre conjunctus aeternae vitae fruitur voluptate. Beati ambo: si quid meae orationes valebunt; nulla dies vos silentio praeteribit. Nulla inhonoratos vos mea transibit oratio. Nulla nox non donatos aliquâ precum mearum contextione transcurret Omnibus vos oblationibu● frequentabo. Ambros. ●e obitu Valentinians Imp. Let us believe that Valentinian is ascended from the desert, that is to say, from this dry and unmanured place unto those flowery delights; where being conjoined with his brother, he enjoyeth the pleasure of everlasting life. Blessed are you both: if my orisons shall prevail any thing; no day shall overslip you in silence. no oration of mine shall pass you over unhonoured. no night shall run by, wherein I will not bestow upon you some portion of my prayers. With all oblations will I frequent you. In another, he prayeth thus unto God: t Da requiem perfecto servo tuo Theodosio, requiem quam praeparasti sanctis tuis. Id. de obitu Theodosijs Imp. Give rest unto thy perfect servant Theodosius, that rest which thou hast prepared for thy Saints. and yet he had said before of him: u Absolutus igitur dubio certamine fruitur nunc augustae memoriae Theodosius luce perpetuâ, tranquillitate diutu●nâ; & pro iis quae in hoc gessit corpore, munerationis divinae fructibus gratulator. Ergo quia dilexit augustae memoriae Theodosius Dominum Deum suum, meruit sanctorum consortia. Id. ibid. Theodosius of honourable memory being freed from doubtful fight, doth now enjoy everlasting light and continual tranquillity; and for the things which he did in this body, he rejoiceth in the fruits of God's reward: because he loved the Lord his God, he hath obtained the society of the Saints. and afterward also. x Manet ergo in lumine Theodosius, & sanctorum caetibus gloriatur. Ibid. Theodosius remaineth in light, and glorieth in the company of the Saints. In a third, he prayeth thus for his brother Satyrus: y Tibi nunc omnipotens Deus innoxiam commendo animam, tibi hostiam meam offero: cape propitius ac serenus fraternum munus, sacrificium sacerdotis. Id. de obi●u fratris. Almighty God, I now commend unto thee his harmless soul, to thee do I make my oblation; accept mercifully and graciously the office of a brother, the sacrifice of a Priest. although he had directly pronounced of him before, that z Intravit in regnum coelorum, quoniam credidit Dei verbo, etc. Id. ibid. he had entered into the kingdom of heaven, because he believed the word of God, and excelled in many notable virtues. Lastly, in one of his Epistles he comforteth Faustinus for the death of his sister, after this manner. a Tot igitur semirutarum urbium cadavera, terrarumque sub eodem conspectu exposita funera; non te admonent unius, sanctae licèt & admirabilis▪ foeminae decessionem consolabiliorem habendam? praesertim cum illa in perpetuum prostrata ac ●iruta sint; haec autem ad tempus quidem erepta nobis meliorem illic vitam exigat. Itaque non tam deplorandam, quam prosequendam orationibus reor: nec moestificandam lachrymis ●uis, sed magis oblationibus animam ejus Domino commendandam arbitror. Id. epist. 8. Do not the carcases of so many halfe-ruined cities, and the funerals of so much land exposed under one view, admonish thee; that the departure of one woman, although a holy and an admirable one, should be born with greater consolation? especially seeing they are cast down and overthrown for ever; but she, being taken from us but for a time, doth pass a better life there. I therefore think, that she is not so much to be lamented, as to be followed with prayers: and am of the mind, that she is not to be made sad with thy tears, but rather that her soul should be commended with oblations unto the Lord. Thus far S. Ambrose. Unto whom we may adjoin Gregory Nazianzen also: who in his funeral oration that he made upon his brother Caesarius, having acknowledged that he had b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Greg. Nazianz in fun. Caesarij, orat. 10. received those honours that did befit a new created soul, which the Spirit had reform by water (for he had been but lately baptised before his departure out of this life) doth notwithstanding pray, c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. that the Lord would be pleased to receive him. Divers instances of the like practice in the ages following, I have produced in another d Discourse of the Religion professed by ●he ancient Irish. pag. 21.22.23. place: to which I will add some few more, to the end that the Reader may from thence observe, how long the primitive institution of the Church did hold up head among the tares that grew up with it, and in the end did quite choke and extinguish it. Our English Saxons had learned of Gregory to pray for relief of those souls that were supposed to suffer pain in Purgatory: and yet the introducing of that novelty was not able to justle out the ancient usage of making prayers and oblations for them which were not doubted to have been at rest in God's kingdom. And therefore the brethren of the Church of Hexham, in the anniversary commemoration of the obite of Oswald King of Northumberland, used e Vigilias pro salute animae ejus facere, plurimaque psalmorum lande celebratâ, victiman pro eo manè sacrae oblationis offer. Bed▪ lib. 3. histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 2. to keep their Vigiles for the health of his soul, and having spent the night in praising of God with psalms, to offer for him in the morning the sacrifice of the sacred oblation, as Beda writeth: who telleth us yet withal, that f Id. ibid. cap. 12. & 14. he reigned with God in heaven, and by his praye●s procured many miracles to be wrought on earth. So likewise doth the same Bede g Id. lib. 4. hist. cap. 23. report, that when it was discovered by two several visions, that Hilda the Abbess of Streansheale (or Whitby in Yorkshire) was carried up by the Angels into heaven; they which heard thereof presently caused prayers to be said for her soul. And Osberne relateth the like of Dunstan: that being at bath, and h Repentè ad superna rap●us cujusdam discipuli nobiliter á se apud Glestoniam educati animam innumerâ Angelorum frequentiâ hinc inde stipatam, atque immensi luminis sulgore perfusam, ad coeli palatium provehi conspexit. Moxque in manus divi●ae pietatis eam commendans, dominos quoque loci ad commendandum invitat. Osbernus', in vitâ S. Dunstani, MS. in Bibli●thec. Cottonianâ & ●odl●ianâ. Notandum veró, in Io. Capgravij Legendâ (in quâ prior narrationis huius pars ad verbum ex Osberno, ut alia de Dunstano complura, descripta cernitur) p●steriorem hanc sententiam omit●i peni●ùs: in Eadm●ro veró (ex quo, non autem ex Osberno vel O●berto, Vita Dunstani quae Mai. 19 apud Surium legitur est desumpta) ita tantummodò ref●rri. Qui pro tantâ gloriâ fratris ultrà quam dici queat exultans, & immensas cord & ore Deo cunctipotenti gratias agens; socijs quid acciderit manifestâ voce exposuit, & diem ac horam transitus ejus notari praecepit. beholding in such another vision the soul of one that had been his scholar at Glastenbury, to be carried up into the palace of heaven; he straightway commended the same into the hands of the divine pierie, and entreated the lords of the place where he was to do so likewise. Other narrations of the same kind may be found among them that have written of Saint's lives: & particularly in the Tome published by Mosander, pag. 69. touching the decease of Bathildis Queen of France; & pa. 25. concerning the departure of Godfrey Earl of Cappenberg. who is said there to have appeared unto a certain Abbess, called Gerbergis, & to have acquainted her, i Noveris, ait, me modo sine ullâ dilatione, aut ullo severioris examinis periculo ad summi Regis palatium commigrâsse, atque tanquàm Regis immortalis filium beatâ immortalitate vestitum. Vit. Godefrid. cap. 13. á jac. Mosandro edit. Colon. an. 1581. that he was now without all delay, & without all danger of any more severe trial, gone unto the palace of the highest King, and as the son of the immortal King was clothed with blessed immortality. & the Monk that writ the Legend addeth, that k Mox fratribus Cappenbergensibus indicavit beati viri obitum, & pro eo Missae sacrificium offerendum curavit. Ibid. she presently thereupon caused the sacrifice of the Mass to be offered for him. which how fabulous soever it may be for the matter of the vision, yet doth it strongly prove, that within these 500 years (for no longer since it is, that this is accounted to have been done) the use of offering for the souls of those that were believed to be in heaven was still retained in the Church. The letters of Charles the great unto Offa King of Mercia are yet extant; wherein he l Deprecantes ut pro eo intercedi jubeatis: nullam habentes dubitationem, beatam illius animam in requie esse; sed ut fidem & dilectionem nostram ostendamus in amicum nostrum charissimum. Carol. M. apud Guil. Malmesburiens. de g●st. reg. Anglor. li. 1. cap. 4. wisheth that intercessions should be made for Pope Adrian then lately deceased: not having any doubt at all (saith he) but that his blessed soul is at rest; but that we may show our faithfulness and love unto our most dear friend. Lastly, Pope Innocent the third (or the second rather) being inquired of by the Bishop of Cremona, concerning the state of a certain Priest that died without Baptism: resolveth him out of S. Augustine and S. Ambrose, that m Quia in sanctae matris Ecclesiae fide, & Christi nominis confessione perseveravit; ab originali peccato solutum, & coelestis patriae gaudium esse adeptum, asserimus incunctanter. Decretal. lib. 3. tit. 43. de presbytero non baptizato, cap. 2. Apostolicam. & Collect. 1. Bernardi Papiensis, lib. 5. ●it. 35 cap. 2. because he continued in the faith of the holy mother the Church and the confession of the name of Christ; he was assoiled from original sin, and had attained the joy of the heavenly country. Upon which ground at last he maketh this conclusion: n Sopitis igitur quaestionibus, docto●um patrum sententias teneas: & in Ecclesiâ tuâ juges preces hostiasque Deo offerri jubeas pro presbytero memorato. Ibid. Ceasing therefore all questions, hold the sentences of the learned Fathers; and command continual prayers and sacrifices to be offered unto God in thy Church for the foresaid Priest. Now having thus declared, unto what kind of persons the Commemorations ordained by the ancient Church did extend: the next thing that cometh to consideration is, what we are to conceive of the primary intention of those prayers that were appointed to be made therein. And here we are to understand, that first prayers of Praise and Thanksgiving were presented unto God for the blessed estate that the party deceased was now entered upon: whereunto were afterwards added prayers of Deprecation and Petition, that God would be pleased to forgive him his sins, to keep him from Hell, and to place him in the kingdom of Heaven. which kind of intercessions, howsoever at first they were well meant (as we shall hear) yet in process of time they proved an occasion of confirming men in divers errors; especially when they began once to be applied not only to the good but to evil livers also, unto whom by the first institution they never were intended. The term of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a thanksgiving prayer, I borrow from the writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy: who in the description of the funeral observances used of old in the Church, informeth us, first, that the friends of the dead o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys. Ecclesiast. Hierarch. cap. 7. accounted him to be (as he was) blessed, because that according to his wish he had obtained a victorious end: and thereupon sent forth Hymns of thanksgiving to the author of that victory; desiring withal, that they themselves might come unto the like end. and then that p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. the Bishop likewise offered up a prayer of thanksgiving unto God; when the dead was afterward q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. brought unto him, to receive as it were at his hands a sacred coronation. Thus at the funeral of Fabiola, the praising of God by singing r Sonabant Psalmi; & aurata tecta templorum, reboans in sublime qua●icbat alleluia. Hieronym. inepitaphio Fabiola, epist. 30. of Psalms, and resounding of Alleluia, is specially mentioned by S. Hierom: and the general practice and intention of the Church therein is expressed and earnestly urged by S. Chrysostom in this manner. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in epist. ad Hebr. homil. 4. Do not we praise God, and give thanks unto him for that he hath now crowned him that is departed, for that he hath freed him from his labours, for that quitting him from fear he keepeth him with himself? Are not the Hymns for this end? Is not the singing of Psalms for this purpose? All these be tokens of rejoicing. Whereupon he thus presseth them that used immoderate mourning for their dead. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Id. ibid. Thou sayest; Return, O my soul, unto thy rest, for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee: and dost thou weep? Is not this a stage-play, is it not mere simulation? For if thou dost indeed believe the things that thou sayest, thou lamentest idly: but if thou playest, and dissemblest, and thinkest these things to be fables; why dost thou then sing? why dost thou suffer those things that are done? Wherefore dost thou not drive away them that sing? and in the end he concludeth somewhat prophetically; that he u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. very much feared, lest by this means some grievous disease should creep in upon the Church. Whether the doctrine now maintained in the Church of Rome, that the children of God presently after their departure out of this life, are cast into a lake that burneth with fire and brimstone, be not a spice of this disease, and whether their practice in chanting of Psalms (appointed for the expression of joy & thankfulness) over them whom they esteem to be tormented in so lamentable a fashion, be not a part of that scene and pageant at which S. Chrysostom doth so take on: I leave it unto others to judge. That his fear was not altogether vain, the event itself doth show. For howsoever in his days, the fire of the Romish Purgatory was not as yet kindled: yet were there certain sticks then a gathering, which ministered fuel afterwards unto that flame. Good S. Augustin, (who lived three and twenty years after S. Chrysostoms' death) declared himself to be of this mind: that the x cum sacrificia sive altaris sive quarumcunque eleemosynarum pro baptizatis defunctis omnibus offeruntur; pro valde bonis gratiarum actiones sunt, pro non valde malis propitiationes sunt, pro valde malis etsi nulla sunt adjumenta mortiorum, qualescunque vivorum consolationes sunt. Augus●in. En●h●rid. ad Laurent. cap. 110. oblations and alms usually offered in the Church for all the dead that received baptism, were thanksgivings for such as were very good, propitiations for such as were not very bad; but as for such as were very evil, although they were no helps of the dead, yet were they some kind of consolations of the living. And although this were but a private exposition of the Church's meaning in her prayers and oblations for the dead; and the opinion of a Doctor too, that did not hold Purgatory to be any article of his Creed: yet did the Romanists in times following greedily take hold of this, and make it the main foundation upon which they laid the hay and stubble of their devised Purgatory. A private exposition I call this: not only because it is not to be found in the writings of the former Fathers, but also because it suiteth not well with the general practice of the Church which it intendeth to interpret. It may indeed fit in some sort that part of the Church-service, wherein there was made a several commemoration, first of the patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles and Martyrs, after one manner; and then of the other dead, after another: which, together with the conceit that y Augustin. de Verbis Apostoli, serm. 17. an injury was offered to a Martyr, by praying for him, was it that first occasioned S. z Id. ibid. & in Euang. johan. tracta●. 84. Augustin to think of the former distinction. But in the a Non sunt praetermittendae supplicationes pro spiritibus mortuorum: quas faciendas pro omnibus in Christianâ & Catholicá societate defunctis, etiam tacitis nominibus quorumque, sub generali commemoratione suscepit Ecclesia. Id. de Curâ pro mortuis, cap 4. supplications for the spirits of the dead, which the Church under a general commemoration was accustomed to make for all that we●e deceased in the Christian and Catholic communion: to imagine, that one and the same act of praying should be a petition for some, and for others a thanksgiving only, is somewhat too harsh an interpretation. especially where we find it propounded by way of petition, and the intention thereof directly expressed. as in the Greek Liturgy, attributed to S. james, the brother of our Lord: b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. jacob. Liturg. Be mindful (O Lord God of the spirits and of all flesh) of such as we have remembered and such as we have not remembered, being of right belief, from Abel the just until this present day. Do thou cause them to rest in the land of the living, in thy kingdom, in the delight of Paradise, in the bosoms of Abraham and Isaac & jacob, our holy fathers: whence grief & sorrow & sighing are fled, where the light of thy countenance doth visit them and shine for ever. and in the Offices compiled by Alcuinus: c Te, Domine sancte Pater omnipotens aeterne Deus, supplices deprecamur pro spiritibus famulorum & famu●arum tuarum, quos ab origine seculi hujus ad te accersire praecepisti: u● digneri●, Domine, dare eyes locum luc●dum, locum refrigerij & quietis; & ut liceat eis transire portas infernorum, & vias tenebrarum, maneantque in mansionibus Sanctorum, & in luce sanctâ quam olim Abrahae promisisti & semini ejus Alcuin. Offic. per ferias. col. 228. Oper. edit. Pa●is. ann. 16.7. O Lord, holy Father, almighty and everlasting God, we humbly make request unto thee for the spirits of thy servants and handmaids, which from the beginning of this world thou hast called unto thee: that thou wouldst vouchsafe, O Lord, to give unto them a lightsome place, a place of refreshing and ease; and that they may pass by the gates of hell, and the ways of darkness, and may abide in the mansions of the Saints, and in the holy light which thou didst promise of old unto Abraham and his seed. So the Commemoration of the faithful departed, retained as yet in the Roman Missal, is begun with this orison: d Requiem aeternam dona eis Domine: et lux perpetua luceat eyes. Intruitus Missae, in Commem●ratione omnium fidelium defunctorum. Agenda mortuorum. in Antiphonario Gregorij, circ fin. Eternal rest grant unto them, O Lord: and let everlasting light shine unto them. Whereunto we may add these two prayers (to omit a great number more of the like kind) used of old in the same Church. e Suscipe, sancta Trinitas, hanc oblationem, quam tibi offerimus pro omnibus in tui nominis confessione defunctis: ut te dexteram auxilij tui porrigente, vitae perennis requiem habeant; & á poenis impiorum segregati, semp●r in tuae laudis laetitiâ perseverent. Miss●● Latinae antiqua, edit. A●gentin. an. 1557. pa●. 52. Receive, O holy Trinity, this oblation, which we offer unto thee for all that are departed in the confession of thy name: that thou reaching unto them the right hand of thy help, they may have the rest of everlasting life; and being separated from the punishments of the wicked, they may always persevere in the joy of thy praise. and, f Hanc igitur oblationem, quam tibi pro commemoratione animarum in pace dormientium suppliciter immolamus, quae sumus, Domine, benignus accipias; & tuâ pietate concedas, ut & nobis proficiat hujus p●etatis affectus, & illis impetret beatitudinem sempiternam. Offic. Gregorian. tom. 5. Oper. Gr●gor. edit Paris an. 1605. col. 235.236. Tom. 2. Li●urgic. Pamelij pag. 610 & Praefation. verust ●●it. Colon an. 1530. num. 111. This oblation, which we humbly offer unto thee for the commemoration of the souls that sleep in peace, we beseech thee, O Lord, receive graciously; and of thy goodness grant, that both the affection of this piety may profit us, and obtain for them everlasting bliss. Where you may observe, that the souls unto which everlasting bliss was wished for, were yet acknowledged to rest in peace, & consequently not to be disquieted with any Purgatory torment. even as in the Canon of the Mass itself, the Priest in the Commemoration for the dead prayeth thus: g Memento etiam, Domine, famulorum famularamque tuarum, qui nos praecesserunt cum signo fidei, & dormiunt in somno pacis. Ipsis Domine, & omnibus in Christo quiescentibus, locum refrigerij, lucis & pacis, ut indulgeas, deprecamur. Canon. Missae, in Officio Ambrosiano & Gregoriano, & Missa●. Roma●o in Graecâ tamen Li●urgiâ B. Petro at●ributâ pro Commemoratione defunctorum posita ●îc cernitu● Comm●mora●io viventium (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) & in vetustissimis quibusdam Romanis Missalibus manuscriptis, haec mortuorum cōmemorationi● formula nusquam extat: (P. 〈…〉 lib 5. the adulterate. Coen. Dom. & Miss myst●r cap. 48.) a●nominatim in votust●ssimo Canone Gregoriano, qu● in Tigurinae Abbatiae Biblioth●câ habebatur, ex authentico libro Bibliothecae cubiculi descriptus, (apud Henric. Bullinger lib. 2. de Origine erroris, cap. 8.) Remember, O Lord, thy servants and handmaids, which have gone before us with the ensign of faith, and sleep in the sleep of peace. To them, O Lord, and to all that are at rest in Christ, we beseech thee that thou wouldst grant a place of refreshing, light, and peace. Nay the Armenians in their Liturgy, entreat God to h P●r han● etiam obl●tionē da aeternam pa●em omnibus. qui nos praece●serunt in fide Christi, ●anctis patribus, Patriarchis, Apostolis, Prophetis, Martyribus, etc. Litu●g. Armen. edi●. Cra●●viae, Andreâ Lubel●z●ck interp●. give eternal peace, not only in general unto all that have gone before us in the faith of Christ; but also in particular to the patriarchs, Apostles, Prophets, and Martyrs. which maketh directly for the opinion of those (against whom i S●d hîc nonnulli decepti sunt, non gratiarum actionem, sed pro sanctis ad Deum supplicationem, eorum memoriam esse putantes. Cabasil. exposit. Liturg. cap. 49. Nicolaus Cabasilas doth dispute) who held, that these Commemorations contained a supplication for the Saints unto God, and not a thanksgiving only. as also do those forms of prayer which were used in the Roman Liturgy in the days of Pope Innocent the third: k Prosit vel proficiat, huic sancto vel illi, talis oblatio ad gloriam. Innocent. III. epist. ad archiep. Lugdun. lib. 3. Decretal tit. 41. de celebrat. missar. cap. 6. cum Marthae. Let such an oblation profit such or such a Saint unto glory. and especially that for S. Leo, which is found in the elder copies of the Gregorian sacramentary. l Annue nobis, Domine, ut animae famuli tui Leonis haec prosit oblatio. Gregor. oper. tom 5. edit. Paris. an. 1●05. col 135 d. Grant unto us, O Lord, that this oblation may profit the soul of thy servant Leo. for which the later books have chopped in this prayer: m Annue nobis Domine, ut intercessione famuli tui Leonis haec nobis prosit oblatio. Liturgic. Pamelij, tom. 2. pag. 314. Grant unto us, O Lord, that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us. Concerning which alteration, when the archbishop of Lions propounded such another question unto Pope Innocent, as our Challenger at the beginning did unto us; n Tertio loco tua fraternitas requirit, quis mutaverit, vel quando fuit mutatum, aut quare, quod in secretâ beati Leonis, secundum quod antiquiores codice● continent, etc. Innocent. ●11. in Collect. 3. Decretal. (Petri Beneventam) l●b. 3. tit 33 cap. 5. who it was that did change it, or when it was changed, or why? the Pope returneth him for answer: o Super quo ribi taliter respondemus: quòd quis illud mutaverit, aut quando mutatum fuerit, ignoramus; scimus tamen, quâ fuerit occasione mutatum. quia cum sacrae scripturae dicat auctoritas, quòd injuriam facit martyri, qui orat pro martyr: idem est ratione consimili de sanctis aliis sciendum. Ibid. that who did change it, or when it was changed, he was ignorant of; yet he knew, upon what occasion it was changed. because that, where the authority of the Holy Scripture doth say, that he doth injury unto a Martyr who prayeth for a Martyr, which is a new text of holy Scripture, of the Popes own canonisation) the same by the like reason is to be held of other Saints. The Gloss upon this Decretal layeth down the reason of this mutation a little more roundly: p Olim orabatur pro ipso: hodie ipse orat pro nobis. et ita mutatum est. Cap. cum Marthae. Extra. de celebr. Missar. in Glossa. Of old they prayed for him, now at this day he prayeth for us; and so was the change made. And q Alphons. Mendoz Controvers. Theolog. quaest. 6. scholastic. ●um. 7. Alphonsus Mendoza telleth us, that the old prayer was deservedly disused, and this other substituted in the room thereof: Grant unto us, we beseech thee O Lord, that by the intercession of thy servant Leo this oblation may profit us. which prayer indeed was to be found heretofore in modernioribus Sacramentarijs (as Pope Innocent speaketh) and in the Roman missals that were published before the Council of Trent (as namely in that which was printed at Paris, an. 1529.) but in the new reformed Missal (wherewith, it seemeth, Mendoza was not so well acquainted as with his Scholastical controversies) it is put out again, and another prayer for Leo put in; that by the celebration of those Vt per haec piae placationis officia, et illum beata retributio comitetur, & nobis gratiae tuae dona conciliet. Missal. Roman. ex decreto Concil. Tridentin. restitut. in festo S. Leonis. offices of atonement, a blessed retribution might accompany him. Neither is there any more wrong done unto S. Leo, in praying for him after this manner, then unto all the rest of his fellows in that other prayer of the Roman Liturgy: s Sumpsimus, Domine, divina mysteria: quae sicut Sanctis tuis prosunt ad gloriam, ita nobis, quaesumus, proficiant ad medelam Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 2. cap. 18. Six●, Senens. lib. 6. Bibliothec. Sanct. annotat. 47. ex Gregorij Sacramentario. We have received, O Lord, the divine mysteries; which as they do profit thy Saints unto glory, so we do beseech thee that they may profit us for our healing, and nothing so much as is done unto all the faithful deceased, when in their Masses for the dead they say daily: t Domine jesus Chris●e, rex gloriae, libera animas omnium fidelium defunctorum de poenis inferni, & de profundo lacu: liberae eas de ore leonis, ne absorbeat eas Tartarus, ne cadant in obscurum. Missa in Commemorat. omnium fidelium defunctorum. & in Missi● Quotidianis defunctorum. in Offertorio. Lord jesus Christ, king of glory, deliver the souls of all the faithful that are departed, from the pains of Hell, and from the deep lake; deliver them from the mouth of the Lion, that Hell do not swallow them up, that they fall not into darkness. So that whatsoever commodious expositions our Adversaries can bring for the justifying of the Roman service: the same may we make use of, to show, that the ancient Church might pray for the dead, and yet in so doing have no relation at all unto Purgatory; yea and pray for the Martyrs and other Saints that were in the state of bliss, without offering unto them any injury thereby. For the clearing of the meaning of those prayers which are made for Leo, and the other Saints, to the two expositions brought in by Pope Innocent, Cardinal Bellarmine addeth this for a third; u Add tertio, fortasse peti gloriam corporis, quam habebunt in die resurrectionis. Nam etiamsi gloriam illam ce●tó consequentur, & debetur eorum meritis; tamen non est absurdum hoc illis desiderare & petere, ut pluribus modis debeatur. Bellarmin de Purgator. li. 2. ca 18. that peradventure therein the glory of the body is petitioned for, which they shall have in the day of the Resurrection. For although (saith he) they shall certainly obtain that glory, & it be due unto their merits; yet it is not absurd to desire & ask this for them, that by more means it may be due unto them. Where, laying aside those unsavoury terms of debt and merits (whereof we shall have occasion to treat in their proper place) the answer is otherwise true in part, but not full enough to give satisfaction unto that which was objected. For the primary intention of the Church indeed, in her prayers for the dead, had reference unto the day of the Resurrection: which also in divers places we find to have been expressly prayed for. as in the Egyptian Liturgy, attributed unto S. Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria. x Resuscita corpora eorum, in die quem constituisti, secundum promissiones tuas veras & mendacij expertes: concede eis secundùm promissa tua, id quod non vi●it oculus, & auris non audivit, & quoth in cor hominis no● ascendi●, quod praeparasti Domine amatoribus nominis ●ui sancti; ut samuli tui non p●rmaneant in morte, sed ut inde emigrent, etiamsi p●rsecuta sit eos pigritia aut negligentia, &c Cyrill. Liturg. á Victorio Sci●la●h. ex Arabico convers. pag. 62. Raise up their bodies, in the day which thou hast appointed, according to thy promises which are true and cannot lie: grant unto them, according to thy promises, that which eye hath not seen, and ear hath not heard, and which hath not ascended into the heart of man; which thou hast prepared, O Lord, for them that love thy holy name: that thy servants may not remain in death, but may get out from thence; although slothfulness and negligence have followed them. and in that which is used by the Christians of S. Thomas (as they are commonly called) in the East Indies: y Resurrectionem faciat defunctis vestris in die novissimo; & dignos faciat illos regno incorruptibili Spiritus sanctus Missa Angamaliensis ex Sy●iaco convers in Itinerar. Alexij. Menesijs. Let the holy Gh●st give resurrection to your dead at the last day; and make them worthy of the incorruptible kingdom. Such is the prayer of S. Ambrose for Gratian and Valentinian the Emperors: z Te quaeso; sum Deus, ut charissimos juvenes maturâ resurrectione suscites & resuscites; ut immaturum hunc vitae istius cursum maturâ resurrectione compenses. Ambros. de obit Valentin●ani: in ipso fine. I do beseech thee, most high God, that thou wouldst raise up again those dear young men with a speedy resurrection; that thou mayest recompense this untimely course of this present life with a timely resurrection. and that in Alcuinus: a Nullan laesionem sustineant animae eorum; sed cum magnus ille dies resurrectionis ac remunerationis advenerit, resuscitare eos digneris, Domine, unâ eum Sanctis & electis tuis. Alcuin Offi● per f●rias; Oper. col 228 Prece●. Ecclesiast. á Georg. Cassan●ro colle●t. pag. ●84 oper. Let their souls sustain no hurt; but when that great day of the resurrection and remuneration shall come, vouchsafe to raise them up, O Lord, together with thy Saints and thine elect. and that in Grimoldus his sacramentary: b Omnipotens sempiterne Deus, collocare dignare corpus & animam & spiritum famuli tui N. in sinibus Abrahae, Isaac, & jacob; ut cum dies agnitionis tuae venerit, inter sanctos & electos tuos eum resuscitari praecipias G●imola Sacrament. tom. 2. Liturgic Pamel. pag. 456.457. Habetur eadem o●atio in Missali R●mano nondùm reformato (nam in novo ex de●reto Con●ilij ●●ridentini restituto nusquam com●are●) corporis ta●tùm mentione omissâ: & tomo 5. oper. Gregorij edit. Paris. an. 1605. col. 234. corporis simul & spiritus nominibus praetermissis. Almighty and everlasting God, vouchsafe to place the body and the soul and the spirit of thy servant N. in the bosoms of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob; that when the day of thy acknowledgement shall come, thou mayest command them to be raised up among thy Saints and thine elect. But yet the Cardinal's answer, that the glory of the body may be prayed for, which the Saints shall have at the day of the Resurrection, cometh somewhat short of that which the Church used to request in the behalf of S. Leo. For in that prayer express mention is made of his soul: and to it is wished that profit may redound by the present oblation. And therefore this defect must be supplied out of his answer unto that other prayer which is m●de for the souls of the faithful departed, that they may be delivered out of the mouth of the Lion, and that Hell may not swallow them up. To this he saith; that c Eccl●sia orat pro animabus, quae in Pu●gatorio degust, ne damn●●tur ad poenas Gehennae sempirernas; non quid●m quòd certum non sit, eas non damnandas ad eas poenas, sed quia vult Deus, no● orare etiam pro iis rebus, quas certó accepturi súmus. Bellarm. de Purgator. l●b. 2 cap. 5. the Church doth pray for these souls, that they may not be condemned unto the everlasting pains of Hell: not as if it were not certain, that they should not be condemned unto those pains, but because it is God's pleasure that we should pray, even for those things which we are certainly to receive. The same answer did Alphonsus de Castro give before him: that d Saepissimè petuntur illa quae certó sciuntur eventura ut petuntur: & hujus rei plurima sunt testimonia. A●●h●ns Caestr. contr haeres. lib. 12. the Purgator. haer. 3. very often those things are prayed for, which are certainly known shall come to pass as they are prayed for; and that of this there be very many testimonies. and johannes Medina: that e Gaudet Deus orari, etiam pro his, quae alioqui facturus esset. Decreverat enim Deus post peccatum Adae, carnem sumere; decrevitque tempus, quo venturus erat: & gratae illi fuerunt orationes Sanctorum pro sua incarnation●, & adven●u orantium Decrevit etiam Deus omni peccatori poenitenti veniam dare & tamen grata est illi oratio, quâ vel ipse poenitens pro se, vel alive pro illo o●at, ut ejus poenitentiam Deus acceptare dignetur. Decrevit etiam Deus, & promisit Ecclesiā●uā non deserere, & Concilijs legit●mè congregatis adesse: & tamen grata est Deo o●atio, & hymni, quibus ejus praese●tia, & favour, & gratia ipsi Concilio, & Ecclesiae implora●ur. Io●. Medin. de Poe●it. tra●t. 6. quaest. 6. Codicis de Oratione. God d●lighteth to be prayed unto, even for those things, which otherwise he purposed to do. For God had decreed (saith he) after the sin of Adam to take our flesh, and he decreed the time, wherein he meant to come: and yet the prayers of the Saints, that prayed for his Incarnation and for his coming, were acceptable unto him. God hath also decreed to grant pardon unto every repentant sinner: and yet the prayer is grateful unto him, wherein either the penitent doth pray for himself, or another for him, that God would be pleased to accept his repentance. God hath decreed also and promised, not to forsake his Church, and to be present with Counsels lawfully assembled: yet the prayer notwithstanding is grateful unto God, and the hymns, whereby his presence, and favour, and grace, is implored both for the Council & the Church. And whereas it might be objected, that howsoever the Church may sometimes pray for those things which she shall certainly receive, yet she doth not pray for those things which she hath already received; and this she hath received, that those souls shall not be damned, seeing they have received their sentence, and are most secure from damnation: the Cardinal replieth, that this objection may easily be avoided. f Nam etsi animae Purgatorij jam acceperint primam sententiam in judicio particulari, eaque sententiâ liberae sint á Gehennâ: tamen adhuc superest judicium generale, in quo secundam sententiam accepturae sunt. Quocirca Ecclesia orans, ne in judicio extremo animae illae cadant in obscurum, neué absorbeantur á tartaro, non orat pro eâ re, quam accepit, sed pro eâ quam acceptura est anima, Bellarmin. ut suprae. For although those souls (saith he) have received already their first sentence in the particular judgement, and by that sentence are freed from Hell: yet doth there yet remain the general judgement, in which they are to receive the second sentence. Wherefore the Church praying, that those souls in the last judgement may not fall into darkness, nor be swallowed up of Hell, doth not pray for the thing which the soul hath, but which it shall receive. Thus these men, labouring to show how the prayers for the dead used in their Church may stand with their conceits of Purgatory, do thereby inform us how the prayers for the dead, used by the ancient Church, may stand well enough without the supposal of any Purgatory at all. For if we may pray for those things which we are most sure shall come to pass; and the Church, by the Adversaries own confession, did pray accordingly, that the souls of the faithful might escape the pains of Hell at the general judgement, notwithstanding they had certainly been freed from them already by the sentence of the particular judgement: by the same reason, when the Church in times past besought God to g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Liturg. Basil. & Chrysost. remember all those that slept in the hope of the resurrection of everlasting life (which is the form of prayer used in the Greek Liturgies) and to give unto them rest, and to bring them unto the place where the light of his countenance should shine upon them for evermore; why should not we think, that it desired these things should be granted unto them by the last sentence at the day of the Resurrection, notwithstanding they were formerly adjudged unto them by the particular sentence at the time of their dissolution? For as h Quod enim in die judicij futurum est omnibus, hoc in singulis die mortis impletur. Hieronym. in joel. cap. 2. that which shall befall unto all at the day of judgement, is accomplished in every one at the day of his death: so on the other side, whatsoever befalleth the soul of every one at the day of his death, the same is fully accomplished upon the whole man at the day of the general judgement. Whereupon we find, that the Scriptures every where do point out that great day unto us, as the time wherein mercy and forgiveness, rest and refreshing, joy and gladness, redemption and salvation, rewards and crowns shall be bestowed upon all God's children, as in 2. Timoth. 1.16, 18. The Lord give mercy unto the house of Onesiphorus: the Lord grant unto him, that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day. 1. Cor. 1.8. Who shall also confirm you unto the end, that ye may be blameless in the day of our Lord jesus Christ. Act. 3.19. Repent ye therefore, and be converted, that your sins may be blotted out, when the times of refreshing shall come from the presence of the Lord. 2. Thessal. 1.6, 7. It is a righteous thing with God, to recompense unto you which are troubled, rest with us, when the Lord jesus shallbe revealed from heaven, with his mighty Angels. Philip. 2.16. That I may rejoice in the day of Christ, that I have not run in vain, neither laboured in vain. 1. Thessal. 2.19. For what is our hope, or joy, or crown of rejoicing? are not even ye in the presence of our Lord jesus Christ at his coming? 1. Pet. 1. ●. Who are kept by the power of God through faith unto salvation, ready to be revealed in the last time. 1. Corinth. 5.5. That the spirit may be saved in the day of the Lord I●sus. Ephes. 4.30. Grieve not the holy spirit of God, whereby ye are sealed unto the day of redemption. Luk. 21.28. When these things begin to come to pass, then look up, and lift up your heads, for your redemption draweth nigh. 2. Timoth. 4.8. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord the righteous judge shall give me at that day. and Luk. 14.14. Thou shalt be recompensed at the resurrection of the just. And that the Church in her Offices for the dead had special respect unto this time of the Resurrection: appeareth plainly, both by the portions of Scripture appointed to be read therein, and by divers particulars in the prayers themselves that manifestly discover this intention. For there i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. D●onys. 〈◊〉. Ecclesiaest. ●ap. 7. the ministers (as the writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy reporteth) read those undoubted promises which are recorded in the divine Scriptures of our holy Resurrection: and then devoutly sang such of the sacred Psalms as were of the same subject and argument. And so accordingly in the Roman Missal, the lessons ordained to be read for that time, are taken from 1. Corinth. 15. Behold I tell you a mystery. We shall all rise again, etc. joh. 5. The hour cometh wherein all that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and they that have done good shall come forth unto the resurrection of life, etc. 1. Thessaly. 4. Brethren, we would not have you ignorant concerning them that sleep, that ye sorrow not, as others which have no hope. joh. 11. I am the resurrection and the life: he that believeth in me, although he were dead, shall live. 2. Maccab. 12. judas caused a sacrifice to be offered for the sins of the dead, justly and religiously thinking of the Resurrection. joh. 6. This is the will of my Father that sent me; that every one that seeth the Son, and believeth in him, may have life everlasting: and I will raise him up at the last day. and, He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my blood, hath life everlasting: and I will raise him up at the last day. and lastly, Apocal. 14. I heard a voice from heaven, saying unto me: Write, Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord, from henceforth now, saith the Spirit, that they may rest from their labours; for their works follow them. Wherewith the Sequence also doth agree, beginning k Missal. Rom. in Commemorat, omnium fidelium defunctor, Dies irae, dies illa, Solvet saeclum in favillâ: Teste David cum Sibyllâ. and ending; Lacrymosa dies illa, Quâ resurget ex favillâ judicandus homo reus. Huic ergo parce Deus. Pie jesus Domine, Dona eye requiem. Tertullian in his book de Monogamiâ (which he wrote after he had been infected with the heresy of the Montanists) speaking of the prayer of a widow for the soul of her deceased husband, saith that l Enimveró & pro animâ ejus orat, & refrigerium interim ad postulat ei, & in primâ resurrectione consortium. Tertull. de Monogam. cap. 10. she requesteth refreshing for him, and a portion in the first resurrection. Which seemeth to have some tang of the error of the Millenaries (whereunto not m Id de Resurrect. carnis, c. 25. Tertullian only with his n Id. advers. Martion. lib. 3. cap. ult. Prophet Montanus, but o Sicut Nepos docuit, qui primam justorum resurrectionem, & secundam imp●orum confinxit. Gennad. de Ecclesiast. dogmat. cap. 55. Nepos also, and p Lactant. Institut. divin. li. 7. cap. 21.24. et 26. Lactantius, and divers other Doctors of the Church did fall) who misunderstanding the prophecy in the 20. of the Revelation, imagined that there should be a first resurrection of the just that should reign here a thousand years upon earth, and after that a second resurrection of the wicked, at the day of the general judgement. Yet in a certain Gotthicke Missal I meet with two several exhortations made unto the people, to pray after the self same form. the one, that God would q Quiescentium animas in sinu Abrahae collocare dignetur, & in partem primae resurrectionis admittat. Missal. Gottic. tomo 6. Biblioth. Patr edit. Paris. an. 1589 col. 251. vouchsafe to place in the bosom of Abraham the souls of those that be at rest, and admit them unto the part of the first resurrection: the other (which I find elsewhere also repeated in particular) that r Deum judicem universitatis, Deum coelestium & terrestrium & i●fernorū, fratres dilectissimi, deprecemur pro spiritibus charorum nostrorum, qui nos in ●ominicâ pace praecesserunt; ut eos Dominus in requie collocare dignetur, & in part pr●mae resurrectionis resuscitet. Ibid. col. 257. Gr●gor. Oper. tom. 5. col. 228. edit. Paris. Preces. Ecclesiast. á Georg. Cassandro collect. pag. 385. Operum. he would place in rest, the spirits of their friends which were gone before them in the Lord's peace, and raise them up in the part of the first resurrection. Which how it may be excused otherwise then by saying, that at the general resurrection s 1. Thess. 4.16. the dead in Christ shall rise fi●st, and then the wicked shall be raised after them; and by referring the first resurrection unto the t Luk. 14.14. resurrection of the just which shall be at that day: I cannot well resolve. For certain it is, that the first resurrection spoken of in the 20. chapter of the Revelation of S. john, is the resurrection of the soul from the death of sin and error in this world; as the second is the resurrection of the body, out of the dust of the earth, in the world to come. both which be distinctly laid down by our Saviour in the fifth chapter of the Gospel of S. john: the first in the 25. verse; The hour is coming, and now is, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear shall live. the second in the 28. and 29. Marvel not at this: for the hour is coming, in which all that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth, they that have done good unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evil unto the resurrection of damnation: And to this general resurrection and to the judgement of the last day, had the Church relation in her prayers: some patterns whereof it will not be amiss to exhibit here, in these examples following▪ u Quamvis humano generi mortis illata conditio pectora nostra mentesque contristet; tamen clementiae tuae dono spe futurae immortalitatis erigimur, ac memores salutis aeternae, non timemus lucis hujus sustinere jacturam. quoniam beneficio gratiae tuae fidelibus vita non tollitur, sed mutatur: atque animae corporeo ergastulo liberatae, horrent mortalia, dum immortalia consequuntur Vnde quaesumus, ut famulus ●uus N. in tabe●naculis beatorum constitutus, evasisse se carnales glorietur angustias, diemque iudicij cum fiduciâ voto glorificationis expectet. Pr●f●t antiqu edit. Colon. a●. 1530. num. 106. Tom. 2. Liturgi●. Pamel. pag. 608. & Tom. 5. Oper. G●egorij. edit. Paris. col. 233. Habetur & prior Praefat. huius pars in M●ssâ Ambro●ianâ, tomo 1. Liturg. Pamel. pag. 450.451. posterior in alterâ praefat. ibid. pag. 449. & Oper. Gregor. col 232 a. Although the condition of death brought in upon mankind doth make our hearts and minds heavy: yet by the gift of thy clemency we are raised up with the hope of future immortality; and being mindful of eternal salvation, are not afraid to sustain the loss of this light. For by the benefit of thy grace life is not taken away to the faithful, but changed: and the souls being freed from the prison of the body, abhor things mortal, when they attain unto things eternal. Wherefore we beseech thee, that thy servant N. being placed in the tabernacles of the blessed, may rejoice that he hath escaped the straits of the flesh, and in the desire of glorification expect with confidence the day of judgement. x Per Christum Dominum nostrum. Cujus sacram passionem pro immortalibus & bene quiescentibus animabus sine dubio celebramus: pro his praecipue, quibus secundae nativitatis gratiam praestitisti; qui exemplo ejusdem jesu Christi Domini nostri coeperunt esse de resurrectione securi. Quippè qui fecisti quae non erant, potes reparare quae fuerant: & resurrectionis futurae nobis documenta non solùm per Propheticam & Apostolicam doctrinam, sed per ejusdem unigeniti tui Redemptoris nostri resurrectionem dedisti. Praesat. antiqu. 112. & 107. G●imold. Sacramentar. tom. 2. Liturg. Pamel pag 460.461 & tom. 5. Oper. Gregor. col. 235. Through jesus Christ our lord whose holy passion we celebrate without doubt for immortal and well resting souls: for them especially, upon whom thou hast bestowed the grace of the second birth; who by the example of the same jesus Christ our Lord have begun to be secure of the resurrection. For thou who hast made the things that were not, art able to repair the things that were: and hast given unto us evidences of the resurrection to come, not only by the doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles, but also by the resurrection of the same thy only begotten Son our Redeemer. y Deus, qui universorum es Creator & conditor, quique tuorum es beatitudo Sanctorum; praesta nobis petentibus, ut spiritum fratris nostri corporis nexibus absolutum in beatâ resurrectione facias praesentari. Prec. Ecclesiast Cassandr. Oper. pag. 385. Tom. 5. Gregor. col. 228 e. O God, who art the Creator and maker of all things, and who art the bliss of thy Saints; grant unto us who make request unto thee, that the spirit of our brother, who is loosed from the knot of his body, may be presented in the blessed resurrection of thy Saints. z Omnipotens & misericors Deus, tuam deprecamur. clementiam, quia judicio tuo & nascimur & finimur; ut animam fratris nostri, quem tua pietas de incolatu hujus mundi transue praecepit, in requiem aeternam suscipias, & in consortio electorum tuorum in resurrectione sociari permittas, ut in aeternâ beatitudine unâ cum illis sine fine permaneat. Alcuin. Offic. per f●rias, Oper. pag. 230.231. collat. cum simili, tomo 5. Gregor, col. 228. c. d. & in Operib. Cassandr. pag. 385. O almighty and merciful God, we do entreat thy clemency, forasmuch as by thy judgement we are borne and make an end; that thou wilt receive into everlasting rest the soul of our brother, whom thou of thy piety hast commanded to pass from the dwelling of this world, and permit him to be associated with the company of thine elect, that together with them he may remain in everlasting bliss without end. a Aeterne Deus, qui nobis in Christo unigenito filio tuo Domino nostro spem beatae Resurrectionis concessist●; praesta, quaesumus, ut animae, pro quibus hoc sacrificium redemptionis nostrae tuae offerimus majestati, ad beatae resurrectionis requiem, te miserante, cum sanctis tuis pervenire mereantur. Praefat. antiqu. 110. edit. Colon. an. 1530. Tom. 2. Liturg. Pamelij pag. 609. Tom. 5. Gr●gor. col. 236. e. Eternal God, who in Christ thine only begotten son our Lord hast given unto us the hope of a blessed Resurrection; grant, we beseech thee, that the souls, for which we offer this sacrifice of our redemption unto thy Majesty, may of thy mercy attain unto the rest of a blessed resurrection with thy Saints. b Haec nos communio, quaesumus Domine, purget á crimine: & animae famuli tui N. coelestis gaudij tribuat consortium, ut ante thronum gloriae Christi tui segregata cum dextris, nihil commune habeat cum sinistris. Tom. 5 Gregor. col 33. c. Let this communion, we beseech thee O Lord, purge us from sin; and give unto the soul of thy servant N. a portion in the heavenly joy, that being set apart before the throne of the glory of thy Christ with those that are upon the right hand, it may have nothing common with those that are upon the left. c Per Christum Dominum nostrum. In cujus adventu, cum geminam jusseris sist●re plebem, jubeas et famulum tuum á numero discerni malorum. Quem unâ tribuas poenae aeternae evadere flammas, & justae potius adipisci praemia vitae. etc. Offic. Ambrosian. tomo 1. Liturgic. Pamel pag 450. Through Christ our lord At whose coming, when thou shalt command both the peoples to appear, command thy servant also to be severed from the number of the evil. and grant unto him, that he may both escape the flames of everlasting punishment, and obtain the rewards of a righteous life. etc. In these, and other prayers of the like kind, we may descry evident footsteps of the primary intention of the Church in her supplications for the dead: which was, that the whole man (not the soul separated only) might receive public remission of sins, & a solemn acquittal in the judgement of that great day; and so obtain both a full escape from all the consequences of sin ( d 1. Cor. 15.26, 34. the last enemy being now destroyed, and death swallowed up in victory) and a perfect consummation of bliss and happiness. all which are comprised in that short prayer of S. Paul for Onesiphorus (though made for him while he was alive:) e 2. Tim. 1.18. The Lord grant unto him, that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day. Yea divers prayers for the dead of this kind are still retained in the Roman Offices: of which the great Spanish Doctor johannes Medina thus writeth. f Etsi quamplures orationes fidelium defunctorum legerim, quae in Missali Romano continentur; in nullâ tamen earum legi, per Ecclesiam pe●i, ut citiùs á poenis liberentur: legi tamen in nonnullis peti, ut, ab aeternis poenis liberentur. Io. Medin. in Codice de Oratione, quaest. 6. Although I have read many prayers for the faithful deceased, which are contained in the Roman Missal; yet have I read in none of them, that the Church doth petition, that they may more quickly be freed from pains: but I have read that in some of them petition is made, that they may be freed from everlasting pains. For beside the common prayer that is used in the Mass for the Commemoration of all the faithful deceased, that Christ would free them from the mouth of the Lion, that Hell may not swallow them up, and that they may not fall into the place of darkness: this prayer is prescribed for the day wherein the dead did depart out of this life. g Deus, cui proprium est misereri semper & parcere; te supplices exoramus pro animâ famuli tui N. quam hodie de hoc seculo migrare jussisti: ut non tradas eam in manus inimici, neque obliviscaris in finem; sed jubeas eam á sanctis Angelis suscipi, & ad patriam paradisi perduci: ut qu●a in te speravit & credidit, non poenas inferm sustineat, sed gaudia aeterna possideat. Orat. in die obitus s●u d●positionis ●efuncti: in Missali Romano reformato. O God, whose property is always to have mercy and to spare; we most humbly beseech thee for the soul of thy servant N. which this day thou hast commanded to depart out of this world: that thou mayst not deliver it into the hands of the enemy, nor forget it finally; but command it to be received by the holy Angels, and brought unto the country of Paradise: that because he hath trusted and believed in thee, he may not sustain the pains of Hell, but possess joys everlasting. which is a direct prayer, that the soul of him which was then departed might immediately be received into Heaven, and escape not the temporary pains of Purgatory, but the everlasting pains of Hell. for howsoever the new reformers of the Roman Missal have put in here poenas inferni (under the generality peradventure of the term of the pains of hell intending to shroud their Purgatory, which they would have men believe to be one of the lodges of Hell) yet in the h Missal. Rom. edit. Paris. an. 1529. old Missal, which Medina had respect unto, we read expressly poenas aeternas, everlasting pains; which by no construction can be referred unto the pains of Purgatory. and to the same purpose, in the book of the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, at the exequys of a Cardinal, a prayer is appointed to be read; that by the assistance of God's grace he might i Gratiâ tuâ illi succurrente, mereatur judicium evadere ultionis aeternae, qui dum uíveret insignitus est signaculo sanctae Trinitatis Lib. 1. sacr. Ceremoniar. Rom. Eccles sect. 15. ca 1. fol. 152. b. edit. Colon. an. 1574. escape the judgement of everlasting revenge, who while he lived was marked with the seal of the holy Trinity. Again, k Sunt aliae orationes, in quibus petitur, ut Deus animas defunctorum in corporibus ad beatitudinem in die judicii suscitet Io. Medin. ut suprà. there be other prayers (saith Medina) wherein petition is made, that God would raise the souls of the dead in their bodies unto bliss at the day of judgement. Such, for example, is that which is found in the Roman Missal. l Absolve, quaesumus Domine, animam famuli tui ab omni vinculo delictorum: ut in resurrectionis gloriâ, inter sanctos & electos tuos resuscitatus respiret. Orat. p●o defunct. in Missali Ro●ano, v●tere & novo. nec non in Gregorij Sacramentario, tom. 2. Liturgic. Pam●lij, ●ag. 386. & tom. 5. oper. Gregor edi●. Paris. col. 229, 230. Similis etiam oratiuncula habetur in G●egorij Antiphonario, pag. 175. Pamel●●, col. 62. ed●●. Paris Erue Domine animas eorum ab omni vinculo delictorum: ut in resurrectionis gloriâ inter sanctos tuos resuscitari mereantur. Absolve, we beseech thee O Lord, the soul of thy servant from all the bond of his sins: that in the glory of the resurrection, being raised among thy saints and elect, he may breathe again, or be refreshed. and that other in the Roman Pontifical. m Deus, cui omnia vivunt, & cui non pereunt moriendo corpora nostra, sed mutantur in melius; te supplices deprecamur, ut suscipi jubeas animam famuli tui N. per manus sanctorum Angelorum tuorum deducēdā in sinum amici tui Abrahae Patriarchae, resuscitandamque in novissimo judicij magni die: & quicquid vitiorum, Diabolo fallente, contraxit, tu pius & misericors abluas indulgendo. Pontifical. Roman. Clem. VIII. iussu edit. Romae an. 1595. pag. 685. & Venet. an. 1572. fol. 226. col. 4. Lib. 1. sacr. Ceremon. Rom. Eccles. sect. 15. ca 1. fol. 153 b. edit. Colon. Tom. 5. Oper. Gregorij, col. 227. edit. Paris. Prec. ecclesiastic. á G. Cassandro edit. pag 384. Operum. O God, unto whom all things do live, and unto whom our bodies in dying do not perish, but are changed for the better; we humbly pray thee, that thou wouldst command the soul of thy servant N. to be received by the hands of thy holy Angels, to be carried into the bosom of thy friend the Patriarch Abraham, and to be raised up at the last day of the great judgement: & whatsoever faults by the deceit of the Devil he hath incurred, do thou of thy pity and mercy wash away by forgiving them. Now forasmuch as it is most certain, that all such as depart in grace (as the Adversaries acknowledge that all in Purgatory do) are sure to escape Hell, and to be raised up unto glory at the last day: Medina perplexeth himself exceedingly in according these kind of prayers with the received grounds of Purgatory; and after much agitation of the business too and fro, at last resolveth upon one of these two desperate conclusions. that touching these n Respondetur, quantum ad orationes quae pro defunctis in Ecclesiâ fiunt, posse primò dici, non esse necessarium omnes eas ab omni ineptitudine excusare. Multa enim in Ecclesiâ legi permittuntur, quae quamvis non omnino vera sint, vel omnino apta, conferunt tamen ad fidelium devotionem excitandam & augendam. Talia multa credendum est contineri in historijs non sacris, & in Legendis Sanctorun, & in opinionibus Doctorun, & Scriptures, quae omnia tolerantur in Ecclesiâ interim, dum super illis nulla movetur quaestio, nullumque insurgit scandalum. Ac proinde non mirum, in orationibus praedictis aliquid minùs aptum contineri, & ab Ecclesiâ tolerari: cum tales orationes factae sint á personis privatis, non á Concilijs, nec per Concilia omnino sint approbatae. Io. Medin. ut supr. prayers which are made in the Church for the dead, it may first of all be said, that it is not necessary to excuse them all from all unfitness. For many things are permitted to be read in the Church, which although they be not altogether true, nor altogether fit, yet serve for the stirring up and increasing the devotion of the faithful. Many such things (saith he) we believe are contained in the histories that be not sacred, and in the Legends of the Saints, and in the opinions and writings of the Doctors: all which are tolerated by the Church in the mean time, while there is no question moved of them, and no scandal ariseth from them. And therefore it is no marvel, that somewhat not so fit should be contained in the foresaid prayers, and be tolerated in the Church: seeing such prayers were made by private persons, not by Counsels, neither were approved at all by Counsels. And we easily do believe indeed, that their Offices and Legends are fraught not only with untrue and unfit, but also with far worse stuff: neither is this any news unto us. Agobardus Bishop of Lions complained about 800. years ago, that the Antiphonary used in his Church had o Multa ridiculosa et phantastica. Agobard. ad Cantores jugdunens' de Correct. Antiphonarij, pag. 396. edit. Paris. many ridiculous and fantastical things in it: and that he was fain p Hâc de causâ & Antiphonarium pro viribus nostris magnâ ex parte correximus: amputatis his, quae vel superflua, vel levia, vel mendacia, aut blasphema videbantur. Id. ibid. pag. 392. to cut off from thence such things as seemed to be either superfluous, or light, or lying, or blasphemous. The like complaint was made not long since by Lindanus, of the Roman Antiphonaries and Missals: q Vbi non apocryphas modó ex Euang. Nicodemi & aliis nugis sunt infarta; sed ipsae adeò secretae preces (imo ipse, prò pudor & dolour, Canon & varians & redundans) sunt mendis turpissimis conspurcatae. Wil Lindan de oped. gen. interpr. script. lib. 3. ca 3. wherein not only apocryphal tales (saith he) out of the Gospel of Nicodemus and other toys are thrust in; but the very secret prayers themselves are defiled with most foul faults. But now that we have the r Missale Romanum ex decreto sacrosancti Concilii Tridentini restitutum, Pij V. Pont. Max jussu editum, & Clementis VIII. auctoritate recognitum. Rom. an. 1604. Paris. 1605. Roman Missal restored according to the decree of the Council of Trent, set out by the command of Pius V. and revised again by the authority of Clemens VIII. I doubt much whether our Romanists will allow the Censure which their Medina hath given of the prayers contained therein. And therefore if this will not please them, he hath another answer in store: of which though his country man s Alphons. Mendoz. Controvers. Theologic. quaest. 6. scholastic. num. 5. Mendoza hath given sentence, that it is indigna viro Theologo, unworthy of any man that beareth the name of a Divine; yet such as it is, you shall have it. Supposing then, that the Church hath no intention to pray for any other of the dead, but those that are detained in Purgatory: this he delivereth for his second resolution. t Sciens Ecclesia Deum potestatem habere puniendi aeternaliter animas illas, per quas, cum viverent, fuerat mortaliter offensus; quodque Deus potestatem suam non alligaverit Scriptures, & promissis quae in Scripturâ con●inentur; quan●oquidem ipse super omnia est, & tam omnipotens post promissa, acsi nil promisisset: ideò Ecclesia simpliciter Deum orat, ne illâ absolutâ omnipotentiâ contra animas fidelium, qui in gratiâ decesserunt, utatur; ideò orat, ut eas ab aeternis poenis, & á vindictâ, & judicio condemnationis liberare, & ut eas cum suis electis resuscitare, dignetur. Io. Medina, ut supr. The Church knowing that God hath power to punish everlastingly those souls, by which, when they lived, he was mortally offended; and that God hath not tied his power unto the Scriptures, and unto the promises that are contained in the Scripture (forasmuch as he is above all things, and a● omnipotent after his promises, as if he had promised nothing at all:) therefore the Church doth humbly pray God, that he would not use this his absolute omnipotency against the souls of the faithful, which are departed in grace; therefore she doth pray that he would vouchsafe to free them from everlasting pains, and from revenge and the judgement of condemnation, and that he would be pleased to raise them up again with his Elect. But leaving our Popish Doctors with their profound speculations of the not limiting of God's power by the Scriptures, and the promises which he hath made unto us therein: let us return to the ancient Fathers, and consider the differences that are to be found among them touching the place and condition of souls separated from their bodies. for according to the several apprehensions which they had thereof, they made different applications and interpretations of the use of praying for the dead: whose particular intentions and devotions in that kind, must of necessity therefore be distinguished from the general intention of the whole Church. S. Augustine (that I may begin with him who was, as the most ingenious, so likewise the most ingenuous of all others in acknowledging his ignorance where he saw cause) being to treat of these matters, maketh this Preface before hand unto his hearers. u Infernum nec ego expertus sum ad●uc nec vos: & fo●tassis alia via erit, & non per i●fe●num erit. Incerta sunt enim haec. Augustin. in Psal. 85. Of Hell neither have I had any experience as yet, nor you: and peradventure it may be, that our passage may lie some other way, and not prove to be by Hell. For these things be uncertain. and having occasion to speak of the departure of Nebridius his dear friend: x Nunc ille vivit in sinu Abraham, quicquid illud est quod illo significatur sinu; ibi Nebridius meus vivit. Id. Confession. lib. 9 cap. 3. Now he liveth, saith he, in the bosom of Abraham, whatsoever the thing be that is signified by that bosom; there doth my Nebridius live. But elsewhere he directly distinguisheth this bosom from the place of bliss into which the. Saints shall be received after the last judgement. y Post vitam istam parvam nondum eris ubi erunt Sancti quibus dicetur; Venite benedicti Patris mei, percipite regnum quod vobis paratum est ab initio mundi. Nondum ibi eris: quis nescit? Sed jam poteris ibi esse, ubi illum quondam ulcerosum pauperem dives ille superbus & sterilis in medijs suis tormentis vidit à longe requiescentem. In illâ requie positus, certé securus expectas judicii diem; quando recipias & corpus, quando immuteris ut angelo aequeris. Id. in Psalm. 36. conc. 1. After this short life (saith he) thou shalt not as yet be where the Saints shall be unto whom it shall be said; Come ye blessed of my Father, receive the kingdom which was prepared for you from the beginning of the world. Thou shalt not as yet be there: who knoweth it not? But now thou mayest be there, where that proud and barren rich man in the midst of his torments saw a far off the poor man, sometime full of ulcers, resting. Being placed in that rest, thou dost securely expect the day of judgement; when thou mayest receive thy body, when thou mayest be changed to be equal unto an Angel. and for the state of souls, betwixt the time of the particular and general judgement, this is his conclusion in general. z Tempus au●em quod inter h●minis mortem & ultimam resurrectionem inter positum est, animas abditis receptaculis continet; sicut unaquaeque digna est vel requie vel aerumnâ, pro eo quod sortita est in carne cum viveret. Id. Enchirid. ad Laurent. ●ap. 108. The time that is interposed betwixt the death of man and the last resurrection, containeth the souls in hidden receptacles; as every one is worthy either of rest or of trouble, according unto that which it did purchase in the flesh when it lived. Into these hidden receptacles he thought the souls of God's children might carry some of their lighter faults with them: which being not removed, would hinder them from coming into the kingdom of heaven (whereinto no polluted thing can enter) and from which by the prayers and almsdeeds of the living he held they might be released. But of two things he professed himself here to be ignorant. First, a Sed quis iste sit modus, & quae sint ipsa peccata, quae ita impediunt perventionem ad regnum Dei, ut tamen sanctorum amicorum meritis impetrent indulgentiam; difficilimum est invenire, periculosissimun definire. Ego certé usque ad hoc tempus, cum inde satagerem, ad eorum indaginem pervenire non potui. Id. lib. 21. de Civit. Dei, cap. 27. What those sins were, which did so hinder the coming unto the kingdom of God, that yet by the care of good friends they might obtain pardon. Secondly, b See before, pag. 173. Whether those souls did endure any temporary pains in the Interim betwixt the time of Death and the Resurrection. For howsoever in his one and twentieth book of the City of God, and the thirteenth and sixteenth chapters (for the new patch which they have added to the four and twentieth chapter is not worthy of regard) he affirm, that some of them do suffer certain purgatory punishments before the last and dreadful judgement: yet by comparing these places with the c Ex his quae dicta sunt videtur evidentiùs apparere, in illo judicio quasdam quorundam purgatorias poenas futuras. etc. Verùm ista quaestio de purgatorijs poenis, ut diligentiùs pertractetur, in tempus aliud differenda est. nempe, ubi ad librum 21. perventum fu●rit. five and twentieth chapter of the twentieth book, it will appear, that by those purgatory punishments he understandeth here the furnace of the fire of Conflagration, that shall immediately go before this last judgement, and (as he otherwhere describeth the effects thereof) d Hoc aget caminus: alios in sinistram separabit, alios in dexteram quodammodo eliquabit. Aug. in Psalm. 103. conc. 3. separate some unto the left hand, and melt out others unto the right. Neither was this opinion of the reservation of souls in secret places, and the purging of them in the fire of Conflagration at the day of judgement, entertained by this famous Doctor alone: divers others there were that had touched upon the same string before him. Origen in his fourth book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we have him translated by Ruffinus (for in the e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origenis Philocalia cap. 1. Extracts selected out of him by S. Basil and S. Gregory we find the place somewhat otherwise expressed) saith that f De hoc mundo secundùm communem mortem istam recedentes, pro actibus suis & meritis dispensantur prout digni fuerint judicati; alii quidem in locum qui dicitur Infernus, alij in sinum Abrahae, & per diversa quaeque vel loca, vel mansiones. Origen. de Principijs lib. 4. cap. 2. cum quo conferendus similis eiusdem locus in Numer. 31. homil 26. such as depart out of this world after the common course of death, are disposed of according to their deeds and merits, as they shallbe judged to be worthy; some into the place which is called Hell, others into Abraham's bosom, and through divers either places or mansions. and in his Commentaries upon Leviticus, he addeth further. g Nondum receperunt laetitiam suam, ne Apostoli quidem; sed & ipsi expectant, ut & ego laetitiae eorum particeps fiam. Neque enim decedentes hinc Sancti, continuò integra meritorum suorum proemia consequuntur; sed expectant etiam nos licèt morantes, licèt desides. Jd. hom. 7. in Levit. cap. 10. Neither have the Apostles themselves as yet received their joy; but even they do expect, that I also may be made partaker of their joy. For the Saint's departing from hence do not presently obtain the full rewards of their labours; but they expect us likewise, howsoever staying, howsoever slacking. Then touching the purging of men after the Resurrection, he thus delivereth his mind in his Commentaries upon Luke. h Ego puto, quòd & post resurrectionem ex mortuis indigeamus sacramento eluente nos atque purgante: nemo enim absque sordibus resurgere poterit. Id. in Luc. homil. 14. I think, that even after our resurrection from the dead we shall have need of a sacrament to wash and purge us: for none can rise without pollutions. and upon jeremy: i Si quis in secundâ resurrectione servatur, iste peccator est qui ignis indiget baptismo; qui combustione purgatur, ut quicquid habuerit lignorum, foeni, & stipulae, ignis consumat. Id. in jerem. homil. 13. If any one be saved in the second resurrection, he is that sinner which needeth the baptism of fire, which is purged with burning; that whatsoever he hath of wood, hay, and stubble, the fire may consume it. Neither doth Lactantius show himself to vary much from him, in either of those points; for thus he writeth. k Sed & justos cum judicaverit, etiam igni eos examinabit. Tum quorum peccata vel pondere vel numero praevaluerint, perstringentur igni, atque amburentur: quos autem plena justitia & maturitas virtutis incoxe●it, ignem illum non sentient. habent enim in se aliquid inde, quod vim flammae repellat ac respuat. Tanta est vis innocentiae, ut ab eâ ignis ille refugiat innoxius, qui accepit á Deo hanc potestatem. ur impios urat, just●s obtemperet. Nec tamen quisquam putet, animas post mortem protinùs judicari. Omnes in unâ, communique custodiâ detinentur, donec tempus adveniat, quo maximus judex meritorum faciat examen. Lactant. institut. divin. lib. 7. cap. 21. When God shall judge the righteous, he will examine them by fire. Then they whose sins shall prevail either in weight or number, shall be touched with the fire and burned: but they whom perfect righteousness and the ripeness of virtue hath throughly seasoned, shall not feel that fire. for from thence have they something in them, that will repel & put back the force of the flame: so great is the force of innocency, that that fire shall fly back from it without doing any harm, which hath received this power from God, that it may burn the wicked and do service to the righteous. Yet notwithstanding let no man think, that the souls are presently judged after death. All of them are detained in one common custody, until the time come, wherein the great judge doth make trial of their doings. In like manner doth S. Hilary write of the one part. l Exeuntes de corpore, ad introitum illum regni coelestis, per custodiam Domini fideles omnes reservabuntur, in sinu scilicèt interim Abrahae collocati: quò adire impios interjectum chaos inhibet, quousque introeundi iursum in regnum coelorum tempus adveniat. Hilar. in Psal. 120. All the faithful, when they are gone out of the body, shall be reserved by the Lord's custody for that entry into the heavenly kingdom, being in the mean time placed in the bosom of Abraham; whither the wicked are hindered from coming, by the gulf interposed betwixt them, until the time of entering into the kingdom of heaven do come. and thus of the other. m An cum ex omni otioso verbo rationem simus praestituri, diem judicii concupiscemus, ●n quo nobis est ille i●defessus ignis obeundus, in quo subeunda sunt gravia illa expiandae á peccatis animae supplicia? Id. in Psal. 118. octonar. 3. Being to render an account of every idle word, shall we desire the day of judgement, wherein that unwearied fire must be passed by us, in which those grievous punishments for expiating the soul from sins must be endured? for n Salutis igitur nostrae & judicii tempus designat in Domino dieens; Illé baptizabit vo● in Spiritu sancto & igni: quia baptizatis in Spiritu sancto, reliquum sit consummari igne judicii. Id. in Ma●●h. canon. 2. to such as have been baptised with the holy Ghost, it remaineth that they should be consummated with the fire of judgement. In S. Ambrose also there are some passages to be found which seem to make directly for either of these points: as these for the former. o Solvitur corpore anima, & post finem vitae hujus, adhuc tamen futuri judicii ambiguo suspenditur. Ita finis nullus, ubi finis putatur. Ambr. de Cain & Abel, lib. 2. cap. 2. The soul is loosed from the body, and yet after the end of this life it is held as yet in suspense with the uncertainty of the future judgement: so that there is no end, where there is thought to be an end. p Siquidem & in Esdrae libris legimus; quia cum venerit judicii dies, reddet terra defunctorum corpora, & pulvis reddet eas quae in tumulis requiescunt reliquias mortuorum. Et habitacula, inquit, reddent animas quae his commendatae sunt: & revelabitur altissimus super sedem judicii. Ambros. de bono mortis, cap. 10. ex 4. Esdr. 7.32, 33. We read in the books of Esdras; that when the day of judgement shall come, the earth shall restore the bodies of the deceased, and the dust shall restore the relics of the dead which do rest in the graves: and the habitacles shall restore the souls which were committed to them; and the most high shall be revealed upon the seat of judgement. q Denique & scriptura habitacula illa animarum promptuaria nuncupavit: quae occurrens querelae humanae, eo quòd justi qui praecesserunt videantur usque ad judicii diem, per plurimum scilicèt temporis, debitâ sibi remuneratione fraudari; mirabiliter ait Coronae esse similem judicii diem, in quo sicut novissimorum tarditas, sic non priorum velocitas. Coronae enim dies expectatur ab omnibus; ut intra eum diem & victi erubescant, & victores palmam adipiscantur victoriae. Id. ibid. ●u 4. Esdr. 4.35. & 5.41, 42. Also that scripture nameth those habitacles of the souls, Promptuaries (or secret receptacles:) and meeting with the complaint of man, that the just which have gone before may seem to be defrauded (until the day of judgement, which is a very long time) of the reward due unto them; saith wonderfully, that the day of judgement is like unto a crown, wherein as there is no slackness of the last, so is there no swiftness of the first. For the day of crowning is expected by all; that within that day both they who are overcome may be ashamed, and they who do overcome may obtain the palm of victory. r Ergo dum expectatur plenitudo temporis, expectant animae remunerationem debitam. Alias manet poena, alias gloria: & tamen nec illae interim sine injuriâ, nec istae sine fructu sunt. Ibid. Therefore while the fullness of time is expected, the souls expect their due reward. Pain is provided for some of them, for some glory: and yet in the mean time neither are those without trouble, nor these without fruit. and these for the latter. s Igne ergo purgabuntur filij Levi, igne Ezechiel, igne Daniel. Sed hi etsi per ignem examinabuntur, dicent tamen: T●ansivimus per ignem & aquam. Alij in igne remanebunt. Id. in Psalm. 36. With fire shall the sons of Levi be purged, with fire Ezechiel, with fire Daniel. But these, although they shall be tried with fire, yet shall say: We have passed through fire and water. Others shall remain in the fire. t Et si salvos faciet Dominus servos suos; salvi erimus per fidem, sic tamen salvi quasi per ignem. Etsi non exuremur, tamen uremur. Id. ibid. And if the Lord shall save his servants, we shall be saved by faith, yet saved as it were by fire. Although we shall not be burned up, yet shall we be burned. u Siquidem post consummationem seculi, missis angelis qui segregent bonos & malos, hoc futurum est baptisma; quando per caminun ignis iniquitas exuretur, ut in regno Dei fulgeant justi sicut Sol in regno patris sui. Et si aliquis ut Petrus sit, ut joannes, baptizatur hoc igni Id in Psalm. 118. serm 3. After the end of the world, when the Angels shall be sent to separate the good and the bad, this baptism shall be; when iniquity shallbe burnt up by the furnace of fire, that in the kingdom of God the righteous may shine as the Sun in the kingdom of their Father. And if any one be as Peter, or as john, he is baptised with this fire. Seeing therefore x Sed quia hîc purgatus, iterùm necesse habet illic purificari: illic quoque nos purificet, quando dicat Dominus; Intrate in requiem meam. ut unu●quisque nostrûm ustus romphaeâ illâ fiammeâ non exustus, introgrestus in illam paradisi amoenitatem, gratias agat domino suo, dicens: Induxisti nos in ref●igerium Id. ibid. Vid. & scim. 20. i● cund. Psal. 118. he that is purged here, hath need to be purged again there: let him purge us there also, when the Lord may say; Enter into my rest. that every one of us being burned with that flaming sword, not burned up, when he is entered into that pleasure of Paradise may give thanks unto his Lord, saying: Thou hast brought us into a place of refreshment. Hereunto we may adjoine that observation of Suarez the jesuit. y Qui opinantur, animas hominum non judicari in morte, nec proemium aut poenam recipere, sed reservari in abditis receptaculis usque ad judicium universale; consequenter dicunt, sicut non accipiunt homines ultimum proemium vel poenam, ita neque etiam purgari, donec sit facta generalis Resurrectio, & judicium: ex quo satis consequenter dice●e potuerunt, purgandos esse homines igne conflagrationis. Fr. Suarez, in 3 part Thom. quaest. 9 a●t. 6. d●sput. 57 sect. 1. They who think, that the souls of men are not judged at their death, nor do receive reward or punishment, but are reserved in hidden receptacles until the general judgement; do consequently say, that as men do not receive their last reward or punishment, so neither are they also purged, until the general Resurrection and judgement do come: from whence they might say with reasonable good consequence, that men are to be purged with the fire of Conflagration. and with as good consequence also (may we further add) that prayers were not to be made for the delivery of the souls of the dead from any purgatory pains, supposed to be suffered by them betwixt the time of their death and their resurrection; which be the only prayers which are now in question. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. Ceram. h●mil. in Indictionis sive novi anni principium. In the Resurrection, when our works, like unto clusters of grapes, shall be cast into the probatory fire as it were into the winepress; every man's husbandry shall be made manifest: saith Gregorius Cerameus, sometime archbishop of Tauromenium in Sicilia. and, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anastas. Sinait. (al. N●can.) quaest. 91. No man as yet is entered either into the torments of Hell or into the kingdom of Heaven, until the time of the resurrection of the bodies: saith Anastasius Sinaita upon whom Gretser bestoweth this marginal annotation: that this is the b Error veterum quorundam, & recentioris Graeciae. Grets●r. ibid. in marg. pag. 501. edit. Ing●lstad. Error of certain of the ancient, & of latter Greece. And we find it to be held indeed both by some of the ancient (as namely in Caius, who lived at Rome when Zephyrinus was Bishop there, and is accounted to be the author of the treatise falsely fathered upon josephus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a large fragment whereof hath been lately published by Hoeschelius in his notes upon Photius his Bibliotheke:) and by the latter Grecians; in whose name, Marcus Eugenicus archbishop of Ephesus, doth make this protestation against such of his countrymen as yielded to the definition of the Florentine Council. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marc. Ephesius, in Epistolâ Encyclicâ contra Council Florentin. Vid. & Gennadium Scholarium, in Defence. Concil. Florentin. cap. 3. sect. 2. We say, that neither the Saints do receive the kingdom prepared for them and those secret good things, neither the sinners do as yet fall into Hell: but that either of them do remain in expectation of their proper lot; and that this appertaineth unto the time that is to come after the Resurrection and the judgement. But these men, with the Latins, would have these to receive presently after death the things they have deserved: but unto those of the middle sort, that is, to such as dye in penance, they assign a purgatory fire (which they fain to be distinct from that of Hell) that thereby, say they, being purged in their souls after death, they likewise may be received into the kingdom of heaven together with the righteous. That barbarous impostor (as d Io. Molan. histor. Imag. lib. 3. cap 36. Molanus rightly styleth him) who counterfeited a letter, as written by S. Cyrill Bishop of jerusalem unto S. Augustin, touching the miracles of S. Hierome, taketh upon him to lay down the precise time of the first arising of this sect among the Grecians in this manner. e Postobitu● gloriosissimi Hieronymi, qua●dam haeresis inter Graecoes, id est, secta surrexit, quae ad Latinos usque devenit, quae suis nefandis nitebatur rationibus probare: quòd animae beatorum usque ad universalis judicii diem, in quo eorum corporibus erant iterum conjungendae, visione & cognition divinâ, in quâ tota constitit beatitudo sanctorum, privabuntur; & damnatorum animae similiter ad diem illum nullis cruciabuntur poenis. Quorum ratio talis erat; Sicut anima cum corpore meruit vel peccavit, ita cum corpore recipit proemia sive poenas. Asserebant etiam illius sectae nequissimi, nullum fore purgatorij locum in que animae, quae nondum de suis peccatis in mundo plenam egissent poenitentiam, purgarentur. Quâ quidem sectaâ pestiferâ crebrescente, tantus in nos dolor irruit, ut nos ampliùs pigeret vivere. Pseudo-Cyrillus, tom. 2. operum Augustini, epist 206. & sub finem tomis 4. operum Hieronymi edit. Basil. vel 9 ut á Mariano Victorio ●omi sunt dispositi. After the death of most glorious Hierome, a certain heresy or sect arose amongst the Grecians, and came to the Latins also, which went about with their wicked reasons to prove: that the souls of the blessed until the day of the general judgement, wherein they were to be joined again unto their bodies, are deprived of the sight and knowledge of God, in which the whole blessedness of the Saints doth consist; and that the souls of the damned in like manner until that day are tormented with no pains. Whose reason was this: that as the soul did merit or sin with the body; so with the body was it to receive rewards or pains. Those wicked sectaries also did maintain, that there was no place of Purgatory wherein the souls, which had not done full penance for their sins in this world, might be purged. Which pestilent sect getting head, so great sorrow fell upon us, that we were even weary of our life. Then he telleth a wise tale, how S. Hierome, being at that time with God, for the confutation of this new-sprong heresy, raised up three men from the dead (after that he had first f Name (ut mihi postmodùm interroganti dixerunt) beatus Hieronymus eos conduxerat secum in Paradisum, Purgatorium, & Infernum: ut quae ibi agebantur, patefacerent universis. Ibid. led their souls into Paradise, Purgatory, and Hell; to the end they might make known unto all men the things that were done there:) but had not the wit to consider, that S. Cyrill himself had need to be raised up, to make the fourth man among them. for how otherwise should he, who died thirty years before S. Hierome (as is known to every one that knoweth the history of those times) have heard and written the news which those three good fellows, that were raised by S. Hierome after his death, did relate concerning Heaven, Hell, and Purgatory? Yet is it nothing so strange to me (I confess) that such idle dreams as these should be devised in the times of darkness, to delude the world withal: as that now in the broad day light, g binsfeld. de condition animr. post mortem, sect 5. Binsfeldius and h Fran. Suarez in 3 part. Thom. tom 4. disput. 45. sect. 1. num. 1. Suarez, and other Romish merchants should adventure to bring forth such rotten stuff as this, with hope to gain any credit of antiquity thereby unto the new erected staple of Popish Purgatory. The Dominican Friars, in a certain treatise written by them at Constantinople in the year 1252. assign somewhat a lower beginning unto this error of the Grecians: affirming that they i Sequentes quendam hujus haereseos invēto●em Archiepiscopum quondam Caesareae Cappadociae, Andream nomine; qui dicit, propria corpora praestolari, ut cum cis, cum quibus bona vel mala commiserint, retributiones similiter factorum recipiant. Tractat. contra Graecoes: in tomo auctorum á Petro Stevartio edit. Ingelstad. an. 1616. pag. 562. followed therein a certain inventor of this heresy named Andrew, Archbishop sometime of Caesarea in Cappadocia; who said, that the souls did wait for their bodies, that together with them, with which they had committed good or evil, they might likewise receive the recompense of their deeds. But that which Andrew saith herein, he saith not out of his own head; (and therefore is wrongfully charged to be the first inventor of it:) but out of the judgement of many godly fathers that went before him. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Andr. Caesar. cap. 17. commentar. in Apocalyps. It hath been said (saith he) by many of the Saints, that all virtuous men (after this life) do receive places fit for them; whence they may certainly make conjecture of the glory that shall befall unto them. Where Peltanus bestoweth such another marginal note upon him, as Gretser his fellow-Iesuite did upon Anastasius. l Haec sententia diserté est jam condemnata; & ab Ecclesiâ proscripta. Theod. Peltan. ad marginem Latinae sua versionis. This opinion is now expressly condemned, and rejected by the Church. And yet doth Alphonsus de Castro acknowledge, that m Sunt adhuc alij hujus erroris patroni, viri quidem illustres, sanctitate perinde ac scientiâ clari: Irenaeus videlicèt beatissunus pro Christo martyr, Theophylactus Bulgariae episcopus, beatus Bernardus. Nec mirari quisquam debet, si tanti viri in tam pestiferum erro●em sunt lapsi: quoniam (ut beatus jacobus Apostolusait) qui non offendit in verbo, hic perfectus est vir. Alphons. Castr. lib. 3. advers. haereses; verbo, Beatitudo, haer. 6. the Patrons thereof were famous men, renowned as well for holiness as for knowledge: but telleth us withal, that no man ought to marvel, that such great men should fall into so pestilent an error; because (as the Apostle S. james saith) he that offendeth not in word, is a perfect man. Another particular opinion, which we must sever from the general intention of the Church in her oblations and prayers for the dead, is that which is noted by Theophylact upon the speech of our Saviour, Luk. 12.5. in which he wisheth us to observe, that n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theophylact. in Luc. 12. he did not say, Fear him who after he hath killed casteth into hell; but, hath power to cast into hell. For the sinners which die (saith he) are not always cast into hell: but it remaineth in the power of God, to pardon them also. And this I say for the oblations and doales which are made for the dead, which do not a little avail even them that die in grievous sins. He doth not therefore generally, after he hath killed, cast into hell; but hath power to cast. Wherefore let us not cease by alms and intercession to appease him, who hath power to cast, but doth not always use this power, but is able to pardon also. Thus far Theophylact: whom our Adversaries do blindly bring in for the countenancing of their use of praying and offering for the dead; not considering, that the prayers and oblations which he would uphold, do reach even unto such as dye in grievous sins (which the Romanists acknowledge to receive no relief at all by any thing that they can do) and are intended for the keeping of souls from being cast into Hell, and not for fetching them out when they have been cast into Purgatory; a place that never came within the compass of Theophylacts' belief. His testimony will fit a great deal better the prayer of S. Dunstan; o O●bern. & Eadmer. (& ex ●is, Capgrav. & Suriu●) in vitâ Dunstani. Vid. Gulielm. Malme●buriens. de gestis Regum Anglor. lib. 2. fol. 30. b. & lib. 1. de gestis Pontific. Anglor. fol. 115. ●. edit. Londin. who (as the tale goeth) having understood that the soul of King Edwin was to be carried into Hell, never gave over praying until he had gotten him rid of that danger, and transferred unto the coast of penitent souls: where he well deserved, doubtless, to undergo that penance which p Injungatis mihi, ut secundùm voluntatem Dei sim in poenis Purgatorij usque in diem ●ud●cii. Matth. Paru hist. Angl. an. 1198. Hugh Bishop of Coventry and Chester on his deathbed imposed upon himself; even to lie in the dungeon of Purgatory, without bail or mainprize, until the general jayl●-deliverie of the last day. Another private conceit, entertained by divers (as well of the elder as of middle times) in their devotions for the dead, was; that an augmentation of glory might thereby be procured for the Saints, and either a total deliverance, or a diminution of torment at least wise, obtained for the wicked. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrys●st. in Ma●th. homil. 31. Graec. (32. Latin.) indeque homil. 69. pe●pe●àm insc●ipted populum Antiochen. If the Barbarians (saith S. Chrysostom) do bury with their dead the things that belong unto them: it is much more reason, that thou shouldest send with the deceased the things that are his; not that they may be made ashes, as they were, but that they may add greater glory unto him. and, if he be departed hence a sinner, that they may lose his sins; but if righteous, that an addition may be made to his reward and retribution. Yea in the very latter days, Iuo Carnotensis writing unto Maud Queen of England, concerning the prayers that were to be made for the King her brother his soul; saith, that r Non vid●tur otiosum, si pro his intercedimus, qui jam requie perfruuntur, ut eorum requies augeatur. Iuo, ep. 174. it doth not seem idle, if we make intercessions for those who already enjoy rest, that their rest may be increased. Whereupon Pope Innocent the third doth bring this for one of the answers, wherewith he laboureth to salve the prayers which were used in the Church of Rome, that such or such an oblation might profit such or such a Saint unto glory: that s Licèt plerique reputent non indignum, Sanctorum gloriam usque ad judicium augmentari: & ideò Ecclesiam interim sané posse augmentum glorificationis eorum optare. Innoc. 111. epist. ad archiep. Lugdun. Cap. cum Marthae Extr●. de celebr. M●ssar. many repute it no indignity, that the glory of the Saints should be augmented until the day of judgement; and therefore that in the mean time the Church may wish the increase of their glorification. So likewise for the mitigation of the pains of them, whose souls were doubted to be in torment; this form of prayer was of old used in the same Church (as in Grimoldus his Sacramentary may be seen) and retained in the Roman Missal itself, until in the late reformation thereof it was removed. t Omnipotens & misericors Deus, inclina, qua sumus, venerabiles aures tuas ad exiguas preces nostras, quas ante conspectum majestatis tuae p●o animâ famuli tui N. humiliter fundimus: ut quia de qualitate vitae ejus diffidimus, de abundantiâ pietatis tuae consolemur; & si plenam veniam anima ipsius obtinere non potest, saltem vel inter ipsa tormenta quae forsitan patitur, refrigerium de abundantiâ miserationum tuarum sentiat. Orat. pro defunct. in M●ss●li Romano, edit. Parisan. 1529. Grim●ld. Sacramentar. tom. 2. Liturgic. Pamelij, pag. 457. O almighty and merciful God, incline (we beseech thee) thy holy ears unto our poor prayers, which we do humbly pour forth before the sight of thy Majesty for the soul of thy servant N. that forasmuch as we are distrustful of the quality of his life, by the abundance of thy pity we may be comforted; and if his soul cannot obtain full pardon, yet at least in the midst of the torments themselves, which peradventure it suffereth, out of the abundance of thy compassion it may feel refreshment. which prayer whither it tended, may appear partly by that which Prudentius writeth of the play-days, which he supposeth the souls in Hell sometime do obtain; Prudent. lib. Cathem●riu●̄n, hymn. ●. Sunt & spiritibus saepè nocentibus Poenarum celebres sub Styge feriae, etc. Marcent supplicijs Tartara mitibus, Exultatque sui carceris otio Vmbrarum populus, liber ab ignibus; Nec fervent solito flumina sulphur. partly by the doubtful conceits of God's merciful dealing with the wicked in the world to come, which are found in x August. E●chirid. ad Laurent. cap. 110.112.113. Hieronym. lib. 1. contra Pelag. & in fine Commenta●ior. in Esai. Gregor. Nazianz orat. 40. de Baptismo. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. others: but especially by these passages that we meet withal in the Sermons of S. Chrysostom. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; (the Latin ●dition rendereth this, not very faithfully: Hoc igitur non plorabimus, dic, oro? non tentabimus nos ab his periculis eripere?) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in Act. hom. 21. This man hath spent his whole life in vain, neither hath lived one day to himself, but to voluptuousness, to luxury, to covetousness, to sin, to the Devil. Tell me therefore; shall we not mourn for him? shall we not endeavour to pull him out of these dangers? For there be means, if we will, whereby his punishment may be made light unto him. If then we do make continual prayers for him, if we besto● alms; although he be unworthy, God will respect us. For z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. many have received benefit by the alms that have been given by others for them: and found thereby, although not a perfect, yet some consolation. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. This therefore is done, that although we ourselves be not virtuous, we may be careful to get virtuous companions and friends, and wife and son; as looking to reap some fruit even by them also: reaping indeed but little, yet reaping some fruit notwithstanding. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Id. in epist. ad Philip. hom. 3. Let us not therefore simply ●eepe for the dead, but for such as are dead in their sins: these be worthy of lamentations and bewailings and tears. For what hope is there (tell me) for men to depart with their sins, where they cannot put off their sins? for as long as they were here, there was peradventure great expectation, that they would be altered, that they would be bettered. but being gone unto Hell, where there is no gaining of any thing by repentance (for in hell, saith he, who shall confess unto thee?) how are they not worthy of lamentations? c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Let us therefore weep for such, let us succour them to our power, let us find out some help for them, little indeed, but yet such as may relieve them. How and after what manner? both praying ourselves, and entreating others to make prayers for them, and giving continually unto the poor for them. for this thing bringeth some consolation. The like doctrine is delivered by d Andr. Hierosolymitan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. ●9. edit. Meursij. Andrew archbishop of Crete, in his Sermon of the life of man, and of the dead; and by john Damascen, or whosoever else was author of the book ascribed unto him, concerning them that are departed in the faith: where three notable tales are told, of the benefit that even Infidels and Idolaters themselves should receive by such prayers as these. One touching the soul of the Emperor Trajan, delivered from Hell by the prayers of Pope Gregory: of the truth whereof least any man should make question, he affirmeth very roundly, that no less than e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Damascen. serm. de Defunctis. the whole East and West will witness that this is true and uncontrollable. And indeed in the East this fable seemeth first to have risen: where it obtained such credit, that the Grecians to this day do still use this form of prayer; f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eucholog. Grae●. cap. 19 As thou didst lose Trajan from punishment by the earnest intercession of thy servant Gregory the Dialogue-writer, hear us likewise who pray unto thee. And therefore to them doth Hugo Etherianus thus appeal, for justifying the truth of this narration: g Nolite quaeso dicere in cordibus vestris, falsum hoc aut fictum esse. Quaerite, si placet, apud Graecoes: Graeca certé omnis testatur haec Ecclesia. Hug. Etherian. de regr●ssu animar. ab Inferis, cap. 15. Do not, I pray you, say in your hearts, that this is false or feigned. Inquire, if you please, of the Grecians: the whole Greek Church surely doth testify these things. He might, if he had pleased, being an Italian himself, have inquired nearer home of the Romans, among whom this feat was reported to have been acted; rather then among the Grecians, who were strangers to the business. But the Romans, as we understand by h Io. Diacon. Vit. Gregor. li. 2. cap. 44. johannes Diaconus in the life of S. Gregory, found no such matter among their records; and when they had notice given them thereof out of the Legends of the Church of England (for from thence received they the news of this and some other such strange acts reported to have been done by S. Gregory among themselves) they were not very hasty to believe it: because they could hardly be persuaded, that S. Gregory who had taught them, that i Gregor. Moral. in job, lib. 34. cap. 16. quod pen● ad verbum descriptum etiam habetur lib. 4. Dialogor. cap. 44. Infidels and wicked men departed out of this life, were no more to be prayed for then the Devil and his angels which were appointed unto everlasting punishment; should in his practice be found to be so much different from his judgement. The second tale toucheth upon the very times of the Apostles: wherein the k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. Seleuc. in ipso initio Commentarij de vitâ Theclae. Apostolesse Thecla is said to have prayed for Falconilla (the daughter of Tryphaena, whom S. Paul saluteth, Rom. 16.12.) l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Damascen. a gentile and an Idolatress, altogether profane and a servitor of another God, to this effect. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Simeon. Metaphrast. in vitâ Theclae, O God, Son of the true God, grant unto Tryphaena according to thy will, that her daughter may live with thee time without end. or as Basil Bishop of Seleucia doth express it. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. Sel●us. lib. 1. de vitâ The●lae Grant unto thy servant Tryphaena, that her desire may be fulfilled concerning her daughter: her desire therein being this, that her soul may be numbered among the souls of those that have already believed in thee, and may enjoy the life and pleasure that is in Paradise. The third tale he produceth out of Palladius his historical book written unto Lausus (although neither in the Greek set out by Meursius, nor in the three several Latin editions of that history published before, the●e be any such thing to be found): touching a dead man's skull, that should have uttered this speech unto Macarius the great Egyptian anchorer. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Damaskens. When thou dost offer up thy prayers for the dead, then do we feel some little consolation. A brainless answer you may well conceive it to be, that must be thought to have proceeded from a dry skull lying by the highway side: but as brainless as it is, it hath not a little troubled the quick heads of our Romish Divines, and put m●ny an odd cratchet into their nimble brains. Renatus Laurentius telleth us, that p Non est dubium quin Angelus fuit qui in cranio loquebatur Renat. laurent. annotat. in ●er●ullian de Aniwâ. cap. 33. without all doubt it was an Angel that did speak in this skull. And q Ad rem itaque dico, caput illud, quod, ut habetur in D. Damasceno, in viâ jacebat, non fuisse hominis damnat●, sed justi existentis in Purgatorio: nam Damascenus non dicit in illo sermone, quòd fuerit hominis Gentilis, ut ibi patet. Alp●o●s Mend●z. Controv T●eolo● qu● scholast ●e●t 5 I say (quoth Alphonsus Mendoza) that this head which lay in the way, was not the head of one that was damned, but of a just man remaining in Purgatory: for Damascen doth not say in that sermon, that i● was the head of a Gentile, as it may there be seen. And true it is indeed, he neither saith that it was so, neither yet that it was not so: but the Grecians generally relate the matter thus; that Macarius r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. M●na. Graec. Ian●ar. 19 did hear this, from the skull of one that had been a Priest of Idols, which he found lying in the wilderness; that by his prayers such as were with him in punishment received a little ease of their torment, whensoever it fell out that he made the same for them. and among the Latins, Thomas Aquinas, and other of the Schoolmen take this for granted: because they found in the Lives of the Fathers, that the speech which the dead skull used was this. s Vit. Paltum. edit. Lugdun. an. 1515. f●l 105. col. 3.4. & fol. 143. col. 1.2. & edi. Antuerp. an. 1615. pag. 526. & 656. I was a Priest of the Gentiles (so john the Roman subdeacon translateth it) or, as Rufinus is supposed to have rendered it, I was the chief of the Priests of the Idols, which dwelled in this place: and thou art abbot Macarius, that art filled with the spirit of God. At whatsoever hour therefore thou takest pity of them that are in torments, and prayest for them; they then feel some consolation. Well, saith Mendoza then, t Quòd si D. Tho. hanc historiam referens ex Vitis patrum, dicit fuisse caput Gentilis, ipse nodum hunc tenetur enodare. Alphons. Mendoz ut supr. if S. Thomas relating this history out of the Lives of the Fathers, doth say that this was the head of a Gentile; he himself is bound to untie this knot. And so he doth: resolving the matter thus; u Thom. Aquin. in lib. 4. Sentent. distinct. 45. quaest. 2. artic. 2 ad 4. & Durand. in eand. quaest. num. 15. that the damned get no true ease by the prayers made for them, but such a fantastical kind of joy only, as the Devils are said to have, when they have seduced and deceived any man. x At fortasse meliùs rejicerentur, ut falsa & apocryphas, quae afferuntur de illo cranio. Bellarmin. de Purgator. lib. 2. cap. ●8. But peradventure, saith Cardinal Bellarmine for the upshott, the things which are brought touching that skull, might better be rejected as false and apocryphal. and Stephen Durant, more peremptorily: y Quare quod de Trajano & Falconillâ (quos liberatos ex inferno orationibus S. Gregorij & Theclae, ex Damasceno, & quibusdam aliis, vulgò fertur:) quae item de Cranio arido interrogato á Macario, ex historiâ Pailadij ad Lausum referuntur, ficta & commentitia sunt. Steph. Durant. de ritib. Eccles. lib. 2. cap. 43. sect. 12. The things which are told of Trajan and Falconilla, delivered out of hell by the prayers of S Gregory and Thecla, and of the dry skull spoken too by Macarius, be feigned and commentitious. Which last answer, though it be the truest of all the rest; yet is it not to be doubted for all that, but that the general credit which these fables obtained, together with the countenance which the opinion of the Origenists did receive from Didymus, Euagrius, Gregory Nyssen, (if he be not corrupted) and other Doctors, inclined the minds of men very much, to apply the common use of praying for the dead unto this wrong end of hoping to relieve the damned thereby. S. Augustine doth show, that in his time not only z Frustrà itaque nonnulli, imò quamplurimi, aete●nam damnatorum poenam, & cruciatus sine intermissione perpetuos, humano miserantur affectu; atque ita futurum esse non credunt. Augustin. Enchirid. ad Laurent cap. 112. some, but exceeding many also, did out of an humane affection take compassion of the eternal pains of the damned, and would not believe that they should never have an end. And notwithstanding this error was publicly condemned afterwards in the Origenists, by the fifth general Council held at Constantinople: yet by idle and voluptuous persons was it still greedily embraced (as a Ioh●n. Climac. in fine 5. gradus Scalae suae. Climacus complaineth) and b Sunt enim nunc etiam, qui ideirco peccatis suis ponere finem negligunt, quia habere quandoque finem futura super se judicia suspicantur. Gregor. Moral. in job, lib. 34. cap. 16. even now also, saith S. Gregory, there be some, who therefore neglect to put an end unto their sins, because they imagine that the judgements which are to come upon them shall sometimes have an end. Yea of late days this opinion was maintained by the Porretanians (as Thomas calleth them) and some of the c Gloss. in Graetian cause 13. quaest. 2. cap. 23 Tempus. Durand in lib. 4. Sentent. dist. 45. quaest. 2. num. 7. Haec est sententia aliquorum juristarum. Canonists (the one following therein Gilbert Porreta Bishop of Poitiers, in his book of Theological Questions; the other john Semeca, in his Gloss upon Gratian) that by the prayers and suffrages of the living the pains of some of the damned were continually diminished; in such manner as infinite proportionable parts may be taken from a line, without ever coming unto an end of the division: which was in effect to take from them at the last all pain of sense or sense of pain. For (as d Quia in divisione lineae tandem pervenitur ad hoc quod non est sensibile: corpus enim sensibile non est in infinitum divisibile. Et sic sequeretur, quòd post mu●ta suffragia poena reman●●s propter sui parvitatem non sentiretur; & ita non esset poena. ●hom in 4. Sentenl. dist. 45. qu. 2. art. 2. Thomas observeth it rightly, and e Durand, in 4. d 45. q. 2. num 8. Durand after him) in the division of a Line, at last we must come unto that which is not sensible: considering that a sensible body cannot be divided infinitely. and so it would follow, that after many suffrages that pain remaining should not be sensible; and consequently should be no pain at all. Neither is it to be forgotten that the invention of All Souls day (of which you may read, if you please, Polydore Vergil in his sixth book of the Inventors of things, and the ninth chapter) that solemn day, I say, wherein our Romanists most devoutly perform all their superstitious observances for the dead; was occasioned at the first by the apprehension of this same erroneous conceit, that the souls of the damned might not only be eased, but fully also delivered by the alms & prayers of the living. The whole narration of the business is thus laid down by Sigebertus Gemblacensis in his Chronicle, at the year of our Lord 998. f Hoc tempore quidam religiosus ab Hicrosolymis re diens in Siciliâ reclusi cujus●am humanitate a liquandiu recreatus, didicit ab eo intercete●●, quòd in illâ v●●iniâ essent 〈◊〉 ●ructantia flammarum incendia, quae ●oca vocantur ab incolis O●lae Vulcani, in quibus animae reproborum luant diversa pro meritorum qualitate supplicia; ad ea exequ●nda d●pu●atis ibi daemonibus, quorum se crebrò voces, iras, & terrores, saepè etiam ●julatus 〈◊〉 dicebat, plangen●ium quòd animae damnatorum eriperentur de manibus eorum per 〈◊〉 & preces fidelium; & hoc tempore magis per orationes Cluniacens●um, orantium indefessé pro defunctorum requie. Hoc per ipsum Abbas Odilo compe●o, constituit per omnia monasteri● sibi ●ubjecta, ut sicut primo die Novembris solemnitas omnium Sanctorum agitur, ita s●quē●i die memoria omnium in Christo quies entium celebretur Quiritus ad multas Ecclesias transions, fidelium defunctorum memoriam solemnizari fecit. Sigeberi. Ch●on. an. 998. This time, saith he, a certain religious man returning from jerusalem, being entertained for a while in Sicily by the courtesy of a certain anchoret, learned from him among other matters, that there were places near unto them that used to cast up burning flames, which by the inhabitants were called the Potts of Vulcan, wherein the souls of the reprobate according to the quality of their deserts did suffer divers punishments; the Devils being there deputed for the execution thereof whose voices, angers and terrors, and sometimes howl also he said he often heard, as lamenting that the souls of the damned were taken out of their hands by the alms and prayers of the faithful; and more at this time by the prayers of the monks of Clunie, who prayed without ceasing for the rest of those that were deceased. The abbot Odilo having understood this by him, appointed throughout all the monasteries under his subjection, that as upon the first day of November the solemnity of all the Saints is observed, so upon the day following, the memorial of all that rested in Christ should be celebrated. Which rite passing into many other Churches, made the memory of the faithful deceased to be solemnised. For the elect, this form of prayer was wont to be used in the Roman Church. g Deuce, cui soli cognitus est numerus electorum in supernâ felicitate locandorum: tribue quaesumus, ut universorum, quos in oratione commendatos suscepimus, vel omnium sidelium nomina, beatae praedestinationis liber asscripta retineat. Gregor. Oper. tom. 5. col. 226. Alcuin. lib. Sacramentor. cap. 18. Oper. col. 1190. Missal. Roman. edit. Parisian. 1529. inter Orationes communes. O God, unto whom alone is known the number of the elect that are to be placed in the supernal bliss: grant, we beseech thee, that the book of blessed predestination may retain the names of all those whom we have undertaken to recommend in our prayer, or of all the faithful, that are written therein. And to pray, that the names of all those that are written in the book of God's election, should still be retained therein, may be somewhat tolerable: considering (as the Divines of that side have informed us) that those things may be prayed for, which we know most certainly wilcome to pass. But hardly, I think, shall you find in any Ritual a form of prayer answerable to this of the monks of Clunie for the reprobate: unless it be that, whereby S. Francis is said to have obtained, that friat Elias should be made h Raphäel Volater●an. Commentar. Vrban. lib. 21. ex praescito praedestinatus, an elect of a reprobare. Yet it seemeth, that some were not very well pleased, that what was done so seldom by S. Francis the i Bonaventur. in Prelogo Vitae Francisci. Bernardin. d● Busto, Rosar tom. 2. serm. 27. ●a. 1.2. Angel of the Friars, (& that for a reprobate yet living) should be so usually practised by the followers of S. Odilo the k Fulbert. Carnot●●s. epist. 66. Archangel of the Monks for reprobates that were dead: & therefore in the common editions of Sigeberts' Chronicle they have clean struck out the word damnatorum, & instead of reproborum chopped in defunctorum. which depravation may be detected, aswel by the sincere edition of Sigebert published by Aubertus Miraeus out of the Manuscript of Gemblac abbey (which is thought to be the original copy of Sigebert himself) as by the comparing of him with Petrus Damiani in the life of Odilo, whence this whole narration was by him borrowed. For there also do we read, that in those flaming places l In quibus etiam locis akin reproborum d●versa luunt pro meritorum qualitate tormenta. Petr. Dami●n in vit. Odd. ●omo. 1. Suri●, januar. 1. the souls of the reprobate according to the quality of their deserts did suffer divers torments: and that the Devils did complain, m Quòd orationibus & eleemosynis quorundam, adversus eos infoe derabiliter concertantium, frequenter ex eorum manibus eriperentur animae damnatorum. Inter caetera de Cluniacensium caetu permaximan & eorum abbate querimoniam faciunt, quia quam sae pè per eos sui ●uris vernaculos perdunt. Ibid. that by the alms and prayers of Odilo and others, the souls of the damned were taken out of their hands. By these things we may see, what we are to judge of that which our Adversaries press so much against us out of Epiphanius: that he n Allen of Purgatory and prayer for the dead, lib. 2. cap. 14. nameth an obscure fellow one Aërius to be the first author of this heresy; that prayers and sacrifice profiteth not the departed in Christ. For neither doth Epiphanius name this to be an heresy: neither doth it appear that himself did hold, that prayers and oblations bring such profit to the dead as these men dream they do. He is much deceived, who thinketh every thing that Epiphanius findeth fault withal in heretics, is esteemed by him to be an heresy: seeing heresy cannot be but in matters of faith, and the course which Epiphanius taketh in that work is not only to declare, in what special points of faith heretics did descent from the Catholic doctrine, but in what particular observances also they refused to follow the received customs and ordinances of the Church. Therefore at the end of the whole work he setteth down a Brief, o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. infine Panarij. pag. 465. first of the faith, and then of the ordinances and observances of the Church: and among the particulars of the latter kind, he rehearseth this: p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 466. For the dead, they make commemorations by name, performing (or, when they do perform) their prayers and divine service and dispensation of the mysteries, and disputing against Aërius touching the point itself, he doth not at all charge him with forsaking the doctrine of the Scriptures, or the faith of the Catholic Church concerning the state of those that are departed out of this life: but with rejecting the order observed by the Church in her Commemorations of the dead; which being an ancient institution, brought in upon wonderful good considerations, should not by this humorous heretic have been thus condemned. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. haeres. 75. pag. 388. The Church, saith he, doth necessarily perform this, having received it by tradition from the Fathers: and who may dissolve the ordinance of his mother, or the law of his Father? and again. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Our mother the Church hath ordinances settled in her, which are inviolable and may not be broken. Seeing then there are ordinances established in the Church, and they are well and all things are admirably done: this seducer is again refuted. For the further opening hereof, it will not be amiss to consider both of the objection of Aërius, and of the answer of Epiphanius. Thus did Aërius argue against the practice of the Church. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aërius, apud Epiphan. ib. pag. 386. For what reason do you commemorate after death the names of those that are departed? He that is alive prayeth, or maketh dispensation (of the mysteries:) what shall the dead be profited hereby? And if the prayer of those here do altogether profit them that be there: then let no body be godly, let no man do good, but let him procure some friends by what means it pleaseth him, either persuading them by money, or entreating friends at his death; and let them pray for him, that he may suffer nothing there, and that those inexpiable sins which he hath committed may not be required at his hands. This was Aërius his argumentation: which would have been of force indeed, if the whole Church had held, as many did; that the judgement after death was suspended until the general Resurrection, and that in the mean time the sins of the dead might be taken away by the suffrages of the living. But he should have considered, as Stephanus Gobarus (who was as great an heretic as himself) did, that the Doctors were not agreed upon the point; some of them maintaining, t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gobar in Photij Bibliothe: â vel. 232. the soul of every one that departed out of this life received very great profit by the prayers and oblations and alms that were performed for him, and others on the contrary side, that it was not so: and that it was a foolish part of him, to confound the private opinion of some, with the common faith of the universal Church. That he reproved this particular error, (which seemeth to have gotten head in his time, as being most plausible to the multitude, and very pleasing unto the loser sort of Christians) therein he did well: but that thereupon he condemned the general practice of the Church, which had no dependence upon that erroneous conceit, therein he did like unto himself, headily and perversely. For the Church in her Commemorations and prayers for the dead had no relation at all unto those that had led their lives lewdly and dissolutely (as appeareth plainly, both by the u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Di●nys. Eccles. Hierarch. cap. 7. init E● postea: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, and by divers other evidences before alleged) but unto those that did end their lives in such a godly manner, as gave pregnant hope unto the living, that their souls were at rest with God: and to such as these alone did it wish the accomplishment of that which remained of their redemption; to wit, their public justification and solemn acquittal at the last day, and their perfect consummation of bliss, both in body and soul, in the kingdom of heaven for ever after. not that the event of these things was conceived to be any ways doubtful (for we have been told, that things may be prayed for, the event whereof is known to be most certain) but because the commemoration thereof was thought to serve for special use, not only in regard of the manifestation of the affection of the living toward the dead (he that prayed, as Dionysius noteth, x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. desiring other men's gifts as if they were his own graces) but also in respect of the consolation and instruction which the living might receive thereby; as Epiphanius in his answer to Aërius doth more particularly declare. The objection of Aërius was this. The Commemorations and prayers used in the Church bring no profit to the dead: therefore as an unprofitable thing they are to be rejected. To this doth Epiphanius thus frame his answer. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. haeres. 75. As for the reciting of the names of those that are deceased; what can be better than this? what more commodious, and more admirable? that such as are present do believe, that they who are departed do live, and are not extinguished, but are still being and living with the Lord: and that this most pious preaching might be declared; that they who pray for their brethren have hope of them as being in a peregrination. Which is as much in effect, as if he had denied Aërius his consequence: and answered him, that although the dead were not profited by this action, yet it did not therefore follow that it should be condemned as altogether unprofitable. because it had a singular use otherwise: namely to testify the faith and the hope of the living, concerning the dead. the faith: in z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys. Eccl●s. Hierarch. cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Consti●ut Apost. lib. 6. cap. 29. declaring them to be alive, (for so doth Dionysius also expound the Church's intention in her public nomination of the dead) and as Divinity teacheth, not mortified but translated from death unto a most divine life. the hope: in that they signified hereby, that they accounted their brethren to have departed from them no otherwise than as if they had been in a journey, with expectation to meet them afterward; and by this means made a difference betwixt themselves, and a 1. Thess. 4.13. others which had no hope. Then doth Epiphanius proceed further in answering the same objection, after this manner. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (f. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiphan haer. 75. The prayer also which is made for them doth profit, although it do not cut off all their sins: yet forasmuch as whilst we are in the world, we oftentimes slip both unwillingly and with our will; it serveth to signify that which is more perfect. For we make a memorial, both for the just and for sinners: for sinners, entreating the mercy of God; for the just, (both the Fathers and patriarchs, the Prophets, and Apostles, and Evangelists, and Martyrs and Confessors, Bishops' also and Anchorites, and the whole order) that we may sever our Lord jesus Christ from the rank of all other men by the honour that we do unto him, and that we may yield worship unto him. Which, as far as I apprehend him, is no more than if he had thus replied unto Aërius. Although the prayer that is made for the dead do not cut off all their sins (which is the only thing that thou goest about to prove) yet doth it profit notwithstanding for another purpose: namely to signify the supereminent perfection of our Saviour Christ above the rest of the sons of men, who are subject to manifold slips and falls as long as they live in this world. For aswell the righteous, with their involuntary slips, as sinners, with their voluntary falls, do come within the compass of these Commemorations: wherein prayers are made, both for c Luk. 15 ●●. sinners that repent, and for righteous persons that have no such need of repentance. For sinners; that being by their repentance recovered out of the snare of the Devil, they may find mercy of the Lord at the last day, and be freed from the fire prepared for the Devil and his angels: For the righteous; that they may be recompensed in the resurrection of the just, and received into the kingdom prepared for them from the foundation of the world. Which kind of prayer being made for the best men that ever lived (even the patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles, Evangelists, and Martyrs themselves) Christ only excepted; showeth that the profit which the Church intended should be reaped therefrom, was not the taking away of the sins of the parties that were prayed for, but the honouring of their Lord above them: it being hereby declared, d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. contra Aëri. haer. 75. that our Lord is not to be compared unto any man; though a man live in righteousness a thousand times and more. for how should that be possible? considering that the one is God, the other man, (as the praying to the one, and for the other, doth discover) and the one is in heaven, the other in earth by reason of the remains of the body yet resting in the earth, until the day of the Resurrection, unto which all these prayers had special reference. This do I conceive to be the right meaning of Epiphanius his answer: as suiting best both with the general intention of the Church, which he taketh upon him to vindicate from the misconstruction of Aërius, & with the application thereof unto his objection, & with the known doctrine of Epiphanius, delivered by him elsewhere in these terms. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. cont. Catarrh. haer. 59 After death there is no help to be gotten, either by godliness, or by repentance. For Lazarus doth not go there unto the rich man, nor the rich man unto Lazarus: neither doth Abraham send any of his spoils, that the poor may be afterward made rich thereby; neither doth the rich man obtain that which he asketh, although he entreat merciful Abraham ●ith instant supplication. For the Garners are sealed up, and the time is fulfilled, and the combat is finished, and the lists are voided, and the Garlands are given, and such as have fought are at rest, and such as have not obtained are gone forth, and such as have not fought cannot now be present in time, and such as have been overthrown in the lists are cast out, and all things are clearly finished, after that we are once departed from hence. We are to consider then, that the prayers and oblations, for rejecting whereof Aërius was reproved, were not such as are used in the Church of Rome at this day, but such as were used by the ancient Church at that time: and therefore as we in condemning of the one, have nothing to do with Aërius or his cause; so the Romanists, who dislike the other as much as ever Aërius did, must be content to let us alone, and take the charge of Aërianisme home unto themselves. Popish prayers and oblations for the dead, we know, do wholly depend upon the belief of Purgatory: if those of the ancient Church did so too; how cometh it to pass that Epiphanius doth not directly answer Aërius, as a Papist would do now, that they brought singular profit to the dead, by delivering their tormented souls out of the flames of Purgatory? but forgetting as much as once to make mention of Purgatory (the sole foundation of these suffrages for the dead, in our Adversaries judgement) doth trouble himself and his cause, with bringing in such far fett reasons as these: that they who performed this duty, did intend to signify thereby that their brethren departed were not perished, but remained still alive with the Lord; and to put a difference betwixt the high perfection of our Saviour Christ, and the general frailty of the best of all his servants. Take away Popish Purgatory on the other side, (which in the days of Aërius and Epiphanius needed not to be taken away, because it was not as yet hatched) and all the reasons produced by Epiphanius will not withhold our Romanists from absolutely subscribing to the opinion of Aërius: this being a case with them resolved; that f Ad hoc etiam est univ●rsalis ●cclesiae consue●udo, quae p●o defunctis o●at: quae quidem oratio inu●ilis esset, si Purgatorium post mortem non ponatur. Thom. contr. Gentiles, lib. 4. cap. 91. if Purgatory be not admitted after death, prayer for the dead must be unprofitable. But though Thomas Aquinas and his abettors determine so, we must not therefore think that Epiphanius was of the same mind; who lived in a time wherein prayers were usually made for them that never were dreamt to have been in Purgatory, and yieldeth those reasons of that usage, which overthrow the former consequence of Thomas every whit as much, as the supposition of Aërius. For Aërius and Thomas both agree in this: that prayer for the dead would be altogether unprofitable, if the dead themselves received no special benefit thereby. This doth Epiphanius (defending the ancient use of these prayers in the Church) show to be untrue; by producing other profits that redounded from thence unto the living: partly by the public signification of their faith, hope, & charity toward the deceased; partly by the honour that they did unto the Lord jesus, in exempting him from the common condition of the rest of mankind. And to make it appear, that these things were mainly intended by the Church in her Memorials for the dead, and not the cutting off of the sins which they carried with them out of this life, or the releasing of them out of any torment: he allegeth (as we have heard) that not only the meaner sort of Christians, but also the best of them without exception, even the Prophets and Apostles & Martyrs themselves, were comprehended therein. from whence, by our Adversaries good leave, we will make bold to frame this syllogism. They who reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the Church in the days of Aërius, are in that point flat Aërians. But the Romanists do reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the Church in the days of Aërius. Therefore the Romanists are in this point flat Aërians. The assumption or second part of this argument (for the first we think no body will deny) is thus proved. They who are of the judgement, that prayers and oblations should not be made for such as are believed to be in bliss; do reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the ancient Church. But the Romanists are of this judgement. Therefore they reject that kind of praying and offering for the dead, which was practised by the ancient Church. The truth of the first of these propositions doth appear by the testimony of Epiphanius, compared with those many other evidences whereby we have formerly proved, that it was the custom of the ancient Church to make prayers and oblations for them, of whose resting in peace and bliss there was no doubt at all conceived. The verity of the second is manifested by the confession of the Romanists themselves: who reckon this for one of their g Fr. Suaerez, tom 4. in 3. part. Thom. disp. ●8. sect. 4. ●um. 10. Catholic verities; that suffrages should not be offered for the dead that reign with Christ. and therefore that ancient h Illa formula precandi pro Apostolis, Martyribus & caet. meritò per des●etudinem exolevit. Alphons. Mend●z. Controvers Theologic. quaest. 6. s●holast. s●ct. 7. form of praying for the Apostles, Martyrs, and the rest of the Saints, is by disuse deservedly abolished; saith Alphonsus Mendoza. Nay i Graeci sacrificia & preces offerunt Deo pro mortuis; non beatis certé, neque damnatis ad inferos, quod plané esset absurdum & impium. Io. Azor. Institut. moral. tom. 1. lib. 8. cap. 20. to offer sacrifices and prayers to God for those that are in bliss, is plainly absurd and impious, in the judgement of the jesuit Azorius: who was not aware, that thereby he did outstrip Aërius in condemning the practice of the ancient Church, as far, as the censuring it only to be unprofitable (for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; what shall the dead be profited thereby? was the furthest that Aërius durst to go) cometh short of rejecting it as absurd and impious. And therefore our Adversaries may do well, to purge themselves first from the blot of Aërianisme which sticketh so fast unto them, before they be so ready to cast the aspersion thereof upon others. In the mean time, the Reader who desireth to be rightly informed in the judgement of Antiquity touching this point, is to remember; that these two questions must necessarily be distinguished in this inquiry. Whether prayers and oblations were to be made for the dead? and, Whether the dead did receive any peculiar profit thereby? In the latter of these, he shall find great difference among the Doctors: in the former, very little, or none at all. For k Quamvis de statu illo animarum, quibus haec prodessent, non satis constaret, nee inter omnes conveniret: omnes tamen hoc officium, ut testimonium charitatis erga defunctos, & ut professionem fidei de immortalitate animarum & futurâ resurrectione, Deo gratum & Ecclesiae utile esse judicârunt. Cassand. Consultat. ad Fe●dinand. l. & Maximilian. II. artic. 24. howsoever all did not agree about the state of the souls (saith Cassander, an indifferent Papist) which might receive profit by these things: yet all did judge this duty, as a testimony of their love toward the dead, and a profession of their faith touching the soul's immortality and the future resurrection, to be acceptable unto God and profitable to the Church. Therefore for condemning the general practice of the Church herein, which aimed at those good ends before expressed, Aë●ius was condemned: but for denying that the dead received profit thereby, either for the pardon of the sins which before were unremitted, or for the cutting off or mitigation of any torments that they did endure in the other world, the Church did never condemn him. For that was no new thing invented by him: divers worthy men before and after him declared themselves to be of the same mind, and were never for all that charged with the least suspicion of heresy. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. justin. r●sp. ad Orthod. quaest. 60. The narration of Lazarus and the rich man (saith the author of the Questions and Answers in the works of justin Martyr) presenteth this doctrine unto us: that after the departure of the soul out of the body, men cannot by any providence or care obtain any profit. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Greg. Nazianz in Ca●m. de rebus suis. Then (saith Gregory Nazianzen) in vain shall any one go about to relieve those that lament. Here men may have a remedy, but afterwards there is nothing but bonds, or, all things are fast bound. For n Post mortem poena peccati est immedicabilis. Theodoret. quaest. in lib. 2. Reg. cap 18.19. after death the punishment of sin is remediless: saith Theodoret. and therefore S. Hierome doth conclude: o Obscuré licèt docemur, per hanc sententiolam, novum dogma quod la●tat: dum in praesenti saeculo sumus, sive orationibus sive consilijs invicem posse nos coadjuvari; cum autem ante tribunal Christi venerimus, non job, non Daniel, nec Noe rogare posse pro quoquam, sed unumquemque portare onus suum. Hieronym. lib. 3. Comm●ntar in Galat. cap. 6. that while we are in this present world, we may be able to help one another, either by our prayers or by our counsels; but when we shall come before the judgement seat of Christ, neither job, nor Daniel, nor Noah can entreat for any one, but every one must bear his own burden. Other Doctors were of another judgement: that the dead received special profit by the prayers and oblations of the living; either for the remission of their sins, or the easing of their punishment. but whether this were restrained to smaller offences only, or such as lived and died in great sins might be made partakers of the same benefit, and whether these men's torments might be lessened only thereby, or in tract of time quite extinguished; they did not agree upon. That Stephanus Gobarus, whom before I alleged, made a collection of the different sentences of the Fathers: p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Phot. Bibliothec. volume 232. whereof some contained the received doctrine of the Church, others the unallowable opinions of certain of the ancient that varied therefrom. Of this latter kind he maketh this sentence to be one: q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. that such sinners as be delivered unto punishment, are purged therein from their sins, and after their purging are freed from their punishment; albeit not all who are delivered unto punishment, be thus purged and freed, but some only. whereas the true sentence of the Church was; that none at all was freed from punishment. If that were the true sentence of the Church, that none of those who suffered punishment in the other world were ever freed from the same: then the applying of prayers to the helping of men's souls out of any such punishments, must be referred to the erroneous apprehension of some particular men, and not to the general intention of the ancient Church; from which in this point, as in many others beside, the latter Church of Rome hath swarved and quite gone astray. The ancient writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, handling this matter of praying for the dead professedly, r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys. Eccles. Hierarch. cap. 7. doth by way of objection move this doubt: to what purpose should the Bishop entreat the divine goodness to grant remission of sins unto the dead, and a like glorious inheritance with those that have followed God? seeing by such prayers he can be brought to no other rest, but that which is fitting for him and answerable unto the life which he hath here led. If our Romish divinity had been then acknowledged by the Church; there had been no place left to such questions and doubts as these. The matter might easily have been answered, that though a man did die in the state of grace, yet was he not presently to be admitted unto the place of rest, but must first be reckoned withal; both for the committal of those smaller faults, unto which through humane frailty he was daily subject, and for the not performance of full penance and satisfaction for the greater sins into which in this life he had fallen: and Purgatory being the place wherein he must be cleansed from the one, and make up the just payment for the other; these prayers were directed unto God for the delivery of the poor soul, which was not now in case to help itself, out of that place of torment. But this author, taking upon him the person of S. Paul's scholar, and professing to deliver herein s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id ibid. that tradition which he had received from his divine Masters; saith no such thing, but giveth in this for his answer. The divine Bishop, as the Scriptures witness, is the interpreter of the divine judgements: for he is the Angel of the Lord God almighty. He hath learned therefore out of the oracles delivered by God, that a most glorious and divine life is by his just judgement worthily adwarded to them that have lived holily; his divine goodness and kindness passing over those blots which by humane frailty he had contracted: forasmuch as no man, as the Scriptures speak, is free from pollution. The Bishop therefore knowing these things to be promised by the true oracles; prayeth that they may accordingly come to pass, and those sacred rewards may be bestowed upon them that have lived holily. The Bishop at that time belike did not know so much as our Popish Bishops do now; that God's servants must dear smart in Purgatory for the sins wherewith they were overtaken through humane infirmity: he believed that God of his merciful goodness would pass by those slips, and that such after-reckoning as these should give no stoppage to the present bestowing of those holy rewards upon the children of the promise. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Id ibid. Therefore the divine Bishop (saith our author) asketh those things which were promised by God and are grateful to him and without doubt will be granted: thereby aswell manifesting his own good disposition, unto God who is a lover of the good; as declaring like an interpreter unto them that be present, the gifts that shall befall to such as are holy. He further also addeth, that the Bishops have a separating power, as the interpreters of God's judgements: according to that commission of Christ; Whose sins ye remit, they are remitted unto them, and whose you shall retain, they are retained. and, Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt lose upon earth shall be loosed in heaven. And as in the use of the keys, the u See above, pag. 135.161.162. Schoolmen following S Hierom do account the minister to be the interpreter only of God's judgement, by declaring what is done by him in the binding or losing of men's sins: so doth this author he●e give them power only to x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dionys●u●. suprà. separate those that are already judged of God, and by way of y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●d ibid. declaration, and convoy, to bring in those that are beloved of God, and to exclude such as are ungodly. And if the power which the Ministers have received by the foresaid commission do extend itself to any further real operation upon the living: Pope Gelasius will deny that it may be stretched in like manner unto the dead; because that Ch●ist saith, Whatsoever thou shalt bind upon earth. z Super ter●am inquit nam in hâc ligatione defunctum nusquam dixit absolvi. Gelas in Commonitorio ad 〈◊〉. He saith upon earth: for he that dyeth bound, is no where said to be loosed. and, a Quod manens in corpore non receperit, consequi exutus carne non poterit. Leo, epist 89. v●l 91. ad Th●od●rimo. that which a man remaining in his body hath not received, being unclothed of his flesh he cannot obtain: saith Leo. Whether the dead received profit by the prayers of the living, was still a question in the Church. Maximus in his Greek scholies upon the writer of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, wisheth us to b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Maxim. schol. in Eccles. Hierarch cap. 7. mark, that even before his time that doubt was questioned. Among the questions wherein Dulcitius desired to be resolved by S. Augustin, we find this to be one; c Virum oblatio, quae sit pro quiescentibus, aliquid eorum conserat animabus? Augustin ad Dul●it. qu●est. 2. Whether the offering that is made for the dead, did avail their souls any thing? and that d Ád quod multi dicunt, quòd si al. quis beneficij in hoc locus possit esse post mortem; quanto magis sibi anima ferret i●sa refr●geria, sua per s● illic confitendo peccata, quam in eorum refrigerium ab aliis oblatio procuratur. Ibid. MANY did say to this, that if herein any good were to be done after death; how much rather should the soul itself obtain ease for itself, by it own confessing of her sins there, than that for the ease thereof an oblation should be procured by other men. The like also is noted by Cyrill or rather john Bishop of jerusalem; that he e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Cyr●ll. Cateches. 5. Mystagogic. knew MANY who said thus. What profit doth the soul get that goeth out of this world (either with sins, or not with sins) if you make mention of it in prayer? and by Anastasius Sinaita (or Nicaenus:) f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anastas. sin. pag. 540 edit. Graecolat. Some do doubt; saying that the dead are not profited by the oblations that are made for them. and (long after them) by Petrus Cluniacensis in his treatise against the followers of Peter Bruse in France: g Quòd bona vivorum mortuis prodesse valeant, & high haeretici negant, & ●uidam etiam Catholici dubitare videntur. Petr. Cluniac. apost. contra Petrobrusianos. That the good deeds of the living may profit the dead, both these heretics do deny, and some Catholics also do seem to doubt. Nay in the West, not the profit only, but the lawfulness also of these doings for the dead was called in question: as partly may be collected by Boniface archbishop of Mentz his consulting with Pope Gregory, about 730. years after the birth of our Saviour; h Pro obeuntibus quoque consul●isse dignosceris, si louse at oblationes offer. Gregor. II. vel III. epist. ad Bonifac. in tomis Conciliorun. Whether it were lawful to offer oblations for the dead (which he should have no reason to do, if no question had been made thereof among the Germans) and is plainly delivered by Hugo Etherianus, about 1170. years after Christ, in these words. i Scio plerosque vanis opinionibus defor●ari, putantes non esse orandum pro mortuis; eo quòd neque Christus, neque Apostoli ejus successores haec scriptis intimaverint. Nesciunt quidem illi plura esse, ac persummé necessaria, quae sancta Ecclesia frequentat, quorum traditio ex scripturis non habetur: nihilo tamen minus ad cultum Dei pertinent, & vigorem maximum obtinent. Hug. Etherian. de Animar. regress. ab infer. cap. 13 I know that many are deformed with vain opinions, thinking that the dead are not to be prayed for: because that neither Christ, nor the Apostles that succeeded him have intimated these things in the Scriptures. But they are ignorant that there be many things, and those exceeding necessary, frequented by the holy Church, the tradition whereof is not had in the Scriptures: and yet they pertain nevertheless to the worship of God, and obtain great strength. Whereby it may appear, that this practice wanted not opposition even then, when in the Papacy it was advanced unto his greatest height. And now is it high time, that I should pass from this article, unto the next following OF LIMBUS PATRUM; And CHRIST'S DESCENT INTO HELL. HEre doth our Challenger undertake to prove against us; not only that there is Limbus Patrum, but that our Saviour also descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament; because before his Passion none ever entered into Heaven. That there was such a thing as Limbus Patrum, I have heard it said: but what it is now, the Doctors vary, yet agree all in this; that Limbus it may well be, but Limbus Patrum sure it is not. a An ab eo loco distinctus fue●it, in quo nunc in●a●tes sine baptismo de vitâ decedent●s recipi creduntu●, Theologi dubitant; nec est qui●quam de re dubiâ temerè pronuntiandum ●o. Maldon. comment. in Luc. ●6. 22. Whether it were distinct from that place, in which the infants that depart out of this life without baptism are now believed to be received, the Divines do doubt; neither is there any thing to be rashly pronounced of so doubtful a matter: saith Maldonat the jesuit. The Dominican Friars, that wrote against the Grecians at Constantinople in the year 1252 resolve, that b In quem (limbum) aute adventum Christi sancti Patres descendebant: nunc vero pueri, qu● absque baptismo decedunt, sine poenâ sensibili, detinentur. ●act. contr. Graec. in tomo auctorum á P. Situartio edit. pag. 565. into this Limbus the holy Fathers before the coming of Christ did descend; but now the children that depart without baptism, are detained there: so that in their judgement, that which was the Limbus of Fathers, is now become the Limbus of Children. The more common opinion is, that these be two distinct places: and that the one is appointed for unbaptized infants, but the other c Nunc vacuus remanet. Bell●r. de Purgator. lib. 2 cap. 6. now remaineth void, and so d Manet autem, manebitque, licèt vacuus, hic infernus; ut testimonium perhibeat tùm justitiae, tùm misericordiae Dei. Henric. Vicus, de ●es●ensu Christi ad inf●ros, sect. 41. Vi●. Abu●●us. Paradox 5 cap. 183. shall remain, that it may bear witness aswell of the justice as of the mercy of God. If you demand, how it came to be thus void, & emptied of the old inhabitants: the answer is here given; that our Saviour descended into Hell purposely ●o deliver from hence the ancient Fathers of the Old Testament. But e Aliud enim Inferi; ut puto, aliud quoque Abrahae sinus. Tertull. advers. Mar●ion lib. 4. ca●. 34 Hell is one thing, I ween, saith Tertullian, and Abraham's b●some (where the Fathers of the old Testament rested) another: f Non utique sinus ille Abrahae, id est, secret●● cujusdam quietis habitatio, aliqua pars Inserorum esse credenda est. Augustin epist. 99 ad Euodium. neither is it to be believed, that the bosom of Abraham, being the habitation of a secret kind of rest, was any part of Hell; saith S. Augustin. To say then, that our Saviour descended into Hell, to deliver the ancient Fathers of the old Testament out of Limbus Patrum: would by this construction prove as strange a tale, as if it had been reported, that Caesar made a voyage into Britain, to set his friends at liberty in Greece. Yea, but before Christ's Passion none ever entered into Heaven: saith our Challenger. The proposition that Cardinal Bellarmine taketh upon him to prove, where he handleth this controversy, is: g Quòd animae piorum non fuerint in coelo ante Christi ascensionem. Be●larmin. de Ch●ist. lib. 4. cap. 11. that the souls of the godly were not in Heaven before the Ascension of Christ. Our jesuit, it seemeth, considered here with himself, that Christ had promised unto the penitent thief upon the cross; that not before his ascension only, but also before his resurrection, even h Luk. 23.43. that day he should be with him in Paradise: that is to say, in the kingdom of heaven; as the i Vera ergo expositio est Theophylacti, Ambrosijs, Bedae, & aliorum, qui per paradisum intelligunt regnum coelorum. Bellarm. de Sanct Beatit. lib. 1. cap. 3. Cardinal himself doth prove, both by the authority of S. k 2. Cori●. 12.2.4. Paul, making Paradise and the third heaven to be the self same thing, and by the testimony of the ancient expositors of the place. This, belike, stuck somewhat in our Jesuits stomach: who being loath to interpret this of his Limbus Patrum (as l Henr. Vic. de des●ens. ad infer. sect 41 pag. 129. Vide Thom. in 3. part. Sum quaest. 52. art. 4.. ad ●. & Lyranu●s in Luc. 23.43. others of that side had done) and to maintain that Paradise, in stead of the third Heaven, should signify the third or the fourth Hell; thought it best to shift the matter handsomely away, by taking upon him to defend, that, not before Christ's ascension (lest that of the Thief should cross him) but before his passion none ever entered into Heaven. But if none before our Saviour's Passion did ever enter into Heaven: whither shall we say that Elias did enter? The Scripture assureth us, that he went up into heaven: (2. Kings, 2.11▪) & of this Mattathias put his sons in mind upon his deathbed; that m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ 1. Maccab. 2.58. Elias being zealous and fervent for the law, was taken up into heaven. Elias and Moses both, before the passion of Christ are described to be n Luk. 9.31. in glory: o Luk. 16.22, 25. Lazarus is carried by the Angels into a place of comfort, and not of imprisonment: in a word, all the Fathers p Hebr. 11. 1●, 14, 16. accounted themselves to be strangers and pilgrims in this earth, seeking for a better country, that is, an heavenly, as well as q Hebr. 13.14. we do; and therefore having ended their pilgrimage, they arrived at the country they sought for, as well as we. They r Act. 15.11. believed to be saved through the grace of our Lord jesus Christ, as well as we; they s Habak 2 4. Rome 1.16, 17. lived by that faith, as well as we; they t 1. Thess. 4.16. died in Christ, as well as we; they received u Rom. 4.6, 7, 8, 9 Gal. 3.8, 9 remission of sins, imputation of righteousness, and the blessedness arising therefrom, as well as we: and the mediation of our Saviour being of that present efficacy, that it took away sin and brought in righteousness from the very beginning of the world, it had virtue sufficient to free men from the penalty of loss as well as from the penalty of sense, and to bring them unto him in whose x Psal. 16 11. presence is fullness of joy, as to deliver them from the y ●uk. 16.28. place of torment where z Matth. 8.11, 12. there is weeping and gnashing of teeth. The first that ever assigned a resting place in Hell to the Fathers of the old Testament, was (as far as we can find) Martion the heretic: a Sed Marcion aliorsum cogit, scilicet utramque mercedem Creatoris, sive tormenti sive refrigerij, apud inferos determinet eis positam qui Legi & Prophetis obedierint; Christi veró & Dei sui coel●stem desiniat sinum & portum. Tertullian. lib. 4. contra Martion. cap. 34. Vid. etiam lib. 3. cap. 24. who determined that both kind of rewards, whether of torment or of refreshing, was appointed in Hell for them that did obey the Law and the Prophets. Wherein he was gainsaid by such as wrote against him, not only for making that the place of their eternal rest; but also for lodging them there at all, and imagining that Abraham's bosom was any part of Hell. This appeareth plainly by the disputation, set out among the works of Origen, betwixt Marcus the Marcionite, & Adamantius the defender of the Catholic cause: who touching the * In D. Bez●● Grae●olitino Euangeliorum ve●e●and●e vit●statis e●emplari, quod in pu●licâ Cant●brigie●sis academi●e Bibliothecâ asservatur; historiae h●ic praet●●i●t●tur i●●a pr●es●tio. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 ●imilis e●iam in Missali R●m●no ●feriâ 5 post Dominicam 2. Quadragesimae) legebatur: Dixit Iesus discipulis suis parabolam hanc. Verùm in Missali reformato duae po●teriores voces sublatae nuper sunt. parabolical history of the rich man & Lazarus in the sixteenth of S. Luke, are brought in reasoning after this manner. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origin. Dialog. 2. contra Martion. MARCUS. He saith that A●raham is in hell, and not in the kingdom of heaven. ADAMANTIUS. Read whether he saith that Abraham was in Hell. MARC. In that the rich man and he talked one to the other, it appeareth that they were together. ADAMANT. That they talked one with another, thou hearest; but the great gulf spoken of, that thou hearest not. For the middle space betwixt heaven and earth he calleth a gulf. MARC. Can a man therefore see from earth unto heaven? it is impossible. Can any man lifting up his eyes behold from the earth, or from hell rather see into heaven? If not; it is plain, that a valley only was set betwixt them. ADAMANT. Bodily eyes use to see those things only that are near: but spiritual eyes reach far. and it is manifest, that they who have here put off their body, do see one another with the eyes of their soul. For mark how the Gospel doth say, that he lifted up his eyes. toward heaven one useth to lift them up, and not toward the earth. In like manner doth c Respondebimus, & hâc ipsâ scripturâ revincente oculos ejus, quae ab infernis discernit Abrahae sinum pauperi. Aliud enim Inferi, ut puto, aliud quoque Abrahae sinus. Name & magnum ait intercedere regiones istas prosundum, & transitum utrinque prohibere Sed nec alleuâsset dives oculos, & quidem de longinquo, nisi in superiora, & de altitudinis longinquo per im●ensam illam distantiam sublimitatis & profunditatis. Tertull. advers. Martion, lib. 4 cap 34. Tertullian also retort the same place of Scripture against Martion, and prove that it maketh a plain difference between Hell and the bosom of Abraham. For it affirmeth (saith he) both that a great deep is interposed betwixt those regions, and that it suffereth no passage from either side. Neither could the rich man have lifted up his eyes, and that afar off, unless it had been unto places above him, and very far above him, by reason of the mighty distance betwixt that height and that depth. Thus far Tertullian: who though he come short of Adamantius, in d Eam itaque reg●onem sinum dico Abrahae, etsi non coelestem, sublimiorem tamen inferis, interim refrigerium, praebituram animabus justorum, donec consummatio rerum resurrectionem omnium p●●nitudine mercedis expungat. I●. I●id. making Abraham's bosom not to be any part of Heaven, although no member at all of Hell; yet doth he concur with him in this, that it is a place of bliss, and a common receptacle wherein the souls of all the faithful as well of the new as of the old Testament do still remain, in expectation of the general resurrection▪ which quite marteth the Limbus Patrum of our Romanists, and the journey which they fancy our Saviour to have taken for the fetching of the Fathers from thence. With these two doth S. Augustin also join, in his 99 epistle to Euodius: concerning whose judgement herein, I will not say the deceitful, but the exceeding partial dealing of Cardinal Bellarmine can very hardly be excused. e Augustinu●, etsi in epist. 99 ambigere videtur, an sinus Abraham, ubi erant animae Patrum olim, in inferno esset an alibi: tamen lib. 20 de civet. Dei, cap 15. affi●at in inferno fuisse; ut caeteri omnes Patre● semper docuerunt. Bellarmin de Christ. lib. 4. cap. 11. in fine. Although Augustin (saith he) in his 99 epistle do seem to doubt, whether the bosom of Abraham, where the souls of the Fathers were in times past, should be in Hell or somewhere else: yet in the 20. book of the City of God, the 15. chapter, he affirmeth that it was in Hell; as all the rest of the Fathers have always taught. If S. Augustin in that epistle were of the mind (as he was indeed) that Abraham's bosom was no part of Hell: he was not the first inventor of that doctrine; others taught it before him, and opposed Martion for teaching otherwise. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: alone he went not, two there were at least (as we have seen) that walked along with him in the same way. But for that which he is said to have doubted off in one place, and to have affirmed in another: if the indifferent Reader will be pleased but to view both the places, he shall easily discern that the Cardinal looked not into these things with a single eye. In his 99 epistle, f Quanquam in his ipsis tanti magistri verbis, ubi ait dixisse Abraham, Inter vos & nos chaos magnum firmatum est; satis, ut opinor, appareat non esse quandam part & quasi membrum Inferorum tantae illius felicitatis sinum. Aug●st. epist 99 from that speech of Abraham; Between you and us there is a great gulf fixed: he maketh this inference. In these words it appeareth sufficiently, as I think, that the bosom of so great happiness is not any part and member of Hell. These seem unto the Cardinal to be the words of a doubtful man: with what words then, when he is better resolved, doth he affirm the matter? With these forsooth. g Si enim non asburdé credividetur, antiquos etiam sanctos, qui venturi Christi ténuerunt fidem, locis quidem á tormentis impiorum remotissimis, sed apud inferos fuisse, donec eos inde sanguis Christi, & ad ea loca descensus c●ueret: profectò deinceps boni fideles effuso illo pretio jam redempti, prorsùs inferos nesciunt, do●ec etiam receptis corporibus bona recipiant quae merentur. Id. de Civit. Dei, lib. 20. cap. 15. If it do seem no absurdity to believe, that the old Saints which held the faith of Christ to come, were in places most remote from the torments of the wicked, but yet in Hell; until the blood of Christ, and his descent into those places, did deliver them: truly from henceforth the good and faithful, who are redeemed with that price already shed, know not Hell at all. If, satis ut opinor apparet, [it appeareth sufficiently, as I think,] must import doubting; and, si non absurdé credi videtur, [if it do seem no absurdity to believe,] affirming: I know not, I must confess, what to make of men's speeches. The truth is: S. Augustin in handling this question discovereth himself to be neither of the jesuits temper nor belief. He esteemed not this to be such an article of faith, that they who agreed not therein must needs be held to be of different religions: as he doth modestly propound the reasons which induced him to think that Abraham's bosom was no member of Hell; so doth he not lightly reject the opinion of those that thought otherwise, but leaveth it still as a disputable point. h Vtrùm sinus ille Abrahae ubi dives impius, cum in tormentis esset inferni, requiescentem pauperem vidit, vel paradisi censendus vocabulo, vel ad inferos pertinere existimandus sit; non facilè dixerim. I●. epist 57 Whether that bosom of Abraham where the wicked rich man, when he was in the torments of Hell, did behold the poor man resting, were either to be accounted by the name of Paradise, or esteemed to appertain unto Hell, I cannot readily affirm: saith he in one place. and in another: i Etenim apud inferos ut●ùm in locis quibusdam fuisset jam Abraham; non satis possumus definire. Id. in Psal. 85. Whether Abraham were then at any certain place in Hell, we cannot certainly define. and in his 12. book de Genesi ad literam: k Proinde, ut dixi, nondum inveni, & adhue quaero nec mihi occurrit inferos alicubi in bono posuisse Scripturam duntaxat Canonicam. Non autem in bono accipiendum sinum Abrahae, & illam requiem, quò ab angelis pius pauper ablatus est, nescio utrum quisquam possit audire: & ideò quo modo eum apud inferos credamus esse, non video. Id. de Gen ad lit. l●b. 12. cap. 33. I have not hitherto found, and I do yet inquire, neither do I remember that the canonical Scripture doth any where put Hell in the good part. Now that the bosom of Abraham and that rest, unto which the godly poor man was carried by the Angel, should not be taken in the good part, I know not whether any good man can endure to hear: and therefore how we may believe that it is in Hell I do not see. Where it may further also be observed, that S. Augustin doth here assign no other place to this godly poor man, than he doth unto the souls of all the faithful that have departed since the coming of our Saviour Christ: the question with him being alike of them both, whether the place of their rest be designed by the name of Hell or Paradise. Therefore he saith: l Quanquam & illud me nondum invenisse confiteor, inferos appellatos, ubi justorum animae requiescunt. Id. ibid. I confess, I have not yet found, that it is called Hell, where the souls of just men do rest. and again: m Quanto magis ergo post hanc vitam etiam sinus ille Abrahae Paradisus dici potest; ubi jam nulla tentatio, ubi tanta requies post omnes dolores vitae hujus? Neque enim & lux ibi non est propria quaedam & sui generis, & profectò magna; quam dives ille de tormentis & tenebris inferorum, tam u●ique de longinquo cum magnum chaos esset in medio, sic tamen vidit ut ibi illu quondam contemptum pauperem agnosceret. Id. ibid. cap. 34. How much more after this life may that bosom of Abraham be called Paradise; where now there is no temptation, where there is so great rest after all the griefs of this life? For neither is there wanting there a proper kind of light and of it own kind, a●d doubtless great; which that rich man out of the torments and darkness of Hell, (even from so remote a place, where a great gulf was placed in the midst) did so behold, that he might there take notice of the poor man whom sometime he had despised. and elsewhere, expounding that place in the 16. of S. Luke: n Sinus Abrahae, ●equies ●st beaconed pauperum, quorum est r●gnu coelotum, in quo post hanc vitam recipiuntur. Id. Quaestion. Eli●●●el. lib. 2. cap. 38. The bosom of Abraham, saith he, is the rest of the blessed poor, whose is the kingdom of heaven, in which after this life they are received. Bede in his Commentaries upon the same place, and Strabus in the ordinary Gloss do directly follow S. Augustin in this exposition: and the Greek interpreter of S Luke (who wrongly beareth the name of Titus Bostrensis, and Chrysos●om) for proof thereof produceth the testimony of o Per sinum Abrahae, Isaac, & ●acob, sanctus Dionysius Areopagita divinissimas illas fo●tunatasque sedes designatas asserit, quae omnes justos post ●ehe●ssimā consummationem intia sese recipiunt. ●it. Bo●●r. in Luc. cap. 16. in ipso fine. Di●nysius Areopagita, affirming that by the bosom of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, those most divine and blessed seats are designed, w●ich do receive within them all just men after their most happy consummation. The words that he hath relation unto, be these, in the 7. chapter of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Diot●●● Eccl Hi●r cap. 7. The bosoms of the blessed Patriarches and of all the rest of the Saints are, as I think, the most divine and blessed resting places, which do receive all such as are like unto God, into that neverfading and most blessed perfection that is therein. Hitherto appertain those passages in S. Ambrose. q Veni in gremium jacob: ut sicut Lazarus p●uper in Abrahae simi, ita etiam tu in jacob patriarchae tramquillitate requiescas. Sinu● enim Patriarcharum recessus quidam est quietis aeternae. Ambros. orat. de obitu Valentinian● Imp. Come into the bosom of jacob: that as poor Lazarus did in the bosom of Abraham, so thou also mayst rest in the tranquillity of the patriarch jacob. For the bosom of the patriarchs is a certain retiring place of everlasting rest. r Ibimus ubi sinum suum Abraham sanctus expandit, ut suscipiat pauperes, sicur suscepit & Lazarun: in quo sinu requiescunt, qui in hoc seculo gravia atque aspera pertulerunt. Id de bono mortis. cap. 12. We shall go where holy Abraham openeth his bosom, to receive the poor, as he did receive Lazarus: in which bosom they do rest, who in this world have endured grievous and sharp things. s In Paradisum ascenditur, in Infernun descenditur. Descendant, inquit, in infernum viventes. Ideoque Lazarus pauper per angelos in Abrahae sinum est elevatus. Id. in Psalm. 48. Into Paradise is a ascent, into Hell a descent. Let them descend, saith he, quick into Hell. And therefore poor Lazarus was by the Angels lifted up into Abraham's bosom. t Vide illuna pauperem bonis omnibus abundantem, quem sancti Patriarchae requies beata circumdabat. Id. ibid. Behold that poor man abounding with all good things, whom the blessed rest of the holy Patriarch did compass about. u Lazarus in Abrahae sinu recumbens, vitam carpebat aeternam. Id. in Psal. 118. serm. 3. Lazarus lying in Abraham's bosom, enjoyed everlasting life. S. Chrysostom, or whosoever else was the author of that homily touching the Rich man and Lazarus, upon those words of the text, that the rich man lifting up his eyes beheld Lazarus in Abraham's bosom, moveth this question: x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. homil. in Divit. & Lazar. tom. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 730. Why Lazarus did not see the rich man, as well as the rich man is said to see Lazarus? and giveth this answer thereunto: because * Etenebris autem quae sunt in luce tuemur. Quod contrà facere in tenebris é luce nequimus. Lucret. de rer. nat. lib. 4. he that is in the light doth not see him that standeth in the dark, but he that is in the dark beholdeth him that is in the light; taking it for granted, that Abraham's bosom was a place of light and not of darkness. He that wrote the Homily upon that sentence of the Psalm, What man is he that would have life and desireth to see good days? who is commonly also, though not rightly, accounted to be Chrysostom; goeth further and saith, that the rich man y Erexit oculos in coelum de loco tormentorum, & clamavitad patrem Abraham. Homil. in illud Psalm. 33. Quis est homo. tom. 1. Oper. Chrysost. lifted up his eyes unto Heaven out of the place of torments, and cried unto father Abraham: yea he expressly affirmeth there, that z Beatus pauper migravit ad. oelum; & dives pu●pu●â tectus mansit in inferno. ●. id. the blessed poor man did go unto Heaven, and the rich man covered with purple did remain in Hell. which agreeth well with that undoubted saying of S. Chrysostome himself: a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. lib. 1. de Provident. ad Stager. tom. 6. ●dit Savil. pag. 96. Lazarus, who was worthy of Heaven and the kingdom that is there, being full of sores was exposed to the tongues of dogs, and strove with perpetual hunger. and with that which he writeth elsewhere: that b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in illud: Intrate per angust port. t●m. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 179. after famine, and sores, and lying in the porch, he enjoyed that refreshing which is impossible to be expressed by speech, even c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 180. unspeakable good things. Whereunto may be added that collection of his out of the words of our Saviour: Many shall come from the East and West, and shall sit down with Abraham, and Isaak, and jacob, in the kingdom of heaven, Matth. 8.11. that this kingdom is d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Matth. homil. 26. edit. Graec. 27. Latin. designed here by a new term of the bosom of Abraham; and the e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc Ibid. consummation of all good called by the name of the bosoms of the patriarchs. S. Basil in his sermon of Fasting, placeth Lazarus in Paradise. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Basil. homil. 1. de jeiunio. Dost not thou see Lazarus (saith he) how he entered by fasting into Paradise? and the ancient compiler of the Latin sermon translated from thence, frameth his exhortation accordingly, g Vtamur ergo & nos hâc viâ quâ rediri ad Paradisum potest. etc. Illuc praecessit Lazarus Serm de jeiunio, Zenoni Veronensi perpe●àem attributus. Let us therefore use this way, whereby we may return unto Paradise. Thither is Lazarus gone before us. Asterius Bishop of Amasea placeth him in h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Asterius, in homil. de divite & Lazaro. a sweet and joyous state: Cyrill Bishop of Alexandria, in i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyrill. Alexandr. homil. Paschal. 11. unexpected delights: Salvianus, in bliss and everlasting wealth. k Pauper beatitudinem emit mendicitate; dives supplicium facultate. Pauper cum pen●tus nil haberet, emit a●ternas divitias egestate. Salvian. Massil. lib. 3. ad Eccles. Catholic. advers. avaritian. Prior e●iam sententiae habetur apud authorem serm. 227. de Tempore, tom. 10. Oper. Augustini. The poor man (saith he) bought bliss with beggary; the rich man punishment with wealth. The poor man, when he had just nothing, bought everlasting riches with penury. Gregory Nazianzen saith, he l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gregor. Nazianz. orat. 16. de pauperum amore, pag. 262. edit Graecolat. was enriched with refreshment in the bosoms of Abraham, that are so much to be m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. orat. 44. in Pentecost. pag. 714. desired. Prudentius, in his poetical vain, describeth him to be there hedged about with flowers, as being in the garden of Paradise, even in the same paradise wherein pure souls do now rest since the ascension of Christ. for thus he writeth: n Prudent. Cathemerin●●. Hymn. 10. Sed dum resolubile corpus Revocas Deus, atque reformas; Quânam regione jubebis Animam requiescere puram? Gremio senis abdita sancti Recubabit, ubi est Eleazar; Quem floribus undique septum Dives procul adspicit arden's. Sequimur tua dicta Redemptor, Quibus atrâ é morte triumphans, Tua per vestigia mandas Socium crucis ire latronem. So where job sayeth; Naked came I out of my mother's womb, and naked shall I return thither: the Greek scholies expound it thus: Thither: o Nimirum ad Deum; ad illum, inquam, beatum finem & requietem. Catena Graec. in job. cap. 1. à P. Comitolo conversa. namely unto God, unto that blessed end and rest. which the author of the Commentaries upon job ascribed to Origen, expresseth thus at large. p Illo, inquit, ibo, ubi sunt tabernacula justorum, ubi sunt sanctorum gloriae, ubi est fidelium requies, ubi est piorum consolatio, ubi est misericor dium ha●reditas, ubi est immaculatorum beatitudo, ubi est veracium laetitia & consolatio. Illuc ibo, ubi est lux & vita, ubi est gloria & jucunditas, ubi est laetitia & exultatio; vel unde aufugit dolour, tristitia & gemitus, ubi obliviscuntur priores tribulationes has quae sunt in corpore super terram. Illuc ibo, ubi est tribulationum depositio, ubi est remuncratio laborum, ubi Abrahae sinus, ubi Isaac proprietas, ubi Israel familiaritas, ubi sanctorum animae, ubi angelorum chori, ubi archangelorum voces, ubi spiritus sancti illuminatio, ubi Christi regnum, ubi aeterni Dei patris infecta gloria atque beatus conspectus. Origen. in job. lib. 1. Thither will I go, saith he, where are the tabernacles of the righteous, where the glories of the Saints are, where is the rest of the faithful, where is the consolation of the godly, where is the inheritance of the merciful, where is the bliss of the undefiled, where is the joy and consolation of such as love the truth. Thither will I go, where is light and life, where is glory & jocundnesse, where is joy and exultation: whence grief and heaviness and groaning fly away, where they forget the former tribulations that they sustained in their body upon the earth. Thither will I go, where there is a laying aside of tribulations, where there this a recompense of labours, where is the bosom of Abraham, where the propriety of Isaac, where the familiarity of Israel; where be the souls of the Saints, where the choir of Angels, where the voices of Archangels, where the illumination of the holy Ghost, where the kingdom of Christ, where the endless glory and blessed sight of the eternal God the father. What difference I pray you now, is there betwixt this Limbus Patrum and Heaven itself? Of Abraham's bosom Gregory Nyssen writeth after this manner. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. Nyssen. Dialog de Animâ & Resurrect. tom. 2. Oper. pag. 651. As by a certain abuse of speech we call a bay of the sea an arm or bosom: so it seemeth to me that the word doth signify the exhibition of those unmeasurable good things by the name of a bosom; into which good bosom, or bay, all men that sail by a virtuous course through this present life, when they lose from hence, put in their souls as it were into a haven free from danger of waves and tempests. and in another place. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id tractat. 2. the Psalm. inscript. cap. 6. (tom. 1. Oper. pag. 304.) If one hearing of a bosom, as it were a certain large bay of the sea; should conceive the fullness of good things to be meant thereby where the Patriarch is named, and that Lazarus is therein: he should not think amiss. True it is indeed, that divers of the Doctors who make Abraham's bosom to be a place of glory, do yet distinguish it from Heaven: but it is to be considered withal that they hold the same opinion indifferently, of the place whereunto the souls of all godly men are received, aswell under the state of the New as of the Old Testament. For they did not hold (as our Romanistes do now) that Christ by his descension emptied Limbus, & removed the bosom of Abraham from Hell into Heaven: their Limbus is now as full of Fathers as ever it was, and is the common receptacle wherein they suppose all good souls to remain until the general resurrection; before which time they admit neither the Fathers nor us unto the possession of the kingdom of Heaven. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. de Hominis Opificio, cap. 22. For Abraham (saith Gregory Nyssen) and the other patriarchs, although they had a desire to see those good things, and never left seeking that heavenly country, as the Apostle saith: yet are they notwithstanding that, even yet in expectancy of this favour; God having provided some better thing for us, according to the saying of S. Paul, that they without us should not be made perfect. So Tertullian: t Vnde apparet sapienti cuique qui aliquando Elysios audierit, esse aliquam localem determinationem, quae sinus dicta sit Abrahae, ad recipiendas animas filiorum ejus etiam ex Nationibus, patris scilicèt multarum Nationum in Abrahae censum deputandarum, & câden fide quâ & Abraham Deo credidit, nullo sub jogo legis, nec in signo circumcisionis. Eam itaque regionem sinum dico Abrahae, etsi non coelestem sublimio●em tamen inferis, interim refrigerium praebituran animabus justorum, donec consummatio rerum resurrectionem omnium plenitudine mercedis expungat. Tertullian. lib. 4. coutr. Marcian. cap. 34. It appeareth to every wise man, that hath ever heard of the Elysian fields, that there is some local determination, which is called Ab●ahams bosom, to receive the souls of his sons, even of the Gentiles; he being the Father of many nations that were to be accounted of Abraham's family, and of the same faith wherewith Abraham believed God, under no yoke of the law, nor in t●e sign of Circumcision. That region therefore do I call the bosom of Abraham, although not heavenly yet higher than hell, which shall give rest in the mean season to the souls of the righteous, until the consummation of thin●s do finish the resurrection of all, with the fullness of reward. And we have heard S. Hilary say before, that u Exeuntes de corpore ad in●io●tum illum regni coelestis per custodiam Domini fideles omnes reservabuntur: in sinu scilic●t interim Abrahae collocati, quò adire impios interjectum chaos inhibet, quousque introeundi rursum in regnum coelorum tempus adveniat. Huar. in Psalm 120. all the faithful, when they are gone out of the body, shall be reserved by the Lord's custody for that entry into the heavenly kingdom; being in the mean time placed in the bosom of Abraham, whither the wicked are hindered from coming by the gulf interposed betwixt them, until the time of entering into the kingdom of heaven do come. and again. x Testes nobis Euangelicus dives & pauper: quorum unu ●angeli in sedibus beatorum & in Abrahae sinu lo●averunt, alium statim poenae regio suscepit. id. in Psalm. 2. The rich and the poor man in the Gospel do serve us for witnesses: one of whom the Angels did place in the seats of the Blessed and in Abraham's bosom; the other the region of punishment did presently receive. y Indicij enim dies, vel beatitudinis retr●butio est aeterna vel po●na● Tempus veró mortis habet unumquemque suis legibus, dum ad judi●ium unumqu●● q●e aut Abraham reservat aut poena. Jd. ibid. For the day of judgement is the everlasting retribution either of bliss or pain: but the time of death hath every one under his laws, while either Abraham or punishment reserveth every one unto judgement. The difference betwixt the Doctors in their judgement concerning the bosom of Abraham, and the resting of the ancient Fathers therein, we find noted in part in those expositions upon the Gospel, which go under the name of Theophilus Bishop of Antioch and Eucherius Bishop of Lions. z In hoc quod apud ●nfe●●●● Abrahamum vidit, haec subesse á quibusdam ratio putatur; quòd omnes Sancti ante adventum Domini nostri jesu Christi etiam ad inserna, licet in r●f●igerij locum, descendisse dicuntur. Alij opinantur locum illum in quo Abraham erat, ab illis inferni locis seorsim in superioribus fuisse constitutum: propter quod dicat Dominus de illo Divite, quòd elevans oculos suos cum esset in tormentis, vidit Abraham de longé. Theophil. Antioch. Allegor. in Johann. lib. 4. ●ucher. Lugd. de quaestionib. novi Testam in Lucâ. In that the rich man (say they) did in Hell behold Abraham, this by some is thought to be the reason: because all the Saints before the coming of our Lord jesus Christ, are said to have descended into Hell, although into a place of refreshment. Others think, that the place wherein Abraham was, did lie apart from those places of Hell, situated in places above: for which the Lord should say of that rich man, that lifting up his eyes when he was in torments, he saw Abraham a far off. The former of these opinions is delivered by some of the Doctors doubtfully, by others more resolutely. Primasius setteth it down with S. Augustins qualification: a Si non absurdé credi videtur Primasius, lib. 5 in Apocalyps. cap 20 secutus Augustinum, lib. 20. the Civil. Dei, cap. 15. It seems that without absurdity it may be believed. The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew saith, that b Vis autem manifesté scire, quoniam ante Christum coeli si aperiebantur, iterùm claudebantur Na● justi quidem forsitan ascendebant in coelum; peccatores autem nequaquam. Ideò autem dixi, forsitan, ne quibusdam placeat etiam ante Christi adventum justorum animas ascendere potuisse in coelum Alioqui nullam animam ante Christum arbitror ascendisse in co●lum, ex quo peccavit Adam, & clausi sunt ei coeli: sed omnes in inferno detentas. Op. imper●. in Matt●. homil. 4. int●r Opera Ch●ysostomi. peradventure the just did ascend into heave● before the coming of Christ: yet that he doth think, ●hat no soul before Christ did ascend into heaven, since Adam sinned and the heavens were shut against him; but all were detained in Hell. and, c Vt enim arbitror, etiam patres nostri Abraham, Isaac, & jacob, & totus chorus sanctorum Vatum & justorum, Christi adventu perfru●ti sunt Catena Graeca in Cantica utriusque Testamenti, ab Ant. Carafâ convers. tom. 1. Operun Theo●oreti, pag. 729. edit. Colon. 1573. as I do think, saith the Greek expositor of Zacharies' Hymn likewise, even our father's Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, and the whole choir of the holy Prophets and just men, did enjoy the coming of Christ. Of which coming to visit the Fathers in Hell, d Hieronym. ep. 151. ad Algas. quaest. 1. & lib. 2. ●ommentar. in Matth. cap. 11. S. Hierome, e Ruffin. in exposit. Symboli. Ruffinus, f Ven. Fortunat. in exposit. Symboli. Venantius Fortunatus, g Gregor. lib. 1. in Ezechiel. homil. 1. & in evangel hom. 6. Gregory, h Julian. Tolet. lib. 2. contra judaeos. julianus Toletanus, and i Euseb. Homil. in Euangel. Dominic. 3. Adventus. Eusebius Emissenus (as he is commonly called) interpret that question propounded by the Baptist unto our Saviour. k Matth. 11.3. Luk. 7.19, 20. Art thou he that should come, or look we for another? which exposition is by S. l Chrysost. in Matth. 11. hom. 36. edit. Graec. vel 37. Latin. Chrysostome justly rejected, as utterly impertinent and ridiculous. Anastasius Sinaita affirmeth very boldly, that m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anastas. Sinait. (al. Nicaenus) quaest. 112. all the souls aswell of the just as the unjust were under the hand of the Devil, until Christ descending into Hell said unto those that were in bonds, Come forth, and to those that were endurance, Be at liberty. For n Non enim solùm interitum corporum dissolvit in sepulchro; sed & captivas animas ex inferno, in quo per tyrannidem detinebantur, liberavit, & fortasse non per tyrannidem, sed pro multis debitis detinebantur: quibus persolutis, qui propter liberationem descenderat, reduxit magnam copiam captivorum. Anastas. Sinait. de rect. dogmatib. o●at. 5. he did not only (saith he in another place) dissolve the corruption of the bodies in the grave: but also delivered the captive souls out of Hell, wherein they were by tyranny detained, and peradventure not by tyranny neither, but for many debts. which being paid, he that descended for their delivery, brought back with him a great company of captives. and thus was o In eo spoliati sunt Inferni. In eo liberatus est Adamus ex moeroribus. Id. in Hexaemer. l●b. 7. Hell spoilt, and Adam delivered from his griefs. Which is agreeable to that which we read in the works of Athanasius: that p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athanas. de sa●utari adventu Christi, advers. Apollinar. the soul of Adam was detained in the condemnation of death, and cried continually unto the Lord; such as had pleased God, and were justified in the law of nature, being detained together with Adam, and lamenting and crying out with him. and that the Devil, q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Author ser●onis in Passionem & Crucem Dom. inter opera Athanasijs. beholding himself spoilt, did bemoan himself; and beholding those that sometime were weeping under him, now singing in the Lord, did rend himself. Others are more favourable to the souls of the Fathers, though they place them in Hell: for they hold them to have been there in a state of bliss, and not of misery. Thus the author of the Latin homily concerning the Rich man and Lazarus, which is commonly fathered upon Chrysostom, notwithstanding he affirmeth that r Simulque considerandum, quód Abraham apud inseros erat: necdum enim Christus resurrexerat, qui illum in Paradisum duceret. Antequàm Christus moreretur, nemo in Paradisum conscenderat, nisi latro. Rhomphaea illa flammea, & vertigo illa claudebat paradisum. Non poterat aliqui● intrare in Paradisum, quem Christus clauserat: latro primus cum Christo intravit. Homil. in Luc. 16. de Divit. tomo 2. Oper. Chrysost. Lati●. Abraham was in Hell, and that before the coming of Christ, none ever entered into Paradise: yet doth he acknowledge in the mean time that Lazarus did remain there in a kind of Paradise. For s Paradisus pauperis, sinus erat Abrahae, Ibid. the bosom of Abraham, saith he, was the poor man's Paradise. and again. t Dicat mihi aliquis: In inferno est Paradisus? Ego hoc dico, quia sinus Abrahae Paradisi veritas est: sed & sanctissimum Paradisum fateor. Ibid. Some man may say unto me: Is there a Paradise in Hell? I say this, that the bosom of Abraham is the truth of Paradise: Yea and I confess it to be a most holy Paradise. So Tertullian in the fourth book of his Verses against Martion, placeth Abraham's bosom under the earth, but in an open and lightsome seat, far removed from the fire and from the darkness of Hell: — sub corpore terrae In parte ignotâ quidam locus exstat apertus, Luce u Confer locum ex Augustino, de Genesi ad linnet. lib. 12. cap. 34. suprà citatum, in fine pag. 259. sua fretus; Abrahae sinus iste vocatur, Altior á tenebris, longé semotus ab igne, Sub terrâ tamen. Yea he maketh it to be one house with that which is eternal in the heaven, distinguished only from it, as the outer and the inner Temple (or the Sanctum and the Sanctum Sanctorum) were in the time of the Law, by the Veil that hung between: which veil being rend at the passion of Christ, he saith these two were made one everlasting house. Tempore divisa & spatio, & ratione ligata una domus, quamvis velo partita videtur. Atque adeò passo Domino velamine rupto, Coelestes patuere plagae, coelataque sancta; Atque duplex quondam, facta est domus una perennis. Yet elsewhere he maketh up the partition again: maintaining very stiffly, that the gates of x Nulli patet coelum t●r●á a●huc saluâ, ne dixerim clau●â. Cum transactione enim mundi reserabuntur regna coelorum. Tertull. de A●imâ, cap. 5●. Heaven remain still shut against all men, until the end of the world come and the day of the last judgement. Only y Q●omodo Perpetua for●issima martyr sub die passionis in revelatione Paradisi, solos illic commartyre● suos ridit; nisi quia nullis romphaea Paradisi janitrix cedit, nisi qui in Christo decesse●i●t? Tota Paradisi clavis tuus sanguis est. Ibid. Vid. etiam lib. de Resurrect. carn cap. 4●. Paradise he leaveth open for Martyrs (as that other author of the latin Homily z Si persecutio venerit, imitemur latronem: si pax fuerit, imitemur Lazarum Si martyrium fecerimus, statim intrabimus Paradisum: si paupertatis poenam sustinuerimus, statim in sinum Abrahae. Habet & sanguis, habet & pax loca sua: habet & paupertas martyrium suum, & egestas benè tolerata facit marty●ium; sed egestas propter Christum, non propter necessitatem. Homil. de Divite. inter ●pera Chrysost. seemeth also to do:) but the souls of the rest of the faithful he a Habes etiam de Paradiso á nobis libellum, quo constituimus o●nem animam apud inferos sequestrari in diem Domini. Tertull. de Ani● cap. 55 Omnes ergo animae penes inferos? inquis, Velis ac nolis, & supplicia jam illic & refrigeria habes, pauperem & divitem. &c Cur enim non p●tes animam & puniri & fov●ri in inferis, interim sub expectati●ne utriusque judicij in quâdam usurpatione & candidâ ejus? Ibid. cap ult. sequest●eth into Hell, there to remain b Quòd si Christus Deus, quia & homo, mortuus secundùm scriptu●as, & sepultus secundùm ea dem, hic quoque legi satisfecit, formâ humanae mortis apud inferos functus; nec antè ascendit in sublimiora coelorum, quam descendit in inferiora terrarum, ut illic Patriarchas & Prophetas compotes sui faceret: habes, & regionem inferûm subterraneam credere, & illos cubito pellere, qui satis superbé non putent animas fidelium inferis dignas; servi super magistrum, aspernati si fortè in Abrahae sinu, expectandae resurrectionis solatium earpere. Ibid. cap. 55. in Abraham's bosom until the time of the general resurrection. And to this part of Hell doth he imagine Christ to have descended, not with purpose to fetch the souls of the Fathers from thence (which is the only errand that our Romanistes conceive he had thither) but, ut illic Patriarchas & Prophetas compotes sui faceret, that he might there make the patriarchs and Prophets partakers of his presence. S. Hierome saith, that c Dominus noster Iesus Ch●istus ad forna●em descendit inferni, in quo cla●s●●, & p●ccatorum. & justo●um animae ten●bantur. ut absq●e execution & noxâ ●ui, ●os qui tenebantur in●lusi, m●rtis vinculi lib raret. Id lib. ● in Dan●el cap. 3. our Lord jesus Christ descended into the furnace of Hell, wherein the souls both of sinners and of just men were held shut; that without any burning or hurt unto himself, he might free from the bonds of death those that were held shut up in that place: and that he d Invo●avit ergo rede●ptor ●oster nomen Domini d● lacu nov●ssimo, cum in virtute divinitatis descendit ad inferos, & destructis claustris Tartari, suos quos ibi reperit eruens, victor ad superos ascen●it. Id. lib. 2. in Lament. jerem. cap. 3. called upon the name of the Lord out of the lowermost lake, when by the power of his divinity he descended into Hell, and having destroyed the bars of Tartarus, (or the dungeon of Hell) bringing from thence such of his as he found there, ascended conqueror up again. He saith further, that e Infernus locus suppliciorum atque cruciatuum est, in quo videtur dives purpuratus: ad quem descendit & Dominus, ut vinctos de carcere dimitteret. Id. lib. 6 in Esai. cap. 14. Hell is the place of punishments and tortures, in which the rich man that was clothed in pu●ple is see●e: unto which also the Lord did descend, that he might let forth those that were bound out of prison. Lastly, f Descendit ergo in inferiora terrae, & ascendit super omnes coelos filius Dei: ut non tantùm legem prophetasque compleret, sed & alias quasdam occultas dispensationes, quas solus ipse novit cum patre. Neque enim scire possumus, quomodo & angelis & his qui in inferno erant, sanguis Christi profuerit; & tamen quin profuerit, nescire non possumus. Id. lib. 2. in. phes. cap 4. t●e Son of God (saith he, following Origen, as it seemeth, too unaduisedly here) descended into the lowermost parts of the earth, and ascended above all heavens: that he might not only fulfil the law and the prophets, but certain other hidden dispensations also, which he alone doth know with the Father. For we cannot understand, how the blood of Christ did profit both the Angels and those that were in Hell; and yet that it did profit them, we cannot be ignorant. Thus far S. Hierome; touching Christ's descent into the lowermost Hell: which Thomas and the other Schoolmen will not admit that he ever came unto. Yet this must they of force grant, if they will stand to the authority of the Fathers. g Restabat tamen ad plenum nostrae redemptionis effectum, ut illuc usque homo sine peccato á Deo susceptus descenderet, quousque homo separatus á Deo, peccati merito cecidisset; id est, ad Infernum, ubi solebat peccatoris anima torqueri, & a● Sepulchrun, ubi consueverat peccatoris caro corrumpi: sic tamen, ut nec Christi caro in sepulchro corrumperetur, nec inferni doloribus anima torqueretur. Quoniam anima immunis á peccato, non erat subdenda supplicio: & carnem sine peccato non debuit vitiare corruptio Fulgent ad Trasimund lib. 3. cap. 30. It remained, saith Fulgentius, for the full effecting of our redemption, that man assumed by God without sin, should thither descend, whither man separated from God should have fallen by the desert of sin; that is, unto Hell, where the soul of the sinner was wont to be tormented, and to the Grave, where the flesh of the sinner was accustomed to be corrupted: yet so, that neither the flesh of Christ should be corrupted in the Grave nor his soul be tormented with the pains of Hell. Because the soul free from sin, was not to be subjected to such punishment: neither ought corruption to taint the flesh without sin. h Hoc autem ideò factum est, ut per morientem temporaliter carnem justi, donaretur vita aeterna carni; & per descendentem ad infernum animam justi, dolores solverentur inferni Ibid. And this he saith was done for this end: that by the flesh of the just dying temporally, everlasting life might be given to our flesh; and by the soul of the just descending into Hell, the pains of hell might be loosed. It is the saying of S. Ambrose, that i Expers pec●ati Christus, cum ad tartari●ma descendens, seras inferni januasque confringens, vinctas peccato animas mortis dominatione destructâ, é diaboli faucibus revocavit ad vitam. Ambros. de mysterio Paschae, cap 4. Christ being void of sin, when he did descend into the lowermost parts of Tartarus, breaking the bars & gates of Hell, called back unto life out of the jaws of the Devil the souls that were bound with sin, having destroyed the dominion of death: and of Eusebius Emissenus or Gallicanus (or who ever was the author of the sixth Paschall homily attributed to him) that k Deposito quidem corpore imas atque abditas Tartari sedes filius hominis penetravit: sed ubi retentus esse inter mortuos putabatur, ibi vincula mortuorum ligatâ morte laxavit. Euseb. homil. 6. de Pas●ha. the son of man laying aside his body, pierced the lowest & hidden seats of Tartarus: but where he was thought to have been detained among the dead, there binding death; did he lose the bonds of the dead. Presently l Confestim igitur aeterna nox inferorum Christo descendente resplenduit: siluit stridor lugentium ille, soluta sunt onera catenarun, dirupta ceciderunt vincula damnatorum. Attonitae mentis obstupue●e tortores: omnis simul impia officina contremuit, cum Christum repenté in suis sedibus vidit. Ib. homil. 1. Caesarius Arelatens. de Pasch. hom. 3. therefore, saith Caesarius (in his third Paschall homily; which is the same with the first of those that go under the name of the former Eusebius) the everlasting night of Hell at Christ's descending shined bright: the gnashing of the mourners ceased, the burdens of the chains were loosed, the bursted bands of the damned fell from them. The tormentors astonished in mind were amazed: the whole jmpious shop trembled together, when they beheld Christ suddenly in their dwellings: So Arnoldus Bonaevallensis in his book de Cardinalibus operibus Christi (commonly attributed to S. Cyprian) noteth, that at that time m Ab inferna. lib. tormentis cessatum est. Arnald. abb. Bonaevallis, tract. de Vnctione Chrismatis, in fine. there was a cessation from infernal torments: which by n Arator, historiae Apostolicae lib. 1. Arator is thus more amply expressed in verse. — pavidis resplenduit umbris Pallida regna petens, propriâ quem luce corruscum Non potuit fuscare chaeos. fugere dolores, Infernus tunc esse timet, nullumque coërcens In se poena redit, nova tortor ad otia languet: Tartara moesta gemunt, quia vincula cuncta quiescunt. Mors ibi quid faceret, quò vitae portitor ibat? S. Augustine doth thus deliver his opinion touching this matter. o Christi animam venisse usque ad ea loca, in quibus peccatores cruciantur, ut eos solveret á tormentis, quos esse solvendos occultâ nobis suâ justitiâ judicabat, non immeritò creditur. Augustin. de Genesi ad literam, lib. 12. cap. 33. That Christ's soul came unto those places wherein sinners are punished, that he might lose them from torments, whom by his hidden justice he judged fit to be loosed; is not without cause believed. p Nec ipsam tamen rerum partem noster salvator mortuus pro nobis visitare contempsit; ut inde solveret quos esse solvendos secundùm divinam secretamque justitiam ignorare non potuit. Jbid. cap. 34. Neither did our Saviour being dead for us, scorn to visit those parts: that he might lose from thence such as he could not be ignorant, according to his divine and secret justice, were not to be loosed. q Sed quia evid●ntia testimonia & infernum commemorant & dolores; nulla causa occurrit, cur illò credatur venisse salvator, nisi ut ab ejus doloribus salvos faceret. Sed utrùm omnes quos in eyes inven●t, an quosdam quos illo beneficio dignos judicavit, adhuc requiro. Fuisse tamen cum apud inferos, & in eorum doloribus constitutis hoc beneficium praestitisse, non dubito. Id. epist. 99 ad Euodium. But whether he loosed all that he found in those pains, or some whom he thought worthy of that benefit, I yet inquire. For that he was in hell, and bestowed this benefit upon some that did lie in the pains thereof, I do not doubt. Thus did S. Augustine write unto Euodias, who inquired of him; whether r Si omnes inde solvit salvator, & sicut ●equirens scripsisti, exinanivit inferna. Item: Si, ut quaerendo dicis, exinaniti sunt inferi. Jb. our Saviour loosed all from thence, and emptied Hell? which was in those days a great question: and gave occasion to that speech of Gregory Nazianzen. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Greg Nazianz orat. 42. quae est 2. in Pascha. If he descend into Hell, go thou down with him (namely in contemplation and meditation) learn the mysteries of Christ's doings there, what the dispensation and what the reason was of his double descent (to wit, from heaven unto earth, & from earth unto hell:) whether at his appearing he simply saved all, or there also such only as did believe. What Clemens Alexandrinus his opinion was herein, every one knoweth, that t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Clem. Alexandr. lib. 6. Strom. our Lord descended for no other cause into Hell, but to preach the Gospel; and that u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (leg. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. such as lived a good life before the time of the Gospel, whether jews or Grecians, although they were in hell and in durance, yet hearing the voice of our Lord (either from himself immediately or by the working of his Apostles) were presently converted and did believe: in a word, that x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ibid. in Hell things were so ordered, that even there all the souls, having heard this preaching might either show their repentance, or acknowledge their punishment to be just, because they did not believe. Hereupon, when Celsus the Philosopher made this objection concerning our Saviour: y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cels. Surely you will not say of him, that when he could not persuade those that were here, he went unto Hell to persuade those that were there. Origen, the scholar of Clemens, sticketh not to return unto him this answer. z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen. lib. 2. contra Celsum. Whether he will or no, we say this, that both being in the body he did persuade, not a few, but so many that for the multitude of those that were persuaded by him he was laid in wait for: and after his soul was separated from his body, he had conference with souls separated from their bodies; converting of them unto himself such as would, or such as he discerned to be more fit for reasons best known unto himself. The like effect of Christ's preaching in Hell, is delivered by a Anastas Sinait. vel Nicaen. quaest 111. Anastasius Sinaita, b jobius, de V●rbo inca●natio lib 9 cap. 38. in Photij Bibliothecâ, volume 222. jobius or jovius, c Io. Damascen. de Or●hodoxâ fide, lib. 3. cap ult. & in Serm. de Defunct. Damascen, d Oecumen. in 1. Petr. 3. Oecumenius, e Mich. Glyc. part. 2. Annalium. Michael Glycas, and his transcriber f Theodor. Metochit. in Historiâ Romanâ, á Meursio nuper editâ: quae ex Glycâ tota est de sumpta. Theodorus Metochites. Procopius saith; that g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Procop. in Esai. cap. 42. he preached to the spirits that were in Hell, restrained in the prison house, releasing them all from the bonds of necessity. wherein he followeth S. Cyrill of Alexandria, writing upon the same place, h Quòd spiritibus in inferno praedicatum abierit, & detentis in domo custodiae apparuerit Christus, & omnes vinculis liberaverit, & necessitate, & poenâ, & supplicio Cyrill. Ale●andr. fin. lib. 3. in Esai. cap. 42. that Christ went to preach to the spirits in Hell, and appeared to them that were detained in the prison house; and freed them all f●om bonds and necessity, and pain, and punishment. The same S. Cyrill in his Paschall homilies affirmeth more directly, that our Saviour i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. Homil. Paschal. 20. entering into the lowermost dens of Hell, and preaching to the spirits that were there; k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. hom. 11. emptied that unsatiable den of death, l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. hom. 6. spoilt Hell of spirits, and having thus m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. homil. 7. spoilt all Hell, left the Devil there solitary and alone. n Nam Christo ad inferos descendente, non sanctorum animae tantùm liberatae sunt inde; sed omnes adeò prius in Diaboli errore, & simulachro●ū cultu servitutem servientes, aucti agnitione Dei, salutem sunt consecuti: quare & gratias agebant, Deum laudantes. Andronic. Dialog. contra judaeos, cap. 60. For when Christ descended into Hell, saith Andronicus, not only the souls of the Saints were delivered from thence; but all those that before did serve in the error of the Devil and the worship of idols, being enriched with the knowledge of God, obtained salvation: for which also they gave thanks, praising God. Whereupon the author of one of the sermons upon the Ascension, fathered upon S. Chrysostom, bringeth in the Devil complaining, that the son of Mary, o Omnibus, qui jam inde ab initio apud me fuerant, tanquam accipiter celeriter advolans, abrep●is; desertum me reliquit. Chrysost. in Ascens. Domini, serm. 8. á Ger. Vossio edit. having taken away from him all those that were with him from the very beginning, had left him desolate. whereas the true Chrysostom doth at large confute this fond opinion: censuring the maintainers thereof, as the p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in Matth. cap. 11. homil. 36. edit. Graec. vel 37. Latin. bringers in of old wives conceits and jewish fables. Yea q Alij sunt haeretici, qui dicunt Dominum in infernum descendisse, & omnibus post mortem etiam ibidem renunciâsse (se nunciâsse, corrigendum est ex Gregorio) ut confitentes ibidem salvarentur. Philastr. Bri●ciens. de Haeresib. ca●. 74. Philastrius, & S. r Alia (haeresis) descendente ad inferos Christo credidisse incredulos, & omnes inde existimat liberatos. Augustin. de Haeresib. cap. 79. Augustin out of him, doth brand such for heretics: whose testimony also is urged by S. Gregory against George and Theodore, two of the clergy of Constantinople; who held in his time (as many others did before and after them) that s Omnipotentem Dominum salvatorem nostrum jesum Christum ad inferos descendentem, omnes qui illic confiterentur eum Deum, saluâsse atque á poenis debitis libe●âsse Vid. Gregor. lib. 6. epist. 15. & in evangel hom. ●2. our omnipotent Lord and Saviour jesus Christ descending into Hell, did save all those who there confessed him to be God, and did deliver them from the pains that were due unto them. and when Clement our countryman, about 150. years after, did renew that old error in Germany, that t Qui contra fidem sanctorum contendit, dicens; quòd Christus filius Dei descendens ad inferos, omnes quos inferni carcer detinuit inde liberâsset, credulos & incredulos, laudatores Dei simul & cultores idolorum. Bonifa●. Moguntin. ad Zacharian P. e●ist. 135. the son of God descending into Hell delivered from thence all such as that infernal prison did detain, believers and unbelievers, praisers of God and worshippers of idols: the u Dominum jesum Christum descendentem ad inferos, omnes pios & impios exinde praedicat abstraxisse, ab omni sit sacerdotali officio nudatus, & anathematis vinculo obligatus; pariterque Dei judicio condemnatus, vel omnis qui ejus sacrilegis consenserit praedicationibus. S●nod. Romana sub Zachariâ P. an. 745. ha●ita: Ibid. & Concilior tom. 3. Roman Synod held by Pope Zacharie condemned him and his followers for it. But to leave Clemens Scotus, and to return unto Clemens Alexandrinus, at whom Philastrius may seem to have aimed specially: it is confessed by our Adversaries, that he fell into this error, partly being x Deceptus fuit superficie verborum Petri; quem non animadvertit longé distinctiù loqui, atque primâ facie videatur. Henric. Vicus, d● D●s●ens. Christi ad inferos. sect. 43. deceived with the superficial consideration of the words of S. Pet●r, touching Christ's preaching to the spirits in prison, y Delusus authoritate Hermetis, putat Christum evangelium praedicâsse damnatis, & eorum aliquos liberâsse, qui ex gentilibus sancté vixerant. Alphons. Mendoz. in Controvers. Theologic. quaest. 1. positiv. sect. 4 secu●us And●adium lib. 2. Defence fidei Tridentinae. 1. Pet. 3.19. partly being deluded with the authority of Hermes, the supposed scholar of S. Paul; by whose z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He●mes in Past●re, lib. 3. simili●ud. 9 Citatur á Clemen. Al●xandrino, lib. 2. Stromat. dreams he was persuaded to believe, that not only Christ himself, but his Apostles also did descend into Hell, to preach there unto the dead & to baptise them. But touching the words of S. Peter is the main doubt: whether they are to be referred unto Christ's preaching by the ministry of Noë unto the world of the ungodly; or unto his own immediate preaching to the spirits in Hell after his death upon the Crosse. For seeing it was the spirit of Christ which spoke in the Prophets, (as S. a 1. Pet. 1.11. Peter showeth in this same Epistle) and among them was Noë b 2. Pet. 2.5. a preacher of righteousness (as he declareth in the next:) even as in S. Paul, Christ is said to have c Ephes. 2.17. come and preached to the Ephesians, namely by his spirit in the mouth of his Apostles; so likewise in S. Peter may he be said to have gone and preached to the old world, d Nehem. 9.30. Zachar. 7.12. 1. Sam. 23.2. by his spirit in the mouth of his Prophets (and of Noë in particular) when God having said that his Spirit e Genes. 6.3. should not always strive with man, because he was flesh, did in his long suffering wait the expiration of the time which he then did set for his amendment, even an hundred and twenty years. For which exposition the Aethiopian Translation maketh something: where the Spirit, by which Christ is said to have been quickened and to have preached, is by the Interpreter termed Manphes' Kades, that is, the Holy Spirit. the addition of which epithet we may observe also to be used by S. Paul in the mention of the resurrection, and by S. Luke in the matter of the preaching of our Saviour Christ. for of the one we read, Rom. 1.4. that he was declared to be the Son of God, with power, according to the Spirit of Holiness, (or, the most holy Spirit) by the Resurrection from the dead. and of the other, Act. 1.2. that he gave commandments to the Apostles by the holy Spirit. Thus doth S. Hierome relate, that f Vir prudentissimus. Hiero●ym. lib. 15. in Esai. cap. 54. a most prudent man (for so he termeth him) did understand this place: g Praedicavit spiritibus in carcere constitutis, quando Dei patientia expectabat in diebus Noë, diluvium impijs inferens. Jbid. He preached to the spirits put in prison; when the patience of God did wait in the days of Noë, bringing in the flood upon the wicked. as if this preaching were then performed, when the patience of God did expect the conversion of those wicked men in the days of Noë. S. Augustine more directly, wisheth us to h Considera tamen ne fortè totum illud, quod de conclusis in carcere spiritibus, qui in diebus Noë non crediderant, Petrus Apostolus dicit, omnino ad inferos non pertineat; sed ad il●a potius tempora, quorum formam ad haec tempora translit. August. ●p 99 consider, least happily all that which the Apostle Peter speaketh of the spirits shut up in prison, which believed not in the days of Noë, pertain nothing at all unto Hell, but rather to those times which he compareth as a pattern with our times. For Christ (saith he) i Quoniam priusquàm veniret in carne pro nobis moriturus, quod semel fecit, saepè anteà veniebat in spiritu ad quos volebat, visis eos admonens sicut volebat utique in spiritu; quo spiritu & vivificatus est, cum in passione esset carne mortificatus. Ibid. before ever he came in the flesh to die for us, which once he did, came often before in the spirit to such as he pleased, admonishing them by visions in the spirit as he pleased: by which spirit he was also quickened, when in his passion he was mortified in the flesh. Venerable Bede, and Walafridus Strabus in the Ordinary Gloss after him, set down their minds herein yet more resolutely. k Qui nostris temporibus in carne veniens iter vitae mundo praedicavit, ipse etiam ante diluvium eis qui tunc increduli erant & carnaliter vivebant, spiritu veniens praedicavit. Ipse enim per spiritum sanctum erat in Noë, caeterisque qui tunc fuere sanctis; & per eorum bonam conversationem, pravis illius aevi hominibus, ut ad meliora converterentur praedicavit. Bed. in 1. Pe●. 3. & Gloss. ordinar. ibid. He who in our times coming in the flesh, preached the way of life unto the world, even he himself also before the flood, coming in the spirit preached unto them, which then were unbelievers and lived carnally. For by his holy spirit he was in Noë, and the rest of the holy men which were at that time; and by their good conversation, preached to the wicked men of that age, that they might be converted to a better course of life. The same exposition is followed by Anselmus Laudunensis in the Interlineary Gloss, l Thom. 3. part. Sum. quaest. 52. artic. ●. ad 3. Thomas Aquinas in his Sum, and divers others in their Commentaries upon this place. Yea since the Council of Trent, and in a book written in defence of the faith of Trent, Doctor Andradius professeth that he thinketh this to be the plain meaning of the place. m In quo spiri●u jam olim ipse veniens (ne nunc primùm Eccl●siae curam eum suscepisse arbitraremur) praedicavit spiritibus illis, qui nunc in carcere meritas jam infidelitatis suae poenas luunt; quip qui Noë ●ecta monenti, & arcam Dei jussu construenti, fidem habere nunquàm voluerunt, quamvis Dei illos patientia diutissimè, hoc est, centum aut eo ampliùs annos expectaret. Andrad. Defence. Tridentinae fidei, lib. 2. In which spirit he himself long since coming (that we may not imagine, that he now first undertook the care of his Church) did preach unto those spirits, which now in prison do suffer the deserved pains of their infidelity; forasmuch as they would not believe Noë giving them good counsel, and building the Ark by God's appointment, notwithstanding the patience of God did wait for them very long, to wit, a hundred years or more. which acordeth fully with that interpretation of S. Peter's words, which is delivered by the learned of our side. In which spirit he had gone and preached ●o them that now are spirits in prison: because they disobeyed when the time was: when the patience of God once waited in the days of Noë, while the Ark was a preparing. (1. Pet. 3.19, 20.) But there were divers apocryphal scriptures and traditions afoot in the ancient Church, which did so possess men's minds with the conceit of Christ's preaching in Hell, that they never sought for any further meaning in S. Peter's words. as that sentence especially, which was fathered upon the Prophet Esay or jeremy; and from whence, if Cardinal n Bellarm. lib. 4. de Christo, c●p. 13. Bellarmine's wisdom may be heard, it is credible that S. Peter took his words. namely: o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Citatur á justino Mart. in Dialog. cum Tryphone: & Irenaeo, lib. 3. cap. 23. lib. 4. cap. 39 & lib. 5. cap. 31. The Lord the holy one of Israel remembered his dead, which slept in the earth of their graves; and descended to them, to preach unto them his salvation. and that blind tradition, which Anastasius Sindita doth thus lay down, immediately after his citation of S. Peter's text. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anast. Sin. vel Nican. qu. 111. It is now related among the old traditions, that a certain Scholar using many opprobrious speeches against Plato the philosopher; Plato appeared unto him in his sleep, and said. Man, forbear to use opprobrious speeches against me: for thereby thou hurtest thyself. That I was a sinful man I do not deny: but when Christ descended into Hell, in very deed none did believe in him before myself. Nicetas Serronius reciteth this out of the histories of the Fathers: q Ho de Platone commemoratur: quod credendum sit necne, auditoribus judicandum relinquo. Nicet. commentar. in Gregor. Nazianz orat. 2. de Pascha. which whether it be to be believed or no, I leave (saith he) to be judged by the hearers. as if any great matter of judgement should be requisite, for the discerning of this to be (as Bellarmine doth censure it) r Quare inter fabulas numeranda est illa narratio, quam in historijs Patrum circumferri dicit Nicetas, etc. Haec quidem fabula est, Bellarm. lib. 4 de Christo, cap. 16. a fable, or (as Dionysius Carthusianus before him) s Istud inter Apocryphorun computandun est somnium. Dionys. Carthusian. in 1. Pet. 3. an apocryphal dream. The like stuff is that also which was vented heretofore unto the world in the apocryphal gospel of Nicodemus. to say nothing of that sentence which is read in the old Latin edition of the book of Ecclesiasticus; t Penetrabo omnes inferiores partes terrae, & inspician omnes dormientes, & illuminabo omnes sperantes in Domino. vel ut ab authore Operis imperfecti in Matth. (inter opera Chrysostomi) homiliâ 4 citatur. Descendan ad inferiores partes terrae, & visitabo omnes dormientes, & illuminabo sperantes in Deum. Ecclesiastic. 24.45. I will pierce all the lower-most parts of the earth, and behold all that are asleep, and enlighten all them that hope in the Lord. which although it be not now to be found in the Greek original, and hath perhaps another meaning then that to which it is applied; yet is it made by the author of the imperfect work upon Matthew one of the chief inducements, which led him to think that our Saviour descended into Hell, to visit there the souls of the righteous. The tradition that of all others deserveth greatest consideration, is the article of the Creed touching Christ's descent into Hell: which u Gilbert. Genebrard. lib. 3. de Trinitate. Genebrard affirmeth to have been so hateful to the Arrians, that, as Ambrose reporteth upon the fifth Chapter of the epistle to the Romans, they struck it quite out of the very Creed. But neither is there the least footstep of any such matter to be seen in S. Ambrose: and it sufficiently appeareth otherwise, that the Arrians did not only add this article unto their Creeds, but also set it forth and amplified it with many words; so far off were they, from being guilty of suppressing it. For as the Fathers of the first general Council, held in the year of our Lord CCCXXV. at Nice in Bythinia, did publish a Creed against the Arrians: so the Arrians on the other side, in the year CCCLIX. set out a Creed of their own making, in a Synod purposely kept by them at Nice in Thracia, x Sozomen. lib. 4. hist. cap. 18. that by the ambiguity of the Counsels name, the simpler sort might be more easily induced, to mistake this Nicene for that other Catholic Nicene Creed. And whereas the true Nicene fathers had in their Creed omitted the article of the descent into Hell (which, as we shall afterwards hear out of Ruffinus, was not to be had in the Symbols of the Eastern Churches:) these bastard fatherlings in their Nicene Creed, did not only insert this clause, y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theodoret. lib. 2. hist. cap. 21. He descended to the places under the earth; but added also for further amplification, Whom Hell itself trembled at. The like did they (with the words a little altered) in another z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. in epist. de Synodis Arimini & Selenciae. Socrat. lib. 2. hist. cap. 41. edit. ●raec. vel 32. Latin. Creed set out in a Conventicle gathered at Constantinople: and in a third Creed likewise (framed by them at Sirmium and confirmed the same year in their great Council at Ariminum) they put it in with a more large augmentation, after this manner. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. ibid. Socrat. lib. 2. cap. 37. edit. Graec. vel 29. Laetin. The speech is taken from job 38 17. in the Septuagint. He descended to the places under the earth, and disposed things there; whom the keepers of Hell gates seeing, shook for fear. If therefore any fault were committed in the omission of this article; it should touch the Orthodox Fathers of Nice and Constantinople rather: whom the b Constat ex hoc, nihil esse de Symbolo Apostolorum subtrahendum. Subtractum tamen est illud: Descendit ad inferos. Verùm qui detraxerunt, id non negabant neque cum veritate pugnabant. joann. F●roli viensi● episc. in Session. 10. Concil. Ferrar. Latins, disputing with the Grecians in the Council of Ferrara, do directly charge with subtracting this article from the Apostles Creed; although they free them from blame in so doing, because they that took it away (say they) did not deny it, nor fight against the truth. But first they should have showed, that the Fathers of Nice and Constantinople did find this article of Christ's descent into Hell in the Apostles Creed: before they excused them from taking it away from thence. For the Creed of the Council of Constantinople (which commonly goeth under the name of the Nicene Creed) being nothing else but an explanation & a more ample enlargement of the Creed Apostolical; yea and so fully expressing the same, that itself hath been heretofore c Epiphaen. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 518. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. accounted and d In Misiâ Latinâ antiquâ, ●dit. Argentin. an. 1557. pag. 41. post ●ecitatū Symbolum Constantinopolit. subijcitur. Finito Symbolo Apostolorum dicat Sacerdos. Dominus vobiscum. named the Apostles Creed: it is not to be thought that it would leave out any article either unexplained or altogether unnamed, which was then commonly believed to have been any parcel of the Creed received from the Apostles. Add hereunto the ingenuous confession of Busaeus the jesuit, in his positions touching Christ's descent into Hell. e Beatus Cyprianus, vel potius Ruffinus, in expositione symboli negat hunc articulum legi in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo, & Orientis Ecclesijs: et vetustissimi patres quidam, dum vel summam fidei Christianae, vel symbolum Apostolicum exponunt, hoc dogma praetermiserunt. Quando autem insertum s●t Symbolo, certé constitui non potest. Io. Busae. de descensu Christi●ad inferos, Thes. 33. S. Cyprian, or Ruffinus rather, in his exposition of the Creed denyeth that this article is read in the Creed of the Church of Rome, or the Churches of the East: and some of the most ancient Fathers, while either they gather up the sum of the Christian faith, or expound the Creed of the Apostles, have omitted this point of doctrine. But at what time it was inserted in the Creed, it cannot certainly be determined. The first particular Church that is known to have inserted this article into her Creeed, is that of Aquileia: which added also the attributes of f Omnipotentem.] His additur: Invisibilem & impassibilem. Sciendun quoòd duo isti sermones in Ecclesiae Romanae symbolo non habentur Constat autem apud nos additos haereseos causâ Sabelij. Ruffin. in exposit. Symb. invisible and impassable, unto God the Father almighty in the beginning of the Creed; as appeareth by Ruffinus, who g Nos tamen illum ordinem sequimur, quem in Aquileiensi Ecclesiâ per lavacri gratiam suscepimus Id. ibid. framed his exposition of the Creed according to the order used in that Church. But whether any other Church in the world for 500 years after Christ, did follow the Aquileians in putting the one of these additions to the Apostolical Creed, more than the other; can hardly, I suppose, be showed by any approved testimony of antiquity. Cardinal Bellarmine noteth, that S. h Augustinus in libro de Fide & Symbolo, & quatuor libris de Symbolo ad Catechumenos, non meminit hujus partis, cum totum Symbolum quinquies. exponat. Bellarm. de Christo, lib. 4. cap. 6. Augustine in his book de Fide & Symbolo, and in his four books de Symbolo ad Catechumenos, maketh no mention of this part, when he doth expound the whole Creed five several times. Nay Petrus Chrysologus, who was archbishop of Ravenna 450. years after Christ, doth i Pe●r. Chrysolog. serm. 57.58.59.60.61.62 six several times go over the exposition of the Creed: and yet never meddleth with this article. The like also may be observed in k Maxim. Homil. d● traditione Symboli. Maximus Taurinensis his exposition of the Creed. For as for the two l Tom. 5. Oper. Ch●ysost. Latin. Latin expositions thereof that go under the name of S. Chrysostom (the latter whereof hath it, the former hath it not) and the o●hers that are found in the tenth Tome of S Augustins works among the Sermons de Tempore ( m S●rm. de Tempore, 115.131.181 195. four of which do repeat it, & n Serm. 119. & 123. two do omit it:) because the authors of them, together with the time wherein they were written, be altogether unknown; they can bring us little light in this inquiry. Neither is there hereby any whit more derogated from the credit of this article, than there is from others, whose authority is acknowledged to be undoubted and beyond all exception: as namely that of our Saviour's death, and the Communion of Saints. the one whereof as sufficiently implied in the article of the Crucifixion as a consequent, or the burial as a necessary antecedent thereof, the other as virtually contained in the article of the Church; we find omitted not in the Constantinopolitan Symbol alone, and in the ancient Apostolical Creeds expounded by Ruffinus, Maximus, and Chrysologus, but also in those that are extant in o Fortunat. lib. 11. num. 1. in Exposit. Symbol. Venantius Fortunatus 580. and in p Ether et Beat. lib. 1. contra Elipandun Tol●tan. pag. 51. edit. Ingo●sta●. Etherius and Beatus, 785. years after Christ. In all which likewise may be noted, that the title of Maker of heaven and earth is not given to the Father in the beginning of the Creed: which out of the Creed of Constantinople we see is now every where added thereunto. Of which additions as there is now no question any where made: so q Descensum ad inferos nunc, consentientibus sectarijs, inter germanos Symboli Apostolici articulos numeramus. Io. Busaeus, de descens. thes. 33. by the consent of both sides, this of the descent into Hell also, is now numbered among the articles of the Apostles Creed. For the r Act. 2.27 31. Scripture having expressly testified, that the prophecy of the Psalmist, s Psalm. 16.10. Thou shalt not leave my soul in Hell, was verified in Christ; S. Augustins conclusion must necessarily be inferred thereupon. t Quis ergo nisi infidelis negaverit fuisse apud Inferos Christum? Augustin. epist. 99 Who therefore but an Infidel will deny that Christ was in Hell? Thus u Ac primùm omnes conveniunt, quòd Christus aliquo modo ad. inferos descenderit. etc. At quaestio tota est de explicatione hujus articuli. Bellarm. de Christo. lib. 4. cap. 6. all agree, that Christ did some manner of way descend into Hell: saith Cardinal Bellarmine. But the whole question is touching the exposition of this article. The common exposition which the Romish Divines give thereof, is this: that by Hell is here understood, x In 3. Sent. dist. 22. D. Thom. Bonavent. Richard. Gab. Palud. & Marsil. quaest. 13. & reliqui in hoc conveniunt, quòd ad locum damnatorum non descendit. Fr. Suarez tom. 2. in 3. part. Thom. disp. 43. sect. 4. Non descendit ad inferos reproborum ac in perpetuum damnatorum, quoniam ex eo nulla est redemptio: igitur ad eum locum descendit, qui vel Sinus Abrahae, vel communiter Limbus Patrum appellatur. Fr. Fevardent Dialog. 6. contr. Calvinian. pag. 509 edit. Colon. not that place wherein the wicked are tormented, but the bosom of Abraham, wherein the godly Fathers of the old Testament rested; for whose delivery from thence they say our Saviour took his journey thither. But S. Augustin in that same place, wherein he counteth it a point of infidelity to deny the going of Christ into Hell, gain sayeth this exposition thereof: professing that he could find the name of Hell no where given unto that place wherein the souls of the righteous did rest. y Qua propter si in illum Abrahae sinum Christum mortuum venisse sancta scriptura dixisset, non nominato inferno ejusque doloribus: miror si quisquam ad inferos eum descendisse asserere auderet. Sed quia evidentia testimonia & infernum commemorant & dolores; nulla caussa occurrit, cur illò credatur venisse salvator, nisi ut ab ejus doloribus salvos faceret. August. ep. 99 Wherefore (saith he) if the holy Scripture had said, that Christ being dead did come unto the bosom of Abraham, not having named Hell and the pains thereof: I marvayle whether any would have been so bold, as to have avouched that Christ descended into Hell. But because evident testimonies do make mention both of Hell and pains: I see no cause, why our Saviour should be believed to have come thither, but that he should deliver men from the pains thereof. And a Vnde illis justis qui in sinu Abrahae erant, cum ille in inferna descenderet, nondum quid contulisset inveni; á quibus eum secundùm beatificam praesentiam suae divinitatis nunquam video recessisse. Id. ibid. therefore, what benefit he brought unto those just men that were in the bosom of Abraham, when he did descend into Hell, I have not yet found. Thus far S. Augustin. For the better understanding of this, we are to call unto mind that saying of the b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch. in lib. de Jside & Osiride. Philosophers: that they who do not learn rightly to understand words, use to be deceived in the things themselves. It will not be amiss therefore, to consider somewhat of the name of Hell: that the c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plato, in Cratylo. nature of the word being rightly understood, we may the better conceive the truth of the thing that is signified thereby. We are to know then first of our English word Hell, that the original thereof is by divers men delivered diversely. Some derive it from the Hebrew word Sheol: either subtracting the first letter, or including it in the aspiration. For d Adeò autem cognatio est huic literae, id est S, cum aspiratione; quòd pro eâ in quibusdam dictionibus solebant Boeoti pro S, H scribere Muha pro Musa dicentes. Priscian. lib. 1. this letter S (saith Priscian) hath such an affinity with the aspiration; that the Boeotians in some words were wont to write H for S, saying Muha for Musa. Others bring it from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth a lake: others from the English hole, as signifying a pit-hole; others from hale, as noting the place that haileth or draweth men unto it. Some say, that in the old Saxon or Germane, Hell signifieth deep; whether it be high or low. But the derivation given by e R●ch. Ve●sl●g. Restitution of English antiquities, chap. 7. Verstegan is the most probable; from being helled over, that is to say, hidden or covered. For in the old Germane tongue (from whence our English was extracted) f Vid. Goldasti animadvers. in Winsbekij Paraeneses, pag. 400. Hil signifieth to hide: and Hiluh in Otfridus Wissenburgensis; is hidden. And in this country, with them that retain the ancient language which their forefathers brought with them out of England, to hell the head, is as much as to cover the head: and he that covereth the house with tile or slate, is from thence commonly called a hellier. So that in the original propriety of the word, our Hell doth exactly answer the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which denoteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the place which is unseen or removed from the sight of man. We are in the second place therefore to observe, that the term of Hell, beside the vulgar acception, wherein it signifieth that which Luke 16.28. is called the place of torment; is, in the Ecclesiastical use of the word, extended more largely to express the Greek word Hádes and the Latin Inferi, & whatsoever is contained under them. Concerning which S. Augustine giveth this note: g Varié in Scriptures & sub intellectu multiplici, sicut re●um de quibus agitur sensus exigit, nomen ponitur inferorum. Augustin. quaest. super Numer. cap. 29. The name of Hell is variously put in Scriptures, and in many meanings, according as the sense of the things which are entreated of doth require. and Master Casaubon (who understood the property of Greek and Latin words as well as any) this other. h Qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprié sedem damnatorum esse existmant, non minùs hallucinantur, quam illi qui cum legunt agunt apud Latinos scriptores, Inferos, de eodem loco interpretantur. Casaub. in Gregor. Nyssen. epist. ad Eustath. Ambros. & Basiliss. no●. 116. They who think that HADES is properly the seat of the damned, be no less deceived, than they who, when they read INFEROS in Latin writers, do interpret it of the same place. The less cause have we to wonder, that Hell in the Scripture should be made the place of all the dead in common, and not of the wicked only. as in Psalm. 89.47, 48. Remember how short my time is: wherefore hast thou made all men in vain? What man is he that liveth, and shall not see death? shall he deliver his soul from the hand of HELL? and Esai. 38.18, 19 HELL cannot praise thee, death cannot celebrate thee: they that go down into the pit cannot hope for thy truth. The LIVING, the LIVING, he shall praise thee, as I do this day. Where the opposition betwixt Hell and the state of life in this world is to be observed. Now as the common condition of the dead is considerable three manner of ways, either in respect of the body separated from the soul, or of the soul separated from the body, or of the whole man indefinitely considered in this state of separation: so do we find the word Hádes (which by the Latins is rendered Infernus or Inferi, and by the English, Hell) to be applied by the ancient Greek interpreters of the old Testament to the common state and place of the body severed from the soul, by the heathen greeks to the common state and place of the soul severed from the body, and by both of them to the common state of the dead, and the place proportionably correspondent to that state of dissolution. And so the Doctors of the Church, speaking in the same language which they learned both from the sacred and the foreign writers, are accordingly found to take the word in these three several significations. Touching the first we are to note, that both the Septuagint in the Old Testament, and the Apostles in the i Act. 2.27. 1. Cor. 15.55. New, do use the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 HADES (and answerably thereunto the Latin Interpreters the word Infernus or Inferi, and the English the word Hell) for that which in the Hebrew text is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 SHEÓL: on the other side, where in the New Testament the word HADES is used, there the ancient Syriack translator doth put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shejul in steed thereof. Now the Hebrew Sheol (and so the Chaldy, Syriack and Aethiopian words which draw their original from thence) doth properly denote the interior parts of the earth, that lie hidden from our sight; namely whatsoever tendeth downward from the surface of the earth unto the centre thereof. In which respect we see that the Scripture describeth Sheol to be a deep place; and opposeth the depth thereof unto the height of Heaven. (job. 11.8. Psalm. 139.8. Amos 9.2.) Again, because the bodies that live upon the surface of the earth, are corrupted within the bowels thereof; k Ecclesiast. 12.7. job. 34.15. the dust returning to the earth as it was: therefore is this word commonly put for the state and the place wherein dead bodies do rest, and are disposed for corruption. And in this respect we find that the Scripture doth oppose Sheol not only unto Heaven, but also unto this land of the living wherein we now breathe. (Esai. 38.10, 11. Ezech. 32.27.) the surface of the earth being the place appointed for the habitation of the living; the other parts ordained to be the chambers of death. Thus they that are in the graves (joh. 5.28.) are said to sleep in the dust of the earth (Dan. 12.2.) The Psalmist, in his prophecy of our Saviour's humiliation, termeth it the dust of death: (Psal. 22.15.) which the Chaldee Paraphrast expoundeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of the grave; interpreting Sheol after the self same manner, in Psa. 31.18. & 89.49. R. Mardochai Nathan in his Hebrew Concordance, giveth no other interpretation of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sheol, but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or, the grave. R. Abraham Aben-Ezra in his commentary upon those words, Genes. 37.35. I will go down into Sheól unto my son mourning; writeth thus. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aben Ezra, in Genes. 37. Here the Translator of the erring persons (he meaneth the Vulgar Latin translation used by the Christians) erreth, in translating Sheól Hell or Gehenna: for behold, the signification of the word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the grave. for proof whereof he allegeth diverse place of Scripture. Where by the way you may note, that in the last edition of the Masoriticall and rabbinical Bible, printed by Bombergius, both this and divers other passages elsewhere have been cut out by the Romish Correctors: which I wish our Buxtorfius had understood, when he followed that mangled and corrupted copy in his late renewed edition of that great work. R. Salomo jarchi, writing upon the same words, Gen. 37.35. saith, that m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Salom. jarchi, in Genes. 37. according to the literal sense, the interpretation thereof is the Grave: (In my mourning I will be buried, and I will not be comforted all my days:) but after the Midrash or Allegorical interpretation, it is Gehenna. In like manner, R. David Kimchi expounding that place, Psal. 9.17. The wicked shall turn into Hell, and all the nations that forget God; acknowledgeth, that by the Derash or n Elias in Tisc●bi, ●erb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Allegorical exposition, into Hell is as much to say, as into Gehenna: but according to the literal meaning he expoundeth it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into the grave; intimating withal, that the Prophet o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kimchi in Ps. 9 useth here the term of turning or returning, with reference to that sentence, Gen. 3.19. Dust thou art, and unto dust shalt thou return. Out of which observation of Kimchi we may further note, that the Hebrews, when they expound Sheol to be the grave, do not mean so much thereby an artificial grave (to wit, a pit digged in the earth, or a tomb raised above ground) as a natural sepulchre: such as the Poet speaketh of in that verse; Nec tumulum curo, sepelit natura relictos. and Seneca in his Controversies. p Omnibus natura s●pulturam dedit. naufragos idem fluctus qui expulit, sepelit. suffixorum corpora crucibus in sepulturam suam defluunt: eos qui vivi uruntur, poena funerat. Senec. lib. 8. Controvers. 4. Nature hath given a burial unto all men: such as suffer shipwreck the same wave doth bury, that cast them away; the bodies of such as are crucified drop away from the Crosses unto their burial; to such as are burnt alive, their punishment is a funeral. For this is the difference that is made by authors, betwixt burying and interring: that q Sepultus intelligitur quoquo modo conditus: humatus veró humo cont●ctus. Plin. lib. 7. na●. hist. cap. 54. he is understood to be buried who is put away in any manner, but he to be interred who is covered with the earth. Hence different kinds of r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lucianu●. de luctu. burials are mentioned by them, according to the different usages of several nations: the name of a sepulture being given by them, as well to the s Nec dispersis bustis humili sepulturâ crematos. Cicer. Philippic. 14. burning of the bodies of the dead, used of old among the more civil nations; as to the devouring of them by dogs, which was the barbarous custom of the t Eamque optimam illi censent esse sepulturam. Jd. lib. 1. Tuscul. quaest. Hyrcanians. Therefore u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Stobaeus. Diogenes was wont to say, that if the dogs did tear him, he should have an Hyrcanian burial: and those beasts which were kept for this use, the x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo Geograph. lib. 11. Bactrians did term in their language sepulchral dogs; as Strabo relateth out of Onesicritus. So in the Scripture, the Prophet jonas calleth the belly of the Whale, wherein he was devoured, y jon. 2.2. the belly of Sheol, that is, of Hell or the Grave. For z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. Seleuc orat 12. quae in jonam est 1. jonas (saith Basil of Seleuciae) was carried in a living grave, and dwelled in a swimming prison; dwelling in the region of death, the common lodge of the dead and not of the living, while he dwelled in that b●lly which was the mother of death. and in the prophecy of jeremy, King jehojakim is said to be a Ier●m. 22.19. buried, (although with the burial of an ass,) when his carcase was drawn and cast forth beyond the gates of jerusalem. — b Lucan. lib. 7. capit omnia tellus Quae genuit; coelo tegitur, qui non habet urnaem. The earth which begetteth all, receiveth all: and he that wanteth a coffin, hath the welkin for his winding sheet. c Magna parens terra est. Ovid. 1. Metam. The earth is our great mother; d Lucret. de rernatur. lib. ●. Omniparens, eadem rerum commune sepulcrum. the common mother, out of whose womb as naked we came, so e job. 1.21. naked shall we return thither. according to that, in Psalm. 146.4. His spirit goeth forth, he returneth to HIS earth. and Psalm. 104.29. Thou takest away their breath, they die; and return to THEIR dust. And this is the Sheol, which job waited for, when he said: f job. 17.13, 14. Sheol or the grave, (for that is the Hell which is meant here: as is confessed not by Lyranus only, but by the jesuit Pineda also) is mine house; I have made my bed in the darkness. I have said to corruption, Thou art my father: to the worm, Thou art my mother, and my sister. This is that common sepulchre, non factum sed natum, not made by the hand of man, but provided by nature itself: betwixt which natural and artificial grave these differences may be observed. The artificial may be appropriated to this man or that man. The Patriarch David is both dead and buried, and his sepulchre is with us unto this day: saith S. Peter, Act. 2.29. and, Ye build the tombs of the Prophets, and garnish the sepulchres of the righteous: saith our Saviour Matth. 23.29. But in the natural there is no such distinction. It cannot be said, that this is such or such a man's Sheol: it is considered as the common receptacle of all the dead. as we read in job: g job. 30.23. I know that thou wilt bring me to death, and to the house appointed for all living. h Cuilib●t enim homini domus pro sepulchro ipsa terra est constituta. Olymp●odor. Ca●en. Gr●c. in Ilb 30. For to every man (as Olympiodorus writeth upon that place) the earth itself is appointed as a house for his grave. i job. 3.18.19. There the prisoners rest together (saith job) they hear not the voice of the oppressor. The small and great are there; and the servant, free from his master. Again, into a made grave a man may enter in alive and come out alive again (as k Joh. 20.6, ●. Peter and john did into the sepulchre of Christ:) but Sheol either findeth men dead when they come into it (which is the ordinary course) or if they come into it alive (which is l Num. 16.30. a new and unwonted thing) it bringeth death upon them; as we see it fell out in Korah and his complices, who are said to have gone down alive into Sheol, when the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed them up. (Numb. 16.30.33.) Lastly, as many living men do go into the grave made with hands, and yet in so doing they cannot be said to go into Sheol (beacuse they come from thence alive again:) so some dead men also want the honour of such a grave (as it was the case of God's servants m Psal. 79.2.3. Revel 11.8, 9 whose bodies were kept from burial) and yet thereby are not kept from Sheol; which is the way that all flesh must go to. For all go unto one place; all are of the dust, and all turn to dust again. (Ecclesiast. 3.20.) We conclude therefore, that when Sheol is said to signify the grave; the term of grave must be taken in as large a sense, as it is in that speech of our Saviour, john. 5.28. All that are in the graves shall hear his voice, and shall come forth; they that have done good, unto the resurrection of life, and they that have done evil, unto the resurrection of damnation. and in Esai. 26.19. according to the Greek reading: The dead shall rise, and they that are in the graves shall be raised up. upon which place Origen writeth thus. n Sepulchra autem mortuorum in hoc loco, similiter & in multis aliis secundùm ce●tiorē Scripturae sensum accipienda sunt, non solùm ea quae ad depositionem humanorum corporum videntur esse constructa, vel in saxis excisa, aut in terrâ desossa; sed omnis locus in quocunque vel integrum humanum corpus, vel ex parte aliquâ jacet: etiam si accidat ut unum corpus per loca multa dispersum sit, absurdum non erit omnia ea loca in quibus pars aliqua corporis jacet, sepulchra corpor●● ejus dici. Si enim non ita accipiamus resurgere de sepulchris suis mortuos divinâ virtute: qui nequaquam sunt sepulturae mandati, neque in sepulchris depositi, sed sive naufragijs▪ sive in desertis aliquibus defuncti sunt locis, ita ut sepulturae mandari non potuerint; no● videbun●ur annumerari inter eos, qui de sepulchris resuscitandi dicuntur. Quod utique valde absurdum est. Origen. in Esai. lib. 28. citatu● á Pamphilo, v●l ●usebio potius, in Apologia pro origen. In this place and in many others likewise, the graves of the dead are to be understood according to the more certain meaning of the Scripture, not such only as we see are builded for the receiving of men's bodies, either cut out in stones or digged down in the earth: but every place wherein a man's body lieth, either entire or in any part, albeit it fell out that one body should be dispersed through many places; it being no absurdity at all, that all those places in which any part of the body lieth, should be called the sepulchers of that body. For if we do not thus understand the dead to be raised by the power of God out of their graves: they which are not committed to burial, nor laid in graves, but have ended their life either in shipwracks or in some desert places, so as they could not be committed to burial, should not seem to be recokoned among them who are said should be raised up out of their graves. which would be a very great absurdity. Thus Origen. Now you shall hear, if you please, what our Romish Doctors do deliver touching this point. o Duae super hâc questione sunt sententiae. una est Hebraeorum, & d● Christianis multorum in hâc aetate nostrâ, maximè verò Haereticorum affirmantium vocem Sceol non significare aliud in Scripturâ nisi fossam sive sepulchrum, & ex hoc falso argumentantium. Dominum nostrum non descendisse ad Infernun. Per●●. in Genes. 37. sect 92. There be two opinions, saith Pererius upon Genes. 37.35. concerning this question. The one of the Hebrews, and of many of the Christians in this our age, but especially of the Heretics, affirming that the word Sheol signifieth nothing else in the Scripture, but the pit or the grave, and from thence reasoning falsely, that our Lord did not descend into Hell. p Altera est sententia exploratae certaeque veritatis; vocem Hebrae● Sceol, & Latinam ei respondentem Infernus, & in hoc loco Scripturae, & alibi saepenumerò significare non fossam vel sepulchrum, sed locum inferorum, & subterranea loca, in quibus sunt animae post mortem. Ibid. sect. 96. The other opinion is of undoubted and certain truth: that the Hebrew word Sheol, and the Latin Infernus answering to it, both in this place of Scripture and elsewhere oftentimes doth signify, not the pit or the grave, but the place of Hell, and the places under the earth wherein the souls are after death. q Hebraicè, ubicunque; Hieronymus ac Septuaginta infernum interpretati sunt, est Sheol, hoc est, fossa sive sepulchrum Neque enim significat cum locum, ubi sceleratorum animas recipi antiquitas opinata est. Aug. Steuch. in Gen. cap. 37. Wheresoever Hi●rome (saith Augustinus Steuchus upon the same place) and the S●ptuagint have translated Hell, it is in the Hebrew, Sheol, that is, the pit or the grave. For it doth not signify that place, wherein Antiquity hath thought that the souls of the wicked are received. The Hebrew word properly signifieth the grave: saith jansenius upon Proverb. 15.12. the Grave properly, and Hell only metaphorically▪ saith Arias Montanus, in his answer unto Leo á Castro. and, r Feré semper Inferni nomen sepulchrum sonat in veteri Testamento. Alphons. Mendoz Controvers. Theologic. quaest. 1. ●●sitiv sect. 5. in the old Testament, the name of Hell doth always almost import the Grave: saith Alphonsus Mendoza. The jesuit Pineda commendeth one s Illud non praeteribo, parùm consideratè (ne graviori inuram notâ) Cyprianun Cisterciensem (virum alioqui doctrinâ & pietate conspicuum) affirmâsse, Sheol, id est, inferos vel infernum in toto veterà Testamento accipi pro sepulchro. Io. Pinea. in job. cap. 7. vers. 9 num. 2. Cyprian a Cistercian monk, as a man famous for learning and piety: yet holdeth him worthy to be censured, for affirming that Sheol or Hell is in all the old Testament taken for the Grave. Another croaking monk (Crocquet they call him) crieth out on the other side, that we shall t Et ne vehementiùs sibi placeant ob suum illud Sheol: nunquam efficient ut uno saltem Scripturae loco prolato praeclaram illam interpretationem sepulchri confirment Andr. Crocquet. Caeteches. 19 never be able to prove by the producing of as much as one place of Scripture, that Sheol doth signify the Grave. Cardinal Bellarmine is a little (and but a very little) more modest herein. The Hebrew Sheol, he saith, u Ordinarié accipitur pro loco animarum subterranco; & vel raró vel nunquam, pro sepulchro. Bella●min. lib. 4. de Christo, cap. 10. is ordinarily taken for the place of souls under the earth; and either rarely or never, for the grave: but the Greek x Vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 significat semper infernum, nunquam sepulchrum. Ibid. cap. 12 word Hades always signifieth Hell, never the grave. But Stapleton will stand to it stoutly, y Contra Bezam laté ostendimus, nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro sepulchro unquam, sed pro inferno semper in Scriptures accipi. Stapleton. Antidote in 1. Corinth. 15.55. & Act. 2.27. that neither Hades nor Sheol is in the Scriptures ever taken for the grave, but always for Hell. z Caeterùm pro sepulchro vox infernus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nuuquam accipitur. Sepulchrun Graecé 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hebraicé 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocatur. Quare & omnes paraphrastae Hebraeorum illam voce●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explicant per vocem gehennae; urlaté ostendit Genebrardus lib. 3. de Trinitate. Ibid. in Act. 2.27. The word Infernus, Hades, Sheol, saith he, is never taken for the grave. The grave is called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Wherefore all the Paraphrastes of the Hebrews also do expound that word Sheol by the word Gehenna; as Genebrard doth show at large in his third Book of the Trinity. Where yet he might have learned some more moderation from Genebrard himself, unto whom he referreth us: who thus layeth down his judgement of the matter in the place by him alleged. a Quemadmodum in errore versantur qul Sheol nunquam sepulchrum designare contendunt: sic fronte sunt perfrictâ, qui uspiam gehennae regionem negant significare. Genebrard. de Trinitat. lib. 3. As they be in an error who contend that Sheol doth never design the grave: so have they a shameless forehead, who deny that it doth any where signify the region of the damned or Gehenna. It is an error therefore in Stapleton (by his own author's confession) to maintain that Sheol is never taken for the grave; and in so doing, he doth but bewray his old wrangling disposition. But least any other should take the shameless forehead from him, he faceth it down, that all the paraphrastes of the Hebrews, do interpret Sheol by the word Gehenna. Whereas it is well known, that the two Paraphrastes that are of greatest antiquity and credit with the Hebrews, Onkelos the interpreter of Moses, and jonathan been Vzziel of the Prophets, never translate it so. Beside that of Onkelos, we have two other Chaldee Paraphrases which expound the harder places of Moses; the one called the Targum of jerusalem, the other attributed, unto jonathan: in neither of of these can we find, that Sheol is expounded by Gehenna; but in the latter of them we see it b Genes. 37.35. & 44.29. twice expounded by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of the grave. In the Arabic interpretations of Moses, where c Ibidem (in Genesi, quam cum Commentaerio Arabico MS penes me habeo▪ & D●uteron●m.) 32.22. the translator out of the Greek hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-gehim, Hell; there d Pentateuch▪ Arabic. ab Erpenio, edi●. an 1622. the translator out of the Hebrew putteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-tharai, which signifieth earth or clay. e Pentateuch. Quadrilingue á Iudaeis. Constantinopoli encus. jacobus Tawosius in his Persian translation of the Pentateuch, for Sheol doth always put * Ier apud. Armenios' & Turcas terram significat. Gor, that is, the grave. The Chaldee Paraphrase upon the Proverbs keepeth still the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deflected a little from the Hebrew: the Paraphrast upon job useth that word f job. 11.8. & 24.19. & 26.6. thrice, but g job. 21.13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and h job. 7.9. & 14.13. & 17.13, 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which signify the grave) in steed thereof five several times. In Ecclesiastes the word cometh but i Ecclesiast. 9.10. once: & there the Chaldee Paraphrast rendereth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the house of the grave. R. joseph Coecus doth the like in his paraphrase upon Psalm. 31.17. and 89.48. In Psalm. 141.7. he rendereth it by the simple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the grave: but in the 15. and 16. verses of the 49. Psalm, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Gehenna. And only there, and in Cantic 8.6. is Sheol in the Chaldee paraphrases expounded by Gehenna: whereby if we shall understand the place not of dead bodies (as in that place of the Psalm the Paraphrast maketh express mention of the k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 49.15. Chald. bodies waxing old or consuming in Gehenna) but of tormented souls (as the l Elias in Tisch●●, verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rabbins more commonly do take it) yet do our Romanists get little advantage thereby, who would fain have the Sheól into which our Saviour went, be conceived to have been a place of rest and not of torment, the bosom of Abraham and not Gehenna the seat of the damned. As for the Greek word Hádes: it is used by Hypocrates to express the first matter of things, from which they have their beginning, and into which afterwards being dissolved they make their ending. For having said, that in nature nothing properly may be held to be newly made, or to perish: he addeth this. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hippocrat. de d●a●â, sive vi●tus ratione, lib. 1. But men do think, that what doth grow from Hades into light, is newly made; and what is diminished from the light into Hades, is perished. by light understanding nothing else but the visible structure and existence of things: and by Hádes, that invisible and insensible thing which other Philosophers commonly call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, n Chalcid in Timaum Platoon. Chalcidius the Platonic translateth Sylvam, the Aristotelians more fitly Materiam primam. whence also it is supposed by o Casaub. in Baron. exercit. 1. cap. 10. Master Casaubon, that those passages were borrowed, which we meet withal in the books that bear the name of Hermes Trismegistus. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Merm. P●●mandr. serm. 1. In the dissolution of a material body, the body itself is brought to alteration, and the form which it had is made invisible: q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Jd. serm. 8. and so there is a privation of the sense made, not a destruction of the bodies. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. serm. 11. I say then that the world is changed, in as much as every day a part thereof is made invisible, but never utterly dissolved. wherewith we may compare likewise that place of Plutarch in his book of living privately. Generation s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plutarch. in illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. doth not make any of the things that be, but manifesteth them: neither is corruption a translation of a thing from being to not being, but rather a bringing of the thing that is dissolved unto that which is unseen. Whereupon men, according to the ancient traditions of their fathers, thinking the sun to be Apollo, called him Delius and Pythius: (namely from manifesting of things:) and the ruler of the contrary destiny (whether he be a God, or an Angel) they named Hádes; by reason that we, when we are dissolved, do go unto an unseen and invisible place. By the Latins this Hádes is termed Dispiter or Diespiter: which name they gave unto this t Idem hic Diespiter dicitur, infimus aër, qui est conjunctus terra●, ubi omnia oriuntur, ubi aboriuntur: quorum quòd finis ortus, Orcus dictus, Varro, de linguâ Latin. lib. 4. cap. 10. lower air that is joined to the earth, where all things have their beginning and ending; quorum quòd finis ortus, Orcus dictus, saith Varro. u Terrenam vim omnem atque naturam, Ditem patrem dicunt: quia haec est natura terrae, ut & recidant in eam omnia, & rursus ex eâ orta procedant. jul. Firmic. Matern. de errore profan. relig. ex Ciceron. lib. 2. the nature. Deor. All this earthly power and nature, saith julius Firmicus, they named Ditem patrem; because this is the nature of the earth, that all things do both fall into it, and taking their original from thence do again proceed out of it. Whence the Earth is brought in, using this speech unto God, in Hermes. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herm. Minerva Mundi. apud. lo. Stebaum in Eclogis Physicis, pag. 124. I do receive the nature of all things. For I, according as thou hast commanded, do both bear all things, and receive such as are deprived of life. The use which we make of the testimony of Hypocrates, & those other authorities of the heathen, is to show, that the Greek Interpreters of the old Testament did most aptly assume the word Hádes, to express that common state & place of corruption which was signified by the Hebrew Sheol. & therefore in the last verse of the 17. of job, where the Greek maketh mention of descending into Hádes; y Paul. Comitol. Caten. Graec. in job. 17. ult. Comitolus the jesuit noteth that S. Ambrose rendereth it, in sepulchrum, into the grave. which agreeth well with the paraphrase that the Greek Scholiasts make upon that place. z An non commune est mortalium omnium mori? an non Infernus est omnium domicilium? an non illic omnes suorum laborum exitum invenitunt? Polychronius, vel Olympiodorus, in Catenâ, ibid. Is it not a thing common unto all mortal men, to die? is not Hell (or Hádes) the house of all? do not all find there an end of their labours? Yea some do think, that Homer himself doth take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 either for the earth or the grave, in those verses of the eighth of his Iliads. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. — I'll cast him down as deep As Tartarus (the brood of night) where Barathrum doth sleep Torment in his profoundest sinks; where is the floor of brass, And gates of iron: the place, for depth as far doth Hell surpass, As heaven for height exceeds the earth. For Tartarus being commonly acknowledged to be a part of Hádes, and to be the very Hell where the wicked spirits are tormented: they think the Hell, from whence Homer maketh it to be as far distant as the heaven is from the earth, can be referred to nothing so fitly as to the Earth or the Grave. It is taken also for a tomb in that place of Pindarus: — a Pindar. Pyth. Od. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Other sacred Kings have gotten a tomb apart by themselves before the houses, or before the gates of the City. And therefore we see that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is by Suidas in his Lexicon expressly interpreted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and by Hesychius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a tomb, or a grave, and in the Greek Dictionary set out by the Romanists themselves, for the better understanding of the Bible, it is noted, that b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Orcu●, Tartarus, sepulchrum. Lexic. Graecolat. in saecro Apparatu Biblior. Regior. edit. Antuerp. an. 1572. Hádes doth not only signify that which we commonly call Hell, but the sepulchre or grave also. Of which, because Stapleton and Bellarmine do deny that any proof can be brought: these instances following may be considered. In the book of Tobi, chap. 3.10. I shall bring my father's old age with sorrow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unto Hell: what can it import else, but that which is in other words expressed, chap. 6.14. I shall bring my father's life with sorrow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unto the grave? In the 93. and 113. Psalm. according to the Greek division, or the 94. and 115. according to the Hebrew; where the Hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the place of silence (meaning the grave, as our adversaries themselves do grant) there the Greek hath Hades or Hell. In Esai. 14.19. where the vulgar ●atin translateth out of the Hebrew; Descenderunt ad fundamenta laci, quasi cadaver putridum, They descended unto the foundations of the lake or pit, as a rotten carkeiss: in steed of the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth the lake or pit, the Greek both there and in Esai. 38.18. putteth in Hades or Hell. and on the other side Ezech. 32.21. where the Hebrew saith, The strong among the mighty shall speak to him out of the midst of Sheol or Hell; there the Greek readeth, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the depth of the lake or pit: by Hell, lake and pit nothing but the grave being understood; as appeareth by comparing this verse with the five that come after it. So in these places following, where in the Hebrew is Sheol, in the Greek Hades, in the Latin Infernus or Inferi, in the English Hell: the place of dead bodies, & not of souls is to be understood. Gen. 44.31. We shall bring down the grey hairs of our father with sorrow unto Hell. where no lower Hell can be conceited, into which grey hairs may be brought, than the Grave. So 1. King. 2.6. David giveth this charge unto Solomon concerning joab: Let not his hoar head go down to Hell in peace. and in the ninth verse concerning Shimei: His hoar head bring thou down to Hell with blood. Psalm. 141.7. Our bones are scattered at the mouth of Hell. Esai. 14.11. Thy pomp is brought down to Hell: the worm is spread under thee, and the worms cover thee. Psal. 6.5. In death there is no remembrance of thee: in Hell who shall give thee thanks? of which there can be no better paraphrase, then that which is given in Psalm. 88.11, 12. Shall thy loving kindness be declared in the grave? or thy faithfulness in destruction? Shall thy wonders be known in the dark? and thy righteousness in the land of forgetfulness? Andradius in his defence of the faith of the Council of Trent, speaking of the difference of reading which is found in the sermon of S. Peter, Act. 2.24. (where God is said to have raised up our Saviour, losing the sorrows of death, as the Greek books commonly read, or the sorrows of Hell, as the Latin) saith for reconciliation thereof, that c Nullum erit inter Latina Graecaque exemplaria dissidium, si animadvertamus infernum hoc loco pro morte atque sepulchro, Hebraeorum dicendi more, usurpari: ut Psal. 15. quem mox Petrus citat; Quoniam non dereliquisti animam meam in inferno. & Esai. 38. Quia non infernus confitebitur tibi. Nam cum de Christi resurrectioned disserat; multis atque apertissimis Davidis testimonijs confirmat, ita pro humano genere mortem Christum obijsse. ut morte obrui & delitescere inter mortuos diu non posset. Videtur autem mihi per dolores inferni sive mortis, mortem doloris atque miseriarum plenam, Hebraeorum dicendi more, significari: sicut Matthaei c. 24. abominatio desolationis accipitur pro desolatione abominandâ Andrad. desens. Tridentin fid. lib. 2. there will be no disagreement betwixt the Latin and Greek copies, if we do mark that Hell in this place is used for Death and the Grave, according to the Hebrews manner of speaking: as in the 15th 38. For Hell cannot confess unto thee. For when he disputeth (saith he) of the resurrection of Christ; he confirmeth by many and most evident testimonies of David, that Christ did suffer death for mankind in such sort, that he could not be overwhelmed with death nor long lie hidden among the dead. And it seemeth to me, that by the sorrows of Hell or Death, a death full of sorrow and miseries is signified, according to the Hebrews manner of speaking: as in Matthew. 24. the abomination of desolation is taken for an abominable desolation. Thus far Andradius: clearly forsaking herein his fellow-defenders of the Tridentine faith, who by the one text of losing the sorrows of death, would fain prove Christ's descending to free the souls that were tormented in Purgatory; and by the other of not leaving his soul in Hell, his descending into Limbus to deliver the souls of the fathers that were at rest in Abraham's bosom. The former of these texts, Act. 2.24. is thus expounded by Ribera the jesuit. d Suscitavit illum Deus, solvens & irritans dolores mortis, hoc est, quod per tot dolores mors effecerat, ut scilicèt anima separareturá corqore. Fr. Ribera, in Hose. cap. 13. num. 23. God raised him up losing and making void the sorrows of death, that is to say, that which death by so many sorrows had effected; namely that the soul should be separated from the body. His fellow Sà interpreteth the losing of the sorrows of death to be the e Quasi dicat, Ereptum á mortis molestijs: has enim dolores vocat. quamquàm mortis epitheton pos sit esse dolour; quoòd morti conjungi soleat. Emman Sá. No●at. in Act. 24. delivering of him from the troubles of death: although sorrow (saith he) may be the epithet of death. because it useth to be joined with death. The Apostles speech hath manifest reference to the words of David, 2. Sam. 22.5, 6. and Psalm. 18. (( al. 17.) 4, 5. where in the former verse mention is made of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sorrows of death, in the latter of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which by the Septuagint is in the place of the Psalms translated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the sorrows of Hell, in 2. Sam 22.6. f Inedit, Aldinâ & Vaticanâ nam Complutensis h●bet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the sorrows of Death; according to the explication following in the end of the self same verse. The sorrows of Hell compassed me about; the snares of Death prevented me. and in Psalm. 116.3. The sorrows of Death compassed me, & the pains of Hell found me, or, gate hold upon me. where Lyranus hath this note. g In Hebraeo pro inserno ponitur Sheol; quod non solùm significat infernum, sed etiam significat fossam, sive sepulturam; & sic accipitur hîc, eò quòd sequitur ad mortem. N●c. de Lyra, in Psalm. 114. In the Hebrew for Hell is put Sheol: which doth not signify only Hell, but signifieth also the pit, or the grave; and so it is taken here, by reason it followeth upon Death. The like explicatory repetition is h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 R. Dav Kimchi in Psal. 16.10. Hoc meliùs ex suâ consuetudine explicans, exaggeransque; Nec dabis sanctum tuum videre corruptionem. Aug. Steuchus. noted also by the interpreters to have been used by the Prophet, in that other text alleged out of Psalm. 16.10. as in Psalm. 30. (al. 29.) 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thou hast brought up my soul from Hell; thou hast kept me safe (or alive) from those that go down to the pit. and job. 33.22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. His soul drew near unto death, and his life unto Hell. whence that in the prayer of jesus the son of Sirach is taken, Ecclesiastic 51. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. My soul drew near unto death, & my life was near to Hell beneath. And therefore for Hell doth Pagnin in his translation of the sixteenth Psalm put the Grave (being therein also followed in the Interlineary Bible i Censorum Lovaviensium judicio examiminata, & Academiae suffragio comprobata. Biblia interlineat. edit. an. 1●72. approved by the Censure of the University of Louvain) & in the notes upon the same, that go under the name of Vatablus, the word Soul is (by comparing of this with Levitic. 21.1.) expounded to be the Body. So doth Arias Montanus directly interpret this text of the Psalm: k Non relinques animam meam in sepulchro. Psal. 16.10. id est, Corpus meum, Ar. Mont. in Hebraicae linguae Idiotismis, voc. Anima. in sacr Bibl. Appaerat. edit. an. 1572. Thou shalt not leave my soul in the grave, that is to say, my body. and Isidorus Clarius in his annotations upon the second of the Acts, saith that, [My soul in hell,] in that place is according to the manner of speech used by the Hebrews, put for [ l Heb. pro, Corpus meum in sepulchro vel tumolo, Isid. Clarius, in Act. 2. My body in the grave or tomb.] least any man should think that Master Beza was the first deviser or principal author of this interpretation. Yet him alone doth Cardinal Bellarmine single out here, to try his manhood upon: but doth so miserably acquit himself in the encounter, that it may well be doubted whether he laboured therein more to cross Beza, then to strive with himself in the wilful suppressing of the light of his own knowledge. For whereas Beza in his notes upon Act. 2.27. had showed out of the 1. and 11. verses of the 21. Chapter of Leviticus, and other places of Scripture, that the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which we translate Soul, is put for a dead body: the Cardinal, to rid himself handsomely of this which pinched him very shrewdly, telleth us in sober sadness, m Dico, multum inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interest. Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est generalissima vox, & significat sine ullo tropo tam animam, quam animal, immò etiam corpus; ut patet ex plurimis Scripturae locis. etc. Itaque in Levitico non ponitur pars pro parte, id est, anima pro corpore; sed vocabulum, quod ipsum corpus significare solet: aut certé ponitur totum pro parte, id est, vivens pro corpore. At Actor. 2. ponitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quae animam solam significat. Bellarm. de Christ lib. 4. cap. 12. that there is a very great difference betwixt the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) is a most general word, and signifieth without any trope as well the soul as the living creature itself, yea and the body itself also; as by very many places of Scripture it doth appear. And therefore in Leviticus, where that name is given unto dead bodies, one part is not put for another, to wit, the soul for the body; but a word, which doth usually signify the body itself: or the whole at leastwise is put for the part, namely the living creature for the body thereof. But in the second of the Acts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put, which signifieth the soul alone. Now did not the Cardinal know (think you) in his own conscience, that as in the second of the Acts 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put, where the original text of the Psalm there alleged hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so on the other side, in those places of Leviticus (which he would fain make to be so different from this) where the original text readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there the Greek also putteth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉? Do we not there read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Levit. 21.1. and in the 11. verse: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He shall not go in to any dead soul, that is, to any dead body? The Cardinal himself bringeth in Num. 23.10. & 31.35. & Gen. 37.21. and Num. 19.13. to prove that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth signify either the whole man, or his very body: and must not the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Greek Bible useth in all those places, of necessity also be expounded after the same manner? Take, for example, that last place, (which is most pertinent to the purpose) Numb. 19.13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the vulgar Latin rendereth, Omnis qui tetigerit humanae animae morticinum: and compare it with the 11. verse; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, He that toucheth any soul of a dead man (that is, as the vulgar Latin rightly expoundeth the meaning of it, Qui tetigerit cadaver hominis, He that toucheth the dead body of any man) shall be unclean seven days. and we shall need no other proof, that the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being put for the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, may signify the dead body of a man: even as the Latin Anima also doth, in that place of the heathen Poet,— n Virgil. Aeneid. 3. animamque sepulchro Condimus. We buried his soul in the grave. The argument therefore drawn from the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, doth no way hinder, that in Act 2.27. Thou wilt not leave my soul, should be interpreted, either Thou wilt not leave me (as in the 31. verse following, where the Greek text saith that his soul was not left, the old Latin hath, He was not left) or, Thou wilt not leave my body. as the Interpreters, writing upon that place, Genes. 46.26. All the souls that came with jacob into Egypt which came out of his loins, do generally expound it, either by a Synecdoche, whereby the one part of the man is put for the whole person (as we may see in the commentaries upon Genesis attributed to Eucherius, lib. 3. cap. 31. Alcuinus in Genes. interrog. 269. Anselmus Laudunensis in the interlineary Gloss, Lyranus and others) or by a Metonymy, whereby that which is contained is put for that which doth contain it; for illustration whereof, S. Augustine very aptly bringeth in this example. o Sicut ergo appellamus Ecclesiam basilicam, quâ continetur populus, qui veré appellatur Ecclesia; ut nomine Ecclesiae, id est, populi qui continetur, significemus locum qui continet: ita quòd animae corporibus continentur, intelligi corpora filio●um per nominatas animas possunt. Sic enim meliùs accipitur etiam illud quod Lex inquinari dicit cum, qui intraverit super animam mortuam, hoc est, super defuncti cadaver; ut nomine animae mortuae, mortuum corpus intelligatur, quod animam continebat: quia & absent populo, id est Ecclesiâ, locus tamen ille nihilominus Ecclesia nun●upatur. Augustin. epist. 157. ad Optat. As we give the name of a Church unto the material building, wherein the people are contained, unto whom the name of the Church doth properly appertain; by the name of the Church, that is, of of the people which are contained, signifying the place which doth contain them: so because the souls are contained in the bodies, by the souls here named the bodies of the sons (of jacob) may be understood. For so may that also be taken, where the Law saith that he is defiled, who shall go in to a dead soul (Levit. 21.11.) that is, to the carcase of a dead man; that by the name of a dead soul, the dead body may be understood which did contain the soul: even as when the people are absent, which be the Church, yet the place nevertheless is still termed the Church. Yea but p Vox 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut supra ostencimus, significat semper infernum, nunquam sepulch●um. At corpus Christi non fuit in inferno: ergo anima ibi fuit. Bellarm. l●b. 4. de Christo, cap. 12. the word Hades (saith Bellarmine) as we have showed, doth always signify Hell, and never the Grave. But the bo●y of Christ was not in Hell: therefore his soul was there. If he had said, that the word Hades did either rarely or never signify the Grave, although he had not therein spoken truly, yet it might have argued a little more modesty in him, and that he had taken some care also, that his latter conceits should hold some better correspondency with his former. For he m●ght have remembered, how in the place unto which he doth refer us, he had said, that q Jd. ibid. cap. 10. the LXXII. Seniors did every where in their translation put Hades in stead of Sheol: which (as he the●e hath told us) is ordinarily taken for the place of souls under the earth, and either rarely or never for the grave. But we have showed not only out of those Dictionaries, unto which the r Consulantur omnia dictionaria. I●id. cap. 12. Cardinal doth refer us (having forgotten first to look into them himself) but by allegation of divers particular instances likewise (unto none of which he hath made any answer) that Hades in the translation of t●e LXXII. Seniors is not rarely, but very usually taken for the place of dead bodies. So for the use of the word Infernus in the Latin translation; Lyranus noteth, that it is s Accipitur Infernus in sc●ipturâ dupliciter. uno modo pro fossâ, ubi ponuntur mortuorum cadavera A●io modo pro loco, ubi descendunt animae damnato●um ad purgandum, & generaliter illorum, qui non admittuntur statim ad gloriam. Lyran. in ●sai. 5. taken in the Scripture, not for the place of the damned only, but also for the pit wherein dead ●ens carcases were laid. And among the Jesuits, Gaspar Sanctius yieldeth for the general, that t Est in Scripturâ frequens infernum pro sepulturâ, atque adeò pro morte sumi. Gosp. S●nct. commentar. in Act. 2. sect. 56. Infernus or Hell is frequently in the Scripture taken for burial: and in particular, Emmanuel Sà confesseth it to be so taken, in Gen. 42.38. 1. Sam. 2.6. job. 7.9. and 21.13. Psalm. 29.4. and 87.4. and 93.17. and 113.17. and 114.3. and 140.7. (according to the Greek division) Prov. 1.12. and 23.14. Ecclesiast. 9.10. Cantic. 8.6. Ecclesiastic. 51.7. Esai. 28.15. and 38.10. Baruch. 2.17. Dan. 3.88. (in the Hymn of the three children) and 2. Maccab. 6.23. in all which places, Hádes being used in the Greek, and Inferi or Infernus in the Latin, it is acknowledged by the u Emm. Sà, Notat. in Scripture. jesuit, that the Grave is meant: which by x Bed. in Psalm. 48. Bede also is termed Infernus exterior, the exterior Hell. So Alcuinus, moving the question, how that speech of jacob should be understood, Genes. 37.35. I will go down to my son mourning into Hell. maketh answer: that y Perturbati & dolentis verba sunt, mala sua etiam hinc exaggerantis. vel etiam inferni nomine sepulchrum significavit, quasi diceret: In luctu maneo donec. me terra suscipiat, sicut illum sepulchrum. Alevin. in Gen. Jnterrog. 256. these be the words of a troubled and grieving man, amplifying his evils even from hence. Or else (saith he) by the name of Hell he signified the Grave: as if he should have said. I remain in sorrow, until the earth do receive me, as the grave hath done him. So Primasius, expounding the place, Hebr. 13.20. z Deus ergo pater eduxit filium suum de mortuis: hoc est, de inferno, vel de sepulchro, juxta quod Psalmista praedixerat: Non dabis sanctum tuum videre corruptionem. Primaes. in Hebr. 13. God the father (saith he) brought his son from the dead, that is to say, from Hell; or from the Grave: according to that which the psalmist had foretold; Thou wilt not suffer thine holy one to see corruption. And Maximus Taurinensis saith, that a Maria Magdalene non leviter fuit objurgata, cur post resurrectionem Dominum quaereret in sepulchro; & non reminiscens verborum ejus, quibus se ab inferis tertiâ die rediturum esse dixerat, putaret eum inferni legibus detineri. Maxim. Taurin. de sepultur. Dom. homil. 4. Mary Magdalene received a reproof, because after the resurrection she sought our Lord in the grave, and not remembering his words, whereby he had said that the third day he would return from hell, she thought him still to be detained by the laws of hell. And therefore (saith he) while b Vnde & illa Maria Magdalene, quae Dominum inter caeteros defunctos in sepulchro quaerebat, arguitur, & dicitur illi: Quid quaeris viventem cum mortuis? hoc est, Quid quaeris apud inferos, quem redijsse jam constat ad superos? Id. de eâd. homil. 3. she did seek the Lord in the grave among the rest of the dead, she is reprehended, and it is said umto her: Why seekest thou him that liveth, among the dead? that is to say, Why seekest thou him among them that are in the infernal parts, who is now known to have returned unto the supernal? c Nam qui eum aut in infernis requirit, aut tumulis, dicitur ei; Quid quaeris viventem cum mortuis? Ibid. For he that seeketh for him either in the infernal places, or in the graves, to him it is said; Why seekest thou him that liveth among the dead? and to the same purpose he applieth those other words of our Saviour unto Mary; Touch me not, for I am not yet ascended unto my Father as if he had said. d Quid me contingere cupis, quae me dum inter tumulos quaeris, adhuc ad Patrem ascendisse non credis: quae dum me inter inferna scrutaris, ad coelestia redijsse diffidis; dum inter mortuos quaeris, vivere cum Deo patre meo non speras? Id. de sepul●ur. Dom. hom. 4. Why dost thou desire to touch me, who while thou seekest me among the graves, dost not as yet believe that I am ascended to my Father: who while thou searchest for me among the infernals, dost distrust that I am returned to the celestials; while thou seekest me among the dead, dost not hope that I do live with my father? Where his Inferi and Inferna, do plainly import no more but tumulos and sepulchra. Hereupon Ruffinus in his exposition of the Creed, having given notice, e Sciendum sané est, quòd in Ecclesiae Romanae Symbolo non habetur additum; Descendit ad inferna: sed neque in Orientis ecclesijs habetur hic sermo. vis tamen verbi eadem videtur esse in eo quod sepultus dicitur. Ruffin. in exposit. Symbol. that in the Symbol of the Church of Rome there is not added, He descended into hell, nor in the Churches of the East neither; adjoineth presently: Yet the force or meaning of the word seemeth to be the same, in that he is said to have been buried. For the terms of burial and descending into hell in the Scripture phrase tend much to the expressing of the self same thing: but that the bare naming of the one doth lead us only to the consideration of the honour of burial, the addition of the other intimateth unto us that which is more dishonourable in it. Thus under the burial of our Saviour may be comprehended his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, his funeration and his interring: which are both of them set down in the end of the 19 chapter of the Gospel according to S. john. the latter in the two last verses, where joseph and Nicodemus are said to have laid him in a new Sepulchre, wherein was never man yet laid: the former in the two verses going before, where it is recorded that they wound his body in linen clothes, with spices, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is the manner of the jews to bury. for to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or funeration belongeth the embalming of the dead body, & all other offices that are performed unto it while it remains above ground. So Gen. 50.2. where the Physicians are said to have imbalmed Israel; the Greek translators render it: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and when Mary poured the precious ointment upon our Saviour; himself interpreteth this to have been done for his f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Matth. ●6. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marc 14.8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. joh. 12.7. funeration or burial. g Mos enim antiquitùs fuit, ut nobilium corpora sepelienda unguentis pretiosis ungerentur, & cum a●omatibus sepelirentur. Euseb. Emiss. homil. Dominic. in Ramis Palmarum. For it was a custom in times past (saith Eusebius, commonly called Emissenus) that the bodies of noble men being to be buried, should first be anointed with precious ointments, and buried with spices. And h Quis nescit sepulchrum mortuo honori esse, non dedecori; & quorundam sceleribus sepulchra negari? Stapleton. Antidote. in 1. Corinth. 15.55. who knoweth not (saith Stapleton) that a sepulchre is an honour to the dead, and not a disgrace? But the mention of Sheol (which hath special relation, as hath been showed, to the disposing of the dead body unto corruption) and so of Hades, Infernus, or Hell, answering thereunto, carrieth us further to the consideration of that which the Apostle calleth the sowing of the body in corruption and dishonour. (1. Corinth. 15.42, 43.) For which, that place in S. Augustine is worth the consideration. i Nónne inferna Christo testimonium perhibuerunt, quando jure suo perdito Lazaru●, quem dissolvendum acceperant, integrum per quatriduum reservaverunt; ut incolumen redderent, cum vocem Domini sui jubentis audirent? O●at. c●ntra judaeos. Pagan. & Arrian cap. 17. tom. 6. Oper. Augustin. Did not the Hells (or, the Grave) give testimony unto Christ, when losing their power, they reserved Lazarus (whom they had received to dissolve) for four days together; that they might restore him safe again, when they did hear the voice of their Lord commanding it? where you may observe an H●ll appointed for the dissolution of dead men's bodies: the descending into which (according to Ruffinus his note) differeth little or nothing from the descending into the Grave. In the thirteenth of the Acts S. Paul preacheth unto the jews, that God raised up his Son from the dead, k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Act. 13 34. not to return now any more unto corruption: and yet presently addeth, that therein was verified that prophecy in the Psalm; l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ibid. vers. 35. ex Psal. 16.10. Thou wilt not suffer thy Holy one to see corruption. implying thereby, that he descended in some sort for a time into corruption, although in that time he did not suffer corruption. And m Ne mireris quomodo descenderit in corruptionem; cujus caro non vidit corruptionem. Descendit quidem in locum co●ruptionis, qui penetravit inferna; sed corruptionem incorruptus exclusit. Ambros. de Virginib. lib. 3. do not wonder (saith S. Ambrose) how he should descend into corruption, whose flesh did not see corruption. He did descend indeed into the place of corruption, who pierced the Hells; but being uncorrupted he shut out corruption. For as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Prophet useth in the Psalm, doth signify as well the pit or place of corruption, as the corruption itself: so also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereby S. Luke doth express the same, is used by the Greek Interpreters of the old Testament to signify not the corruption itself alone, but the very place of it likewise. as where we read in Psalm. 7.15. He is fallen into the pit which he made. and, Psalm. 9.16. The heathen are sunk down in the pit that they made. and, Proverb. 26.27. Who so diggeth a pit, shall fall therein. Aquila in the first place, the Septuagint in the second, Aquila and Symmachus in the third, retain the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, So that our Saviour, descending into Sheol, Hades or Hell, may thus be understood to have descended into corruption, that is to say, into the pit or place of corruption, (as S. Ambrose interpreteth it) although he were free in the mean time from the passion of corruption. And because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hell and Corruption, have reference to the self same thing: therefore doth the Arabic interpreter, * an. 1578. although in the Arabic Testament, printed by Erpenius ann. 1616. the terms be varied: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-hawita being put for Hell, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 phasada for corruption. translated by junius, in Act. 2.31. (or, as the Arabian divideth the book, Act. 4.10.) confound them together, and retain the same word in both the parts of the sentence, after this manner. He was not left in perdition, neither did his flesh see perdition. even as in the 29. Psalm (or the 30. according to the division of the Hebrews) the Arabic readeth, n Psalter. Arabic. edit. Genuae, an. 1516. & Romae, an. 1619. Verúm in duobus meis MSS. exemplarib. habetur hîc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alhalaci, quod perditionem vel interitum notat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-gehim, or Hell, where the Greek hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & the Chaldee paraphrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, the house of the grave. Athanasius in his book of the Incarnation of the Word, written against the Gentiles, observeth that when God threatened our first parents, that whatsoever day they did eat of the forbidden fruit they should die the death; by o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Athanas. de Incarnate. Verbi, tom. 1. Oper. Graecolat. pa. ●9. dying the death he signified, that they should not only die, but also remain in the corruption of death: & that our Saviour coming to p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 54. free us from this corruption, kept his own body uncorrupted, as a pledge and an evidence of the future resurrection of us all. which hath wrought such a contempt of death in his disciples, that (as he addeth afterwards) we may q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. Ib. pag. 59 see men which are by nature weak, leaping or dancing unto death, being not aghast at the corruption thereof, nor fearing the descents into Hell. So the Grecians sing in their Liturgy at this day: r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Graeci in Octoëcho Anastasimo. The corruption-working palace of Hell was dissolved, when thou didst arise out of the Grave, O Lord▪ and again. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cumûlas, in Graecorum Pentecostario. The stone is rolled away, the grave is emptied. Behold corruption is trodden under by life. That which was mortal is saved by the flesh of God. Hell mourneth. For God (saith t Neque nostras animas derelinquet in inferno, nec dabit nos in corruption in perpetuum manner: sed qui illum post diem tertium revocavit ab inferis, & nos revocabit in tempore opportuno; & qui illi donavit, ut non videat caro ejus corruptionem, nobis donabit, non quidem ut non videat caro nostra corruptionem, sed ut liberetur á corruption tempore opportuno. Origen. tractat. 3●. in Matth. cap. 27. Origen) will neither leave our souls in hell, nor suffer us to remain for ever in corruption: but he that recalled him after the third day from hell, will recall us also in fit time; and he who granted unto him, that his flesh should not see corruption, will grant also unto us, that our flesh shall not see corruption, but that in fit time it shall be freed from corruption. Neither is it any whit strange unto them that are conversant in the writings of the ancient Doctors, to hear that our Saviour by his burial descended into Hell, spoilt Hell, and brought away both his own body and the bodies of the Saints from Hell. We find the question moved by Gregory Nyssen, in his sermon upon the Resurrection of Christ; u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. G●eg. Nyss in Pascha & Christi Resurrect. t●m. 2. Oper. Graecolat pag. 823. how our Lord did dispose himself at the same time three manner of ways? both in the heart of the earth, (Matth. 12.40.) and in Paradise with the thief, (Luk. 23.43.) and in the hands of his Father. (Luk. 23.46.) x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. For neither will any man say, (quoth he) that Paradise is in the places under the earth, or the places under the earth in Paradise, that at the same time he might be in both; or that those (infernal) places are called the hand of the Father. Now for the last of these, he saith the case is y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. pag. 825. plain, that being in Paradise he must needs be in his Father's hands also: but the greatest doubt he maketh to be, z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Ibid. pag. 824. how he should at the same time be both in Hades and in Paradise. for with him, the heart of the earth, the places under the earth, and Hades or Hell, are in this question one and the same thing. And his final resolution is, that in this Hell Christ remained with his dead body, when with his soul he brought the thief into the possession of Paradise. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. pag. 825. For by his body (saith he) wherein he sustained not the corruption that followeth upon death, he destroyed him that had the power of death: but by his soul he led the thief into the entrance of Paradise. And these two did work at the self same time, the Godhead accomplishing the good by them both: namely, by the incorruption of the body, the dissolution of death, and by the placing of the soul in his proper seat, the bringing back of men unto Paradise again. The like sentence do we meet withal in the same Father's epistle unto Eustathia, Ambrosia, and Basilissa. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Epist. ad Eustath. ibid. pag. 1093. His body he caused by dispensation to be separated from his soul: but the indivisible deity being once knit with that subject, was neither disjoined from the body, nor the soul. but was with the soul in Paradise, making way by the thief for an entrance unto mankind thither; and with the body in the heart of the earth, destroying him that had the power of death. Wherewith we may compare that place, which we meet withal in the works of S. Gregory Bishop of Neocaesarea: wherein our Saviour is brought in speaking after this manner. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. Neocaesar. serm. in Theophanta, pag. 111. Oper. edit. Mogunt. & inter Opera Chysostomis, tom. 7. edit. Savilian. pag. 660. I must descend into the very bottom of Hell, for the dead that are detay-there. I must by the three days death of my flesh overthrow the power of long continuing death. I must light the lamp of my BODY unto them which sit in darkness and in the shadow of death. and that of S. Chrysostom (who is accounted also to be the author of that other sermon attributed unto S. Gregory:) d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost in Matth. cap. 11. homil. 36. edit. Graec. vel 37. Latin. How were the brazen gates broken, and the iron bars burst? By his BODY. For than appeared first a body immortal, and dissolving the tyranny of death itself: whereby was showed, that the force of death was taken away, not that the sins of those who died before his coming were dissolved. and that which we read in another place of his works: e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 reponendum, ex MS. Constantinopolitano) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Orat. Catechetic. in S. Pascha; tom. 5. oper. Chrysostom. edit. Savilian. pag. 916. & in Graecorum Pentecostario: ubi pro primâ voce 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, rectiùs habetur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He spoiled Hell, descending into Hell: he made it bitter, when it tasted of his flesh. Which Esay understanding before hand, cried out, saying: Hell was made bitter, meeting thee below. (so the Septuagint render the words, Esai. 14.19.) It was made bitter: for it was destroyed. It was made bitter: for it was mocked. It received a BODY, and light upon God: it received Earth, and met with Heaven: it received that which it saw, and fell from that which it did not see. Thus Caesarius expounding the parable, Luk. 13.21. wherein the kingdom of God is likened unto leaven, which a woman took, and hid in three pecks of flower, till all was leavened: saith that f Farinae autem sata tria, primum quidem universa mortalium natura, deinde mors, postea orcus; in quo absconditum per sepulturam divinum corpus, fermentavit omnia in resurrectionem & vitam Caesarius, Dialog. 4. the three pecks of flower are first the whole nature of mankind, than death, and lastly Hell; wherein the divine BODY being hidden by BURIAL, did leaven all unto resurrection and life. Whereupon he bringeth in our Saviour in another place speaking thus. g Idcirco sepeliar, propter eos qui in Orco sunt: idcirco veluti saxum aliquod percutiam illius portas, educens vinctos in fortitudine, quemadmodum inquit Davides servus meus. Id. Dialog 3. I will therefore be buried, for their sakes that be in Hell: I will therefore as it were a stone strike the gates thereof, bringing forth the prisoners in strength, as my servant David hath said. So S. Basil asketh, h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. de Spiritu sancto. cap. 15. How we do accomplish the descent into Hell? and answereth, that we do it in imitating the BURIAL of Christ, in Baptism. For the bodies of those that be baptised, are as it were buried in the water: saith he. S. Hilary maketh mention of Christ's i Et haec vermis, vel non ex conceptu communium originun vivens, vel é profundis terrae vivus emergens, ad significationem assumptae & vivificatae per se etiam ex inferno carnis professus est. Hilar. de Trinitat. lib. 11, flesh quickened out of Hell by himself. and Arator in like manner: * Arator. Histor. Apostolic. lib. 1. Infernum Dominus cum destructurus adiret, Detulit inde suam spoliato funere carnem. When the Lord went to Hell to destroy it, He brought from THENCE his own flesh, spoiling the grave. k Philo. in Cantic. 5.2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. inter fragmenta Eusebij in Cantic. á Men●sio edita pag. 52. Philo Carpathius addeth, that in his grave he spoiled Hell. Whereupon the Emperor Leo in his oration upon the burial of our Saviour, wisheth us to l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Leo Imp. homil. 1. honour it, by adorning ourselves with virtues, and not by putting him in the grave again. For it behoved (saith he) that this should be once done, to the end that Hell might be spoilt: and it was done. And the Grecians retain the commemoration hereof in their Liturgies unto this day: as their Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion do testify; wherein such hymns and prayers as these are frequent. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thou didst receive death in thy flesh, working thereby immortality for us, O Saviour: and didst dwell in the grave, that thou mightest free us from Hell, raising us up together with thyself. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When thou waste put in the tomb as a mortal man, the keepers of Hell gates shaken for fear: for, having overthrown the strength of Death, thou didst exhibit incorruption to all the dead by thy Resurrection. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Although thou didst descend into the grave as a mortal man, o giver of life, yet didst thou dissolve the strength of hell, o Christ, raising up the dead together with thyself, whom it had also swallowed; and didst exhibit the resurrection, as God, unto all that in faith and desire do magnify thee. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thou who by thy three-days burial didst spoil Death, and by thy life-bringing resurrection didst raise up corrupted man (o Christ our God) as a lover of mankind: to thee be glory. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thou who by thy three-days burial didst spoil Hell, and by thy resurrection didst save man; have mercy upon me. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. By thy three-days burial the enemy was spoilt, the dead loosed from the bands of Hell, death deadened, the palaces of hell voided. Therefore in hymns do we honour and magnify thee, o giver of life. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thou wast put in the tomb, being voluntarily made dead; and didst empty all the palaces of hell (o immortal King) raising up the dead with thy Resurrection. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tom. 6. Bibliothec. Pair. edit, an. 1589. col. 128. Thou who spoyledst hell by thy burial, be mindful of me. Hitherto also belongeth that of Prudentius, in his Apotheosis: — tumuloque inferna refringens Regna, resurgentes secum jubet ire sepultos. Coelum habitat, terris intervenit, abdita rumpit Tartara, vera fides, Deus est, qui totus ubique est. where, in saying that our Saviour by his grave did break up the infernal kingdoms, and commanded those that were buried to rise up with him; he hath reference unto that part of the history of the Gospel, wherein it is recorded, that The graves were opened, and many bodies of the Saints which slept arose, and came out of the graves after his resurrection, and went into the holy city, and appeared unto many. (Matth. 27.52, 53.) upon which place S. Hilary writeth thus. u Illuminans enim mortis tenebras, & infernorum obscura collustrans; in sanctorum ad praesens conspicatorum resurrectione mortis ipsius spolia detrahebat. Hilar. in Matth. Canon. 33. Enlightening the darkness of death, and shining in the obscure places of Hell; by the resurrection of the Saints that were seen at the present, he took away the spoils of death itself. To the same effect writeth S. Ambrose also. x Sed nec sepulchrum quidem ejus miraculo caret. Nam cum esset unctus á joseph, & ●n ejus monumento sepultus; novo opere quodam, ipse defunctus defunctorum sepulchra reserabat. Et corpus quidem ejus jacebat in tumulo, ipse autem inter mortuos liber, remissionem in inferno positis, solutâ mortis lege donabat. Erat enim caro ejus in monumento, sed virtus ejus operabatur é coelo. Ambros ●e●●ura. not, ●ap. 5 Neither did his sepulchre want a miracle. For when he was anointed by joseph, and buried in his tomb; by a new kind of work, he that was dead himself did open the sepulchers of the dead. His body indeed did lie in the grave; but he himself being free among the dead, did give liberty unto them that were placed in Hell, dissolving the law of death. For his flesh was in the tomb, but his power did work from heaven. which may be a sufficient commentary upon that sentence, which we read in the Exposition of the Creed attributed unto S. Chrysostom. y Descendit ad infernum, ut & ibi á miraculo non vacaret. Nam multa corpora sanctorum resurrexerunt cum Christo. Homil. 2. in Symbol. tom. 5. Latin. Oper. Chrysostom. He descended into Hell, that there also he might not want a miracle. For many bodies of the Saints arose with Christ. namely, z Reddunt inferi corpora rediviva sanctorum: & in occur●um authoris inferos penetrantis, temporalem accipiunt beatae animae commeatum Homil. 4 de P●oditore, & Pass. Dominic. tom. ●. Latin. Oper Chrysost. HELL rendering up the BODIES of the Saints alive again: as either the same, or another author that goeth under the like name of Chrysostom, doth elsewhere directly affirm. which is a further confirmation of that which we have heard delivered by Ruffinus, touching the exposition of the article of the Descent into Hell; that the substance thereof seemeth to be the same with that of the Burial. for what other Hell can we imagine it to be but the Grave, that thus receiveth and giveth up the bodies of men departed this life? And hitherto also may be referred that famous saying, of Christ's descending alone & ascending with a multitude: which we meet withal in four several places of antiquity. First, in the h●ads of the sermon of Thaddaeus, as they are reported by Eusebius out of the Syriack records of the city of Edessa. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thaddaeus, ●pud Euseb. lib. 1. histor. Ecclesiast. ca ult He was crucified, and descended into Hades or Hell, and broke the rampiere never broken before since the beginning; and rose again, and raised up with him those dead, that had slept from the beginning: and descended alone, but ascended to his Father with a great multitude. Secondly, in the epistle of Ignatius unto the Trallians. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ignat. epist. 2. ad Trallian. He was truly, and not in opinion, crucified, and died; those that were in heaven, and in earth, and under the earth, beholding him. those in heaven, as the incorporeal natures. those in earth, to wit the jews and the Romans, and such men as were present at that time, when the Lord was crucified. those under the earth, as the multitude that rose up together with the Lord: for many bodies (saith he) of the Saints which slept arose, the graves being opened. And he descended into Hades or Hell alone, but returned with a multitude, and broke the rampiere that had stood from the beginning, and overthrew the partition thereof. Thirdly, in the disputation of Macarius Bishop of jerusalem, in the first general Council of Nice. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Macar. Hierosolymit. apud Gelasium Cyzicen. in Act. Concil. Nicaen. lib. 1. ca 23. al. 24. After death we were carried into Hades or Hell. Christ took upon him this also, and descended voluntarily into it; he was not detained as we, but descended only. For he was not subjected unto death, but was the Lord of death. And descending alone, he returned with a multitude. For he was that spiritual grain of wheat, falling for us into the earth, and dying in the flesh; who by the power of his godhead raised up the temple of his body, according to the Scriptures, which brought forth for fruit the Resurrection of all mankind. Fourthly, in the Catechises of Cyrill Bishop of jerusalem: whose words are these. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyrill. Hierosol cateches. 14. I believe that Christ was raised from the dead. For of this I have many witnesses, both out of the divine scriptures, & from the witness and operation even unto this day of him that rose again: of him (I say) that descended into Hades or Hell alone, but ascended with many. For he did descend unto death; & many bodies of the Saints that slept were raised by him. which resurrection he seemeth afterward to make common unto all the Saints that died before our Saviour. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. All the righteous men (saith he) were delivered, whom death had devoured. For it became the proclaimed King, to be the deliverer of those good proclaimers of him. Then did every one of the righteous say: O death where is thy victory? o Hell, where is thy sting? for the conqueror hath delivered us. wherewith we may compare that saying of S. Chrysostom. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ch●ysost. in Matth 27. homil. 88 edit. Graec. vel 89. Latin ubi tamen Interpres vertit: Multo majus profectò est multos jam olim mortuos in vitam reduxisse. If it were a great matter, that Lazarus being four days dead should come forth: much more, that all they who were dead of old should appear together alive. which was a sign of the future resurrection. For many bodies of the Saints which slept arose; saith the text. and these articles of the Confession of the Armenians. g Ergo & in sepulcrum quoad corpus, quod mo●tuum erat, descendit: juxta veró divinitatem, quae vivebat, infernu● intereà devicit. Te●tio die resurrexit: sed & animas fidelium secum unâ suscitavit; & dedit spem corporibus etiam á morte resurgendi sib similiter in secundo adventu Con●ess. A●men. artic. ●22. 123.124. According to his body, which was dead, he descended into the grave: but according to his divinity, which did live, he over came Hell in the mean time. The third day he rose again: but withal rays●d up the souls (or persons) of the faithful together with him; and gave hope thereby, that our bodies also should rise again like unto him at his second coming. Of those who arose with our Saviour from the Grave, or (as anciently they used to speak) from Hell; two there be whom the Fathers nominate in particular: Adam and job. Of job, S. Ambrose writeth in this manner. h Audito igitur quod locutus esset in eo Deus, & cognito per Spiritum sanctum quòd filius Dei non solùm veni●et in terras, sed etiam descensurus esset ad inferos, ut mortuos refuscitaret, (quod tunc quidem factum est ad testimonium praesentium, & exemplum futurorum) conversus ad Dominum ait: utinam in inferno conservares, absconderes autem me donec desinat ira tua, & statuas mihi tempus in quo memoriam mei facias. Am●ros. de Int●rpellatio●●, lib. 1. cap. 8. Having heard what God had spoken in him, and having understood by the holy Ghost, that the Son of God was not only to come into the earth, but that he was also to descend into Hell to that he might raise up the dead, (which was then done, for a testimony of the present, and an example of the future:) he turned himself unto the Lord and said: O that thou wouldst keep me in Hell, that thou wouldst hide me until thy wrath be past, and that thou wouldst appoint me a time in which thou wouldst remember me. (job. 14.13.) in which words he affirmeth that job did prophesy, i Quòd in passione Domini resuscitandus foret; sicut in fine hujus libri testatur. Ibid. that he should be raised up at the passion of our Lord; as in the end of this book, saith he, he doth testify. meaning the apocryphal Appendix, which is annexed to the end of the Greek edition of job: wherein we read thus. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Append. ad job. It is written, that he should rise again, with those whom the Lord was to raise. which although it be accounted to have proceeded from the Septuagint; yet the thing itself showeth, that it was added by some that lived after the coming of our Saviour Christ. Touching Adam, S. Augustine affirmeth that l Et de illo quidem primo homine patre generis humani, quòd eum ibidem solverit, Ecclesia feré tota consentit: quod eam non inaniter credidisse credendum est, undecunque hoc traditum sit, etiamsi canonicarum scripturarum hinc expressa non proferatur authoritas. Aug. epist. 99 the whole Church almost did consent, that Christ loosed him in Hell. which we are to believe (saith he) that she did not vainly believe, whencesoever this tradition came; although no express authority of the Canonical Scriptures be produced for it. The only place which he could think off that seemed to look this way, was that in the beginning of the tenth Chapter of the book of Wisdom: She kept him who was the first form father of the world, when he was created alone, and brought him out of his sin. which would be much more pertinent to the purpose, if that were added, which presently followeth in the m In Biblijs Regijs, edit. Antuerp. an. 1572 & magnis Latinis Biblijs edit Venet. an. 1588. ubi in hanc particulam habentur notae Glossae interlinealis & Nic. Lyrani. Latin text (I mean in the old edition: for the new corrected ones have left it out) Et eduxit illum de limo terrae, and brought him out of the clay of the earth. which being placed after the bringing of him out of his sin, may seem to have reference unto some deliverance (like that of david's, Psalm. 40 2. He brought me up out of the horrible pit, out of the mirye clay) rather then unto his first creation out of the dust of the earth. So limus terrae may here answer well unto the Arabians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 al-tharai: which properly signifying moist earth or slime or clay, is by the Arabic interpreter of Moses used to express the Hebrew n Fr. Rapheleng in Lexico Arabico, pag 53. & 55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sepulcrum, infernus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Malé: inquit Erpenius, in observation. ad hunc locum. significat terram humidam. Verúm Raphelengium ab hâc reprehensione vindicat Arabs Pentateuchi interpres ab ipso Erpenio editus: qui Sheol vertit Tharai, Genes. 37.35. & 44.29, 31. item Num. 16.30, 33. & Deut. 32.22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we translate Hell or Grave. And as this place in the book of Wisdom may be thus applied unto the raising of Adam's body out of the earth wherein he lay buried: so may that other tradition also, which was so currant in the Church, be referred unto the self same thing; even to the bringing of Adam out of the Hell of the Grave. The very Liturgies of the Church do lead us unto this interpretation of the tradition of the Church: beside the testimony of the Fathers, which discover unto us the first ground and foundation of this tradition. In the Liturgy of the Church of Alexandria, ascribed to S. Mark, our Saviour Christ is thus called upon. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marc. Liturg. O most great King, and coëternall to the Father, who by thy might didst spoil Hell, and tread down death, and bind the strong one, and raise Adam out of the grave by thy divine power and the bright splendour of thine unspeakable Godhead. In the Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople translated into Latin by Leo Thus●us, the like speech is used of him. p Crucem sponte pro nobis subijt, per quam resuscitavit protoplastum, & á morte animas nostras salvavit. Chrysost. Liturg. Latin. He did voluntarily undergo the Cross for us, by which he raised up the first form man, and saved our souls from death. And in the Octoëchon Anastasimon and Pentecostarion of the Grecians at this day, such sayings as these are very usual. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nou. Autholog. Graec. edit. Romae, an. 1598. pa. 23. b Thou didst undergo burial, and rise in glory, and raise up Adam together with thee, by thy almighty hand. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. fin. pa. 239. Rising out of thy tomb, thou didst raise up the dead, and break the po●er of death, and raise up Adam. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 262. b. Having slept in the flesh as a mortal man, o King and Lord, the third day thou didst arise again; raising Adam from corruption, and abolishing death. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. pag. 278. b. jesus the deliverer, who raised up Adam of his compassion, etc. Therefore doth Theodorus Prodromus begin his Tetrastich upon our Saviors Resurrection with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rise up, thou first form old man, rise up from thy grave. S. Ambrose pointeth to the ground of the tradition, when he intimateth that Christ suffered in u Quam suscepit in Golgothâ Christus, ubi Adae sepulchrum, ut illum mortuum in suâ cruce resuscitaret. Vbi ergo in Adam mors omnium, ibi i● Christo omnium resurrectio. Ambros. lib. 5. epist. 19 Golgotha, where Adam's sepulchre was, that by his Cross he might raise him that was dead; that where in Adam the death of all men lay, therein Christ might be the resurrection of all. Which he received (as he did many other things beside) from Origen: who writeth thus of the matter. x Venit ad me traditio quaedam talis, quòd corpus Adae primi hominis ibi sepultum est ubi crucifixus est Christus: ut sicut in Adam omnes moriuntur, sic in Christo omnes vivificentur; ut in loco illo qui dicitur Calvariae locus, id est locus capitis, caput humani generis resurrectionem inveniat cum populo universo per resurrectionem Domini Salvatoris, qui ibi passus est, & resurrexit. Inconveniens enim erat, ut cum multi ex eo nati remissionem acciperent peccatorum, & beneficium resurrectionis consequerentur; non magis ipse pater omnium hominum hujusmodi gratiam consequeretur. Origen. in tractat. 35. in Matth. cap. 27. There came unto me some such tradition as this, that the body of Adam the first man mas buried there, where Christ was crucified: that as in Adam all do die, so in Christ all might be made alive; that in the place which is called the place of Calvarie, that is, the place of the head, the head of mankind might find resurrection with all the rest of the people, by the resurrection of our Lord and Saviour, who suffered there and rose again. For it was unfit, that when many which were borne of him did receive forgiveness of their sins and obtain the benefit of Resurrection, he who was the father of all men should not much more obtain the like grace. Athanasius, (or who ever else was author of the Discourse upon the Passion of our Lord, which beareth his name) referreth this tradition of Adam's burial place unto the report of the y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. in passion. & crucem Domini. Doctors of the Hebrews (from whom belike he thought that Origen had received it) and addeth withal, that it was very fit, that where it was said to Adam, Earth thou art and to earth thou shalt return; our Saviour finding him there, should say unto him again. Arise thou that sleepest, and stand up from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light. z Epiphan. cont. Tatian. haeres. 46. Vide etiam Paulae & Eusto●hij epist. ad Marcellami, tomo ●. oper. Hieronymi, epist. 17. Epiphanius goeth a little furthet, and findeth out a mystery in the water and blood that fell from the Cross upon the relics of our first father lying buried under it: applying thereunto both that in the Gospel, of the arising of many of the Saints, Matth. 27.52. and that other place in S. Paul, Arise thou that sleepest, etc. Ephes. 5.14. which strange speculation, with what great applause it was received by the multitude at the first delivery of it, and for how little reason: he that list may read in the fourth book of S. Hieroms commentaries, upon the 27. of S. Matthew, & in his third upon the fifth to the Ephesians, for upon this first point, of Christ's descent into the Hell of the grave, and the bringing of Adam and his children with him from thence, we have dwelled too long already. In the second place therefore we are now to consider, that as Hádes and Inferi, (which we call Hell) are applied by the Interpreters of the holy Scripture, to denote the place of bodies separated from their souls: so with foreign authors (in whose language, as being that wherewith the common people was acquainted, the Church also did use to speak) the same terms do signify ordinarily the common lodge of souls separated from their bodies, whether the particular place assigned unto each of them be conceived to be an habitation of bliss or of misery. For as when the Grave is said to be the common receptacle of dead bodies, it is not meant thereby that all dead carcases are heaped together promiscuously in one certain pit: so when the Heathen write that all the souls of the dead go to Hades, their meaning is not, that they are all shut up together in one and the self same room: but in general only they understand thereby the translation of them into the other world, the extreme parts whereof the Poet's place as far asunder as we do Heaven and Hell. And this opinion of theirs S. Ambrose doth well like off ( a Atque utinam non superflua his & inutilia miscuissent. Ambros. de bono mortis, cap. 10. wishing that they had not mingled other superfluous and unprofitable conceits therewith) b Satis fuerat dixisse illis, quòd liberatae animae de corporibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 peterent, id est, locum qui non videtur. Quem locum Latiné infernum dicimus Jbid. that souls departed from their bodies did go to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, to a place which is not seen: which place (saith he) we in Latin call Infernus. So likewise saith S. Chrysostom. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in 2. Corinth. homil. 9 The Grecians, and Barbarians, and Poets, and Philosophers, and all mankind do herein consent with us, although not all alike; and say that there be certain seats of judgement in Hádes: so manifest and so confessed a thing is this. and again. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysostom. de fato & providentiâ, orat. 4. tom. 6. edit. Savil. pa. 874. The Grecians were foolish in many things; yet did they not resist the truth of this doctrine. If therefore thou wilt follow them, they have granted that there is a certain life after this, & accounts, and seats of judgement in Hádes, and punishments, and honours, and sentences, judgements. And if thou shalt ask the jews, or heretics, or any man; he will reverence the truth of this doctrine: & although they differ in other things, yet in this do they all agree and say, that there are accounts to be made there of the things that be done here. Only among the Iwes, the Sadducees, which e Act. 23 8. say that there is no resurrection, neither Angel, nor Spirit; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, take away the punishments, and honours that are in Hádes: as is noted by f joseph de Bello judaic. lib. 2. cap. 12. circa finem. josephus. For which wicked doctrine they were condemned by the other sects of the jews: who generally acknowledged, that there was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Olam hanneshamoth (for so do they in their language until this day call that, g ●lia● Levita in Tis●hbi, verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which josephus in Greek termeth Hades) that is to say, the world of spirits; into which they held that the souls were translated presently after death, and there received their several judgements. The same thing doth Theodoret suppose to be signified by that phrase of being gathered to one's people, which is so usual in the word of God. For it being said of jacob, before he was buried, that he gave up the ghost, and was gathered unto his people, Genes. 49.33. Theodoret observeth, that Moses h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●heodoret. in Genes. quaest. 109. by these words did closely intimate the hope of the resurrection. For if men (saith he) had been wholly extinguished, and did not pass unto another life; he would not have said, He was gathered to his people. So likewise where it is distinctly noted of Abraham, Genes. 25.8, 9 first, that he gave up the ghost and died, then, that he was gathered to his people, and lastly, that his sons buried him: Cardinal i Caietan. on Genes. 25. Cajetan and the jesuit k Lorin. in Act. 13.36. Lorinus interpret the first de compositi totius dissolutione, of the dissolution of the parts of the wholeman, consisting of body and soul; the second of the state of the soul separated from the body, and the third of the disposing of the body parted from the soul. Thus the Scriptures speech of being gathered to our people should be answerable in meaning to the phrase used by the heathen of descending into Hell or going to Hades: which, as l Syn●s. epist. 4. Synesius noteth out of Homer, was by them opposed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to a most absolute extinguishment as well of the soul as of the body. And forasmuch as by that term, the immortality of the soul was commonly signified: therefore doth Plato in his Phaedo disputing of that argument, make this the state of his question; m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plat. Phaedoa. pag. 81. edit. Graecolatin. an. 1590. Whether the souls of men deceased be in Hades or no? and our Ecclesiastical writers also do from thence sometimes fetch a difference betwixt Death and Hades. n Comperies aliquod esse inferni & mortis discrimen: videlicèt quòd animas infernus contineat, mors veró corpora. Nam immortales sunt animae. Theophylact. in 1. Corinth. 15. You shall find, saith Theophylact, that there is some difference betwixt Hades and Death: namely that Hades containeth the souls, but Death the bodies. For the souls are immortal. The same we read in o Hoc differunt mors & infernus: quòd illa corpora, hîc animas detineat. Nicet. in Gregor. Nazianz. orat 42. Nicetas Serronius his exposition of Gregory Nazianzens second Paschall oration. Andrea's Caesareensis doth thus express the difference. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Andr. Caesareens. in Apocalyps. commentar. cap. 64. edit. Graec. 63. Latin. Death is the separation of the soul and the body. But Hades. is a place to us invisible or unseen and unknown, which receiveth our souls when they depart from hence. The ordinary Gloss, following S. Hierome upon the thirteenth of Hosea, thus. q Mors est, quâ separatur anima á corpore. Infernus est locus ubi recluduntur animae, vel ad refrigerium, vel ad poenam. Strabus in Gloss. ordinar. ●n Hieronym. lib. 3. in Ose. cap. 13. Death is that, whereby the soul is separated from the body. Hell is that place, wherein the souls are included, either for comfort or for pain. The r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Nicet init. Historiae. soul goeth to Hádes, saith Nicetas Choniates in the Prooeme of his History: but the body returneth again into those things, of which it was composed. Caius, (or who ever else was the author of that ancient fragment, which we formerly signified to have been falsely fathered upon josephus) holdeth that s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Caius, in fragmento de Caussâ sive essentiâ Vniversi: de quo suprà, pag. 222. in Hades, the souls both of the righteous and unrighteous are contained: t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. but that the righteous are led to the right hand by the Angels that await them there, and brought unto a lightsome region, wherein the righteous men that have been from the beginning do dwell (and this we call Abraham's b●some: saith he) whereas the wicked are drawn toward the left hand by the punishing Angels, not going willingly, but drawn as prisoners by violence. Where you may observe how he frameth his description of Hades, according to that model wherewith the Poets had before possessed men's minds. u Virgil A●neid. 6. conferend. cum Platonis narratione lib. 10. de Republ. paulò pòst citandâ Dextera, quae Ditis magni sub moenia tendit, Hâc iter Elysium nobis: at laeva malorum Exercet poenas, & ad impia tartara mittit. The right hand path goth underneath the walls of Pluto deep; That way we must, if paths to Paradise we think to keep: The left hand leads to pain, and men to Tartarus doth send. For x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Io. Tzetz. in Hesiodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as We do allot unto good men a resting place in Paradise; so the greeks do assign unto their Heroës' the Fortunate Islands, and the Elysian fields: saith Tzetzes. And as the Scripture borroweth the term of y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. Pet. 2.4. Tartarus from the Heathen: so is it thought by z Tertullian. Apologetic. cap. 47. Tertullian and a Greg. Nazianz. orat. 20 in laud. Basilij. Gregory Nazianzen that the Heathen took the ground of their Elysian fields from the Scriptures Paradise. To heap up many testimonies out of the Heathen authors, to prove that in their understanding all souls went to Hades, and received there either punishment or reward according to the life that they led in this world; would be but a needless work: seeing none that hath read any thing in their writings can be ignorant thereof. If any man desire to inform himself herein, he may repair to plutarchs consolatory discourse written to Apollonius: where he shall find the testimonies of Pindarus and many others alleged, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, touching the state of the godly in Hades. Their common opinion is sufficiently expressed in that sentence of Diphilus, the old Comical Poet. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. D●phil. apud Clement. Alexandr. lib. 5. Stromat, ind●que apud Euseb. Praeparat. Euangeli●. lib. 13. pag. 400. edit Grae●. & Theodoret. in Therapeutic. ad Graec. lib. 8. pag. 88.89. who commendeth this for true, philosophy indeed. In Hades we resolve there are two paths: the one whereof is the way of the righteous, the other of the wicked. But as in this general they agreed together both among themselves and with the truth: so touching the particular situation of this Hádes, and the special places whereunto these two sorts of souls were disposed, and the state of things there, a number of ridiculous fictions and fond conceits are to be found among them; wherein they dissented as much from one another, as they did from the truth itself. So we see, for example, * Vid. Tertullian. de Animâ cap. 54.55. & Macrob. in Somn. Scipionis. lib. 1. cap. 9.10.11.12. that the best souls are placed by some of them in the company of their Gods in heaven, by others in the Galaxias or milky circle, by others beyond the Ocean, and by others under the earth: c Antholog. lib. 1. cap. 37. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, yet one Hádes notwithstanding was commonly thought to have received them all. Plato relateth this, as a sentence delivered by them who were the first maintainers of the Grecian Mysteries: d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plat. Phaedon. pag. 380. f. & 386. a. Whosoever goeth to Hádes not initiated and not cleansed, shall lie in the mire; but he that cometh thither, purged and initiated, shall dwell with the Gods. So Zoroaster the great father of the Magis in the East, is said to have used this entrance into his discourse touching the things of the other world. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zoroaster. apud. Clement. Alexandr. lib. 5. Stromat. indeque apud Euseb. Praeparat. Euangel. lib. 13. 39●. These things wrote Zoroaster, the son of Armenius, by race a Pamphylian, having been dead in the war, which I learned of the Gods, being in Hades. as Clemens Alexandrinus relateth in the fifth book of his Stromata: where he also noteth, that this Zoroaster is that Er the son of Armenius, a Pamphylian, of whom Plato writeth in the tenth book of his Commonwealth; that being slain in the war he revived the twelfth day after, and was sent back as a messenger to report unto men here the things which he had heard and seen in the other world one part of whose relation was this: that he saw certain f Plato, lib. 10. de Republ. pag. pag. 518. gulfs beneath in the earth, and above in the heaven, opposite one to the other; and that the just were commanded by the judges that sat betwixt those gulfs, to go to the right hand up toward Heaven, but the wicked to the left hand and downward. which testimony g Euseb. Praeparat. Euangel. lib. 11. pag. 330. Eusebius bringeth in, among many others, to show the consent that is betwixt Plato and the Hebrews in matters that concern the state of the world to come. Next to Zoroaster cometh Pythagoras: whose golden verses are concluded with this distich. h Phytag●r●aur. Ca●m. cum commentar. H●er●cli●▪ pag 310. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉· When thou shalt leave the body, and come unto a free heaven; thou shalt be an immortal God, incorruptible, and not subject to mortality any more. So Epicharmus the scholar of Pythagoras: i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epicharm. apud Clement. Alexandr. lib. 4. stro●●. If thou be godly in mind, thou shalt suffer no evil when thou art dead; thy spirit shall remain above in heaven. and Pindarus: k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pindar. ibid. & apud Theodore●. in Therapeutic. ad Grae●os, lib. 8. The souls of the ungodly fly under the heaven (or under the earth) in cruel torments, under the unavoidable yokes of evils. but the souls of the godly, dwelling in heaven, do praise that great blessed one with songs and hymns. Ci●ero in his Tusculan questions allegeth the testimony of l Romulus in co●lo cum dijs agit aevum: ut famae assentiens dixit Ennius. Cic Tus●ul. quaest. lib. 1. Ennius, approving the common fame, that Romulus did lead his life in heaven with the Gods. and in the sixth book of his Commonwealth, he bringeth in Scipio teaching that m Omnibus, qui patriam conseruârint, adjuverint, auxerint, certum esse in coelo ac definitum locum, ubi beati aevo sempiterno fruantur. Id. in Som●o Scipionis. unto all them which preserve, assist, and enlarge their country, there is a certain place appointed in heav●n, where they shall live blessed world without end. n Ea vita, via est in coelum, & in hunc coetum eorum, qui jam vixerunt, & corpore laxati, illum incolunt locum quem vides (erat autem is splendidissimo candore inter flammas elucens circulus) quem vos, ut á Graijs accepistis, orbem lacteum nuncupatis Ibid. Such a life (saith he) is the way to heaven, and into the company of these, who having lived and are now loosed from their body, do inhabit that place which thou seest, p●inting to the Galaxiaes or milky circle. whereof we read thus also in o Manil. lib. 1. Astronom. Manilius: An fortes animae, dignatque nomina coelo Corporibus resoluta suis, terraeque remissa; Huc migrant ex orbe, suumque habitantia coelum, Aethereos vivunt annos, mundoque fruuntur? With Damascius the philosopher of Damascus, this circle p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Damasc. is the way of the souls that go to the Hades in heaven. Against whom johannes Philoponus doth reason thus, from the etymology of the word. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Philopon in 1. Mettor. fol. 104. b. If they pass through the Galaxias or milky circle; then this should be that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Hades that is in heaven: and how can that be Hades, which is so lightsome? To which, they that maintained the other opinion, would peradventure oppose that other common derivation of the word from the Doric 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifieth to please or to delight; or that which r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Socrat. apud Platonem in Cra●ylo. pag 265. Plato doth deliver in the name of Socrates, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from seeing or knowing all good things. For, there did Socrates look to find such things: as appeareth by that speech which Plato in his Dialogue of the Soul maketh him to use the same day that he was to depart out of this life. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. apud. eund. in Phaedone. pag. 385. g. The soul, being an invisible thing, goeth hence into such another noble and pure and invisible place; to Hades, in truth, unto the good and wise God: whither, if God will, my soul must presently go. which place is alleged by t Euseb. Praepar. Euangel. lib. 11. pag. 325. Eusebius, to prove that u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 323. in the things which concern the immortality of the soul, Plato doth differ in opinion nothing from Moses. The tale also which Socrates there telleth of the x Plat. Phaedon. pag. 39●. 399. pure land seated above in the pure heaven, though it have a number of toys added to it (as tales use to have) yet the foundation thereof both Eusebius and Origen do judge to have been taken from the speeches of the Prophets touching the land of promise and the heavenly Canaan: and for the rest, Origen referreth us to Plato's interpreters, affirming that y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origen lib 7. contra Celsum, pag. 362. they who handle his writings more gravely, do expound this tale of his by way of allegory. Such another tale doth the same philosopher relate in the Dialogue which he entitleth Gorgias: showing, that z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plato, in Gorg. pag. 312. c. among men he that leadeth his life righteously and holily, shall when he is dead go unto the Fortunate Lands, and dwell in all happiness, free from evils. but he that leadeth it unrighteously and impiously, shall go unto the prison of punishment and just revenge, which they call Tartarus. which Theodoret bringeth in, to prove that a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theodoret. Therapeutic. ad Graec. lib. 11. pag. 155. Plato did exactly believe that there were judgements to pass upon men in Hades. For being conversant with the Hebrews (saith he) in Egypt, he heard without doubt the oracles of the Prophets: and b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 166. taking some things from thence, and mingling other things therewith out of the fables of the greeks, made up his discourses of these things. Among which mixtures, that which he hath of the Fortunate Lands, is reckoned by c Ibid. pag. 157. Theodoret for one: whereof you may read in d Hesiod. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hesiod, e Pindar. Olymp. Od. 2. Pindarus, f Diodor. Bibliothec. lib. 3. Diodorus Siculus, g Plutarch. in vitâ Serlorij. Plutarch, and h joseph. de bello judaico, lib. 2. cap. 12. pag. 730. edit. Graec. josephus also; who treating of the divers sects that were among the jews, showeth that the Essenes' borrowed this opinion (of the placing of good men's souls in a certain pleasant habitation beyond the Ocean) from the Grecians. But the Pharisees (as he noteth i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Jd. lib. 18. Antiquit. cap. 2. pag. 548. elsewhere) held that the place, wherein both rewards were given to the good and punishments to the wicked, was under the earth: which as k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen cont●a Celsum, lib. 5 pag. 267. Origen doth declare to have been the common opinion of the jews, so doth Lucian show that it was the more vulgar opinion among the Grecians. For among them l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lucian. de luctu. the common multitude, whom wise men (saith he) call simple people, being persuaded of these things by Homer and Hesiod and such other fabulous authors, and receiving their Poems for a law; took HADES to be a certain deep place under the earth. The first original of which conceit is by Cicero derived from hence. m In terram enim cadentibus corporibus, hisque humo tectis, ex quo dictum est humari; sub terrâ censebant reliquam vitam agi mortuorum. quam ●orum opinionem magni errores consecuti sunt: quos auxerunt Poëtae. Cic. Tuscul. quaest. lib. 1. The bodies falling into the ground, and being covered with earth, (whence they are said to be interred) men thought that the rest of the life of the dead was led under the earth, upon which opinion of theirs (saith he) great errors did ensue: which were increased by the Poës. Others do imagine, that the Poets herein had some relation to the n Hera●lid Pontic de Allegor. Homer. Servius, in Virgil. Ae●e●d. lib. 6. spherical situation of the world: for the better understanding whereof, these particulars following would be considered by them that have some knowledge in this kind of learning. First, the material Spheres in ancient time were not made movable in their sockets, as they are now, that they might be set to any elevation of the Pole: but were o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. G●minus, in Phaenomen. cap. 13. fixed to the elevation of XXXVI. degrees; which was the height of the Rhodian climate. Secondly, the Horizon which divided this Sphere through the middle, and separated the visible part of the world from the invisible, was commonly esteemed the utmost bound of the earth: so that whatsoever was under that horizon, was accounted to be under the earth. for neither the common people, nor yet some of the learned Doctros of the Church (as p Lactant Institut. lib. 3. cap. 23. Lactantius, q Augustin. de Civit. De●. lib. 16. cap. 9 S. Augustine, r Procop. in Genes. cap. 1. Procopius, and others) could be induced to believe that which our daily navigations find now to be most certain; that there should be another southern hemisphere of the earth, inhabited by any Antipodes, that did walk with their feet just opposite unto ours. Thirdly, the great Ocean was supposed to be the thing in nature which was answerable to this horizon in the Sphere. Therefore it is observed by s Strabo, Geograph. lib. 1. ad quem doctiss. Casauhonus hane ex Grammaticis Oceani definitionem producit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Strabo that Homer, and by t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theon in Arat. pag. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 59 edit. Paris. Theon, u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ach●l. Stat. in Ar●●. pag. 93 ●dit. Florentin. ubi etiam alius scholiastes, pag. 115. de horizonte similiter notat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Achilles Statius, and others that Aratus and the rest of the Poets do put the Ocean for the Horizon: and thereupon where the astronomers say that the Sun or the stars at their setting, go under the horizon the common phrase of the Poets is, that they do tingere se Oceano, dive themselves into the Ocean. for as they took the Earth to be but half a globe, and not a whole one: so they imagined that demye globe to be as it were a great mountain or Island seated in, and environed round about with the Ocean. Thus the author of the book de Mundo, affirmeth that x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Aristot. de Mundo, cap. 3. the whole world is one Island, compassed about with the Atlantic sea: and Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the beginning of his Geography, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. wherein he followed Eratosthenes, as his expositor Eustathius there noteth: who compareth also with this, that place of Orpheus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. whereunto answereth that of y Citat ab Arati scholiaste, edit. cum Hipparcho, Florent. an. 1567. pag. 115. Euphorion, or (as z Achil. Stat. in Arateis, ibid. pag 93. Achilles Statius citeth it) of Neoptolemus Parianus in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And this opinion of theirs the Fathers of the Church did the more readily entertain: because they thought it had ground from * Vid. Augustin. Quaest 132. in Genesim. Psalm. 24.2. and 136.6. and such other testimonies of holy Scripture. a Quòd autem universa terra in aquis subsistat, nec ulla sit pars ejus, quae infra nos sita est, aquis vacua & denudata, omnibus notum reor. Nam sic docet Scriptura: Qui expandit terram super aquas. Et iterùm: Quia ipse super maria fundavit eam, & super flumina praeparavit eam. etc. Nec decet ut credamus aliquam terram infra nos coli nostro orbi oppositam. Procop. in Genes. cap. 1. That the whole earth (saith Procopius Gazaeus) doth subsist in the waters, and that there is no part of it which is situated under us void and cleared of waters; I suppose it be known unto all. For so doth the Scripture teach: Who stretcheth out the earth upon the waters. and again: He hath founded it upon the seas, and prepared it upon the floods. Neither is it fit we should believe, that any earth under us is inhabited, opposite unto our part of the world. The same collection is made by S. b Hilari. in Psalm. 2. Hilary, c Chrysostom. in Genes. cap. 2. homil. 12. Chrysostom, d Caesar. Dialog. 1. Caesarius, and others. Fourthly, it was thought by the ancient heathen, that the Ocean (supplying the place of the Horizon) did e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Proclus Diadoch. in Hesiodi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ab Hugone Sanfordo citatus; qui complura Veterum testimonia huc facientia diligenter congessit. separate the visible world from the kingdom of Hades: and therefore that such as went to Hádes (or the world invisible to us) must first pass the Ocean. and that the pole Antarctick was seen by them there, as the Arctic or North pole is by us here: according to that of Virgil in his Georgics, Hic vertex nobis semper sublimis: at illum Sub pedibus Styx atra videt, manesque profundi. Fiftly, as they held that Hades was for situation placed from the centre of the earth downward; so betwixt the beginning and the lowest part thereof they imagined as great a space to be interjected, as there is betwixt Heaven and Earth. So saith Apollodorus of Tartarus, the dungeon of torment. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Apollodor. Bibliothec. lib. 1. This is a dark place in Hades, having as great a distance from the earth, as the earth from the heaven. and Hesiod in his Theogonia (agreably to that which before we heard from Homer) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. It is as far beneath the earth, as heaven is from the earth: for thus equal is the distance from the earth unto dark Tartarus. whereunto that of Virgil may be added, in the ●ixt of the Aeneids: — tum Tartarus ipse Bis patet in praeceps tantum tenditque sub umbras, Quantus ad aethereum coeli suspectus Olympum. — then Tartarus itself, that sinkehole steep Two times as low descends, two times as headlong downright deep As heaven upright ●s high. that, see how hie the heaven is over us, when we look upward to it; the downright distance from thence to Tartarus, should be twice as deep again. for so we must conceive the Poet's meaning to be: if we will make him to accord with the rest of his fellows. These observations, I doubt not, will be censured by many to savour of a needless and fruitless curiosity: but the intelligent reader for all that will easily discern, how hereby he may be led to understand, in what sense the ancient both heathen and Christian writers did hold Hades to be under the earth; and upon what ground. For they did not mean thereby (as the Schoolmen generally do, and as g Nobis inferi, non nuda cavositas, nec subdivalis aliqua mundi sentina creduntur: sed in fossâ terrae & in alto vastitas, & in ipsis visceribus ejus abstrusa profunditas. Tertull. de anima, cap. 55. Tertullian sometime seemeth to imagine) that it was contained within the bowels of the earth: but that it lay under the whole bulk thereof, and occupied that whole space, which we now find to be taken up with the earth, air and firmament of the southern hemisphere. h Esse autem hujus infernae regionis vas●aeque abyssi incolas pl●res, beati Ioannis Apocalypsi docemur. e●c. Hila●●. ●n Psalm. 2. the inhabitants of which infernal region and vast depth are thereupon affirmed by S. Hilary to be non intra terram sed infra terram, not within the earth but beneath the earth. And this proceeded from no other ground, but the vulgar opinion, that the southern hemisphere of the earth was not inhabited by living men, as our northern is insomuch that some of the heathen atheists, finding the contrary to be true by the discourse of right reason; endeavoured to persuade themselves from thence, that there was no such place as Hades at all. i Lucretius ex majore part●, & alij integré docent, inferorum regna ne esse quidem posse. Nam locum ipso●um quem possumus dicere; cum sub ●erris d●●a●●ur esse Antipodes? in mediâ veró terrâ eos esse, nec soliditas patitur, nec centrum terrae, quae terra si in ●●edio mundi est; tanta ejus esse profunditas non potest, ut in medio sui habeat inferos, in quibus est Tartarus: de quo legitur, Bis patet in praeceps tantum, etc. Servius, in Aen●i●. 6. Lucretius for the greater part, (saith Servius) and others fully teach, tha● the kingdoms of Hell cannot as much as have a being. For what place can we say they have; when under the earth our Antipodes are said to be? and that they should be in the midst of the earth, neither will the solidity permit, nor the centre of the earth. which earth if it be in the middle of the world, the profundity thereof can not be so great, that it may have those Inferos within it, in which is Tartarus: whereof we read, Bis patet in praeceps tantum, tenditque sub umbras Quantus ad aethereum coeli suspectus Olympum. But Chrstiian men, being better instructed out of the word of God, were taught to answer otherwise. k Si de situ & loco quaesieris, respondebo, dicamque extra terra●um orben hunc aliquo esse positam. Non ergo erit, quo fuerit haec loco sita, quin magis quo pacto evitari possit, quaerendū● Chrysostom de p●aemij. sanctor. tom. 3. Oper. Lae●in. If thou dost ask me (saith S. Chrysostom) of the situation and place of Gehenna: I will answer and say, that it is seated somewhere out of this world; and that it is not to be inquired in what place it is situated, but by what means rather it may be avoided. In the Dialogue betwixt Gregory Nyssen and that admirable woman Macrina, S. Basils' sister, touching the Soul and the Resurrection, this point is stood upon at large: the question being first proposed by Gregory in this manner. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. N●ssen. in Macrin●s, tom. 2 Oper. pag 641. Where is that name of Hádes somuch spoken of? which is so much treated of in our common conversation, so much in the writings both of the heathen and our own. into which all men think that the souls are translated from hence as into a certain receptacle. For you will not say that the elements ar● this Hades. whereunto Macrina thus replieth. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (fort. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) Ibid. pag. 641.642. It appeareth that thou didst not give much heed to my speech. for when I spoke of the translation of the soul from that which is seen unto that which is invisible; I thought I had left nothing behind to be inquired of Had●s. Neither doth that name, wherein souls are said to be, seem to me to signify any other thing either in profane writers or in the holy scripture, save only a removing unto that which is invisible and unseen. Thereupon it being further demanded: n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; etc. Ibid. pag. 642. how then do some think that a certain subterraneal place should be so called, and that the souls do lodge therein? for answer thereunto it is said, that there is no manner of difference betwixt the lower hemisphere of the earth, and that wherein we live: that as long as the principal doctrine of the immortality of the soul is yielded unto, no controversy should be moved touching the place thereof; that local position is proper to bodies, and the soul being incorporeal hath no need to be detained in certain places. than the place objected from Philip. 2.10. of those under the earth that should bow at the name of jesus, being largely scanned: this in the end is laid down for the conclusion. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid, pag. 644. These things being thus, no man can constrain us by the name of things under the earth to understand any subterraneal place: forasmuch as the air do●h so equally compass the earth round about, that there is no part thereof found naked from the covering of the air. Both these opinions are thus propounded by p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theophylact. in Luc. cap. 16. Theophylact, and by q Infernum autem hi quidem putant regionem sub terrâ caliginis & tenebrarum. etc. Alij veró Infernum ex apparitione ad disparitionem animae nominaverunt. Quandiu anima est in corpore, per proprias videtur actiones: sed ubi á corpore discessum est, omnibus modis incognita nobis existit. Hugo. Etherian. de animar. regress. ab Inferis, cap. 11. Hugò Etherianus after him. What is Hades or Hell? Some say that it is a dark place under the earth. Others say, that it is the translation of the soul from that which is visible unto that which is unseen and invisible. For while the soul is in the body, it is seen by the proper operations thereof: but being translated out of the body, it is invisible; and this did they say was Hádes. So where the author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy defineth death to be a separation of the united parts, and the bringing to them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unto that which is invisible to us: his scholiast Maximus noteth thereupon, that r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maxim. in Dionys. Ecclesiast. Hi●rarch. cap. 2. this invisible thing some do affirm to be Hádes; that is to say, an unseen and invisible departure of the soul unto places not to be seen by the sense of man. Hitherto also may be referred the place cited s Suprá, pag. 217. before out of Origen in his fourth book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which by S. Hierome is thus delivered. t In isto mundo qui moriuntur separatione carnis & animae, juxta operum differentiam diversa apud Inferos obtinent loca. Origen. de Prin●ipijs, lib. 4. apud Hieronym. epist. 59 ad Avitum. They who die in this world by the separation of the flesh and the soul, according to the difference of their works obtain divers places in Hell. Where by Hádes, Inferi, or Hell he meaneth indefinitely the other world: in which how the souls of the godly were disposed, he thus declareth in another place. u Relinquit anima mundi hujus tenebras, ac naturae corporeae caecitatem, & transfertur ad aliud seculum: quod vel sinus Abrahae, ut in Lazaro, vel Paradisus, ut in latrone qui de cruse credidit, indicatur; vel etiam si qua novit Deus esse alia loca, vel alias mansiones, per quae transiens anima Deo credent, & perveniens usque ad flumen illud quod laetificat civitatem Dei, intra ipsum sortem promissae patribus haereditatis accipiat. Origen. in Numer. 31. homil. 2●. The soul leaveth the darkness of this world, and the blindness of this bodily nature, and is translated unto another world: which is either the bosom of Abraham, as it is showed in Lazarus, or Paradise, as in the thief that believed upon the cross; or yet if God know that there be any other places, or other mansions, by which the soul that believeth in God passing, and coming unto that river which maketh glad the city of God, may receive within it the lot of the inheritance promised unto the Fathers. For touching the determinate state of the faithful souls departed this life, the ancient Doctors (as we have showed) were not so thoroughly resolved. Now, all the question betwixt us and the Romanistes is, whether the faithful be received into their everlasting tabernacles presently upon their removeall out of the body, or after they have been first purified to the point (as Allen speaketh) in the furnace of Purgatory: but in the time of the Fathers, as S. Augustin noteth, the x Illa receptio utrùm statim post istam vitam flat, an in fine suculi in resurrectione mortuorum, atque ultimâ retributione judicij; non minima quaestio est. August. Quaestion Euange● lib. 2. cap. 38. great question was, whether the receiving of them into those everlasting tabernacles were performed presently after this life; or in the end of the world, at the resurrection of the dead, and the last retribution of judgement. And so concerning Hell the question was as great among them, whether all, good and bad, went thither or no? whereof the same S. Augustin is a witness also; who upon that speech of jacob, Gen. 37.35. I will go down to my son mourning into Hell, writeth thus. y Solet esse magna quaestio, quo modo intelligatur infernus: u●rùm illuc mali tantùm, an etiam boni mortui descendere soleant. Si ergo tantùm mali: quo modo iste ad filium suum se dicit lugentem descendere? Non enim in poenis inferni eum esse credidit. An per turbati & dolentis v●rba sunt, mala sua etiam hinc exagggerantis? Id. Quaestio. 126, in Genesim. & Eucher. in Genes. l●b. 3. cap. 18. It useth to be a great question, in what manner Hell should be understood: whether evil men only, or good men also when they are dead do use to go down thither. And if evil men only do; how doth he say that he would go down unto his son mourning? for he did not believe that he was in the pains of Hell. Or be these the words of a troubled & grieving man, amplifying his evils from hence? and upon that other speech of his, Genes. 42.38. You shall bring down mine old age with sorrow unto Hell. z Vtrùm ideò ad infernum, quia cum tristitiâ? An etiam si abesset tristitia, tanquam ad in●ernum moriendo descensurus haec loquitur? De inferno enim magna quaestio est: & quid inde Scriptura sentiat, locis omnibus ubi fortè hoc commemoratum fuerit, observandum est. Augustin. Quaest 142. in Genes●m. & Eucher. in Genes. lib. 3. cap. 27. Whether therefore unto Hell, because with sorrow? Or although sorrow were away, speaketh he these things as if he were t● go down into hell by dying? For of Hell there is a great question: and what the Scripture delivereth thereof, in all the places where it hath occasion to make mention of it, is to be observed. Hitherto S. Augustin: who had reference to this great question, when he said as hath been a Supr. pag. 215. before alleged. Of Hell neither have I had any experience as yet, nor you: and peradventure there shall be another way, and by Hell it shall not be. For these things are uncertain. Neither is there greater question among the Doctors of the Church concerning the Hell of the Fathers of the Old Testament, than there is of the Hell of the faithful now in the time of the New: neither are there greater differences betwixt them touching the Hell into which our Saviour went (whether it were under the earth or above, whether a darksome place or a lightsome, whether a prison or a paradise) then there are of the mansions wherein the souls of the blessed do now continue. S. Hierome, interpreting those words of King Ezechias, Esai. 38.10. I shall go to the gates of Hell: saith that this is meant, b Vel communi lege naturae, vel●illas portas, de qu●bus quòd liberatus sit, Psalmista decantat: Qui exaltas me de portis mortis, ut annunciem omnes laudationes tuas in portis filiae Zion Hi●ronym. lib. 11. in Esai. cap. 38. either of the common law of nature, or else of those gates, from which that he was delivered, the Psalmist singeth; Thou that liftest me up from the gates of death, that I may show forth all thy praises in the gates of the daughter of Zion. (Psalm. 9.13, 14.) Now as some of the Fathers do expound our Saviour's going to Hell, of his descending into Gehenna: so others expound it of his going to Hell according to the common law of nature; the common law of nature (I say) which extendeth itself indifferently unto all the dead, whether they belong to the state of the New Testament or of the Old. For as Christ's soul was in all points made like unto ours (sin only excepted) while it was joined with his body here in the land of the living: so when he had humbled himself unto the death, it became him in all things to be made like unto his brethren, even in that state of dissolution. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustathius Antiochen. in Psal. 15. citatus á ●heodoreto in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. dialog. 1. And so indeed the soul of jesus had experience of both. For it was in the place of humane souls, and being out of the flesh did live and subsist. It was a reasonable soul therefore and of the same substance with the souls of men; even as his flesh is of the same substance with the flesh of men, proceeding from Mary: saith Eustathius the Patriarch of Antioch in his exposition of that text of the Psalm; Thou wilt not leave my soul in Hell, Where by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Hell, you see, he understandeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the place of humane souls (which is the Hebrews 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or world of spirits) and by the disposing of Christ's soul there after the manner of other souls, concludeth it to be of the same nature with other men's souls. So S Hilary in his exposition of the 138. Psalm. d Humanae ista lex necessitatis est, ut consepultis corporibus ad inferos animae descendant. Quam descensionem Dominus ad consummationem veri hominis non recusavit. Hilari. in Psal. 138. This is the law of humane necessity, saith he, that the bodies being buried, the souls should go to Hell. Which descent the Lord did not refuse for the accomplishment of a true man. and a little after he repeateth it, that de supernis ad inferos mortis lege descendit, he descended from the supernal to the infernal parts by the law of death. and upon the 53. Psalm more fully. e Ad explendam quidem hominis naturam etiam morti se, id est, discenssioni se tanquam animae corporisque subjecit; & ad infernas sedes, id quod homini debitum videtur esse, penetravit. Id. in Psalm. 53. To fulfil the nature of man he subjected himself to death, that is, to a departure as it were of the soul and body; and pierced into the infernal seats, which was a thing that seemed to be du● unto man. So Leo, in one of his Sermons upon our Lord's passion. s Leges inferni moriendo subijt, sed resurgendo dissolvit: & ita perpetuitatem mortis incîdit, ut eam de aeternâ faceret temporalem. Leo de passion. serm. 8. He did undergo the laws of Hell by dying, but did dissolve them by rising again: and so did cut off the perpetuity of death, that of eternal he might make it temporal. So Irenaeus, having said, that our Lord g Nunc autem tribus diebus conversatus est ubi erant mortui. Irenaeus, lib. 5. cap. ult. conversed three days where the dead were, addeth that therein he h Dominus legem mortuorum servavit, ut fieret primogenitus á mortuis, et commoratus usque ad te●tiā diem in inferioribus terrae, pòst deinde surgens in carne, ut etiam figuras clavorum ostenderet discipulis, sic ascendit ad patrem. Ibid. observed the law of the dead, that he might be made the first begotten from the dead; staying until the third day in the lower parts of the earth, and afterward rising in his flesh. Then he draweth from thence this general conclusion. i cum enim Dominus in medio umbrae mortis abierit, ubi animae mortuorum erant, post deinde corporaliter resurrexit, & post resurrectionem assumptus est: manifestum est quia & discipulorum ejus, propter quos & haec operatus est Dominus, animae abibunt in invisibilem locum, definitum eye á Deo, & ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur, sustinentes resurrectionem; pòst recipientes corpora & perfecté resu●gentes, hoc est corporaliter, quemadmodum & Dominus resurrexit, sic venient ad conspectum Dei. Nemo enim est discipulus super magistrum: perfectus autem omnis erit, sicut magister ejus. Ibid. Seeing our Lord went in the midst of the shadow of death, where the souls of the dead were, than afterward rose again corporally, and after his resurrection was assumed: it is manifest that the souls of his disciples also, for whose sake the Lord wrought these things, shall go to an invisible place appointed unto them by God, and there shall abide until the resurrection, waiting for the resurrection; and afterwards receiving their bodies, and rising again perfectly, that is to say corporally, even as our Lord did rise again, they shall so come unto the presence of God. For there is no disciple above his master: but every one shall be perfect, if he be as his master. The like collection doth Tertullian make in his book of the Soul. k Tertullian de Animâ, cap. 55. vid. supr. pag. 270. ad litter. b. If Christ being God, because he was also man, dying according to the Scriptures, and being buried according to the same, did here also satisfy the law, by performing the course of an humane death in Hell; neither did ascend into the higher parts of the heavens, before he descended into the lower parts of the earth, that he might there make the patriarchs and Prophets partakers of himself: thou hast, both to believe that there is a region of Hell under the earth, and to push them with the elbow, who proudly enough do not think the souls of the faithful to be fit for Hell; servants above their Lord, and disciples above their Master, scorning perhaps to take the comfort of expecting the resurrection in Abraham's bosom. And in the same book, speaking of the soul: l Quid est illud quod ad inferna transfertur post divortium corporis, quod detinetur illic, quod in diem judicij reservatur, ad quod & Christus moriendo descendit, puto ad animas Patriarcharum. Jbid. cap. 7. What is that, saith he, which is translated unto the infernal parts (or Hell) after the separation of the body? which is detained there, which is reserved unto the day of judgement, unto which Christ by dying did descend, to the souls of the patriarchs, I think. Where he maketh the Hell unto which our Saviour did descend, to be the common receptacle not of the souls of the patriarchs alone, but also of the souls that are now still separated from their bodies: as being the place quò universa humanitas trahitur (as he speaketh m Ibid. cap. 58. elsewhere in that book) unto which all mankind is drawn. So Novatianus after him, affirmeth that the very places n Quae infraterram jacent, neque ipsa sunt digestis & ordinatis potestatibus vacua. Locus enim est, quò piorum animae impiorumque ducuntur, futuri judicij pra●judicia sentientes Novatian. de Trinitat. cap 1. which lie under the earth be not void of distinguished and ordered powers. For that is the place (saith he) whither the souls both of the godly and ungodly are led, receiving the fore-judgements of their future drome. Lactantius saith that our Saviour o Lactant. Justitut. lib. 4. cap. 19 rose again ab inferis, from Hell: but so he saith also that the dead Saints shall be p I●. lib. 7. cap. 24. vid. & cap. 22. raised up ab inferis at the time of the Resurrection. S. Cyrill of Alexandria saith that the jews q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyrill. Glaphyr. in Genes. lib. 6. pag. 154. killed Christ, and cast him into the deep and dark dungeon of death, that is, into Hades: adding afterward, that r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag 155. Hades may rightly be esteemed to be the house and mansion of such as are deprived of life. Nicephorus Gregoras in his funeral Oration upon Theodorus Metochites, putteth in this for one strain of his lamentation. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Niceph. G●egor. histor. Roman. lib. 10. Who hath brought down that heavenly man unto the bottom of Hades? and Andrew archbishop of Crete, touching the descent both of Christ and all Christians after him even unto the dark and comfortless Hades writeth in this manner. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Andre. Hierosolymitan. serm. in vitam humanam, & in Defunctos. If he, who was the Lord and master of all, and the light of them that are in darkness, and the life of all men, would taste death, and undergo the descent into Hell, that he might be made like unto us in all things, sin excepted; and for three days went through the sad, obscure and dark region of Hell: what strange thing is it, that we who are sinners, and dead in trespasses (according to the great Apostle) who are subject to generation and corruption; should meet with death, and go with our soul into the dark chambers of Hell, where we cannot see light, nor behold the life of mortal men? For are we above our Master, or better than the Saints, who underwent these things of ours after the like manner that we must do? juvencus intimateth, that our Saviour giving up the ghost sent his soul unto heaven, in those verses of his: u Juvenc. Histor. Euangel. lib. 4. Tunc clamor Domini magno conamine missus, Aethereis animam comitem commiscuit auris. Eusebius Emesenus collecteth so much from the last words which our Lord uttered at the same time; Father, into thine hands I commend my spirit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith x Euseb. Em●sen. á Theodore●o citatus in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. dialog. 3. he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. His spirit was above, and his body remained upon the cross for us. In the Greek exposition of the Canticles, collected out of Eusebius, Philo Carpathius and others, that sentence in the beginning of the sixth chapter, My beloved is gone down into his garden, is interpreted of Christ's y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. in Cantic. pag. 68 going to the souls of the Saints in Hádes. which in the Latin collections that bear the name of Philo Carpathius is thus more largely expressed. z Per descensum Sponsi quem patruelem appellat, Domini nost●i jesu Christi descensum ad inferos possumus intelligere, ut arbitror: nam & haec sequentia probant, cum dixit; Ad aromatum phialas sive areolas. Prisci enim illi sanctissimi viri, per phialas aromatum non inepté significantur; quales fuere, Noë, Abraham, Isaac, jacob, Moses, job, David, Samuel, Elisaeus, Daniel, alijque quamplurimi ante Legem & in Lege: qui quidem omnes, veluti aromatum phialae sive areolae, sanctissimae justitiae odores ac fructus suavissimé oluerunt. Tunc enim Paradisum triumphator ingressus est, cum ad inferos penetravit. Adest nobis ipse Deu● hâc in re testis, cum in Cruse Latroni (sese illi ipsi religiosissime commendanti) clementissimé respondit; Hodie mecum eris in Paradiso. Philo Carpath in Canti●. 6. By this descending of the Bridegroom, we may understand the descending of our Lord jesus Christ into Hell as I suppose: for that which followeth proveth this, when he sayeth; To the beds of spices. For those ancient holy men are not unfitly signified by the beds of spices; such as were, Noë, Abraham, Isaac, jacob, Moses, job, David, Samuel, Elisaeus, Daniel, and very many others before the Law & in the Law: who all of them, like unto beds of spices, gave a most sweet smell of the odours and fruits of holy righteousness. For then as a triumpher did he enter into PARADISE, when he pierced into Hell. God himself is present with us for a witness in this matter, when he answered most graciously to the Thief upon the Cross, commending himself unto him most religiously; To day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. Lastly touching this Paradise, the various opinions of the ancient are thus laid down by Olympiodorus; to seek no farther. a Digna fané inquisitu res est, ubinan sub Sole justi vitâ functi collocentur. Constat autem quòd in Paradiso: cum dixerit Christus Latroni; Hodie mecum eris in Paradiso. Sciendumque est, quòd literalis Traditio Paradisum docet esse in terrâ. Nonnulli veró dixerunt, quòd Paradisus etiam est in inferno, id est, subterraneo loco: ad quam suam opinionem illud accommodant Euangelium. Dives Lazarum vidit, ipse tamen in inferiore demersus, cum Lazarus eminentiore esset in loco, ubi esset Abraham. Verùm quomodocumque se habeant; illud proculdubio constat, tum ex praesenti Ecclesiastae nostri loco, tum ex omni ●acrâ ●cripturâ, futuros pios in prosperitate ac pace, in●ustos veró in supplicijs ac tormentis. aliis autem placuit Paradisum esse in coelis: bonus autem ac ingenuus Ecclesiastes historiae sensum potius consectabitur. Olympiodor. in Ecclesiast. cap. 3. It is a thing worthy of enquiry, in what place under the Sun the righteous are placed which have left this life. Certain it is, that in Paradise: forasmuch as Christ said unto the Thief; This day shalt thou be with me in Paradise. And it is to be known, that the literal Tradition teacheth Paradise to be in earth. But some have said that Paradise also is in Hell, that is, in a place under the earth: unto which opinion of theirs they apply that of the Gospel; where the rich man saw Lazarus, being yet himself sunk down in a lower place, when Lazarus was in a place more eminent, where Abraham was. But howsoever the matter goeth; this without doubt is manifest, aswell out of Ecclesiastes as out of all the sacred Scripture, that the godly shall be in prosperity and peace, and the ungodly in punishments and torments. And others are of the mind, that Paradise is in the Heavens, etc. Hitherto Olympiodorus. That Christ's soul went into Paradise, b Bishop answer to Perkin● advertisement, pag. 9 Doctor Bishop saith, being well understood, is true. For his soul in hell, had the joys of Paradise: but to make that an exposition of Christ's descending into hell, is to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it. Yet this ridiculous exposition, he affirmeth to be received of most Protestant's. Which is even as true, as that which he avoucheth in the same place; that this article of the descent into Hell is to be found c Ibid. pag. 8. in the old Roman Creed expounded by Ruffinus: where Ruffinus (as we have heard) expounding that article, delivereth the flat contrary, that it is not found added in the Creed of the Church of Rome. It is true indeed, that more than most Protestants do interpret the words of Christ uttered unto the Thief upon the Cross, Luk. 23.43. of the going of his soul into Paradise: where our Saviour meaning simply and plainly, that he would be that day in d Suarez. tom. 2 in 3. part. Thom. quaest. 46. art. 11. & quaest. 52. art. 8. disp. 43. sect. 4. Bellarmin de Sanctor. Beatitud. lib. 1. cap. 3. testim. 4. See before, pag. 254. Heaven; M. Bishop would have him so to be understood, as if he had meant that that day he would be in Hell. And must it be now held more ridiculous in Protestants, to take Hell for Paradise; then in M. Bishop, to take Paradise for Hell? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, be the words of the Apostles Creed in the Greek: and, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Symbol of e Tom. 2. Oper. Athanas pag. 39 edit. Graecolat. Athanasius. Some learned Protestants do observe, that in these words there is no determinate mention made, either of ascending or descending, either of Heaven or Hell (taking Hell according to the vulgar acception) but of the general only, under which these contraries are indifferently comprehended: and that the words literally interpreted, import no more but this; HE WENT UNTO THE OTHER WORLD. Which is not to expound a thing by the flat contrary of it, as M. Bishop fancieth: who may quickly make himself ridiculous, in taking upon him thus to censure the interpretations of our learned linguistes; unless his own skill in the languages were greater, then as yet he hath given proof of. Master Broughton (with whose authority he elsewhere presseth us, as of a man f Bishop. Preface to the second part of his Reformat. of Perkins Catholic pag. 19 esteemed to be singularly seen in the Hebrew and Greek tongue) hath been but too forward in maintaining that exposition, which by D. Bishop is accounted so ridiculous. In one place, touching the term Hell, as it doth answer the Hebrew Sheol and the Greek Hádes, he writeth thus. g Brought. in his epistle to the Nobility of Engl. edit. an. 1597. pag. 38. He that thinketh it ever used for Tartaro or Gehenna, otherwise then the term Death may by Synecdoche import so: hath not skill in Hebrew or that Greek, which breathing and live Graecia spoke, if God hath lent me any judgement that way. In h Id. in alio Opusculo, edit. an. 1604. another place he allegeth out of Portus his Dictionary, that the Macedonians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heaven. And one of his acquaintance beyond the Sea, reporteth that he should deliver, that in i Inveniri insupe● asserit in multis vetussissimis exemplaribus MS●. orationem Dominicam in hunc modum; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pater noster qui es in inferno etc. Veteres quoque Macedones aliter orationem Dominicam nunquam precatos fuisse. Io. Rodolph. Lavator. de descensu ad inferos, lib. 1. part 1. cap 8. many most ancient Manuscript copies the Lords prayer is found with this beginning: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Our Fat●er which art in Hádes. which I for my part will then believe to be true, when I shall see one of those old copies with mine own eyes. But in the mean time for Hádes, it hath been sufficiently declared before out of▪ good authors, that it signifieth the place of souls departed in general; and so is of extent large enough to comprehend under it, as well 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as Damascius speaketh) that part of Hádes (or the unseen world) which is in heaven, as that which by k joseph. de Bello judaic. lib. 3. cap. 25. pag. 785. josephus is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the darker Hades, and in the l Matth 8.12. & 22.13. & 25.30. Gospel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 outer darkness. And as for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other word; in the Acts of the Apostles it is used ten times: and in none of all those places signifieth any descending from a higher place unto a lower, but a removing simply from one place unto another. Whereupon the Vulgar Latin edition (which none of the Romanists m Nemo illam rejicere quovis praetextu audeat, vel praesumat. Council. Tridentin. sess. 4. upon any pretence may presume to reject) doth render it there by the general terms of n Act. 13.4. abeo, o 18.5. et 27.5. venio, p 9.32. devenio, q 11.27. & 21.10. supervenio. and where it retaineth the word r 8.5. & 12.19. & 15.1. & 18.22. descendo, it intendeth nothing less, then to signify thereby the lower situation of the place unto which the removeall is noted to be made. If descending therefore in the Acts of the Apostles imply no such kind of thing: what necessity is there; that thus of force it must be interpreted in the Creed of the Apostles? Menelaus' declared unto us, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: saith King Antiochus, in his epistle unto the jews, 2. Maccab. 11.29. Velle vos descendere ad vestros, it is in the Latin edition: whereby what else is meant, but that they had a desire to go unto their own? I omit the phrases of descending in praelium, in forum, in campum, in amicitiam, in caussam, etc. which are so usual in good Latin authors: yea and of descending into heaven itself; if that be not a jest which the Poet breaketh upon Claudius. s juvenal. satire. 6. Ille senis tremulumque caput descendere jussit In coelum. Others add unto this, that the phrase of descending ad inferos, is a popular kind of speech, which sprung from the opinion that was vulgarly conceived of the situation of the receptacle of the souls under the earth: and that according to the rule of Aristo●le in his Topics, we must speak as the vulgar, but think as wise men do. Even as we use to say commonly, that the Sun is under a cloud, because it is a vulgar form of speech: and yet it is far enough from our meaning for all that, to imagine the cloud to be indeed higher than the Sun. So Cicero, they say, where ever he hath occasion to mention any thing that concerneth the dead, speaketh still of Inferi according to the vulgar phrase: although he misliked the vulgar opinion, which bred that manner of speaking; and professed it to be his judgement, that t Animos cum é corpore excesserint, in sublime ferri. Cic lib 1. Tusculan. quaest. the souls when they depart out of the body are carried up on high, & not downward unto any habitations under the earth. So Chrysostom and Theophylact think that the Apostle termed the Death and Hell unto which our Saviour did descend, the lower parts of the earth, Ephes. 4.9. u Chrysost. in Ephes. homil. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, x Theop●●lact. in Ephes. cap. 4. from the common opinion of men. So in the translation of the holy Scripture, S. Hierome showeth that we use the names of Arcturus and Orion, not approving thereby the ridiculous and monstrous figments of the Poets in this matter, but expressing the Hebrew names of these constellations by the words of heathenish fables; because y Qui non possumus intelligere quod dicitur, nisi per ea vocabula, quae usu didicimus, & errore combibimus. Hieronym. lib. 2. in Amos cap. 5. we cannot understand that which is said, but by those words, which we have learned by use, and drunk in by error. And just so standeth the case with this word Hades: which with the G●eeke Poets is the name of Pluto, whom they feigned to be the God of the dead under the earth, & gave a denomination unto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from riches; z Phurnutus de naturâ D●or. in Plutone. because that all things coming to their dissolution, there is nothing which is not at last brought unto him, and made his possession. Thus Homer and Hesiod, with a Plato, in Gorgia. Plato and others after them, say that Rhea brought forth three sons, to Saturn; jupiter, Neptune, b Hesiod. in Theogoniâ. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and mighty Hades, who inhabiteth the houses under the earth, having a merciless heart: for that attribute doth Hesiod give unto him, because Death spareth no man. So Homer: — c Homer. Iliad. 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which is also the description that Hesiod maketh of him in that verse: d Hesiod. Theog●n. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hades was afraid, who reigneth over them that lie dead in the earth. Now that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Creed is a phrase taken from the heathen, and applied to express a Christian truth; the very Grammatical construction may seem to intimate: where the noun is not put in the accusative case (as otherwise it should) but after the manner of the greeks in the genitive case, implying the defect of another word necessarily to be understood; as if it had been said, He went unto the place or house of Hades. as the Poets use to express it, sometimes defectively 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and sometimes more fully e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pindar. Phyth. odd 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer. Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, into the house or chambers of Hádes. Thus then, they that take Hádes for the common receptacle of souls, do interpret the context of the Creed, as Cardinal Cajetan before did the narration of Moses touching Abraham's giving up the ghost, being gathered to his people, and being buried, Genes. 25.8, 9 that the article of the death is to be referred to the whole manhood, and the dissolution of the parts thereof; that of the burial, to the body separated from the soul, and this of the descending into Hádes, to the soul separated f●om the body as if he had said. He suffered death truly, by a real separation of his soul from his body: and after this dissolution, the same did befall him that useth to betide all other dead men; his liveless body was sent unto the place which is appointed to receive dead bodies, and his immortal soul went unto the other world, as the souls of other men use to do. Having now declared, how the Greek Hádes (and so the Latin Inferi, and our English Hell) is taken for the place of the bodies and of the souls of dead men, severally: it followeth that we show, how the common state of the dead is signified thereby, and the place in general which is answerable unto the parts of the whole man thus indefinitely considered in the state of separation. Concerning which, that place of Dionysius, wherein he setteth forth the signification of our being dead and buried with Christ by Baptism, is to be considered. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys. Ecclesiastic. Hierarch. cap. 2. Forasmuch as death is in us, not an utter extinguishment of our being, as others have thought, but a separation of the united parts, bringing them unto that which is to us invisible; the soul as being by the deprivation of the body made unseen, and the body as either being covered in the earth, or by some other of the alterations that are incident unto bodies, being taken away from the sight of man: the whole covering of the man in water is fitly assumed for an image of the death and burial which is not seen. Thus Dionysius, concerning the separation of the united parts by Death, and the bringing of them unto that which is invisible: g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Georg pachymer thid. according whereunto, as his paraphrast Pachymeres noteth, it is called Hádes, that is to say, an invisible separation of the soul from the body. And so indeed we find as well in foreign authors, as in the Scriptures & the writings of the Greek and Latin Fathers, that Hádes and Inferi are not only taken in as large a sense as Death (and so extended unto all men indifferently, whether good or bad) but are likewise oftentimes indifferently used for it. For proof whereof, out of heathen authors these testimonies following may suffice. h Pindar. Olymp. od. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: saith Pindarus. The man that doth things befitting him, forgetteth Hádes: meaning, that the remembrance of death doth no whit trouble him. and again: i Id. Isthm. Od. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The son of Cleonicus wisheth that with such manners he may meet and receive Hades (that is, death) and hoar old age. So another Poet, cited by k Plutarch. de consolat ad Apollon. Plutarch: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. O Death, the sovereign physician, come: for Hádes is in very truth the haven of the earth. So the saying, that the best thing were, never to have been born, and the next to that, to dye quickly; is thus expressed by Theognis, in his elegies: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sophocles in the beginning of his Trachiniae, bringeth in D●ianira affirming that, howsoever it were an old saying among men, that none could know whether a man, life were happy or unhappy before he were dead; yet she knew her own to be heavy and unfortunate before she went to Hádes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 before death: as both the ancient Scholiast and the matter itself doth show. So in his Ajax: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He is better that is hidden in Hádes (that is to say, he that is dead, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Scholiast rightly expoundeth it) than he that is sick past recovery. and in his Antigone: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. My father and mother being laid in Hádes, it is not possible that any brother should spring forth afterward. Wherewith l Clem. Strom. lib. 6. Clemens Alexandrinus doth fitly compare that speech of the wife of Intaphernes in m Herodot. histor. lib 3. Herodotus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. My father and mother being now no longer living, another brother by no manner of means can be had. So that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being in Hádes, with the one, is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not now living, in the other; or as it is alleged by Clemens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not now being: which is the Scripture phrase of them that have left this world, Genes. 5.24. and 42.36. Psal. 39.13. jerem. 31.15. and 49.10. used also by Homer, Iliad. β. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Touching the use of the word Hell in the Scriptures, thus writeth jansenius, expounding those words, Proverb. 15.11. Hell and destruction are before the Lord: how much more then, the hearts of the children of men? n Sciendum quòd per Infernum (pro quo dictio Hebraica proprié significat sepulchrum) & perditionem, quae duo in scriptures saepè conjunguntur, significatur status mortuorum; & non solùm damnatorum, ut nos feré ex his vocibus auditis concipimus, sed in genere status defunctorum. Cornellansen. in Proverb 15. It is to be known, that by Hell and destruction (which two in the Scriptures are often joined together) the state of the dead is signified; and not of the damned only, as we commonly do conceive when we hear these words, but the state of the deceased in general. So o Gasp. ●anct. in Act. 2. sect. 56. Sanctius the jesuit, with Sà his fellow, acknowledgeth, that Hell in the Scripture is frequently taken for Death. Therefore are these two joined together, Revel. 1.18. I have the keys of Hell and of Death, or (as other Greek copies read; agreeably to the old Latin and Aethiopian translation) of Death and of Hell. and Esai. 28.15. We have made a covenant with Death, and with Hell we are at agreement. where the Septuagint, to show that the same thing is meant by both the words, do place the one in the room of the other, after this manner: We have made a covenant with Hell, and with Death an agreement. The same things likewise are indifferently attributed unto them both: as that they are unsatiable, and never full; spoken of Hell, Proverb. 27.20. and of Death, Haback. 2.5. So the gates of Hell, Esai. 38: 10. are the gates of Death, Psalm. 9.13. and 107.18. and therefore where we read in the book of Wisdom; p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sapient. 16.13. Thou leadest to the gates of Hell, and bringest back again: the Vulgar Latin translateth it; q Deducis ad portas mortis, & reducis. Lat. ibid. Thou leadest to the gates of Death, and bringest back again. So the sorrows of Death, Psal. 18.4. are in the verse following termed, the sorrows of Hell: and therefore the LXX. (as hath been showed) translating the self same words of David, do in the Psalm render them the sorrows of Hell, and in the history 2. Sam. 22.6. (where the same Psalm is repeated) the sorrows of Death. Whence also that difference of reading came, Act. 2.24. aswell in the copies of the text as in the citations of the ancient Fathers: which was the less regarded, because that variety in the words bred little or no difference at all in the sense. Therefore Epiphanius in one place, having respect to the beginning of the verse, saith that Christ loosed r Epiphan in Anacephalaeosi, pag. 531. edit. Graec. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the sorrows of Death: and yet in another, citing the later end of the verse, because it was not possible he should be holden by it, addeth this explication thereunto, s Id. in Anchora●o, pag. 484. Vid. etiam eund. contra Ariomani●. haeres. 69. pag. 337. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is to say, by Hell. And the author of the Sermon upon Christ's passion, among the works of Athanasius, one where saith that he loosed the sorrows of t Athana●. Oper. Gra●olat. tom. 1. pag. 801. Hell, and otherwhere that he loosed the sorrows of u Ibid. pag. 805. Death. unto whom we may adjoin Bede, x Solutos per Dominum dicit dolores inferni, sive mortis. Bed. Retract. in Act. cap. 2. who is in like manner indifferent for either reading. In the Proverbs, where it is said; There is a way which seemeth right unto a man, but the end thereof are the ways of Death: Proverb. 14.12. and 16.25. the LXX. in both places for Death put 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the bottom of Hell. and on the other side, where it is said; Thou shalt beat him with the rod, and shalt deliver his soul from Hell: Proverb. 23.14. they read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Thou shalt deliver his soul from Death. So in Hose. 13.14. where the Hebrew and Greek both read: I will deliver them from the hand of Hell: the Vulgar Latin hath; De manu mortis liberabo eos, I will deliver them from the hand of Death. which S. Cyrill of Alexandria showeth to be the same in effect. for y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyrill. in Hoseam. pag. 371. he hath redeemed us (saith he) from the hand of Hell, that is to say, from the power of Death. So out of the text, Matth. 16.18. Eusebius noteth, that the Church doth z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. lib. 1. Praeparat. Euangelic. pag. 7. not give place to the gates of DEATH, for that one saying which Christ did utter: Upon the rock I will build my Church, and the gates of HELL shall not prevail against it. S. Ambrose also from the same text collecteth thus, that a Fides ergo est Ecclesiae fundamentum. Non enim de carne Petri, sed de fide dictum est, quia portae mortis ei non praevalebunt; sed confessio vicit infernum. Ambros. de Incarnate. sacrament. cap. 5. faith is the foundation of the Church. For it was not said of the flesh of Peter, but of the faith, that the gates of DEATH should not prevail against it: but the confession (of the faith) overcame HELL. So Theodoret noteth, that the b Infernum autem ex opinion, quae invaluit, usurpavit; hoc etiam morti nomen imponens. Theodoret. in Cantic. 8. name of Hell is given unto Death, in that place, Cantic. 8.6. Love is strong as death, jealousy is hard or cruel as Hell. which in the writings of the Fathers is a thing very usual. Take the Poems of Theodorus Prodromus for an instance: where delivering an history out of the life of S. Chrysostom, of a woman that had lost four of her sons; he saith that they four were gone unto Hádes, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and relating how S. Basil had freed the country of Cappadocia from famine, thus he expresseth it: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and showing how Gregory Nazianzen, when he was a child, was recovered from death by being brought to the communion Table; he saith he was brought unto the Sun from Hádes: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregory himself likewise in his Poems, setting out the dangers of a seafaring life, saith that c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nazianz. Carm. 15. de Vitae itinerib. tom. 2. edit. Graecolat. pag. 91. the greater part of them that sail the seas is in Hades. Baesil of Seleucia, speaking of the translation of Enoch and Elias, saith in one place, that d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. Se●enc. in jonam orat. 2. pag. 114. Enoch remained out of Death's net, Elias obeyed not the laws of nature; and in another, that e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id in illud: Ecce as●endimus Hierosolym. pag. 268. Elias remained superior to death, Enoch by translation declined Hades: making Death and Hades to be one and the same thing. So he maketh Elias to pray thus, at the raising of the widow's son. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Eliam. pag. 97. Show, o Lord, that Death is made gentle towards men, let it learn the evidences of thy humanity; let the documents of thy goodness come even to Hades. And as he there noteth that g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Death received an overthrow from Elias: so in another place he noteth that h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in illud: Ecc● ascendimus Hierosolym. pag. 265. Hades received a like overthrow, by Christ's raising of the dead. whereupon he bringeth in S. Peter, using this speech unto our Saviour: i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; ●b. pag. 268. Shall Death make any youthful attempt against thee, whose voice Hades could not endure? The other day thou didst call the widow's son that was dead; and Death fled, not being able to accompany him unto the grave whom he had overcome: how shall Death therefore lay hold on him, whom it feareth? and our Saviour himself speaking thus unto his Disciples. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 267. I will arise out of the grave, renewing the Resurrection: I will teach Hades that it must expect the Resurrection to succeed it. For in me both Death ceaseth, and immortality is planted. So saith S. Cyrill of Alexandria: l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyrill. Alexand●. Glaphyr. in Genes. lib. 5. pag 121. Christ was raised up for us. for he could not be detained by the gates of Hades, nor taken at all by the bonds of Death. And therefore Cyrill of Jerusalem having said that our Saviour did m Cyrill Hierosolym. Cateches. 14. descend into Hades, doth presently add as an explication thereof. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. for he did descend into Death. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. de Incarnate. Verbi, contra Gentes, pag. 77. He descended into Death as a man: saith Athanasius. o Divina natura in mortem per carnem descendit; non ut lege mortalium detineretur á morte, sed ut per se resurrecturus januas mortis aperiret. Ruffin. in exposit. Symbol. The divine nature (saith Ruffinus, meaning the divine person) by his flesh descended into Death; not that according to the law of mortal men he should be detained of death, but that rising again by himself he might open the gates of death. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Octoench. Anastas. Graec. & Li●urg. Chr●sost. Latin. á ●eone Thus●o edit. When thou didst descend into Death, o immortal Life, (say the Grecians in their Liturgy) thou didst then mortify Hades or Hell with the brightness of thy divinity. And thus, if my memory do not fail me, (for at this present I have not the book lying by me) is the article expressed in the Hebrew Creed, which is printed with Potkens q Syllabar. Aethiopic. ad calcem Psalterij, edit. Hebraic. Graec. Latin. & Aethiopic. in fol. Aethiopian Syllabarie. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He descended into the shadow of death. where the Hebrew Interpreter doth render Hades by the shadow of death: as the Greek Interpreters, in that text (which by the r Athanas. ●rat. 4. contra Arian. tom. 1. edit Graecolat. pag. 291. serm. in passion. & Cruc. Dom. ibid. pag. 801. quaest. ad Antio●h. tom. 2 pag. 321. Euseb. lib. 5. Demonstrat. Euangeli●. pag. 155. & lib. 10. pag. 313. edit. Graec. Caesarius. Dialog. 3. pag. 1132. edit. Basil. See before, pag. 282. Fathers is applied to our Saviour's descent into Hell) job. 38.17. do render the shadow of death by Hades. for where the Hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the gates of the shadow of death, they ●eade; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the keepers of the gates of Hades seeing thee, shrank for fear. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. Demonstrat. Euangelic. lib. 10. pag. 307. The resurrection from the dead therefore being the end of our Saviour's suffering (as Eusebius notes) and so the beginning of his glorifying: the first degree of his exaltation would thus very aptly answers unto the last degree of his humiliation that as his Resurrection is an arising from the dead, so his descending unto Hades or ad inferos should be no other thing but a going to the dead. For further confirmation whereof, let it be considered, that S. Hierome in the vulgar Latin translation of the Bible, hath ad inferos deducentur, Ecclesia●●is 9.3. where the Hebrew and Greek read, to the dead: and in like manner, Proverb 2.18. he hath ad inferos again, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the Hebrew; which being a word that sometimes signifieth the dead, and sometimes Giants, the LXX. do join both together and read, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Hades ●ith the Giants. So in the Sibylline verses cited by t Lactant. Institut. lib. 4. cap. 18. Lactantius, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that he may speak unto the dead; is in u Prosper de promise & predict part. 3. cap. 20. Prosper translated, Vt inferis l●quatur: and those other ve●ses touching our Saviour's Resurrection x Lactant ut sup. cap. 19 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Then coming forth from the Dead, etc. are thus turned into Latin in Prosper. y Prosp. ut sup. cap. 29. Tunc ab inferis regressus, ad lucem veniet primus resurrectionis principio revocatis ostenso. Then returning from Hell, he shall come unto the light first showing the beginning of the Resurrection unto those whom he shall call back from thence. for z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. Seleuc. in jonam, orat. 2. Christ returning back a conqueror from Hádes unto life (as Basil of Seleucia writeth) the dead were taught the reviving again unto life. His a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (leg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. Nazianz. in Definitionib. Jambic. 15. tom. ●. edit. Graecolat. pag. 201. rising from the Dead, was the losing of us from Hádes: saith Gregory Nazianzen. b Excitatus est ab infe●is, meque mortuum simul excitavit. Nectar. ●rat. in Theodor. martyr. á Perionio convers. He was raised from Hádes or from the dead; and raised me being dead with him: saith Nectarius, his successor in the See of Constantinople. Therefore is he called c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tract. de Definitionib tom. 2. Oper. Athanas. Graecolat. pag. 59 the first begotten of the dead, because he was the first that rose from Hádes; as we also shall rise at his second coming: saith the author of the Treatise of Definitions, among the works of Athanasius. To lay down all the places of the Fathers, wherein our Lords rising again from the Dead, is termed his rising again from Hádes, Inferi or Hell, would be a needless labour: for this we need go no further then to the Canon of the Mass itself; where in the prayer that followeth next after the Consecration, there being a Commemoration made of Christ's passion, resurrection, and ascension, the second is set out by the title ab inferis resurrectionis, of the resurrection from Hell. For as the d Liturg. Ia●obi, Marci, Clementis, Basilij, & Gregorij Theologi. Liturgies of the Eastern Churches do here make mention 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the resurrection from the dead: so those of the e Ambros. de Sacrament. lib. 4. cap. 6. Offic. Ambrosian. tom. 1. Liturgic. Pamelij. pag. 302. Sacramentar. Gregorian. tom. 2. pag. 181. West retain that other title of the resurrection ab inferis, that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as it is in the Liturgy that goeth under the name of S. Peter) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as it is in the Gregorian Office translated into Greek by Codinus. If then the resurrection from the dead be the same with the resurrection from Hades, Inferi or Hell: why may not the going unto Hades, Inferi or Hell, be interpreted, by the same reason, to be the going unto the dead? whereby no more is understood, than what is intimated in that phrase which the Latins use of one that hath left this world; Abijt ad plures: or in that of the Hebrews, so frequent in the word of God; He f Genes. 25.8. compared with 15.15. Numb. 20.24. and 27.13. etc. went or was gathered unto his people, he went or was gathered unto his fathers. which being applied unto a whole generation, judg. 2.10. as well as in other places unto particular persons; must of necessity denote the common condition of men departed out of this life. Now, although Death and Hades, dying and going to the dead, be of near affinity one with the other: yet be they not the same thing properly, but the one a consequent of the other; as it appeareth plainly by the vision, Revelat. 6.8. where Hades is directly brought in as a follower of Death. g Mortem nihil aliud esse definiunt sapientes, nisi separationem animae á corpore. Origen. tractat. 35. in Matth. cap. 27. Vid. Tertullian. de Animâ, cap. 27. & 51. & August. de Civit. Dei. lib. 13. cap. 6. Death itself, as wise men do define it, is nothing else but the separation of the soul from the body; which is done in an instant: but Hades is the continuation of the body and soul in this state of separation, which lasteth all that space of time which is betwixt the day of death and the day of the resurrection. For as the state of h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. Nyssen. orat. Catechetic. cap. 27. life is comprehended betwixt two extremes, to wit, the beginning thereof and the ending; and there be i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. cap. 16. two motions in nature answerable thereunto, the one whereby the soul concurreth to the body, (which we k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. call Generation) the other whereby the body is severed from the soul (which we call Death:) so the state of death in like manner is contained betwixt two bounds, the beginning, which is the very same with the ending of the other; and the last end, the motion whereunto is called the Resurrection, whereby the body and soul formerly separated are joined together again. Thus there be three terms here, as it were in a kind of a continued proportion, the middlemost whereof hath relation to either of the extremes: and by the motion to the first a man may be said to be natus, to the second denatus, to the third renatus. The first & the third have a like opposition unto the middle; and therefore are like betwixt themselves: the one being a generation, the other a regeneration. For that our Lord doth call the last Resurrection the Regeneration, Matth. 19.28. l Regenerationem quippe hoc loco, ambigente nullo, novissimam resurrectionem vocat. August. contra duas epist. Pelagian. lib. 3. cap. 3. S. Augustine supposeth that no man doubteth. Neither would our Lord himself have been styled m Revel. 1.5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first borne from the dead; unless the Resurrection were accounted to be a kind of a new nativity: whereof he himself was in the first place to be made partaker, n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Coloss. 1.18. that among all or in all things he might have the preeminence; the rest of o Luc. 20.36. the sons of God being to be children of the Resurrection also, but in their due time, and in the order of Post-nati. The middle distance betwixt the first and second term, that is to say, the space of life which we lead in this world betwixt the time of our birth and the time of our death; is opposite to the distance that is betwixt the second and third term, that is to say, the state of death under which man lieth from the time of his departure out of this life unto the time of his resurrection: and see what difference there is betwixt our birth, and the life which we spend here after we are borne; the same difference is there betwixt Death and Hades, in that other state of our dissolution. That which properly we call Death (which is the parting a sunder of the soul and the body) standeth as a middle term betwixt the state of life and the state of death, being nothing else but the ending of the one, and the beginning of the other: and as it were a common meare between lands, or a communis terminus in a Geometrical magnitude, dividing part from part, but being itself a part of neither, and yet belonging equally unto either. Which gave occasion to the question moved by Taurus the philosopher: p Quando moriens moreretur; cum jam in morte esset, an tum etiam cum in vitâ foret. Taur. When a dying man might be said to die; when he was now dead, or while he was yet living? whereunto Gellius returneth an answer out of Plato: q Plato neque vitae id tempus, neque morti dedit (vidit quippe utrumque esse pugnans) sed tempori in confinio. A. Gell. N●ct. Attic. lib. 6. cap. 13. that his dying was to be attributed neither to the time of his life nor of his death (because repugnances would arise either of those ways) but to the time which was in the confine betwixt both; which Plato calleth r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (al. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.) Plat●. in Parmenide, pag. 67, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a moment or an instant, and denieth to be properly any part of time at all. Therefore Death doth his part in an instant (as hath been said) but Hádes continueth that work of his, and holdeth the dead as it were under conquest, until the time of the resurrection; s 1. Corinth. 15.54, 55. wherein shall be brought to pass the saying that is written. O Death, where is thy sting? O Hades, where is thy victory? For t Haec justé dicentur tunc, quando mortalis haec & corruptibilis caro (circa quam & mors est, quae & quodam dominio mortis pressa est) in vitam conscendens, induerit incorruptelam & immortalitatem. Tunc enim veré erit victa mors, quando ea quae continetur ab eâ caro, exierit de dominio ejus. Irenae. lib. 5. cap. 13. these things shall rightly be spoken then (saith Irenaeus) when this mortal and corruptible flesh (about which Death is, and which is holden down by a certain dominion of Death) rising up unto life shall put on incorruption and immortality. for than shall death be truly overcome, when the flesh that is holden by it, shall come forth out of the Dominion thereof. Death then, as it importeth the separation of the soul from the body (which is the proper acception of it) is a thing distinguishable from Hades, as an antecedent from his consequent: but as it is taken for the whole state of death, and the domination which it hath over the dead (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basilius Seleuciensis calleth it, in his oration upon Elias) it is the self same thing that Hades is; and in that respect (as we have seen) the words are sometimes indifferently put, the one for the other. As therefore our Saviour (that we may apply this now unto him) after he was fastened and lifted up on the Cross, if he had come down from thence (as u Matth. 27.40, 41, 42. the standers by in mocking wise did wish him to do) might be truly said to have been crucified, but not to have died: so when he gave up the ghost, and laid down his life, if he had presently taken it up again, he might truly be said to have died, but not to have gone to the dead, or to have been in Hádes. His remaining under the power of Death until the third day, made this good. Whom God did raise up, losing the sorrows of death, x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Act. 2.24. forasmuch as it was not possible that he should be holden of it: saith S. Peter. and Christ being raised from the dead, dyeth now no more, y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rom. 6.9. Death hath no more dominion over him: saith S. Paul. implying thereby, that during the space of time that passed betwixt his death and his resurrection, he was holden by death, and death had some kind of domination over him. And therefore Athanasius (or who ever else was author of that writing to Liberius the Roman Bishop) having reference unto the former text; affirmeth that z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. Rescript. ad Liberium, tomo 1. pag. 397. he raised up that buried body of his, and presented it to his Father, having freed it from Death, of which it was holden. and Maximus (or he that collected the Dialogues against the Marcionites, under the name of Origen, out of him) expounding the other text; a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen. Dialog. 3. Over whom then had Death dominion? saith he. For the saying that it hath no more dominion, showeth that before it had dominion over him. Not that Death could have any dominion over b Act. 3.15. the Lord of Life, further than he himself was pleased to give way unto it: but as, when Death did at the first seize upon him, c Act. 8.33. his life indeed was taken from the earth, yet d joh. 10.18. none could take it from him, but he laid it down of himself; so his continuing to be Death's prisoner for a time, was a voluntary commitment only, unto which he freely yielded himself for our sakes, not any yoke of miserable necessity that Death was able to impose upon him. For e Ibid. he had power to lay down his life, and he had power to take it again: yet would he not take it again, before he had first not laid himself down only upon Death's bed, but slept also upon it; that arising afterward from thence, he might become f 1. Cor. 15.20. the first fruits of them that slept. In which respect, the g Cyprian testimon. advers. judaeos, lib. 2. sect. 24. Lactant. Institut. lib. 4. cap. 19 Ruffin. in exposit. Symbol. Fathers apply unto him that text of the Psalm; I laid me down and slept, I awaked, for the Lord sustained me. (Psalm. 3.5.) and Lactantius that verse of Sibyl, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The term of death he shall finish, when he hath slept unto the third day. His dying, or his burying at the farthest, is that which here is answerable unto his lying down: but his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as h Dionys Ecclesiast. Hierarch. cap. 2. Dionysius calleth it) his his three-days burial, and his continuing for that time in the state of death, is that which answereth unto his sleeping or being in Hádes. And therefore the Fathers of the fourth Council of Toledo, declaring how in Baptism i Et ne fortè cuiquam sit dubium hujus simpli mysterium sacramenti; videat in eo mortem & resurrectionem Christi significari. Name in aquis mersio, quasi in infernum descensio est; & rursu● ab aquis emersio, resurrectio est. Concil. Toletan. FOUR cap. 5. (( al. 6.) the death and resurrection of Christ is signified, do both affirm, that the dipping in the water is as it were a descension into Hell, and the rising out of the water again, a resurrection; and add likewise out of Gregory (with whom many other k Dionys ut sup. Cyrill. vel johan. Hierosolymitan. Cateches. 2. Mystagogic. Petrus Chrysologus, serm. 113. Leo I. epist 4. cap. 3. Paschasius de Spiritu S. lib. 2. cap. 5. Io. Damascen. Orthodox. fid. lib. 4. cap. 10. Germanus in rer. Ecclesiast. Theoria. Walafrid, Strab. de reb. Ecclesiastic. cap. 26. Theophylact. in johan. cap. 3. Doctors do herein agree) that l Nos autem quòd tertiò mergimus, triduanae sepulturae sacramenta signamus: ut dum tertiò infans ab aquis educitur, resurrectio triduani temporis exprimatur, Concil. Toletan. ex Gregorio, lib. 1. Registri, epist. 41. the threefold dipping is used to signify the three-days burial. which differeth as much from the simple burial or putting into the earth, as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the transportation or leading into captivity from the detaining in bondage, the committing of one to prison from the holding of him there, and the sowing of the seed from the remaining of it in ground. And thus have I unfolded at large the general acceptions of the word Hádes and Inferi, and so the Ecclesiastical use of the word Hell answering thereunto: which being severally applied to the point of our Saviour's descent, make up these three propositions that by the universal consent of Christians are acknowledged to be of undoubted verity. His dead body, though free from corruption, yet did descend into the place of corruption, as other bodies do. His soul, being separated from his body, departed hence into the other world, as all other men's souls in that case use to do. He went unto the dead, and remained for a time in the state of death, as other dead men do. There remaineth now the vulgar acception of the word Hell, whereby it is taken for the place of torment prepared for the Devil and his Angels: and touching this also, all Christians do agree thus far, that Christ did descend thither at leastwise in a virtual manner; as God m Descendere dicitur, cum aliquid facit in terrâ, quod praeter usitatum naturae cursum mirabiliter sactum praesentiam quodam modo ejus ostendat. August. de Civit. Dei, lib. 16. cap. 5. is said to descend, when he doth any thing upon earth, which being wonderfully done beyond the usual course of nature may in some sort show his presence, or when he otherwise n Descendere dicitur Deus; quando curam humanae fragi litatis habere dignatur. Aug. serm. 70. de Tempore. vouchsafeth to have care of humane frailty. Thus when Christ's o Erat caro ejus in monumento; sed virtus ejus operabaturé coelo. Ambros. de Incarnate. cap. 5. flesh was in the tomb, his power did work from Heaven: saith S. Ambrose. which agreeth with that which was before cited out of the Armenians Confession: p Supr. pag. 3 22 According to his body which was dead, he descended into the grave; but according to his DIVINITY, which did live, he overcame Hell in the mean time. and with that which was cited out of Philo Carpathius, upon Cantic. 5.2. I sleep, but my heart waketh: q Supr. pag. 317 in the grave spoiling Hell. for which, in the Latin Collections that go under his name, we read thus. r Ego dormio, in Cruse scilicèt, & cor meum vigilat: cum divinitas Tartara spoliavit, & opima spolia retulit de triumpho superatae mortis aeternae, atque dejectae diabolicae potestatis. Philo Carpath. in Cantic. 5. I sleep, to wit on the Cross, and my heart waketh: when my DIVINITY spoilt Hell, and brought rich spoils from the triumph of everlasting death overcome, and the Devil's power overthrown. The author of the imperfect work upon Matthew, attributeth this to the Divinity, not clothed with any part of the Humanity, but naked, as he speaketh. Seeing the Devils s Quem in corpore constitutum timuerunt, dicentes; Quid nobis & tibi, jesu fili Dei excelsi? venisti ante tempus torquere nos? quomodo nudam ipsam divinitatem contra se descendentem pote●unt sustinere? Ecce post tres dies mortis suae revertetur ab inferis, quasi victor de bello. Op. imperfect. in Matth. homil. 35. tom. 2. Chr●sost●m. feared him, (saith he) while he was in the body, saying; What have we to do with thee, jesus the son of the high God? art thou come to torment us before our time? how shall they be able to endure his NAKED DIVINITY descending against them? Behold after three days of his death he shall return from Hell, as a conqueror from the war. This conquest others do attribute to his Cross, others to his Death, others to his Burial, others to the real descent of his soul into the place of the damned, others to his Resurrection: and extend the effect thereof not only to the delivery of the Fathers of the old Testament, but also to the freeing of our souls from Hell. from whence how men may be said to have been delivered, who never were there, S. Augustin declareth by these similitudes. t Recté dicis medico, Liberâsti me ab aegritudine; non in quâ jam eras, sed in quâ futurus eras. Nescio quis habens caussan molestam, mittendus erat in carcerem: venit alius, defendit eum. gratias agens, quid dicit? Eruisti animam meam de carcere Suspendendus erat debtor: solutum est pro eo; liberatus dicitur de suspendio In his omnibus non erant: sed quia talibus meritis agebantur, ut, nisi subventum esset, ibi essent; inde se recté dicunt liberari, quò per liberatores suos non sunt permissi perduci. Augustin. in Psalm. 85. Thou sayest rightly to the physician, Thou hast freed me from this sickness; not in which thou wast, but in which thou wast like to be. Some body else having a troublesome business, was to be cast into prison: there cometh another, and defendeth him. what saith he, when he giveth thanks? Thou hast delivered me from prison. A debtor was in danger to be hanged: the debt is paid for him; he is said to be freed from hanging. In all these things they were not: but because such were their deserts, that unless they had been holpen, there they would have been; they say rightly that they were freed thence, whither by those that freed them they were not suffered to be brought. That Christ destroyed the power of Hell, u Ephes. 2.15. spoilt principalities and powers, and made a show of them openly, triumphing over them: is acknowledged by all Christians. Neither is there any who will refuse to subscribe unto that which Proclus delivered in his Sermon before Nestorius then Bishop of Constantinople (inserted into the Acts of the Council of Ephesus.) x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Procli C●ziceni episc. homil. de Nativitate Domini, in Act. Concil. ●phes. part. 1. cap. 1. edit. Rom. He was shut up in the grave, who stretched out the heavens like a skin: he was reckoned among the dead, and spoilt Hell. and that which S. Cyrill and the Synod of Alexandria, wrote unto the same Nestorius, concerning the Confession of their faith: (approved not only by the y Act. Concil. Ephesin. pa●t. 1. cap 26. edit. Rom. third general Council held at Ephesus, but also by the z Concil. Chalced. Act. 5. fourth at Chalcedon, and the a Quint. Synod. Constantinop. Collat. 6. fifth at Constantinople.) b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Synod. Alexandrin epist. ad Nostorium. To the end that by his unspeakable power treading down death in his own as the first and principal flesh, he might become the first borne from the dead and the first fruits of those that slept; and that he might make a way to man's nature for the turning back again unto incorruption: by the grace of God he tasted death for all men; and revived the third day, spoiling Hell. All, I say, do agree, that Christ spoiled or (as they were wont to speak) harrowed Hell: whether you take Hell for that which keepeth the soul separated from the body, or that which separateth soul and body both from the blessed presence of him who is our true life; the one whereof our Saviour hath conquered by bringing in the Resurrection of the body, the other he hath abolished by procuring for us Life everlasting. Touching the manner and the means, whereby Hell was thus spoilt, is all the disagreement. The manner: whether our Lord did deliver his people from Hell by way of prevention, in saving them from coming thither; or by way of subvention, in helping those out whom at the time of his death he found there. The means: whether this were done by his Divinity or his Humanity or both, whether by the virtue of his sufferings, death, burial and resurrection, or by the real descending of his soul into the place wherein men's souls were kept imprisoned. That he descended not into the Hell of the damned by the essence of his soul or locally, but virtually only by extending the effect of his power thither: is the common doctrine of c Thom. in Sum. part. 3. quaest 62. art. 2. Thomas Aquinas and the rest of the School. Cardinal Bellarmine at first held it to be d Bellarm lib. 4. ●e Ch●isto, cap. 16. probable, that Christ's soul did descend thither, not only by his effects, but by his real presence also: but afterwards e Re meliùs conside●atá, sequendam esse existimo sententiam S. Thoma●, quae estaliorum Scholastico●um in 3. Sent dist. 22. Id. in Recognitione Op●rum. having considered better of the matter, he resolved that the opinion of Thomas and the other Schoolmen was to be followed. The same is the judgement of f Suarez. tom. 2. in ●. part. Thom. disput. 43. sect. 4. Suarez: who concerning this whole article of Christ's descent into Hell, doth thus deliver his mind. g Si nomine articuli intelligamus veritatem, quam omnes fideles explicité scire ac c●edere teneantur: sic non existimo necessarium hunc computare inter articulos fidei. Quia non est res ad modùm necessaria singulis hominibus: & quia ob hanc fortassè caussamin symbolo Niceno omittitur cujus symboli cognitio videtur esse sufficiens ad praeceptum fidei implendum. Denique proptero● fortè Aug. & alij Patres in principio citati exponentes symbolum, non explicant populo hoc mysterium. Id. ibid. sect. 2. If by an Article of faith we understand a truth, which all the faithful are bound explicitly to know and believe: so I do not think it necessary to reckon this among the Articles of faith. Because it is not a matter altogether so necessary for all men: and because that for this reason peradventure it is omitted in the Nicene Creed; the knowledge of which Creed seemeth to be sufficient for fulfilling the precept of faith. Lastly for this cause peradventure Augustin and other of the Father's expounding the Creed, do not unfold this mystery unto the people. And to speak the truth, it is a matter above the reach of the common people to enter into the discussion of the full meaning of this point of the descension into Hell: the determination whereof dependeth upon the knowledge of the learned tongues and other sciences that come not within the compass of their understanding. some experiment whereof they may find in this; that whereas in the other questions here handled, they might find themselves able in some reasonable forre to follow me; here they leave me, I doubt, and let me walk without their company. It having here likewise been further manifested, what different opinions have been entertained by the ancient Doctors of the Church concerning the determinate place wherein our Saviour's soul did remain during the time of the separation of it from his body: I leave it to be considered by the learned, whether any such controverted matter may fitly be brought in to expound the h Regulam fidei pusillis magnisque communem in Ecclesiâ perseveranter tenent. August. epist. 57 ad Dardaenum. Rule of faith by, which being common both to the great and the small ones in the Church, must contain such verities only as are generally agreed upon by the common consent of all true Christians. and if the words of the article of Christ's going to Hades or Hell, may well bear such a general meaning as this; that he went to the dead, and continued in the state of death until the time of his Resurrection: it would be thought upon, whether such a truth as this, which findeth universal acceptance among all Christians may not safely pass for an article of our Creed; and the particular limitation of the place unto which our Saviour's soul went (whither to the place of bliss, or to the place of torment, or to both) be left, as a number of other Theological points are, unto further disputation. In the articles of our faith common agreement must be required: which we are sure is more likely to be found in the general, than in the particular. And this is the only reason which moved me to enlarge myself so much in the declaration of the general acceptions of the word Hades, and the application of them to our Saviour's descent spoken of in the Creed. wherein if the zeal which I bear to the peace of the Church, and the settlement of unity among brethren hath carried me too far, (as it hath made me indeed quite to forget my intended brevity) I entreat the Reader to pardon me; and ceasing to be further troublesome unto him in the prosecution of this intricate argument, I pass to the next question OF PRAYER TO SAINTS. THat one question of S. Paul, Rom. 10.14. How shall they call upon him, in whom they have not believed? among such as lust not to be contentious, will quickly put an end unto this question. For if none can be invocated but such as must be believed in; and none must be believed in but God alone: every one may easily discern, what conclusion will follow thereupon. Again, all Christians have been taught, that no part of divine worship is to be communicated unto any creature. for a Matth. 4.10. it is written: Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. But prayer is such a principal part of this service, that it is b jerem. 10. 25● joel. 2.32. Act 9.14. 1. Corinth. 1.2. Sic apud Optatum, lib 3. contr. Donatist. Vt negaretur Christus & Idola rogarentur. Item: Testamentum divinum legimus pariter; unum Deum rogamus. usually put for the whole: and the public place of God's worship, hath from hence given it the denomination of c Esai. 56.7. Matth. 21.13. the house of prayer. Furthermore, he that heareth our prayers, must be able to search the secrets of our hearts; and discern the inward disposition of our souls. For the pouring out of good words, and the offering up of external sighs and tears, are but the carcase only of a true prayer: the life thereof consisteth in the d Psalm. 62.8. 1. Sam. 1.13, 15. pouring out of the very soul itself, and the sending up of those secret e Rome 8.26. groans of the spirit which cannot be uttered. But f Rom. 8.27. he that searcheth the hearts, and only he, knoweth what is the mind of the spirit: he g 1. Kings. 8.39. 2. Chron. 6.30. heareth in heaven his dwelling place, and giveth to every man according to his ways, whose heart he knoweth. for he even he ONLY knoweth the hearts of all the children of men: as Solomon teacheth us in the prayer which he made at the dedication of the Temple. whereunto we may add that golden sentence of his father David for a conclusion: h Psalm. 65.2. O thou that hearest prayer, unto thee shall all flesh come. If it be further here ob●ected by us; that we find neither precept nor example of any of the Fathers of the old Testament, whereby this kind of p●aying to the souls of the Saints departed may be warranted: Cardinal Bellarmine will give us a reason for it. i Nam id circò ante Christi adventum non ita colebantur, neque invocabantur spiritus Patriarcharun et Prophetarun, quemadmodum nunc Apostolos & Martyrs colimus & invocamus: quòd illi adhuc inferni carceribus clausi detinebantur. Bellarmin. fin. Praefat. in Controvers. de Ecclesiá triumphante, in Ord. disputat. for therefore (saith he) the spirits of the patriarchs and the Prophets before the coming of Christ were neither so worshipped nor invocated, as we do now worship and invocate the Apostles and Martyrs: because that they were detained as yet shut up in the prisons of Hell. But if this reason of his be grounded upon a false foundation (as we have already showed it to be) and the contrary supposition be most true; that the spirits of the Patriarches and Prophets were not thus shut up in the prisons of Hell: then have we four thousand years' prescription left unto us, to oppose against this innovation. We go further yet, and urge against them, that in the New Testament itself we can descry no footsteps of this new kind of Invocation, more than we did in the Scriptures of the old Testament. For this, Salmeron doth tell us, that k Quia Scripturas conditas & publicatas in primitiuâ Ecclesiâ oportebat Christum fundare, & explicare, qui per tacitam suggestionem Spiritus Sanctos secum adducebat: & durum esset id Iudaeis praecipere; & occasio daretur Gentibus put●ndi sibi exhibitos multos Deos pro multitudine Deorum quos relinquebant. Alphons. Salmer. in 1. Timoth. 2. disput. 8. the Scriptures which were made and published in the primitive Church ought to found and explain Christ, who by the tacit suggestion of the Spirit did bring the Saints with him: and that it would have been a hard matter to enjoin this to the jews; and to the Gentiles an occasion would be given thereby to think, that many Gods were put upon them in steed of the multitude of the Gods whom they had forsaken. So this new worship, you see, fetcheth his original neither from the Scriptures of the Old nor of the New Testament: but from I know not what tacit suggestion, which smelled so strongly of Idolatry, that at first it was not safe to acquaint either the jews or the Gentiles therewith. But if any such sweet tradition as this were at first delivered unto the Church by Christ and his Apostles: we demand further, how it should come to pass, that for the space of 360. years together after the birth of our Saviour, we can find mention no where of any such thing? For howsoever our Challenger giveth it out, that prayer to Saints was of great account, amongst the Fathers of the primitive Church, for the first 400. years after Christ: yet for nine parts of that time, I dare be bold to say, that he is not able to produce as much as one true testimony out of any Father, whereby it may appear, that any account at all was made of it; and for the tithe too, he shall find perhaps before we have done, that he is not like to carry it away so clearly as he weeneth. Whether those blessed spirits pray for us, is not the question here: but whether we are to pray unto them. That God only is to be prayed unto, is the doctrine that was once delivered unto the Saints, for which we so earnestly contend: the Saints praying for us doth no way cross this (for to whom should the Saints pray, but to the l Revel. 15.3. King of Saints?) their being prayed unto, is the only stumbling block that lieth in this way. And therefore in those first times, the former of these was admitted by some, as a matter of probability: but the latter no way yielded unto, as being derogatory to the privilege of the Deity. Origen may be a witness of both: who touching the former writeth in this sort. m Ego sic arbitror, quòd omnes illi qui dormierunt ante nos patres, pugnent nobiscum & adjuvent nos orationibus suis Ita namque etiam quendam de senioribus magistris audivi dicentem. Origen. in joshua. homil. 16. I do think thus, that all those fathers who are departed this life before us, do fight with us and assist us with their prayers: for so have I heard one of the elder Masters saying. and in another place. n jam veró si etiam extra corpus positi sancti, qui cum Christo sunt, agunt aliquid, & laborant pro nobis ad similitudinem angelorum qui salutis nostrae ministeria procurant. etc. habeatur hoc quoque inter occulta Dei, nec chartis committenda mysteria. Id. lib. 2. in epist. ad Roman. cap. 2. Moreover if the Saints, that have left the body and be with Christ, do any thing and labour for us, in like manner as the Angels do who are employed in the ministry of our salvation: let this also remain among the hidden things of God, and the mysteries that are not to be committed unto writing. But because he thought that the Angels and Saints prayed for us: did he therefore hold it needful, that we should direct our prayers unto them? Hear, I pray you, his own answer; in his eighth book against Celsus the philosopher. o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen. lib. 8. contra Cells pag. 432.433. We must endeavour to please God alone, who is above all things, and labour to have him propitious unto us, procuring his good will with godliness and all kind of virtue. And if Celsus will yet have us to procure the good will of any others, after him that is God over all: let him consider, that as when the body is moved, the motion of the shadow thereof doth follow it; so in like manner, having God favourable unto us who is over all, it followeth that we shall have all his friends, both Angels and souls and spirits, loving unto us. For they have a fellow-feeling with them that are thought worthy to find favour from God. Neither are they only favourable unto such as be thus worthy, but they work with them also that are willing to do service unto him who is God over all, & are friendly to them, and pray with them, and entreat with them. So as we may be bold to say, that when men which with resolution propose unto themselves the best things do pray unto God, many thousands of the sacred powers pray together with them UNSPOKEN to. Celsus had said of the Angels: p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Celsus, ibid. pag. 406. that they belong to God, and in that respect we are to put our trust in them, and make oblations to them according to the laws, and pray unto them, that they may be favourable to us. To this Origen answereth in this manner. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen ibid. Away with Celsus his counsel, saying that we must pray to Angels: and let us not so much as afford any little audience to it. For we must pray to him alone who is God over all: and we must pray to the Word of God his only begotten and the first bornè of all creatures; and we must entreat him, that he as high Priest would present our prayer (when it is come to him) unto his God, and our God, & unto his Father and the father of them that frame their life according to the word of God. And whereas Celsus had further said that we r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Celsus, ibid. pag. 411. must offer first fruits unto Angels, and prayers, as long as we live; that we may find them propitious unto us: answer is returned by Origen in the name of the Christians; that they held it rather fit to offer first fruits unto him which said; Let the earth bring forth grass, the herb yielding seed, and the fruit tree yielding fruit after his kind. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen. ibid. pag. 411.412. And to whom we give the first fruits, (saith he) to him also do we send our prayers; having a great high Priest that is entered into the Heavens, jesus the Son of God: and we hold fast this confession whiles we live, having God favourable unto us, and his only begotten Son jesus being manifested amongst us. But if we have a desire unto a multitude, whom we would willingly have to be favourable unto us: we learn that thousand thousands stand by him, and millions of millions minister unto him. who beholding them that imitate their piety towards God, as if they were their kinsfolks and friends; help forward their salvation who call upon God, and pray sincerely: appearing also, and thinking that they ought to do service to them; and as it were upon one watchword to set forth for the benefit and salvation of them that pray to God, unto whom they themselves also pray. For they are all ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them, who shall be heirs of salvation. Thus far Origen, in his eight book against Celsus: to which for a conclusion we will add that place of the fifth book. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (fort. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Jd. lib. 5. pag. 239. All prayers and supplications and intercessions and thanksgivings, are to be sent up unto God the Lord of all, by the high Priest who is above all Angels, being the living Word and God. For to call upon Angels, we not comprehending the knowledge of them which is above the reach of man, is not agreeable to reason. And if by supposition it were granted, that the knowledge of them (which is wonderful, and secret) might be comprehended: this very knowledge, declaring their nature unto us and the charge over which every one of them is set, would not permit us to presume to pray unto any other but unto God the Lord over all, who is abundantly sufficient for all, by our Saviour the Son of God. Tertullian and Cyprian in the books which they purposely wrote concerning Prayer, deliver no other doctrine: but teach us to regulate all our prayers according unto that perfect pattern prescribed by our great Master; wherein we are required to direct our petitions unto Our Father which is in heaven. (Matth. 6.9. Luk. 11.2) u Haec ab alio orare non possum, quam á quo me scio consecuturum: quoniam & ipse est qui solus praestat, & ego sum cui impetrare debetur; famulus ejus qui eum solum observo, qui propter disciplinam ejus occidor, qui ei offero opimam & majorem hostiam, quam ipse mandavit, orationem de carne pudicâ, de animâ innocenti, de spiritu sancto profectam. Tertullian. Apologetic. cap. 30. These things (saith Tertullian in his Apology for the Christians of his time) I may not pray for from any other, but from him of whom I know I shall obtain them: because both it is he who is alone able to give, and I am he unto whom it appertaineth to obtain that which is requested, being 〈◊〉 servant who observe him alone, who for his religion am killed, who offer unto him a rich and great sacrifice, which he himself hath commanded, Prayer proceeding from a chaste body, from an innocent soul, from a holy spirit. where he accounteth Prayer to be the chief sacrifice, wherewith God is worshipped: agreeably to that which Clemens Alexandrinus wrote at the same time. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Alexandr. lib. 7. Stromat. We do not without cause honour God by prayer; and with righteousness send up this best and holiest sacrifice. The direction given by Ignatius unto Virgins in this case, is short and sweet: y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ignat. epist. 6. ad Philadelph. Ye Virgins, have Christ alone before your eyes and his Father in your prayers, being enlightened by the Spirit. for explication whereof that may be taken, which we read in the exposition of the Faith, attributed unto S. Gregory of Neocaesarea. z Qui recté invocat Deum, per Filium invocat: & qui proprié accedit, per Christum accedit. Accedere autem ad Filium non potest sine Spiritu Sancto. Gregor. Neocaesar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. á Fr. Turriano convers. Whosoever rightly prayeth unto God, prayeth by the Son; and whosoever cometh as he ought to do, cometh by Christ: and to the Son he can not come, without the holy Ghost. Neither is it to be passed over, that one of the special arguments whereby the writers of this time do prove our Saviour Christ to be truly God, is taken from our praying unto him and his accepting of our petitions. a Si homo tantummodo Christus; quomodo adest ubique invocatus, cum haec hominis naturae non sit, sed Dei, ut adesse omni loco possit? Si homo tantummodò Christus; cur homo in orationibu● mediator invocatur, cum invocatio hominis ad praestandam salutem inefficax judicetur? Si homo tantummodò Christus; cur spes in illum ponitur, cum spes in homine maledicta referatur? Novatian. de Trinitat. cap. 14. If Christ be only man, (saith Novatianus) how is he present being called upon every where; seeing this is not the nature of man, but of God, that he can be present at every place? If Christ be only man: why is a man called upon in our prayers as a mediator; seeing the invocation of a man is judged of no force to yield salvation? If Christ be only man: why is there hope reposed in him; seeing hope in man 〈◊〉 said to be cursed? So is it noted by Origen, that S. Paul b Sed & in principio epistolae quam ad Corinthios scribit, ubi dicit; Cum omnibus qui invocan● nomen Domini jesu Christi in omni loco, ipsorum & nostro: eum, cujus nomen invocatur, Deum, jesum Christum esse pronuntiat. Si ergo & Enos & Moses & Aaron & Samuel invocabant Dominum, & ipse exandiebat eos, sine dubio Christum jesum Dominum invocabant: & si invocare Domini nomen, & adorare Deum, unum atque idem est, sicut invocatur Christus & adorandus est Christus: & sicut offerimus Deo Patri primò omnium orationes, ita & Domino jesu Christo: & sicut offerimus postulationes Patri, ita offerimus postulationes & Filio: & sicut offerimus gratiarum actiones Deo, ita gratias offerimus Salvatori. Origen. lib. 8. in epist. ad Roman. cap. 10. in the beginning of the former epistle to the Corinthians, where he saith, With all that in every place call upon the Name of jesus Christ our Lord, both theirs and ours; (1. Corinth. 1.2.) doth thereby pronounce jesus Christ, whose Name is called upon, to be God. And if to call upon the Name of the Lord, (saith he) and to adore God, be one and the self same thing: as Christ is called upon, so is he to be adored; and as we do offer to God the Father first of all prayers, (1. Tim. 2.1.) so must we also to the Lord jesus Christ; and ●s we do offer supplications to the Father, so do we offer supplications also to the Son; and as we do offer thanksgivings to God, so do we offer thanksgivings to our Saviour. In like manner Athanasius, disputing against the Arrians, by that prayer which the Apostle maketh, 1. Thessal. 3.11. God himself and our Father, and our Lord jesus Christ, direct our way unto you; doth prove the unity of the Father and the Son. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. orat. 4. contra Arian. pag. 259. For no man (saith he) would pray to receive any thing from the Father and the Angels, or from any of the other creatures: neither would any man say; God and the Angel give thee this. And whereas it might be objected, that jacob in the blessing that he gave unto Ephraim and Manasseh (Genes. 48.15, 16.) did use this form of prayer: The God which fed me from my youth unto this day; The Angel which delivered me from all evils, bless those children. (which Cardinal d Bellarm. de Eccles. triumph. lib. 1. cap. 19 Bellarmine placeth in the forefront of the forces he bringeth forth to establish the Invocation of Saints.) Athanasius answereth, that e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. ut supr. pag. 260. he did not couple one of the created and natural Angels with God that did create them; nor omitting God that fed him, did desire a blessing for his nephews from an Angel: but saying, Which delivered me from all evils, he did show that it was not any of the created Angels, but the WORD of God (that is to say, the Son) whom he coupled with the Father and prayed unto. and for further confirmation hereof he allegeth (among other things) that neither f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. jacob, nor David did pray unto any other but God himself, for their deliverance. The place wherein we first find the spirits of the deceased to be called unto, rather than called upon; is that in the beginning of the former of the Invectives which Gregory Nazianzen wrote against the Emperor julian, about the CCCLXIV. year of our lord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hear o thou soul of great Constantius (if thou hast any understanding of these things) and as many souls of the Kings before him as loved Christ. where the g Scholar Graec. in priorem Nazianzeni Jnvectivam, pag. 2. edit. Rtonens. Greek Scholiast upon that parenthesis putteth this note. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He speaketh according to the manner of Isocrates; meaning, If thou hast any power to hear the things that are here, and therein he sayeth rightly: for Isocrates useth the same form of speech, bo●h in his Euagoras and in his Aegineticus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. If they which be dead have any sense of the things that are done here. The like limitation is used by the same Nazianzen toward the end of the funeral oration which he made upon his sister Gorgonia: where he speaketh thus unto her. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Greg. Nazianz. orat. 11. in Gorg●n. If thou hast any care of the things done by us, and holy souls receive this honour from God, that they have any feeling of such things as these; receive this Oration of ours, in stead of many and before many funeral obsequies. So doubtful the beginnings were of that, which our Challenger is pleased to reckon among the chief articles not of his own religion only but also of the Saints and Fathers of the primitive Church, who (if his word may be taken for the matter) did generally hold the same touching this point that the Church of Rome doth now. But if he had either himself read the writings of those Saints and Fathers with whose minds he beareth us in hand he is so well acquainted; or but taken so much information in this case, as the books of his own new Masters were able to afford him: he would not so peremptorily have avouched, that prayer to Saints was generally embraced by the Doctors of the primitive Church as one of the chief articles of their Religion. His own Bellarmine (he might remember) in handling this very question of the Invocation of Saints, had wished him to i Notandum est quia ante Christi adventum Sancti, qui moriebantur, non intrabant in coelum, nec Deum videbant, nec cognoscere poterant ordinarié preces supplicantium: ideò non fuisse consuerum in Testamento veteri, ut diceretur; Sancte Abraham, ora pro me, &c Bellarmin de Sanct. Beatit. lib. 1. cap. 19 note, that because the Saints which died before the coming of Christ did not enter into heaven, neither did see God, nor could ordinarily take knowledge of the prayers of such as should petition unto them; therefore it was not the use in the old Testament to say, Saint Abraham pray for me, etc. For at that time, saith Suarez, k Quòd autem aliquis directé oraverit Sanctos defunctos, ut se adjuvarent, vel prose orarent, nusquam legimus. Hic enim modus orandi est proprius legis gratiae, in quo Sancti videntes Deum, possunt etiam in eo videre orationes, quae ad ipsos funduntur. Fr Suarez. in 3. part. Thom. tom. 2. disput 42. sect. 1. we read no where, that any man did directly pray unto the Saints departed, that they should help him, or pray for him; for this manner of praying is proper to the law of Grace, wherein the Saints beholding God, are able also to see in him the prayers that are poured out unto them. So doth Salmeron also teach, l Dicendum est, ideò non fuisse morem in Veteri Testamento adeundi Sanctos intercessores, quia nondum erant beati & glorificati, ut modò sunt: ideò non debebatur eis tantus honos, quantus est iste. Alphons. Salmer. in 1. Timoth. 2. disput. 8. that therefore it was not the manner in the old Testament to resort unto the Saints as intercessors; because they were not as yet blessed and glorified, as now they be: and therefore so great an honour as this is, was not due unto them. And m Ant●à frustrà fuissent implorata ipso●um suffragia, utpote nondum conjunctorum cum Deo in gloriâ, sed ad reconciliationem usque & regni apertionem per sanguinem redemptoris Christi, loco quodam ordinato á Deo adhuc expectantium: & proptereà non percipientium orationes & vota viventium, ut quae, non propriâ rationis ad nos usque pertingentis efficaciâ, sed in verbi divini speculo (quod intue●i ipsis nondum datum erat) beati intuentur & audiunt. At post persolutum redemptionis nostrae pretium, sancti jam regnantes cum Christo in coelesti gloriâ, etiam nostras preces votaque exaudiunt: ut quae universa, in verbo, clarissimé intuentur, velut quodam speculo. Albert. Pigh. Controvers. 13. in vain, saith Pighius, should their suffrages have been implored, as being not yet joined with God in glory, but until the reconciliation and the opening of the kingdom by the blood of Christ the redeemer, waiting as yet in a certain place appointed by God; and therefore not understanding the prayers and desires of the living. which the blessed do behold and hear, not by the efficacy of any proper reason reaching from them unto us, but in the glass of the divine Word; which it was not as yet granted unto them to behold. But after the price of our redemption was paid, the Saints now reigning with Christ in heavenly glory, do hear our prayers and desires: forasmuch as they behold them all most clearly in the Word, as in a certain glass. Now, that divers of the chief Doctors of the Church were of opinion, that the Saints in the New Testament are in the same place & state that the Saints of the Old Testament were in, and that before the day of the last judgement they are not admitted into Heaven and the clear s●ght of God (wherein this metaphysical speculation of the Saints seeing of our prayers is founded:) hath been n See above, from pag. 215. to 225. item pag. 259.260.265.266.270.343.344. etc. before declared out of their own writings. where that speech of S. Augustin; o Augustin. in Psalm. 36. conc. 1. Nondum ibi eris: quis nescit? (Thou shalt not as yet be there: who knoweth it not?) showeth that the opinion was somewhat general, and apprehended generally too as more than an opinion. By the Romanists own grounds then, the more generally this point was held by the ancient Fathers, and the more resolvedly: the less generally of force, and the more doubtfully must the Popish doctrine of praying to Saints have been entertained by them. And if our Challenger desire to be informed of this doubt that was among the ancient Divines (touching the estate of the Saints now in the time of the New Testament) by the report of the Doctors of his own religion, rather than by our allegations: let him hear from Franciscus Pegna, what they have found herein. p Olim controversum fuit, num animae S●nctoru● usque ad diem judicij De●m viderent, & divinâ visione frueren●ur: cum multi insignes viri & doctrinâ & sanctitate clari tenere viderentur, eas nec videre nec frui usque ad diem judicij, donec receptis corporibus unâ cum illis divinâ beatitudine perfruantur. nam Irenaeus, justinus martyr, Tertullianus, Clemens Romanus, Origenes, Ambrose, Chrysostomus, Augustinus, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prud●ntius, Theodoretus, Aretas, Oecumenius, Theophylactus, & Euthymius hujus referuntur fuisse sententiae: ut commemorant, Castrus, & Medina, & Sotus. ●r. Pegna, in ●art. 2 D●re●io● Inquisitor comment 21. It was a matter in controversy (saith he) of old, whether the souls of the Saints before the day of judgement did see God, and enjoy the divine vision: seeing many worthy men and famous both for learning and holiness did seem to hold, that they do not see nor enjoy it before the day of judgement, until receiving their bodies together with them they should enjoy divine blessedness. For Irenaeus, justin Martyr, Tertullian, Clemens Romanus, Origen, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Augustin, Lactantius, Victorinus, Prudentius, Theodoret, Aretas, Oecumenius, Theophylact, and Euthymius are said to have been of this opinion: as Castrus and Medina and Sotus dorelate. To whom we may adjoin one more of no less credit among our Romanists then any of the others: even Thomas Stapleton himself, who taketh it for granted, that q Tot illi & tam celebres antiqui patres, Tertu●lianus, Irenaeus, Origenes, Chrysostomus, Theodoretus, Oecumenius, Theophylactus, Ambrose, Clemens Romanus, D Bernardus, huic sententiae (quae nunc in Concilio Florentino magnâ demùm conquisitione factâ ut dogma fidei definita est) quòd justorum animae ante diem judicij Dei visione fruuntur, non sunt assensi; sed sententiam contrariam tradiderunt. S●ap●eton. Desens. Ecclesiastic. authorit. cont●a Whitake●. lib. 1. cap. 2. these so many famous ancient Fathers, Tertullian, Irenaeus, Origen, Chrysostom, Theodoret, Oecumenius, Theophylact, Ambrose, Cl●mens Romanus, sss and Bernard, did not assent unto this sentence (which now, saith he, in the Council of Florence was at length after much disputing defined as a doctrine of faith) that the souls of the righteous enjoy the sight of God before the day of judgement; but did deliver the contrary sentence thereunto. We would entreat our Challenger then, to spell these things and put them together: and afterward to tell us, whether such a conclusion as this may not be deduced from thence. Such as held that the Saints were not yet admitmitted to the sight of God; could not well hold that men should pray unto them, in such manner as the Romanists use now to do. because the Saints not enjoying the sight of God, are not able ordinarily to take notice of the prayers that are put up unto them. But many and very famous Doctors too among the ancient, did hold, that the Saints are not yet admitted to the sight of God. Therefore many and very famous Doctors among the ancient, could not well hold, that men should pray unto the Saints in such manner as the Romanists use now to do. The first proposition is given unto us by Bellarmine and his fellow Jesuits; the second by Stapleton and other Doctors of the Romish Church: yet all of them with equal boldness agree in denying the Conclusion. r Certa est & manifesta Conciliorum definitio, perpetuo ab Apostolorum temporibus usu, & omnium Graecorum & Latinorum patrum authoritate firmata; Sanctos esse orandos et invocandos. Jo. Azor. Insti●ut. Moral. tom. 1. lib. 9 cap. 10. It is the certain and manifest definition of the Counsels (saith a jesuit) confirmed by perpetual use from the times of the Apostles, and by the authority of ALL the Greek and Latin Fathers; that Saints are to be prayed unto and invocated. s Omnes Patres Graeci & Latini docent, Sanctos esse invocandos. Bellarmin. de Eccles. triumph. lib. 1. cap. 6. ALL the Father's Greek and Latin teach this: saith Bellarmine. t Patres universi, tam Graeci quam Latini, perpetuò Sanctos interpellârunt Alphons Salmer. tit 1. Timoth. 2. d●sput. 7. ALL the Fathers, aswell Greek as Latin, perpetually have called upon the Saints: saith Salmeron. and u Stapleton, Forness. part. 1. chap. 9 this is clear by ALL the writers of the first six hundred years: quoth Stapleton. for these kind of men have so enured their tongues to talk of all fathers and all writers; that they can hardly use any other form of speech: having told such tales as these so often over, that at last they persuade themselves that they be very true indeed. The memory of the Martyrs indeed was from the very beginning had in great reverence: and at their Memorials and Martyria, that is to say, at the places wherein their bodies were laid (which were the Churches whereunto the Christians did in those times usually resort) prayers were ordinarily offered up unto that God for whose cause they laid down their lives. Where, the Lord being pleased to give a gracious answer to such prayers, and to do many wonderful things for the honouring of that Christian profession which those worthy champions maintained unto the death men began afterwards to conceive, that it was at their suit and mediation that these things were granted and effected. Which was the rather believed, by reason that the Martyrs themselves were thought to have appeared unto divers that were thus relieved, both at the places of their memorials and other where. Notwithstanding, in what sort these things were brought about, S. Augustin professeth that it did pass the strength of his understanding to define. x Vtrùm ipsi per seipsos assint uno tempore tam diversis locis, & tantâ inter se longinquitate discretis, etc. Augustin. de Curâ pro mortuis, cap. 16. whether the Martyrs themselves were in their own persons present at one time in such divers places, so far distant one from another: or whether they remaining in a certain place removed from all commerce with the affairs of men here, y Et tamen generaliter orantibus pro indigentiâ supplicantium. ibid. but praying in general for the necessities of suppliants; God by the ministry of Angels did effect these things when, where, & in what manner he pleased, but z maximeque per eorum memorias; quoniam hoc novit expedire nobis ad aedificandam f●dem Christi, pro cujus illi confessione sunt passi. I●si●. especially at the Memorials of the martyrs, because he knew that to be expedient to us for the building of the faith of Christ, for whose confession they did suffer. a Res haec altior est, quam ut á me possit attinge, & abstrusior quam ut á me valeat perscrutari: & ideò quid ho●um duoru● sit, an veró fortassis utrumque sit, ut aliquando ista fiant per ipsam praesentiam martyrum, aliquando per Angelos suscipientes personam martyrum, definere non audeo. Ibid. This matter is higher (faith he) than that it may be touched by me, and more abstruse than that it can be searched into by me: and therefore whether of these two it be, or whether peradventure both of them be; that these things may sometimes be done by the very presence of the Martyrs, sometimes by Angels taking upon them the person of the Martyrs, I dare not define. The first of these opinions pleaseth S. Hierome best: who allegeth for proof thereof that place in the Revelation; b Revel. 14.4. These follow the Lamb, whethersoever he goeth. whereupon he inferreth a conclusion, which hath need of a very favourable interpretation. c Si agnus ubique: ergo & high, qui cum agno sunt, ubique esse credendi sunt. Hieronym. advers. Vigilant. If the Lamb be every where: therefore they also that are with the Lamb, must be believed to be every where. From whom Maximus Taurinensis seemeth not much to differ, where he saith: d Licèt universi Sancti ubique sint, & omnibus prosi●t: specialiter illi tamen pro nobis interveniunt, qui & supplicia pertulêre pro nobis. Maxim. homil. in Natali Taurinorum martyrum. Although all the Saints be every where, and profit all men: yet they specially do labour for us, who have also suffered punishments for us. So one Eustratius a priest of Constantinople made a collection of diverse testimonies both out of the Scriptures and the writings of the Fathers; to prove, e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eustrat. in Photij Bibliothecâ, cod. 171. that the souls which oftentimes and in different manners appear unto many, do themselves appear according to their proper existence; and it is not the divine power, assuming the shape of the holy souls, that showeth forth these operations. And so strongly did this opinion prevail, when superstition had once gotten head; that at length this Canon was discharged against those that should hold otherwise. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Canon. Synodi á Michaële Syncello citat. in Ignatij Patriarch. C.P. Encomio. If any man say, that the Saints themselves do not appear, but their Angels only; let him be anathema. The author of the Questions to Antiochus, commonly attributed unto Athanasius, thus determineth the matter on the contrary side. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. quaest 26. add Antioch. Those adumbrations and visions which appear at the chapels and tombs of the Saints, are not made by the souls of the Saints; but by holy Angels transformed into the shape of the Saints. For how otherwise (tell me) can the soul of S. Peter or S. Paul, being but one, appear at the same instant being commemorated in a thousand Churches of his throughout the whole world? For this can neither one Angel do at any time: it being proper unto God alone, to be found at the same instant in two places and in the whole world. And Anastasius Sinaita or Nicanus, in the self same manner. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anastas. Sinait. Quaest 89. It is fit we should know, that all the visions which appear at the chapels or tombs of the Saints, are performed by holy Angels, by the permission of God. For how else should it be possible, that the resurrection of the bodies being not yet made, but the bodies and the flesh of the Saints being as yet dispersed; that these should be seen in shape complete men, and oftentimes appear upon horses armed? And if thou thinkest that thou mayest contradict these things: tell me, how can Paul or Peter, or any other Apostle or Martyr, being but one, appear oftentimes at the same hour in many places? For neither is an Angel able to be at the same instant in divers places; but God only who is uncircumscriptible. Whereunto we may further add those judicious observations of S. Augustine touching this matter. i Si ergo me potest aliquis in somnis videre, sibi aliquid quod factum est indica●tem, vel etiam quod futurum est praenu●ciantem; cum id ego prorsus ignorem, & omninò non curem, non solùm quid ille somniet, sed utrùm dormiente me vigilet, an vigilant me dormiat, an uno eodemque tempore vigilemus ambo sive dormiamus, quando ille som●ium videt & in quo me videt: quid mirum si nescientes mortui, nec ista sentientes, tamen á viventibus videntur in somnijs, & aliquid dicunt, quod evigilantes verum esse cognoscant? August de curâ pro mortuis, cap. 10. If one in his sleep may see me, telling unto him something that is done, or foretelling also something that is to come; when I am altogether ignorant thereof, and have no care at all, not only of what he dreameth, but whether he awaketh I being a sleep, or he sleepeth I being awake, or whether both of us at one and the some time do either wake or sleep, when he seeth the dream in which he seeth me: what marvel is it if the dead, not knowing nor perceiving these things, are yet seen in dreams by the living, and say somewhat which they being awake may know to be true? k Sic autem infirmitas humana sese habet, ut cum mortuum in somnis quisque viderit, ipsius animam se videre arbitretur; cum autem vivum similiter somnia verit, non ejus animam, neque corpus, sed hominis similitudinem sibi apparuisse non dubitet: quasi non possint & mortuorum hominum, eodem modo nescientium, non animae sed similitudines apparere dormientibus. Ibid. cap. 11. But such is man's weakness, that when any one seeth a dead man in his sleep, he thinketh that he doth see his soul; but when he dreameth in like manner of one that is alive, he maketh no doubt, that it is neither his soul nor his body, but a similitude of the man that did appear unto him: as if not the soul●s but the similitudes of dead men, not knowing it, might not also after the same sort appear. So he telleth of one Eulogius a rhetorician in Carthage, who lighting upon a certain obscure place in Cicero's Rhetorickes which he was the next day to read unto his scholars, was so troubled therewith that at night he could scarce sleep. l Quâ nocte somnianti, ego illi quod non intelligebat exposui: immò non ego, sed imago mea nesciente me, & tam longé trans mare aliquid aliud, sive agente, sive somniante, & nihil de illius curis omnino curante. Ibid. In which night (saith S. Augustin) I expounded unto him while he was in a dream, that which he did not understand: nay not I, but my image, I not knowing, and so far beyond the sea either doing or dreaming some other thing, and nothing at all caring for his cares. The like he doth also note to happen unto those that are in raptures and ecstasies. m Et his enim apparent imagines vivorum atque mortuorum: sed cum fuerint sensibus redditi, quoscunque mortuos vidisse se dixerint, veré cum eis fuisse creduntur: nec attendunt qui haec audiunt, similiter ab eis absentium atque nescientium quorundam etiam imagines visas esse vivorum. Ibid. cap. 12. For unto these also do appear images as well of the living as of the dead: but after they have been restored unto their senses, as many of the dead as they say that they have seen, with them they are truly believed to have been: neither do they mark who hear these things, that the images of some living men, that were absent and ignorant of these things, were in like manner seen by them. And for the confession of the Devils in parties possessed, he bringeth in a memorable instance, of that which fell out in n Nam Mediolani apud sanctos Protasium & Gervasium martyrs, expresso nomine, sicut defunctorum quos eodem modo commemorabant, adhuc vivum daemones Episcopum confitebantur Ambrosium, atque ut sibi parceret obsecrabant; illo aliud agente, atque hoc cum ageretur omnino nesciente. Ibid cap. 17. Milan, at the place of the memorial of the martyrs Protasius and Gervasius. where the Devils did not only make mention of the Martyrs that were dead, but also of Ambrose the Bishop then living; and besought him that he would spare them: he being otherwise employed, and being utterly ignorant of the thing when it was a doing But as S. Augustin doth put us in mind in that discourse, that o Aliquando autem fallacibus som●ijs (al. visis) high homines in magnos mittuntur errores: quos talia perpeti justum est. Ibid. cap. 10. men are sometimes led into great errors by deceitful dreams or visions; and that it is just, that they should suffer such things. so S. Chrysostom giveth a good admonition, that little heed should be taken of the Devils sayings. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●hrysost. de Lazaro, conc. 2. tom. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 235.236. What is it then (saith he) that the Devils do say; I am the soul of such a Monk? Surely for this I believe it not, because the Devils say it: for they deceive their hearers. And therefore Paul (Act. 16.18.) silenced them, although they spoke truth; least taking occasion from thence, they might mingle false things again with those truths, and get credit to themselves. and touching dreams and apparitions of the dead, he addeth further. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. de Lazar. conc. 4. ibid. pag 256. If at this time, the dreams that appear oftentimes in the shapes of them that have departed this life, have deceived and corrupted many: much more if this were once settled in men's minds, that many of those that are departed did return again unto us; that wicked Devil would plot a thousand guiles, and bring in much deceit into our life. And for this cause God hath shut up the doors, and doth not suffer any of the deceased to return back and tell the things that are there: lest he, taking occasion from thence, should bring in all his own devices. It was the complaint of Synesius in his time, that there were r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Synes. epist. 54. many both private men and Priests too, who feigned certain dreams, which they called Revelations· and in ancient writings we meet with sundry visions, which if they be truly related, may more justly be suspected to have been illusions of deceitful spirits, than true apparitions of blessed either Souls or Angels. He that will advisedly read over Basilius Seleuciensis his narration of the miracles of S. Thecla (for example) must either reject the work as strangely corrupted, or easily be drawn to yield unto that which I have said. For who can digest such relations and observations as these? that s Basil. Sele●e. de miraculus S. Theclae, lib. 2. cap. 10. they who watch the night that goeth before her festivity, do at that time yearly see her driving a fiery chariot in the air, and removing from Seleucia unto Dalisandus, as a place which she did principally affect, in regard of the commodity and pleasantness of the situation. that both she and other of the Saints deceased do t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. cap. 21. rejoice much in solitary places, and do ordinarily dwell in them. that after her death she should u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. cap 24. affect Oratory and P●ëtry, and be continually delighted with such as did more accurately set forth her praises: (even as Homer bringeth in Apollo, x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Hom. Iliad. ●. tickled at the heart with hearing the songs that were made unto him in the camp of the Grecians:) of which he produceth two special instances: the one of Alypius the Grammarian, unto whom being forsaken of the physicians Thecla (he saith) did appear in the night, and demanded of him, what he ailed, and what he would. He, to show his art, and to win the Virgin's favour with the aptness of the verse; returneth for an answer unto her that verse, wherewith Homer maketh Achilles to answer his mother Thetis, in the first of the Iliads: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Thou knowest why should I tell it thee that knowest all? Whereat y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil Seleuc. ut supr. cap. 24. the Martyr smiling, and being delighted partly with the man partly with the verse, and wondering that he had answered so aptly; conveyed a certain round stone unto him, with the touch whereof he was presently set on foot from his long and perilous sickness. For ●he other instance the writer reporteth that which happened unto himself. For z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. cap. 27. the Marty● (saith he) is such a lover of learning, and taketh such a delight in these oratorious praises; that I will tell somewhat of those things that were done to myself and for myself: which the Martyr, who did it, doth know to have been done, and that I lie not. Then he telleth, how having prepared an oration for her anniversary festivity, the day before it should be pronounced, he was taken with such an extreme pain in his ear, that the auditory was like to be quite disappointed: but that the Martyr the same night appeared unto him, and shaking him by the ear took all the pain away. He addeth further, that the same Martyr used often to appear unto him in his study at other times: but once more specially, while he was in hand with writing this self same book. For having begun to be a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ibid. cap. 16. weary of the labour, the Martyr (saith he) seemed to sit by close in my sight, where I used to be at my book; and to take the quaternion out of my hand, in which I transcribed these things out of my table-book. Yea and she seemed unto me to read it, and to rejoice, and to smile, and to show unto me by her look that she was pleased with the things that were written, and that it behoved me to finish this work and not to leave it unperfect. These things do I here repeat, not with any intention to disgrace antiquity (whereof I profess myself to be as great an admirer as any) but to discover the first grounds from whence that Invocation of Saints did proceed, whereby the honour of God and Christ's office of mediation was afterwards so much obscured. That saying of S. Augustin is very memorable, and worthy to be pondered. b Quem invenirem, qui me reconciliaret tibi? An e●ndum mihi fuit ad Angelos? Quâ prece? quibus sacramentis? Multi conantes ad te redire, neque per seipsos valentes, sicut audio, tentave●unt haec; & incid●●unt in deside●ium curiosaru● visionun, & digni habiti sunt illusionibus Augustin. Confes● lib. 10. cap. 42. Whom should I find, that might reconcile me unto thee? Should I have gone unto the Angels? With what prayer? with what sacraments? Many endeavouring to return unto thee, and not being able to do it by themselves, as I hear, have tried these things; and have fallen into the desire of curious visions, and were accounted worthy of illusions. Whether they that had recourse unto the mediation of Martyrs, in such sort as these had unto the mediation of Angels, deserved to be punished with the like delusions; I leave to the judgement of others: the thing which I observed was this; that such dreams and visions as these, joined with the miraculous cures that were wrought at the monuments of the Martyrs, bred first an opinion in men's minds of the Martyr's ability to help them; and so afterward led them to the recommending of themselves unto their prayers and protection. where at first they expected only by their intercession to obtain temporal blessings (such as those cures were that were wrought at their tombs, and other like external benefits) but proceeded afterwards to crave their mediation for the procuring of the remission of their sins and the furthering of their everlasting salvation. c Quotiescumque, Fratres charissimi, sanctorum Martyrum solennia celebramus; ita ipsis intercedentibus expectemus á Domino consequi temporalia beneficia, ut ipsos Martyres imitando accipere mereamur aeterna. Serm. de Martyrib. ad calcem fe●monum Leonis 1 & tom. 1. Oper. Augustin. serm. 47. de Sanctis. As often, dear brethren, as we do celebrate the solemnities of the holy Martyrs; let us so expect by their intercession to obtain from the Lord TEMPORAL benefits, that by imitating the Martyrs themselves we may deserve to receive eternal: saith the author of the sermon of the Martyrs, which is found among the homilies of S. Augustin and Leo, and in the * Breviar. Roman. in Communi plurimorum Martyrum extra tempus Paschale, lect. 4. Roman Breviary is appointed to be read at the common festival days of many Martyrs. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil homil. 26 de S. Mamante. Be mindful of the Martyr (saith S. Basil in his panegyrical oration upon Mamas) as many of you as have enjoyed him by DREAMS; as many of you as coming to this place, have had him a helper to your praying; as many as to whom, being called by name, he showed himself present by his works; as many travellers as he hath brought back again; as many as he hath raised from sickness; as many as he hath restored their children unto being now dead; as many as have received by his means a longer term of life Here a man may easily discern the breed of this disease, and as it were the grudge of that ague that afterwards broke out into a pestilential fever. The Martyr is here vocatus only, not invocatus yet: not called upon by being prayed unto, but called to join with others in putting up the same petition unto his and their God. For as here in the Church militant we have our fellow-soldiers e Rom. 15.30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 striving together with us, and f 2. Cor. 1.11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 helping together with their prayers to God for us; and yet because we pray one for another, we do not pray one to another: so the Fathers which taught that the Saints in the Church triumphant do pray for us, might with S. Basil acknowledge that they had the Martyrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fellowhelpers to their prayer; and yet pray with them only, and not unto them. For howsoever this evil weed grew apace, (among the superstitious multitude especially) yet was it so cropped at first by the skilful husbandmen of the Church, that it got nothing near that height which under the Papacy we see it is now grown unto. Which that we may the better understand, and more distinctly apprehend, how far the recommending of men's selves unto the prayers of the Saints, which began to be used in the latter end of the fourth age after Christ, came short of that Invocation of Saints, which is at this day practised in the Church of Rome: these special differences may be observed betwixt the one and the other. First in those elder times, he that prayed silently was thought to honour God in a singular manner; as one that g Qui in silentio orat, sidem defert, & confitetur quòd Deu● scrutator cordis & renis sit, & orationem tuam antè ille audiat, quam tuo ore fundatur. Ambros. de Sacrament. lib. 6. cap. 4. brought faith with him, and confessed that God was the searcher of the heart and reynes, and heard his prayer before it was poured out of his mouth: the understanding of the present secrets of the heart, by the general judgement of the Fathers, h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quaest 99 ad Antioch. tom. 2. Oper Athanasijs, pag. 303. edit. Graecolat. being no more communicated by him unto the creatures, than the knowledge of things to come. for before the day wherein the secrets of the heart shall be manifested, i Et prius quidem solus omnipotens Deus cernit occulta, dicente sermone Euange●ico; Et pater qui videt in abscondito. Et in alio loco: Scrutans corda & renes Deus. Et in Regum volumine. Tu solus nosti corda cunctorum filiorum hominum. Hi●ronym. lib 5· in Ezech. ca 16. Vid. eund. lib. 4. in Ezech. ca 14. li. 4▪ in jerem. cap. 20. & lib. 1. in Matth cap. 9 (suprá. pa. 112.) lo. Chrysost. in Matth homil. 29▪ edit Graec. vel 30. Latin. Gennadium de Ecclesiasticis dogmatib. cap. 81. Jo Cassian. Collat. 7. cap. 13. Sedulium in Rom. 2. Paeschasium de Spiritu Sancto, lib 2. cap. 1. & alios possim. almighty God alone doth behold the hidden things: saith S. Hierome, alleging for proof of this the text, Matth. 6.4. Thy Father that seeth in secret. Psalm. 7.9. God searcheth the hearts and reynes. and 1. King. 8.39. Thou only knowest the hearts of all the children of men. But now in the Church of Rome mental prayers are pre●ented to the Saints, as well as vocal: and they are believed to receive both the one and the other. Secondly, in the former times k Respondeo magnam quidem esse quaestionem, nec in praesentia disserendam, quòd sit ope●is prolixioris; utrum, vel quatenus, vel quomodo ea quae circa nos aguntur noverint spiritus mortuorum. Augustin. in Psal. 108. ●narrat. 1. it was a great question, whether at all, or how far, or after what manner the spirits of the dead did know the things that concerned us here: and consequently, whether they pray for us only l Vid. eund. de Curâ pro mortuis, cap. 16 suprá citatum, initio pag. 392. Sanctos in genere sollicitos esse pro Ecclesiâ, & orare posse, atque etiam reipsâ orare; fatentur Philippus in Apologiâ Confessionis Augustanae, articulo de invocatione Sanctorum, Brentius in Confession Wirtembergensi, capite de invocatione Sanctorum, Kemnitius in tertiâ parte Examinis Concilij Tridentini: Calvinus quoque lib●o t●rtio Institut. cap. 20. sect. 21. & 24. non repugnat huic sententiae. Bellarmin. de Missa, lib 2. cap. 8. in general, and for the particulars God answereth us according to our several necessities, where, when, and after what manner he pleaseth. Anselmus Laudunensis in his interlineall Gloss upon that text; Abraham is ignorant of us, and Israel knoweth us not: (Esai. 63.16) noteth, that m Augustinus dicit: Quia mortui nesciunt, etiam sancti, quid agant vivi, etiam eorum filij Gloss. interlineal in Esai 63. Augustine sayeth, that the dead, even the Saints do not know what the living do, no not their own sons. And indeed S. Augustine in his book of the Care for the dead, maketh this inference upon that place of Scripture. n Si tanti Patriarchae quid erga populum ex his procreatum ageretur, ignoraverunt, quibus Deo credentibus populus ipse de illorum stirpe promissus est: quo modo mortui vivorum rebus atque actibus cognoscendis adjuvandisque miscentur? Augustin. de Curâ pro mo●tuis, cap. 13. If such great patriarchs as these were ignorant, what was done toward the people that descended from them, unto whom (believing God) the people itself was promised to come from their stock: how do the dead interpose themselves in knowing and furthering the things and acts of the living? a●d afterwards draweth these conclusions from thence, which o Lib. de Spiritu & Animâ, tom. 3. operum August qui idem est cum libro 2. de Animâ, inter opera Hugonis Victorint. Hugo de Sancto Victore borrowing from him, hath inserted into his book De Spiritu & animâ, cap. 29. p Ibi sunt spiritus defunctorum, ubi non vident quaecunque aguntur, aut eveniunt in istâ vitâ hominibus. augustin. de Curâ ●ro mortuis, cap. 13. The spirits of the dead be there, where they do neither see nor hear the things that are done or fall out unto men in this life. q Ita illi (Diviti) fuit cura de vivis, quanvis quid agerent, omnino nesciret: quemadmodum est nobis cura de mortuis, quanvis quid agant, omnino utique nesciamus. Ibid. cap. 14. Yet have they such a care of the living, although they know not at all what they do, as we have care of the dead, although we know not what they do. r Proínde fatendum est, nescire quidem mortuos quid hîc agatur, sed dum hîc agitur; posteà veró audire ab eyes, qui hinc ad eos moriendo p●rgunt. Non quidem omnia, sed quae sinuntur indicare, qui sinuntur etiam ista meminisse; & quae illos, quibus haec indicant, oportet audire. Possunt & ab Angelis, qui rebus quae aguntur hic praesto sunt, audire aliquid mortui, quod unumquenque illo●um audire debere judicat cui cuncta subjecta sunt. etc. Possunt etiam spiritus mortuorum aliqua quae hîc aguntur, quae necessarium est eos nosse, & quae necessarium non est eos non nosse, non solùm praeterita vel praesentia, verumetiam futura spiritu Dei revelante cognoscere. Ibid. cap. 15. The dead indeed do not know what is done here, while it is here in doing: but afterward they may hear it by such as die and go unto them from hence; yet not altogether, but as much as is permitted to the one to tell and is fit for the other to hear. They may know it also by the Angels which be here present with us, and carry our souls unto them. They may know also by the revelation of God's spirit such of the things done here as is necessary for them to know. Hitherto Hugo out of S. Augustin: who is herein also followed by Gratian, in the second part of the Decrees, caus. 13. quaest. 2. cap. 29. where the Gloss layeth down his resolution thus. s Facit Grat. quamdam incidentem quaestionem; utrùm defuncti sciunt quae in mundo geruntur á viris? & respondet, quòd non: & hoc probat auctoritate Isaiae. Gloss. in 13. q. 2. De mortuis. Gratian moveth a certain incident question; whether the dead know the things that are done in this world by the living? and he answereth, that they do not: and this he proveth by the authority of Esai. (uz. Esai. 63.16.) The like question is moved by the Master of the Sentences; t Sed fortè quaeris; Nunquid preces supplicantium Sancti audiunt, & vota postulantium in eorum notitiam perveniunt? Non est ineredibile, animas Sanctorum, quae in abscondito faciei Dei veri luminis illustratione laetantur, in ipsius contemplatione ea quae foris aguntur intelligere, quantum vel illis ad gaudium, vel nobis ad auxilium pertinet. Sicut enim Angelis, ita & Sanctis qui Deo assistunt, petitiones nostrae innotescunt in Verbo Dei quod contemplantur. Petr. Lombard. Sentent. lib. 4. distinct, 45. Whether the Saints do hear the prayers of suppliants, and the desire of petitioners do come unto their notice? and this answer is returned thereunto: It is NOT INCREDIBLE, that the souls of the Saints, which in the secret of God's presence are joyed with the illustration of the true light, do in the contemplation thereof understand the things that are done abroad, as much as appertaineth either to them for joy, or to us for help. For as to the Angels, so to the Saints likewise which stand before God, our petitions are made known in the Word of God which they contemplate. Upon which place of the Master, Scotus disputing, groweth to this conclusion. u Dico, quòd non est necesse ex ratione beatitudinis, quòd beatus videat orationes nostras: neque regulariter sive universaliter in Verbo, quia non est aliquid quasi necessaria sequela beatudinis; neque quòd revelentur, quia neque talis revelatio nec●ssariò sequitur beatitudinem. etc. Tamen probabile est, quòd Deus beatis revelat de orationibus sibi, vel ●eo in nomine ejus oblatis. Io. Scotus, in 4. dist 45. quaest. 4. I say, that it is not necessary in respect of the beatitude, that one in bliss should see our prayers: neither regularly or universally in the Word, because it is not such a thing as is a necessary sequel of beatitude; nor yet that they be revealed, because that neither such a revelation doth necessarily follow upon beatitude. Notwithstanding (for a reason which we shall hear of afterward) he saith, it is PROBABLE, that God doth specially reveal unto him that is in bliss such of our prayers as are offered unto him, or unto God in his name. The same conclusion doth Gabriel Biel make in his lectures upon the Canon of the Mass. for having showed, first, that x Dicendum, quòd Sancti in patriâ qui de facto in coelis sunt, naturali cognitione putà vespertinâ, quae est cognitio rerum in proprio genere, nullas orationes nostrum in terrâ consistentium, neque mentales n●que vocales cognoscunt propter immoderatam distantiam inter nos & ipsos Gabr. Biel, in Canon Miss. ●ect 31. the Saints in heaven, by their natural knowledge, which is the knowledge of things in their proper kind, know no prayers of ours that are here upon earth, neither mental nor vocal, by reason of the immoderate distance that is betwixt us and them. secondly, that y Non est de ratione beatitudinis essentialis; ut nostras orationes, aut alia facta nostra, matutinâ cognitione videant in verbo. Ibid. it is no part of their essential beatitude, that they should see our prayers or our other actions in the Word; and thirdly, that z Vtrùm autem videre nostias orationes pertineat ad eorum b●atitudinem accidentalem; non per omnia certum est. I●id. it is not altogether certain, whether it do appertain to their accidental beatitude, to see our prayers: he thus at length concludeth. a Vnde probabili●e● dicitur, quòd licèt non necessariò sequitur ad s●nctorum beatitudinem, ut orationes nostras audiant de co●gruo: tamen Deu● eye revelat omnia quae ipsis ab h●minib●s off●runtur, si●e ipsos magnificando & la●dando, sive eos orando & auxili● implorando Ibid. It is therefore said PROBABLY, that although it do not follow necessarily upon the Saint's beatitude, that they should hear our prayers of congruity: yet that God doth reveal all things which are offered unto them by men; whether in magnifying and praising them, or in praying unto them and imploring their help. Cardinal Bellarmine supposeth, that b S● indigerent Sancti nouâ revelatione, Ecclesia non diceret ita audacter omnibus Sanctis; Orate ●ro nobu: sed peteret aliquando á Deo, ut & rev●laret preces nostras. Bellarm. de Eccles. triumph. lib. 1. cap 20. if the Saints should have need thus of a new revelation, the Church would not so boldly say unto all the Saints; Pray for us: but would sometimes entreat of God, that he would reveal our prayers unto them. Yet because c Superfluum videtur ab eyes (qui sunt in Purgatorio) ordinarié petere, ut pro nobis orent: quia non possunt ordinarié cognoscere quid agamus in particulari, sed solùm in genere sciunt nos in multis periculis versari Id de Purgator. lib. 2. cap. 15. it seemeth unto him superfluous, to desire ordinarily of them that they shoul● pray for us, which cannot ordinarily understand what we do in particular, but know only in general that we are exposed to many dangers: he resolveth, that d Etsi dubitatio esse possit, quemadmodum cognoscant absentia, & quae solo cordis affectu interdum proferuntur; tamen certum est eos cognoscere Id de Eccles. triumph. lib. ca●. ●0. although there may be some doubt, in what manner the Saints may know things that be absent, and which are sometime delivered by the affection of the heart alone; yet it is certain that they do know them. And you must e Notandum est, quod est de fide, beatos cognoscere orationes quas ad eos fundimus. Peasant. in 1. part. Thom. quaest. 1●. note, saith another jesuit, that this is to be held for a point of faith, that the Saints do know the prayers which we pour unto them. So that to make good the Popish manner of praying unto Saints, that which at the first was but probable and problematical, must now be held to be de fide, and an undoubted axiom of Divinity. Thirdly, in the Popish Invocation, formal and absolute prayers are tendered to the Saints: but the compellations of them used at first, were commonly either wishes only, or requests of the same nature with those which are in this kind usually made unto the living; where the requester is oftentimes superior to him whose prayers he desireth (which standeth not well with the condition of f Est enim oratio actus quidam rationis, quo unus alteri supplicat, inferior videlicèt superiori. Bella●min. de bonis operib. in particulari, lib. 1. cap. 7. Prayer properly so called) and they that are requested, be evermore accounted in the number of those that pray for us, but not of those that are prayed unto by us. Of this you may hear, if you please, what one of the more moderate Romanists writeth. g Si Prophetae licuit appellare Angelos, & universum coelestem exercitum, eosque hortari ut Deum laudent, quod tamen nullo etiam monente assidué faciunt; quo sané nihil aliud quam abundantia quaedam studij divinae gloriae amplificandae declaratur: cur etiam non liceat beatos illos spiritus ejusdem corporis societate nobiscum conjunctos, ex quâdam pij desiderij redundantiâ compellare, atque exhortari, uti id faciant, quod eos ultro facere credimus? ut perinde valeat; Omnes Sancti orate Deum pro me: ac si dicatur. utinam omnes Sancti Deum orent pro me quam velim ut omnes Sancti Deum orent pro me Georg. Cassand. Scholar in Hymn. Ecclesiastic. Op●rum pag. 242. If it were lawful for the Prophet to call to the Angels and the whole host of heaven, and to exhort them that they would praise God, which notwithstanding they do continually without any one admonishing them, whereby nothing else but a certain abundance of desire of the amplifying of God's glory is declared: why may it not be lawful also, out of a certain abundance of godly desire to call upon those blessed spirits which by the society of the same body are conjoined with us; and to exhort them, that they should do that, which we believe they otherwife do of themselves? That to say; All ye Saints, pray unto God for me: should import as much, as if it were said; Would to God, that all the Saints did pray unto God for me! I wish earnestly, that all the Saints should pray to God for me! Thus writeth Cassander, in his notes upon the ancient Ecclesiastical Hymns, published by him in the year 1556. who being challenged for this by some others of that side, added this further to give them better satisfaction. h cum viderem non necessarium, ut statuamus Sanctos intelligere nostras preces; credebam ad calumnias nonnullorum repellendas satis esse si dicamus per modum desiderij eas inter pellationes explicari posse: quod minus habet absurditatis, & divinarum literarum exemplis congruit. Si quis autem hujusmodi compellationes pro intimatione quoque desiderij, & directâ (ut ita loquamur) allocutione haberi velit; non repugno. Crediderim tamen hujusmodi intimationi tacitam conditionem subesse debere; qualem Gregorius Nazianzenus in oratione funebri sororis Gorgoniae exprimit, cum ait. Proinde si nostri sermones vel parumper tibi curae sint, honorque talis sanctis á D●o debetur animabus, ut talia resciscant; suscipe & tu sermonem nostrum. Id. epist. 19 ad Io. Molinaeum. pag. 1109. When I did see that it was not necessary, that we should hold that the Saints do understand our prayers; I thought it was sufficient to put back the calumnies of some, if we should say that these interpellations might be expounded by way of wishing or desiring: which hath less absurdity in it, and is agreeable to the examples of the holy Scriptures. But if any man would have such compellations as these to be taken also for an intimation of the desire, and a direct speaking unto them; I do not gainsay it. Notwithstanding I would think that a tacit condition ought to be understood in such an intimation: such as Gregory Nazianzen doth express in the funeral oration of his sister Gorgonia, when he saith. If thou hast any care at all of our speeches, and holy souls receive this honour from God that they have notice of such things as these; do thou accept this Oration of ours. Yea in the very darkest times of the Papacy there wanted not some, who for certain reasons (recited by Guilielmus Altissi dorensis and Gabriel Biel) resolved that neither the Saints do pray for us, neither are we to pray unto them. i His & similibus rationibus decepti sunt dicti hae●etici. Decipiuntur & nunc nonnulli nostro tempore Christiani. Gabr. Biel, in Canon. Miss. lect. 30. With these and such like reasons, saith Biel, were the heretics deceived: and some Christians in our time are now deceived. k Propter istas rationes & consimiles dicunt multi, quòd nec nos oramus Sanctos, nec ipsi orant pro nobis, nisi improprié: ideò sc. quia oramus Deum ut Sanctorum merita nos juvent unde: Adjuvent nos eorum merita. etc. Guillerm. Altissiodor. in Summ. part. 4 lib. 3. tract. 7. cap. de Orat. quaest. 6. For these and the like reasons, saith Altissiodorensis, MANY do say, that neither we pray unto the Saints, nor they pray for us, but improperly: in respect we pray unto God, that the merits of the Saints may help us. according to that: Adjuvent nos eorum merita, etc. where if any poison do remain hidden under the name of merits, (of which we are to consider in his proper place:) the breviary of the Praemonstratersian Order ministereth unto us this antidote against it. l Breviar Praemo. str●teus. in Ommum Sanctorum officio. Vid. Poëmata De corr●pto Ecclesiae statu, edit. Basil. an. 155● pag. 28.29. & Catalogue. test. veritat. edit. ibid. an. 1562. pag. 390. Adjuvent nos eorum merita, Quos propria impediunt scelera? Excuset eorum intercessio, Quos propria accusat actio? At tu qui eis tribuisti Coelestis palmam triumphi, Nobis veniam non deneges peccati. Can their merits help us, whom their own sins hinder? Can their intercession excuse us, whose own action doth accuse themselves? But thou, who hast bestowed upon them the palm of the heavenly triumph, deny not unto us the pardon of our sin. And this many serve to make a. Fourth difference betwixt the Popish prayers and the Interpellations used in the ancient time. for by the doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome, the Saints in heaven are not only made joint petitioners with us (as the Saints are upon earth) but also our Attorneys and Advocates: who carry the suit for us, not by the pleading of Christ's merits alone, but by bringing in their own merits likewise; upon the consideration of the dignity or condignity whereof it is believed, that God yieldeth to the motions they make unto him in our behalf. m Oramus Sanctos, ut intercedant pro nobis, id est, ut merita eo●um nobis suffragentur, & ut ipsi velint bonum nostrum: quia eis volentibus Deus vult, & ita fiet. Petr. Lombard. Sentent. lib. 4. distinct. 45. & jacobus de Vitriaco, in Litaniâ maiori. We pray unto the Saints (saith the Master of the Sentences) that they may intercede for us, that is to say, that their merits may help us, and that they may will our good: for they willing it God doth will it, and so it will be effected. n Rogare debemus Apostolos & omnes Sanctos in omni necessitate nostrâ: quia ipsi sunt advocati nostri, & medij inter nos & Deum, per quos Deus ordinavit nobis omnia largiri. Hug. Prate●s. sermon. 35. We ought to entreat the Apostles and all the Saints (saith Hugo Pratensis) in all our necessities: because they are our advocates, and the means betwixt us and God, by whom God hath ordained to bestow all things upon us. o Qui congruum est beatum esse coadjutorem Dei in procurando salutem electi, eo modo quo hoc sibi potest competere; & ad iflud requiritur sibi revela●i orationes nostras specialiter, quae sibi offeruntur, quia illae specialiter innituntur meritis ejus tanquam mediatoris perducentis ad salutem, quae petitur: ideò probabile est, quòd Deus beatis revelat de orationibus sibi, vel Deo in nomine ejus oblatis. Io. Scot in 4. Sent. d●st. 45. quaest. 4. Because it is a thing fitting (saith Scotus) that he that is in bliss should be a coadjutor of God in procuring the salvation of the elect, according to such manner as this may agree unto him; and to this it is requisite, that our prayers which are offered unto him should specially be revealed unto him, because they lean specially upon the merits of him as of a mediator bringing us to the salvation which is sought for: therefore it is probable that God doth specially reveal unto him that is in bliss such of our prayers as are offered unto him, or unto God in his name. But this is an open derogation to the high prerogative of our Saviour's meritorious Intercession, and a manifest encroachment upon the great office of Mediation, which the most religious and learned among those Fathers, who desired to be recommended unto the prayers of the Saints, were so careful to preserve entire unto him. p Quid enim tam proprium Christi, quam advocatum apud Deum patrem adstare populorum? Ambros. in Psalm. 39 For what is so proper to Christ, saith S. Ambrose, as to stand by God the Father for an advocate of the people? q Ipse Sacerdos est, qui nunc ingressus in interiora veli, solus ibi ex his qui carnem gestaverunt interpellat pro nobis. In cujus rei figurâ in illo primo populo, & in illo primo templo unus sacerdos intiabat in sancta sanctorum, populus omnis foras stabat. August. in Psam. 64. He is the Priest, saith S. Augustin, who being now entered within the veil, ALONE there of them that have been partakers of flesh, doth make intercession for us. In figure of which thing, in that first people and in that first Temple the Priest only did enter into the Holy of holyes, and all the people stood without. And therefore where S. john sayeth; These things write I unto you, that ye sin not: and if any man sin, we have an Advocate with the Father jesus Christ the righteous. (1. john. 2.1.) S. Augustin in his exposition upon that place maketh this observation thereupon: that S. john being so great a man as he was, r Non dixit, habetis, nec me habetis dixit, nec ip●um Christum habetis, dixit: sed & Christum posuit, non se, & habemus dixit, non habetis. Maluit se ponere in numero peccatorum, ut haberet advocatum Christum: quam ponere se pro Christo advocatum, & inveniri inter damnandos superbos. Augustin. tractat. 1. in 1. epist. johan. cap. 2. did not say, YE have, nor Ye have ME, nor YE have Christ himself: but did both put in Christ, not himself; and also said, WE have, not YE have. because he had rather put himself in the number of sinners, that he might have Christ to be his advocate: than put himself for an advocate in steed of Christ, and be found among the proud that should be damned. and from thence draweth this conclusion against Parmenian the Donatist. s Si ita diceret; Hoc scripsi vobis ut non peccetis, & si quis peccaverit, mediatorem me habetis apud Patrem, ego exoro pro peccatis vestris: (sicut Parmenianus quodam loco mediatorem posuit Episcopum inter populum & Deum:) quis eum ferret bonorum atque fidelium Christianorum? Quis sicut Apostolum Christi, & non sicut Antichristum intueretur? Id. lib. 2. contr. epist. Parmenian. cap. 8. If he had said thus; I have written this unto you, that you sin not, and if any man sin, you have me a mediator with the Father, I make intercession for your sins: (as Parmenian in one place doth make the Bishop a mediator betwixt the people and God:) what good and faithful Christian would endure him? who would look upon him as the Apostle of Christ, and not as Antichrist rather? The doctrine therefore and practise of the Church of Rome in this point, by this learned Father's judgement, must needs be held to be ungodly and Antichristian. Fiftly, the recommendation of men's selves unto the prayers of the Saints deceased, which was at first admitted in the ancient Church, did no way impeach ●he confidence and boldness which we have gotten in Christ, to make our immediate approach unto the throne of grace: which by the Invocation of Saints now taught in the Church of Rome, is very much impaired. For to induce men to the practice of this, the great Majesty of God and the severity of his justice is propounded unto poor sinners on the one hand, and the consideration of their own baseness and unworthiness on the other. whereupon it is inferred, that aswell for the manifesting of their reverence to God's Majesty, as the testifying of their submissenesse and Humility, they should seek to God by the mediation of his Saints; like as men do seek to the King by the mediation of his servants. which motives can have no more force to encourage men to the Invocation of Saints, than they have to discourage them from the immediate Invocation of God and his Christ. So among the causes alleged by Alexander of Hales, why we ought to pray unto the Saints: one is, t Vlteriùs propter nostram inopiam in contemplando: ut qui non possumus summam lucem in se aspicere, eam in suis Sanctis contemplemur. Tertió, propter inopiam in amando: quia nos miserabiles homines, vel plerique nostrûm magis afficimur circa Sanctum aliquem aliquando, quam etiam circa Dominun; & ideò Dominus eompastus nostrae miseriae, vult quòd oremus Sanctos suos. Alexand. de Hales, Summ. part. 4. quaest. 26. memb. 3. artic. 5. in respect of our want in contemplating; that we who are not able to behold the highest light in itself, may contemplate it in his Saints. another, in respect of our want in loving: because we miserable men (miserable men indeed that do so) or some of us at least are more affected sometimes unto some Saint, than unto our Lord himself: and therefore God having compassion on our misery, is pleased that we should pray unto his Saints. and a third, u Propter Dei reverentiam: ut peccator, qui Deum offendit, quia non audet in propriâ personâ adire, recurrat ad Sanctos, eorum patrocinia implorando. Id. ibid. in respect of the reverence of God: that a sinner who hath offended God, because he dareth not to come unto him in his own person, may have recourse unto the Saints, by imploring their patronage. The like we read in Gabriel Biel, handling the same argument. x Peccatoribus singularis est consolatio, qui ad Sanctorum interpellationem quandoque magis animantur quam judicis: quorum etiam sanctitatis defectum supplere potest probitas aliena. Gabr. Biel in Can●n. M●ss lect. 30. This is a singular consolation (saith he) to sinners, who have oftentimes more mind to the interpellation of the Saints then of the judge: whose defect of holiness also other men's goodness is able to supply. and it maketh y Propter Dei reverentiam: ut sc. peccator qui Deum offendit, quasi non audens in personâ propriâ, propter peccati scorian, coram majestate altissimâ pariter & tremendâ apparere, recurreret ad Sanctos purissimos & Deo gratos; qui peccatoris pr●ces altissimo praesen●●●ent, easqu suis adjunctis meritis & precibus magis redderent ex●udib les, placidas. atque gratas. Ibid. lect. 31. for the reverence of God: that a sinner who hath offended God, as it were not daring for the dross of his sin to appear in his proper person, before the most high and dreadful majesty. should have recourse unto the Saints who are most pure and grateful to God: who may present the sinners prayers unto the most High, and by adjoining their merits and prayers thereunto, might make the same more fit for audience, more pleasing and more grateful. Therefore Salmeron the jesuit sticketh not to deliver his opinion plainly; that the praying unto God by the Saints seemeth to be better than the praying unto him immediately, as for other reasons, z Tertió, quia Ecclesia quae Christi Spiritum ha●er, f●equent●ssimé pe● Sanctos recurrit ad Deum, rariùs per se ad Deum accedit Quartò, precatio Dei per invocationem Sanctorum arguit majorem humilitatem; sicut videre est in Centurion. Alph. Salmer. in 1. Timoth. 2. d●spu●. 7. sect. ult. so because the Church, which hath the Spirit of Christ, (though S. Augustin surely would have judged such a Church to be led by the spirit of Antichrist rather than of Christ) most frequently hath recourse unto God by the Saints, but cometh more rarely unto God by itself: and also, because the praying of God by the invocations of Saints doth argue greater humility; as may be seen in the Centurion, Luc. 7.6, 7. whereunto he applieth also the saying of David, a Psalm. 102.17. He hath had respect to the prayer of the humble, and did not despise their prayers. and of judith: b Judith ●. 16. The prayer of the humble and meek hath always pleased thee. Thus in the days of the Apostles themselves, under the pretence of c Coloss. 2.18. Humility some laboured to bring into the Church the worshipping of Angels: which carried with it d Ibid. vers. 23. a show of wisdom, (as S. Paul speaketh of it) and such a show as was not far unlike unto that wherewith our Romish Doctors do cozen simple people now a days. For e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●heodoret. in Coloss. cap. 2. this (saith Theodoret) did they counsel should be done, (namely, that men should pray unto Angels) pretending humility, and saying, that the God of all things was invisible, and inaccessible, and incomprehensible▪ and that it was fit we should procure G●ds favour by the means of Angels. whereas S Chrysostom treating of Christian humility showeth that the faithful who are furnished with that grace do notwithstanding f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ch●ysostom. in Matth. homil. 65 edit. Graec. 66 Latin. ascend beyond the highest tops of heaven, and passing by the Angels, present themselves before the Regal throne itself. yea g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id in Psalms ●. by earning thus to speak with God in prayer, he showeth that the man himself is made a kind of an Angel the soul is so set lose from the bonds of the body; the reasoning is raised up so high; he is so translated into heaven, he doth so overlook these worldly things, he is so placed by the Regal thr●ne itself: although he be a poor man, although a servant, although a simple man, although an unlearned Neither is it to be forgotten, that the heathen Idolaters also, to cover h Solent tamen pudorem passi neglecti Dei, miserâ uti excusatione, dicentes per istos posse ire ad Deum, sicut per comites pervenitur ad Regem, Ambros. in Rom. cap. 1. the shame of their neglecting of God, were wont to use this miserable excuse; that by these they might go to God, as by officers we go to the King: which is the very self same rag our Romanists have borrowed from them to cover their superstition with, that the nakedness thereof might not appear. But S. Ambrose (or who ever else was author of those commentaries upon S. Paul's epistles that are found among his works) hath met well with them, and sufficiently discovered the vanity of these gross and carnal imaginations. i Agè, nunquid tam demens est aliquis, aut salutis suae immemor, ut honorificentiam Regis vindicet comiti; cum de hâc re si qui etiam tractare fuerint inventi, jure ut rei damnentur majestatis? Et isti se non putant reos, qui honorem nominis D●i deferunt creaturae, & relicto Domino conservos adorant; quasi sit aliquid plus quod servetur Deo. Nam & ideò ad Regem per tribunos aut comites itur, quia homo utique est Rex, & nescit quibus debeat Rempublicam credere. Ad Deum anté (quem utique nihil latet, omnium enim merita novit) promerendum suffragatore non opus est, sed ment devotâ. Vbieunque enim talis locutus fuerit ei, respondebit illi. Ibid. Go too, (saith he) is there any man so mad, or so unmindful of his salvation, as to give the King's honour to an officer: whereas if any shall be found but to treat of such a matter, they are justly condemned as guilty of high treason? And yet these men think themselves not guilty, who give the honour of God's name to a creature, and leaving the Lord adore their fellow servants; as though there were any thing more, that could be reserved to God. For therefore do men go to the King by Tribunes or officers, because the King is but a man, and knoweth not to whom he may commit the state of the commonwealth. But to procure the favour of God, from whom nothing is hid (for he knoweth the merits or works of all men) we need no spokesman, but a devoute mind. For wheresoever such a one shall speak unto him, he will answer him. But of all others, S. Chrysostom is most plentiful in setting out the difference of the access which we may have to God & to the great ones in this world. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in Matth. citat. á Theodoro Daphnopat. in Eclogis (tom. 7. edit. Savil. pag. 768.) Maximo, in loc. common. serm. 14. & Io Damasceno in Parallel. lib 2. cap. 15. ubi ab editore Pontificio ad marginem appositum est hoc pharmacum: Haec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicuntur non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When we have suit unto men (saith he in one place) we have need of cost and money, and servile adulation, and much going up and down and great ado. For it falleth out oftentimes that we cannot go strait unto the Lords themselves and present our gift unto them and speak with them; but it is necessary for us first to procure the favour of their ministers and stewards and officers, both with paying and praying and using all other means unto them, and then by their mediation to obtain our request. But with God it is not thus. For there is no need of intercessors for the petitioners: neither is he so ready to give a gracious answer being entreated by others, as by our own selves praying unto him. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. serm. 7. the Penitent. tom. 6. edit. Savil. pag. 802. qui in aliis editionib. est serm. 4. the Penitent. When thou hast need to sue unto men, (saith he in another place) thou art forced first to deal with doorkeepers, and to entreat parasites and flatterers, and to go a long way. But with God there is no such matter: without an intercessor he is entreated, without money without cost he yieldeth unto thy prayer. It sufficeth only that thou cry in thine heart, and bring tears with thee; and entering in straightway thou mayest draw him unto thee. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Psalm. 4. Amongst men (saith he in a third place) it behoveth him that cometh unto one, to be a man of speech, and it is required that he should flatter all those that are about the Prince, and to think upon many other things, that he may find acceptance. But here there is need of nothing, save of a watchful mind only: and there is nothing that hindereth us from being near to God. So in his sermon upon the woman of Canaan, which he made in his latter days, after his return from his first banishment: n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in d●mission. Chananaeae. tom 5. edit. Savil. pag. 195. God is always near, saith he. If thou wilt entreat man; thou askest what he is a doing, and he is asleep, he is not at leisure, or the servant giveth thee no answer. But with God there is none of these things. Whithersoever thou goest and callest, he heareth: there is no want of leisure, nor a mediator, nor a servant that keepeth thee off. Say, Have mercy upon me; and presently God is with thee. For while thou art yet a speaking, saith he, I will say; Behold here I am. (Esai. 58.9.) And therefore he biddeth us to o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid pag. 190. mark the philosophy (as he termeth it) or the wisdom of the woman of Canaan. She intreateth not james (saith he) she beseecheth not john, neither doth she come to Peter, but broke through the whole company of them; saying. I have no need of a mediator, but taking repentance with me for a spoakes-man, I come to the fountain itself. For this cause did he descend, for this cause did he take flesh; that I might have the boldness to speak unto him. I have no need of a mediator: have thou mercy upon me. Hitherto S. Chrysostom. Sixthly, the Romanists repose such confidence in the intercession of the Saints; that they look to receive far greater benefit by them, then by their own prayers. Which conceit how distasteful it was unto the ancient Doctors, S. Chrysostom may be a sufficient witness: who laboured exceedingly to root out this erroneous opinion, when it first began to show itself in his time. And therefore he is bold to affirm, not only that p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in Act. 16. homil. 36. we have no such need of others, that we may entreat by them; but also that God q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. then doth most, when we do not use the entreaty of others. For as a kind friend, (saith he) then blameth he us most, as not daring to trust his love, when we entreat others to pray unto him for us. Thus use we to do with those that seek to us: then we gratify them most, when they come unto us by themselves, and not by others. But, thou wilt say, what if I have offended him? Cease offending, and shed tears, and so come; and thou shalt quickly make him appeased for the things that are past. Say only; I have offended: say it from thy soul and a sincere mind; and all is loosed. Thou dost not so much desire to thy sins to be forgiven thee, as he doth desire to forgive thy sins unto thee. Thus doth S. Chrysostom write upon the 16. of the Acts: and upon the fourth Psalm, to the same effect. r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id, in Psalm. 4. Thou mayest always and continually solicit him, and thou shalt meet with no difficulty. For thou shalt have no need of any doorkeepers to bring thee in, nor stewards, nor procurators, nor keepers, nor friends: but when thou thyself comest by thyself, then will he most of all hear thee, even then, when thou intreatest no man. We do not therefore so pacify him when we entreat him by others, as when we do it by our own selves. For by reason he loveth our friendship, and doth all things that we may put our confidence in him: when he beh●ldeth us to do this by ourselves, then doth he most yield unto our suits. Thus did he deal with the woman of Canaan: when Peter and james came for her, he did not yield; but when she herself did remain, he presently gave that which was desired. The same lesson doth he repeat in his 44. homily upon Genesis: that s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Genes cap. 19 homil. 44. our Lord being merciful, doth not so yield when he is entreated for us by others, as he doth when he is by our own selves. and for proof thereof telleth us again of the woman of Canaan; that t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id ibid. having the disciples petitioning for her, she could obtain nothing, until she by herself being instant drew forth the clemency of the Lord: to the end we might thereby learn, that we do not so prevail when we entreat by others, as when by ourselves; if we come with fervour and with a vigilant mind. The like observation is made by him and by Theophylact in their expositions upon that part of the Gospel wherein this history is related. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●d. in Matth 15. homil. 52. edit. Graec. vel 53. Latin. Mark me, (saith the one) how the Apostles being put down and not prevailing, she herself prevailed: of so great force is the assiduity of prayer. For God would be petitioned unto by us that are guilty, in our own cause, rather than by others for us. And x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theophylact. in Matth. cap. 15. observe (saith the other) that although the Saints do pray for us, as the Apostles did for her; yet we praying for ourselves, do prevail much more. One place more I will yet lay down out of Chrysostoms' sermon of the profiting of the Gospel: and so make an end of this observation. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysostom. serm. in Philip. 18. de p●ofectu Euangel. tom. 5. edit. Savil. pag. 416. With God (saith he) thou hast need of no intercessors, nor of much running about, nor to flatter others: but although thou be alone, and hast no patron, thou by thyself praying unto God shalt certainly obtain thy request. He useth not to yield so soon, being prayed unto by others for us, as when we ourselves do pray unto him, although we be replenished with a thousand evils. And to prove that z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. pag. 416. & paulo pòst. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; pag. 417. praying by our own selves we prevail more with God, then praying unto him by others: he bringeth in again the history of the woman of Canaan, and wisheth us to observe, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Ibid. pag. 417. how, when others entreated, he put her back: but when she herself cried out praying for the gift, he yielded. and at last concludeth with this exhortation. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Seeing then we have learned all these things, although we be in sin and unworthy to receive, let us not despair; knowing that by perseverance and constancy of mind we may obtain our request. although we be solitary and without any patroness, let us not be discouraged; knowing that this is a great patronage, that thou by thine own self mayst come to God with much alacrity. Seventhly, and principally it is to be considered, that Invocation is attributed to Saints in the Church of Rome as a part of the worship due unto them: yea as eximium adorationis genus (for so doth Cardinal c Bellarmin. Praefat. in controvers de Eccles triumphant. in Ordene disputat. Bellarmin pronounce it to be) an eminent kind of adoration. For d Sanctos non solùm honoramus eo cultu, quo viros virtute, sapientiâ, potentiâ, aut qualibet aliâ dignitate praestantes; sed etiam Divino cultu, & honore, qui est religionis actus nam ille cultus, qui viris primarij● defertur, non est religionis; sed alterius longé inferioris virtutis, quae observantia vocatur, actus & officium. Sed divinos cultus & honores Sanctis non damus propter ipsos; sed propter Deum, qui eos Sanctos effecit. Io. Azor. Institut. Moral. tom. 1. lib. 9 cap. 10. we do not honour the Saints (saith Azorius the jesuit) with that worship only, wherewith we do men that excel in virtue, wisdom, power, or any other dignity; but also with DIVINE worship and honour, which is an act of Religion. for that worship which is given to men of excellency, is an act and office, not of Religion, but of another inferior virtue, which is called Observance. And whereas it is as clear as the noon day, that the giving of divine honour and worship unto any creature is flat Idolatry: the poor man weeneth that he and his fellows may be excused from being Idolaters; because they do not give divine worship and honour unto the Saints for themselves, but for God who hath made them Saints: as if God, who cannot endure that his e Esai. 428. & 48.11. glory should be given unto another, wou●d be mocked with such toys as these. Indeed they were wont heretofore to delude men commonly with an idle distinction of Dulîa and Latrîa▪ but now f Quid si & una religionis virtus sit, quae latriam, duliamque contineat? Certé plurimis atque sapientissimis ea est opinio. Nicol. Serarius, in Litaneutico 2. Quaest 27. in fine it is the opinion of the most and the wisest of them, that it is one and the self same virtue of Religion, which containeth both Latrîa and Dulîa. Whereas it hath been the constant doctrine of the ancient Church, that all religious worship (whereof Prayer by the judgement of all men, as well g Virgil. Aeneid. 3. junonis magnae primùm prece numen adora. Ovid. T●ist. lib. 1. eleg. 3. Hâc prece adoravi superos ego, pluribus uxor. D●natus in ●eren●ij Phormion. act. 2. scen. 1. ad il●ud: At ego Deos penate●● hinc salutatum domum D●vortar Salutatum.] Adoratum primâ post reditum prece. Heathen as Christian, hath been always esteemed to be an especial part) is so properly due unto God alone, that without committing of Idolatry it cannot be communicated unto any creature. For h Ideoque divine ac singulariter in Ecclesiâ catholicâ traditur, nullam creaturam colendam esse animae (libentius enim loquor his verbis quibus mihi haec insinuata sunt) sed ipsum tantummodò rerum quae sunt omnium creatorem Augustin. lib. de Quantitate animae, cap. 34. Vid. eund. de morib. Eccles. Catholicae & Manich. lib. 1. cap. 30. in the Catholic Church it is divinely and singularly delivered, that no creature is to be worshipped by the soul, but he only who is the creator of all things: saith S. Augustin. And therefore the ancient Doctors who thought it not amiss, that men should recommend themselves unto the prayers of the Saints departed; held it a thing intolerable notwithstanding, to impart unto any man or Angel the worship of Invocation. for to request the help of the prayers of our fellow-servants, is one thing, and to worship them with the service of Invocation is another▪ as may be seen in the case of our brethren upon earth, who may not refuse the former without the violation of charity, nor accept the latter at our hands without an open breach of piety. Now that the Fathers judged no otherwise of Prayer, then as hath been said, this may be one good argument; that when they define it, they do it with express reference to God, and no other: as may be seen in those five several definitions thereof which i Bellarm. de bonis operib. in particular. lib. 1. cap. 1. Bellarmine himself repeateth out of them. the first whereof is that of Basil: k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. orat. in Iu●itiam martyr. Prayer is a request of some good thing, which is made by pious men unto GOD. The second, of Gregory Nyssen: l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gregor. Nyssen. orat. 1. the Oratione. Prayer is a conversing or a conference with GOD. The third, of the same Father: m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. orat. 2. de Orat. Dòminic. vel, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. tractat 2. de inscriptionib. Psalmor. cap. 3. Prayer is a request of good things, which is offered with supplication unto GOD. The fourth, of john Chrysostom: n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. in Genes. homil. 30. Vid. eiusd. lib. 1· de Orando Deum, tom. 6 edit. Savil. pag. 754. Prayer is a colloquy or discourse with GOD. The fifth, of john Damascen: o 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Damascen. de fide Orthodox. lib. 3. cap. 24. Prayer is an ascension of the mind unto GOD, or a request of things that are fit from GOD. Therefore where p Ad quod sacrificium, sicut homines Dei, qui mundum in ejus confessione vicerunt, suo loco & ordine nominantur: non tamen á sacerdote, qui sacrificat, invocantur. Aug. de Civit. Dei, lib. 22. cap. 10. the names of the Martyrs were solemnly rehearsed in the public Liturgy of the Church, S. Augustin interpreteth it to be done for an honourable remembrance of them: but utterly denieth, that the Church therein had any intention to invocate them. So for other particular prayers: q Sed tamen tu solus, Domine, invocandus es; tu rogandus, ut eum in filijs repraesentes. Ambr. de obit. Theodos. Thou alone art to be invocated O Lord, saith S. Ambrose in his funeral oration upon Theodosius the Emperor; thou art to be requested, to supply the miss of him in his sons. and; r Cui alteri praeter te cla mabo? August. Confess. lib. 1. cap. 5. To whom else should I cry, besides thee? saith S. Augustin, and it is God's pleasure, Esse nihil prorsus se praeter ubique rogandum, that nothing beside himself should every where be prayed unto: saith Dracontius in his book of the Creation, revised by Eugenius Bishop of Toledo at the command of Chindasuindus' King of Spain. Hereupon S. Chrysostom, upon those words of the Apostle, 1. Corinth. 1.2. With all that call upon the Name of our Lord jesus Christ; giveth this exposition. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ch●ysost. in 1 Corinth. homil. 1. Not of this man and that man, but upon the name of the Lord. and he elsewhere telleth us, that it was the DEVIL'S doing to draw men unto the calling upon Angels; as envying them the honour of their immediate access and admittance unto Gods own presence. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Jd. in Coloss. 3. homil. 9 For this cause (saith he) did the Devil bring in this of the Angels; envying us this honour. These be the enchantments of Devils. Though he be an Angel, though an Archangel, though they be Cherubims; endure it not. For neither will these Powers themselves admit it, but reject it; when they see their Lord dishonoured. I have honoured thee, saith he, and have said; Call upon me, and dost thou dishonour him? And therefore did the Fathers in the Council of Laodicea directly conclude that this Invocation of Angels was a secret kind of Idolatry, by the practice whereof the communion both of Christ and of his Church was forsaken. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Laödicen. can. 35. For Christians (say they) ought not to forsake the Church of God, and depart aside, and invocate Angels, & make meetings: which are things forbidden. If any man therefore be found to give himself to this privy Idolatry; let him be accursed. Because he hath forsaken our Lord jesus Christ, the Son of God, and betaken himself to Idolatry. Pope Adrian, in the Epitome of the Canons which he delivered to Charles the great at Rome in the year of our Lord DCCLXXIII. doth thus abridge this decree: ut anathema sit, quicunque relictâ Ecclesiâ, Angelos colere, vel congregationes facere praesumpserit. that whosoever, leaving the Church, did presume to worship Angels, or to make meetings, should be accursed. Where Henricus Canisius, who was the first publisher of this Abbridgement in the 6. tome of his Ancient reading, fearing belike that the curse not only of the Fathers of Laodicea, but (which was more dreadful) of Pope Adrian also might light upon him and his companions, who acknowledge themselves to be of the number of those that worship Angels: giveth us warning in his margin, that in steed of angelos here x Angulos fortè legendum. pag. 424. tom. 6. Antiquae lectionis Henr. Canisijs. SS. Canonum in A●adem Ingolstad. professoris primarij. peradventure should be read, angulos; that is to say, corners in steed of angels▪ which although it be a no●e that evil beseemeth a man who would be thought to be conversant in ancient reading, and such a one especially as professeth himself to be a chief professor of the Canons: yet in that he leaveth the text untouched, and contenteth himself with a peradventure too in his marginal annotation, he is more to be excused then his fellows before him, Carranza, Sagittarius, and joverius, who setting forth the Canons of the Counsels, without all peradventure corrupted the text itself, removing the angels out of their place, and hiding them in corners. Notwithstanding this also may be alleged in some part of their excuse too, that they were not the first authors of this corruption of the Canon: that blame must light either upon Isidorous Mercator (the crafty merchant, with whose dealings I acquainted you y Supr. pag. 12. before) or upon james Merlin the Popish Doctor, who first caused his z Tom. 1. Concil. edit. Colon. an. 1530. & Paris. an. 1535. Collection of Decrees to be printed. But Friar Crabb deserveth no excuse at all: who having store of good copies to direct him, did not only content himself with the retaining of angulos in the text of Isidorus, as he found it printed before him; but plucked out angelos, and chopped in a Tom. 1. Concil. edit. Colon. an. 1538. angulos into the old translation of Dionysius Exiguus also, which afforded no room for any such corners as these. For howsoever in that version, or perversion rather of the Canon which is extant in the text of Isidorus it might stand with some reason to read: Non oportet Christianos derelictâ ecclesia abire, & ad angulos idolatriae abominandae congregationes facere. It is not lawful for Christians, forsaking the Church, to go and make assemblies of abominable idolatry in corners. yet in the old translation of Dionysius, where the Canon was rightly rendered; Quòd non oporteat ecclesiam Dei relinquere, & abire, atque angelos nominare, & congregationes facere: it was contrary to all sense to thrust this reading upon us. It is now lawful for Christians to forsake the Church of God, and go and nominate or invocate CORNERS (a wise speech no doubt) and make meetings. But, veritas non quaerit angulos: the truth will admit none of these corners. For the Greek verity (aswell in all the editions of the Canons that have come forth by themselves, as in the Collections of Harmenopulus, Zonaras and Balsamon likewise) expressly readeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which in that tongue hath no affinity at all with corners: and the ancient Collectors of the Canons among the Latins, b De his qui Angelos co●unt. Cres●on. Breviar. Canon. sect. 90. Dionys. Exig. in Codice Canonun, num 138. Cresconius and Dionysius and c Vt nullus ad Angelos congregationem faciat. Fulgent. Ferrand. Breviat. Canon. sect. 184. Fulgentius Ferrandus, have Angelos: and Theodoret in his exposition of the epistle to the Colossians, doth twice make mention and declare the meaning of this Canon. once, upon those words of the Apostle in the third chapter: Whatsoever ye do in word or deed, do all in the name of the Lord jesus, giving thanks to God and the Father by him. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theodoret. in Coloss. 3. for because they commanded men to worship Angels, (saith Theodoret) he enjoineth the contrary; that they should adorn their words and their deeds with the commemoration of our Lord Christ▪ and send up thanksgiving to God and the Father by him, saith he, and not by the Angels. The Synod of Laodicea also following this rule, and desiring to heal that old disease, made a law that they should not pray unto Angels, nor forsake our Lord jesus Christ. and again, upon the second chapter of the same epistle. e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Coloss. 2. This vice continued in Phrygia and Pisidia for a long time. for which cause also the Synod assembled in Laodicea the chief city of Phrygia, forbade them by a Law to pray unto Angels. And even to this day among them and their borderers, there are Oratories of S. Michael to be seen. The like hath Oecumenius after him, upon the same place. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Oecumen. MS. in Coloss. 2. ab Hoeschelio citatus in notis ad Origenis libros contra Celsum, pag. 483. This custom continued in Phrygia: insomuch that the Council of Laodicea did by a Law forbid to come unto Angels and to pray unto them. from whence it is also, that there be many Churches of Michael, the chief captain of God's host, among them. This Canon of the Laodicean Fathers, Photius doth note to have been made against the g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Phot. Nomocanon tit. 12. cap. 9 Angelites: or the Angelickes rather. for so do●h S. Augustin name those heretics that were h Angelici, in angelorum cultu inclinati. Augustin. de haeresi ca 39 inclined to the worship of Angels: being from thence i Angelici vocati, quia an gelos colunt. Isido●. Origin. lib. 8 cap. 5. called Angelici, as Isidorus noteth, because they did worship Angels. To transcribe here at large the several testimonies of the Fathers, which condemn this worshipping of Angels or any other creature whatsoever, would be an endless work. Gregory Nyssen in the beginning of his fourth (or fifth book rather) against Eunomius, layeth this down for an undoubted principle. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Gregor. Nyssen. coner. Eunom. oras. 4. tom 2 edit. Graecolaetin. pag. 144. That none of those things which have their being by creation is to be worshipped by men, the word of God hath by law ordained: as almost out of all the holy Scripture we may learn. Moses, the Tables, the Law, the Prophets afterward, the Gospels, the determinations of all the Apostles, do equally forbid the looking unto the creature. Then having showed that the neglect of this was the cause of the bringing in of a multitude of Gods among the Heathen: l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. pag. 146. lest the same things should happen unto us, saith he, who are instructed by the Scripture to look unto the true Deity; we are taught to understand that whatsoever is created is a different thing from the divine nature, and that we are to worship and adore that nature only which is uncreated; whose character and mark is, that it neither at any time began to be nor ever shall cease to be. But our Romanists have long since overthrown this principle: and so altered Moses, and the Tables, and the Law; that of the m Hieronym. Zanctinus, de foro conscientiae & cont●ntioso, sect. 1●8. 24. mortal sins, whereby they say the first Commandment is broken, they reckon the first to be committed by him, Qui colit extra Deum vel Sanctos quodque creatum, who worshippeth any created thing beside God and the Saints. And whereas n A●ton. Meliss. lib. 1. serm 1. Antonius in his Melissa had set down the foresaid sentence of Nyssen; that we have learned to worship and adore that nature ONLY which is uncreated: the Spanish Inquisitors have taken order, that a piece of his tongue should be cut off; and given commandment, that o Deleatur dictio, SOLUMMODO. Index Expurgator. Gasp Quiroga Ca●dinalis iussis editus; de consilio supremi Senatus Generalis Iniquisit. Madrit. an. 1584. the word ONLY should be blotted out of his writing. not considering that this was the principal word, upon which the whole sentence of Nyssen mainly did depend: and that Nyssen was not the only man that had taught us this lesson. Athanasius before him had used the very same argument against the Arrians, to prove that the Son of God was of an uncreated nature. p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. orat. 3. contra Arrian. For Peter the Apostle (saith he) did forbid Cornelius, when he would have worshipped him, saying; Because I myself also am a man. (Act. 10.26.) The Angel also did forbid john, when he would have worshipped him in the Revelation, saying: See thou do it not; for I am thy fellow servant, and of thy brethren the Prophets, and of them which keep the sayings of this book: worship God. (Revel. 22.9.) Wherefore it appertaineth to God only to be worshipped. and this do the Angels themselves know well: that although they do surpass others in glory, yet they are all but creatures; and are in the number, not of those that are to be adored, but of them that adore the Lord. So we have heard S. Ambrose q Ambros. in Rom. cap. 1. supr. pag. 414. before reprehending those that do adore their fellow servants. And Epiphanius refuting the heresy of the Collyridians, concludeth, that r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Epiphan. haeres. 79. pag 448. neither Elias, nor john, nor Thecla, nor any of the Saints is to be worshipped. For that ancient error (saith he) shall not prevail over us, to forsake the living God, and to worship the things that are made by him. for they served and worshipped the creature above the Creator, and became fools. For if he will not have the Angels to be worshipped; how much more would he not have her that was borne of Anna? s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. pag. 450. Let Mary then be had in honour: but let the Lord be worshipped. Lastly S. Augustin (to omit all others) in the book which he wrote of true religion, delivereth this for one of the main grounds thereof; that t Non sit nobis religio cultus hominum mortuorum: quia si pié vixerunt, non sic habentur ut tales quaerant honores; sed illum á nobis coli volunt, quo illuminante laetantur meriti sui nos esse consortes. Honorandi ergo sunt propter imitationem, non adorandi propter religionem. Augustin. de verâ relig. cap. 55. the worshipping of men that are dead should be no part of our religion. because (saith he) if they did live piously, they are not held to be such as would seek that kind of honour; but would have him to be worshipped of us, by whose enlightening they do rejoice that we are made partners of their merit. They are to be honoured therefore for imitation, not to be adored for religion. The same doth he also there say of Angels: that u Quare honoramus eos charitate, non servitute. Nec eis templa construimus. Nolunt enim ●● sic honorari á nobis; quia nosipsos cum boni sumus, templa summi Dei este noverunt. Recté itaque scribitur, hominem ab angelo prohibitum ne se adorar●t, sed unum Deum sub quo ei esset & ille conservus. Id. ibid. we do honour them with love, not with service; neither do we build temples unto them. For it is not their desire, that they should be so honoured by us: because they know that we ourselves, if we be good, are the temples of the high God. and therefore it is rightly written, that a man was forbidden by an Angel, that he should nor worship him, but God alone under whom he was his fellow servant. (Revel. 22.9.) But, what saith Cardinal Bellarmine now, think you, unto these testimonies of the Fathers? x Dico eos loqui contra errores Gentilium, qui ex hominibus sceleratis veros Deos faciebant; eisque sacrificia offerebant. Bellarm. de Eccles. triumphant. lib. 1. fine. cap. 14. collat. cum fine cap. 11. I say (saith he, not knowing indeed what he saith, nor whereof he affirmeth) that they do speak against the errors of the Gentiles, who of wicked men did make true Gods; and did offer sacrifices unto them. wherein you may discern the just hand of God, confounding the man's wits, that would thus abuse his learning to the upholding of Idolatry. For had he been here his own man, and not been strangely overtaken with the spirit of slumber, he could no possibly have failed so foully, as to reckon the Angels & the Saints, & the very mother of God herself (of whom these Fathers do expressly speak) in the number of those wicked persons whom the Gentiles did take for their Gods. And here also out of Epiphanius we may further observe, who were the masters, or the mistresses rather (for this was y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. haeres. 79. pag. 445. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Ibid. pag. 446. the women's heresy) from whom our Romanists did first learn their Hyperdulîa, or that transcendent kind of service wherewith they worship the Virgin Mary. namely, the Collyridians: z Id. in Anacephalaeosi, pag. 529. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (hoc vocabulum enim ibi addendum) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. so called from the Collyrides or cakes, which at a certain time of the year they used to offer unto the blessed Virgin. against whom Epiphanius doth thus oppose himself. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. haeres. 1●. pag. 448. What Scripture hath delivered any thing, concerning this? Which of the Prophets have permitted a man to be worshipped, that I may not say a woman? For a choice vessel she is indeed; but yet a woman. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. pag. 449. Let Mary be in honour; but let the Father and the Son and the holy Ghost be worshipped: let no man worship Mary. This mystery is appointed, I do not say for a woman, nor yet for a man neither, but for God: the Angels themselves are not capable of such kind of glorifying. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. Let none eat of this error touching holy Mary. for although the tree be beautiful, yet is it not for meat: and although Mary be most excellent, and holy, and to be honoured, yet is she not to be worshipped. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. pag. 447. The body of Mary was holy indeed, but not God: the Virgin indeed was a virgin and honourable; but not given unto us for adoration, but one that did herself worship him who was borne of her in the flesh and came from heaven out of the bosom of his Father. Thus did this learned Father labour to e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. pag. 446. cut the roots of this Idolatrous heresy, when it first began to take hold of the feminine sex: animating all that were of masculine spirits to the extirpation thereof, in this manner. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. Go to then, ye servants of God, let us put on a manlike mind, and beat down the madness of these women. But when this disease afterwards had gotten a farther spread, and had once throughly seized upon men as well as women: it is a most wonderful thing to consider, into what extremity this frenzy broke out; after the time of Satan's losing especially. For then g De cujus Imperij ad similes effectus aequalitate cum filio, non desunt, qui construant illud ab Angelo ipsi praenunciatum; Ave gratiâ plena, Dominus tecum. id est, Sicut & ipse, ita & tu eâdem dominandi excellentissimâ dignitate perfiveris. Emanuel de Valle de Moura, Doct. Theol. ac Inquisitionis Deputa●us Lusitan. Opusc. 1. de Incantationib. seu Ensalmis, sect. 1. cap. 1. num. 46. there wanted not such as would interpret that speech of the Angel unto the holy Virgin, Hail full of grace, the Lord is with thee; of the equality of her Empire with her Sons. as if it had been said. Even as he, so thou also dost enjoy the same most excellent dignity of ruling. h Ad quem sensum facilè accommodari possunt praecitata Angeli verba; Dominus tecum, gratiâ plena. Id est, in gratiae plenitudine redundantiae, & effusione in creaturas, ita Domini potentia ac voluntas ad tuam accommodatur, ut tu prior in eo, & diademate, & tribunali esse videaris. Dominus tecum: non tam tu cum Domino, quam tecum Dominus in eo munere. Ibid. In the redundance and effusion of grace upon the creatures, the Lords power and will is so accommodated unto thine, that thou mayest seem to be the first in that, both diadem, and tribunal. The Lord is with thee: not so much thou with the Lord, as the Lord with thee, in that function. Then it was taught for good Divinity, that i A tempore enim quo Virgo matter concepit in utero Verbum Dei, quandam (ut sic dicam) jurisdictionem seu auctoritatem obtinuit in omni Spiritus sancti processione temporali; ita quòd nulla creatura aliquam á Deo obtinuit gratiam vel virtutem, nisi secundùm ipsius piae matris dispensationem. Bernardin. Senens serm. 61. artic. 1. cap. 8. from the time wherein the Virgin mother did conceive in her womb the Word of God, she hath obtained such a kind of jurisdiction (so to speak) or authority in all the temporal procession of the holy Ghost; that no creature hath obtained any grace or virtue from God, but according to the dispensation of his holy mother. that, k Et quia talis est matter filij Dei qui producit Spiritum sanctum; ideò omnia dona, virtutes & gratiae ipsius Spiritus sancti quibus vult, quando vult, quomodo vult, & quantum vult, per manus ipsius administrantur. Id. ibid. because she is the mother of the son of God who doth produce the holy Ghost; therefore all the gifts, virtues, and graces of the holy Ghost are by her hands administered, to whom she pleaseth, when she pleaseth, how she pleaseth, and as much as she pleaseth. That l Nulla gratia de coelo nisi eâ dispensante ad nos descendit. Hoc enim singulariter officium divinitùs ab aeterno adepta est▪ sicut Proverb. 8. ipsa testatur, dicens. Ab aeterno ordinata sum; sc. dispensatrix coelestium gratiarum. Id. ibid. artic. 3. cap. 3. she hath singularly obtained of God this office from eternity; as herself doth testify Proverb. 8.23. I was ordained from everlasting, namely, a dispenser of celestial graces; and that m In Christo fuit plenitudo gratiae, sicut in capite in fluente; in Mariâ veró sicut in collo transfundente. Vnde Cantic 7. de Virgin ad Christum Salomon ait: Collum tuum sicut turris eburnea. Nam sicut per collum vitales spiritus á capite descendunt in corpus; sic per ●irginē á capite Christo vitales gratiae in ejus corpus mysticum transfunduntur. Id. ibid. artic. 1. cap. 8. & artic. 2. cap. 10. ex Pse●d. Hieronymi sermone de assumpt. Ma●iae. Sicut enim á capite, mediante collo, descendunt omnia nutrimenta corporis: sic á Christo per beatam Virginem in nos veniunt omnia bona, & beneficia, quae Deus nobis confert. Nam ipsa est dispensatrix gratiatum & beneficiorum Dei. joan Herolt. in Sermon. Discipuli de Tempore, serm. 16●. Per Collum, Virgins apud Deum gratia, & intercessio intelligitur: ita ut ejus intercessio sit veluti collum, per quod á Deo omnes gratiae, praesidiaque in homines transfunduntur Blas. Viegas in Apo●al●ps cap. 12 comment. 2. s●ct. 10. num. 1. Collun enim dicitur; quia per Virginem universa in nos á Deo tanquam á capite beneficia derivantur Id. ibid. num. 2. in this respect, Cantic. 7.4. it is said of her: Thy neck is as a tower of Ivory. because that as by the neck the vital spirits do descend from the head into the body; so by the Virgin the vital graces are transmitted from Christ the head into his mystical body: the fullness of grace being in him as in the head from whence the influence cometh, & in her as in the neck through which it is transfused unto us. so that n Quasi sublato Virginis patrocinio, perinde a●que halitu intercluso, peccator vivere diutiùs non possit. Viegas ibid. sect. 2. num. 6. take away the patronage of the Virgin, you stop as i● were the sinner's breath, that he is not able to live any longer. Then men stuck not to teach, that unto her o Data est tibi omnis potestas in coelo & in terrâ. Petr. Dami●n serm. 1. de nativit. B. Mariae. tom. 5. Surij, Septemb. 8. all power was given in heaven and in earth. So that for heaven, when our Saviour ascended thither, this might be assigned for one reason (among others) why he left his mother behind him: p Fortassis Domine, ne tuae coelesti Curiae veniret in dubium, cuj potiù● occurreret; tibi videlicèt Domino suo, regnum tùun in assumptâ carne petenti, an ipsi Dominae suae, ipsum regnum jam suum materno jure effectum ascendenti. Anse●●. Cantuar. de excellentiâ B. Virgins, cap. 7. & eum secuti, Bernard. de Busti in Mariali, part 11. serm. 1. part. 3. & Sebast. Barrad. jesuit. Concord. evangel lib. 6. cap. 11. lest perhaps the court of Heaven might have been in a doubt, whom they should rather go to meet, their Lord or their Lady. & for earth, q O igitur Regina nostra serenissima, profectò tu dicere potes illud, 1. Esdrae 1. Omnia regna terrae dedit mihi Dominus. Et nos tibi dicere possumus illud Tobi 13 In omnia secula regnum tuum. & Psal 144. Regnum tuum regnum omnium seculorum etc. &. Dan. 2. Regnum quod in aeternum non dissipabitur. Veni ergo, & super nos regnum accipe, judic. 9 De regno enim tuo dici potest illud, Psalm. 103. Et regnum ipsius omnibus domi●abitur. & Luc. 1. Et regni eju● non erit finis. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 12. serm. 1. part. 1. she may rightly apply unto herself that in the first of Ezra; All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord given unto me. and we may say unto her again, that in Tobi 14. Thy kingdom endureth for all ages: and in the 144. or 145 Psalm; Thy kingdom is a kingdom of all ages. That howsoever she was r Quamvis autem benedicta Virgo fuerit nobilior persòna quae fuerit vel futura sit in orbe terrarum, tantaeque perfectionis, quòd etiamsi non fuisset matter Dei, nihilominùs debuisset esse Domina mundi: tamen secundùm leges quibus regitur mundus, jure haereditario omnem mundi hujus meruit principatum & regnum. Bernardin. Senens. se●m 61. artic. 1. cap. 7. the noblest person that was or ever should be in the world, and of so great perfection, that although she had not been the mother of God, she ought nevertheless to have been the Lady of the world: yet according to the laws whereby the world is governed, by the right of inheritance she did deserve the principality and kingdom of this world. That s De monarchiâ autem universi nunquam Christus testatus est: eo quòd sine matris pra judicio nequaquam fieri poterat. Insuper noverat, quòd potest matter filij irritare testamentum, si in sui praejudicium sit confectum. Ex his omnibus apertissimé claret, quòd matter jesu Maria haereditario jure omnium qui sunt infra Deum habet regale dominium & inclytum obtinet principatum Id ibid. Christ never made any legacy of this Monarchy: because that could not be done without the prejudice of his mother; and he knew beside, that the mother could make void the Testament of the son, if it were made unto her prejudice. And therefore that by all this it appeareth most evidently, that Mary the mother of jesus, by right of inheritance hath the regal dominion over all that be under God. That t Tot creaturae serviunt gloriosae Virgini Mariae, quot serviunt Trinitati. Omnes nempè creaturae, quemcunque gradum teneant in creatis, sive spirituales ut Angeli, sive rationales ut homines, sive corporales ut corpora coelestia vel elementa, & omnia quae sunt in coelo & in terrâ, sive damnati sive beati, quae omnia sunt divino imperio subjugata, gloriosae Virgini sunt subjecta. Ille enim qui Dei filius est & Virgins benedictae, volens (ut sic dicam) paterno principatui quodammodo principatum aequiparare maternum; ipse qui Deus erat matri famulabatur in terrâ. Vnde Lucae 2. scriptum est de Virgin & glorioso joseph: Erat subditus illis. Praetereà haec est vera: Divino imperio omnia famulantur & Virgo. & iterùm haec est vera: Imperio Virginis omnia famulantur & Deus. Id. ibid. cap. 6. as many creatures do serve the glorious Virgin Mary, as serve the Trinity. namely all creatures, whatsoever degree they hold among the things created (whether they be spiritual as Angels, or rational as men, or corporal as the Heavenly bodies or the Elements) and all things that are in Heaven and in Earth, whether they be the damned or the blessed: all which being brought under the government of God, are subject likewise unto the glorious Virgin. for as much as he who is the son of God and of the blessed Virgin, being willing as it were to equal in some sort his Mother's sovereignty unto the sovereignty of his Father; even he who was God, did serve his mother upon earth. Whence Luke 2.51. it is written of the Virgin and glorious joseph: He was subject unto them. that as this proposition is true; All things are subject to God's command, even the Virgin herself: so this again is true also; All things are subject to the command of the Virgin, even God himself. that, u cum beata Virgo sit matter Dei, & Deus filius ejus; & omnis filius sit naturaliter inferior matre & subditus ejus, & matter praelata & superior filio: sequitur quòd ipsa benedicta Virgo sit superior Deo, & ipse Deus sit subditus ejus ratione humanitatis ab eâ assumptae. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 9 serm. 2. considering the blessed Virgin is the mother of God and God is her son, and every son is naturally inferior to his mother and subject unto her, and the mother hath preeminence and is superior to her son; it therefore followeth that the blessed Virgin is superior to God, and God himself is subject unto her, in respect of the manhood which he assumed from her. that x Ipsa benedicta Virgo, licèt sit subjecta Deo inquantum creatura; superior tamen illi dicitur & praelata, inquantum est ejus matter. Vnde Luc. 2. de Christo Daeo & homine scriptum est, quòd erat subditus illi. O ineffabilis dignitas Mariae, quae imperatori omnium meruit imperare. Id. part. 12. serm. 2. howsoever she be subject unto God inasmuch as she is a creature; yet is she said to be superior and preferred before him, inasmuch as she is his mother. Then men were put in mind, that y Peccando post Baptismum videntur contemnere & despicere passionem Christi: & sic nullus peccator meretur quòd Christus ampliùs intercedat pro ipso apud Patrem; sine cujus intercessione nemo potest liberari á poenâ aeternâ, nec temporali, nec culpâ quam ipse voluntarié perpetravit. Et ideo fuit necesse ut Christus constitueret matrem suam praedilectam mediatricem inter nos & ipsum. jacob. de Valentiâ episc. Christopolitan. in exposit. ●antic. virg. Mariae. Magnificat. by sinning after Baptism they seemed to contemn and despise the passion of Christ: and so that no sinner doth deserve that Christ should any more make intercession for him to the Father; without whose intercession none can be delivered either from the eternal punishment or the temporal, nor from the fault which he hath voluntarily committed. And therefore that it was necessary, that Christ should constitute his well-beloved Mother a Mediatrix betwixt us and him. z Et sic in hâc peregrinatione non relinquitur nobis aliud refugium in nostris tribulationibus & adversitatibus; nisi recurrere ad virginem Mariam mediatricem, ut velit placare ira● Filij. Id. ibid. and so in this our pilgrimage, there is no other refuge left unto us in our tribulations and adversities, but to have recourse unto the Virgin Mary our mediatrix; that she would appease the wrath of her Son. That a Sicut ille ibi ascendit ut continué appareat vultui Dei pro hominibus; Hebr. 9 it● ego debeo ibi ascendere, ut appaream vultui ipsius filij pro peccatoribus: & sic humanum genus habeat semper ante faciem Dei adjutorium simile Christo ad procurandam suam salutem. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. pa●t. 11. serm. 2. membr. 1. as He is ascended into heaven, to appear in the sight of God for men; (Hebr. 9.24.) so She ought to ascend thither, to appear in the sight of her Son for sinners: that so mankind might have always before the face of God a Help like unto Christ for the procuring of his salvation. That b Tantae autem auctoritatis in coelesti palatio est ista Imperatrix, quòd omnibus aliis Sanctis intermedijs omissis, ad ipsam licet ab omni gravamine appellare. Licèt enim secundùm jura civilia debitum medium servetur in appellationibus: (l. Imperatores ff. de apple. reci.) tamen in ipsâ servatur stylus juris Canonici, quo omisso quolibet medio appellatur ad summum Pontificem. (C. si duobus. extra. de apple) Id. part. 3. serm. 3. in excellent. 4. this Empress is of so great authority in the palace of Heaven, that it is lawful to appeal unto her from any grievance, all other intermedial Saints omitted. for howsoever according to the Civil law the due means must be observed in Appeals: yet in her the style of the Canon law is observed, wherein the Pope is appealed unto, any intermediall whatsoever omitted. That c Nos autem dicere possumus, quòd beatissima Virgo est Cancellaria in coelesti curiâ. Nam videmus quòd in Cancellariâ Domini Papae conceduntur tria genera literarum. etc. Istas autem literas misericordiae that (B. Virgo) solùm in praesenti vitâ. Nam animabus decedentibus quibusdam dat literas purae gratiae: aliis veró simplicis justitiae, & quibusdam mixtas, sc. justitiae & gratiae. Quidan enim fuerunt sibi valdè devoti: & istis dat literas purae gratiae, per quas mandat ut detur eis gloria sine aliquâ Purgatorij poenâ. Alij autem fuerunt miseri peccatores & ejus indevoti: & istis dat literas simplicis justitiae, per quas mandat ut eis fiat condigna vindicta. Alij veró fuerunt in devotione tepidi & remissi: & istis dat literas justitiae & gratiae simul; per quas mandat ut & gratia eis fiat, & tamen illis infera●ur aliqua Purgatorij poena propter negligentiam & torporem. Et ista significantur in Hester reginâ, quae (ut habetur Hest. 8.) scripsit li●eras ut Iudaei salvarentur, & hosts interficerentur, & pauperibus munuscula darentur. Id. part. 12. serm. 2. membr. 1. in excellent. 12. she is a Chancellor in the Court of heaven: and giveth letters of mercy only in this present life; but for the souls that depart from hence, unto some letters of pure gra●e, unto others of simple justice, and unto some mixed of justice and grace. For some (say they) were much devoted unto her: and unto them she giveth letters of pure grace, whereby she commandeth glory to be given them without any pain of Purgatory. Others were miserable sinners and not devoted to her: and unto them she giveth letters of simple justice, whereby she commandeth that condign punishment be taken of them. Others were lukewarm and remiss in devotion: and unto them she giveth letters of justice and grace together; whereby she commandeth that both favour be done unto them, and yet some pain of Purgatory be inflicted upon them for their negligence and sluggishness. And these things they say are signified in Queen Esther; who wrote letters that the jews should be saved, and the enemies should be killed, and to the poor small gifts should be given. Yea further also, d Confugimus autem primò ad beatissimam Virginem coelorum Reginan: cui Rex regum, pater coelestis, dimidium regni sui dedit. Quod significatum est in Hester reginâ: quae cum ad placandum Assuerum regem accessisset, dixit ei Rex; Etiam si dimidiam partem regni mei petieris, dabitur tibi. Sic pater coelestis, cum habeat justitiam & misericordiam tanquam potiora regni sui bona; justitiâ sibi retentâ, misericordiam matri Virgini concessit Gabr. Biel in Canon Missae, lect. 80. Vide johan. Gerson. tract. 4. super Magnificat. where King Assuerus did proffer unto the said Esther even the half of his Kingdom: (Esth▪ 5.3.) thereby they say was signified that God bestowed half of his kingdom upon the blessed Virgin. that having justice and Mercy as the chiefest goods of his Kingdom, he retained justice unto himself, and granted mercy unto her. & e Ista imperatrix figuravit imperatricem coelorum, cum quâ Deus ●egnum suum divisit. cum enim Deus habeat justitiam & misericordiam: justitiam sibi in ●oc mundo exercendam retinuit, & misericordiam matri concessit. Et ideò si quis sentit se gra●a●i á foro justitiae Dei, appellet ad forum misericordiae matris ejus. Bernar●in. de Bust. Marial part. 3. serm. 3. in excellent. 4. therefore that if a man do find himself aggrieved in the court of God's justice, he may appeal to the court of mercy of his mother: (she being that f Id. ibid. excellent. 5. & part. 5. serm. 7 in fine. throne of grace, whereof the Apostle speaketh, Hebr. 4.16. Let us go boldly unto the throne of grace, that we may receive mercy, and find grace to help in time of need. They tell us, that g Ad ornamentum regni terren● est, quòd habeat Regem & Reginan. Et propter hoc quando aliquis rex non habet uxorem, ejus subditi plerumque ei supplicant ut eam accipiat. Supernum ergo coelorum regnum volens Rex aeternus & Imperator omnipotens decorare; fabricavit hanc beatissimam Virginem, ut illam regni & imperij sui faceret Dominam & Imperatricem: ut verificaretur prophetia David, Psal 44. ei dicentis; Astitit regina á dextris tuis in vestitu deaurato, circundatavarietate Jd. part. 9 serm. 2. it is for the ornament of an earthly kingdom, that it should have both a King & a Queen: and therefore when any King hath not a wife his subjects often do request him to take one. Hereupon they say, that the eternal King and omnipotent Emperor minding to adorn the kingdom of heaven above, did frame this blessed Virgin, to the end he might make her the Lady and Empress of his kingdom and empire: that the prophecy of David might be verified, saying unto her in the Psalm; Upon thy right hand did stand the Queen in clothing of gold. That h Est etiam Imperatrix, quia aeterni Imperatoris est sponsa; de quo dicitur johan. 3. cap. Qui habet sponsam, sponsus est. Quando veró Deus illi tradidit imperium orbis & omnium contētorū in eo: dixit ei illud quod habetur 1. Aeneid. Id. part. 3. serm. 3. in excellent 4. she is an Empress, because she is the spouse of the eternal Emperor; of whom it is said, joh. 3.29. He that hath the bride is the bridegroom. and that when God did deliver unto her the empire of the world and all the things contained therein; he said unto her that which we read in the first of the Aeneids: His ego nec metas rerum nec tempora pono; Imperium sine sine dedi. That she is i Beata Virgo est imperatrix coeli & terrae: quia ipsa genuit coelestem Imperatorem. et ideò potest ab eo petere quicquid vult et obtinere. quod figuratum fuit 3. Reg. 2. ubi matter Salomonis dixit ei: Petitionem unam pero á te; ne confundas faciem meam. tunc enim faciem suam confunderet, quando illud quod peteret denegaret. Si ergo imperat filio ratione maternalis jurisdictionis, qui fuit subditus illi (ut habetur Luc. 2.) multo magis imperat omnibus creaturis filio suo subjectis. Id. ibid. the Empress also of heaven and earth, because she did bear the heavenly Emperor: and therefore that she can ask of him what she will and obtain it. that this was figured in the history of the Kings, where the mother of Solomon said unto him: I desire one petition of thee, do not confounded my face: for than should he confound her face, if he did deny that which she requested. and that if in respect of her maternal jurisdicton she hath command of her Son, who was subject unto her: (as we read, Luke 2.51.) then much more hath she command over all the creatures that are subject to her Son. That this k Matrem quippe suam praepotens ille Deus divinae majestatis potestatisque sociam, quatenus licuit, adscivit. Huic olim coelestium, mortaliumque principatum detulit: ad hujus arbitrium (quoad hominum tutela postulat) terras, maria, ●oelum, naturamque moderatur: hâc annuente, et per hanc divinos thesauros mortalibus, et coelestia dona largitur. Vt omnes intelligant, quicquid ab eaterno illo augustoque bonorum fonte in terras profluat, fluere per MARIAM. Horat. Tursellin. jesuit. in epist. dedicator. Historiae Lauretanae ad Cardinalem Aldobrandinum. mighty God did (as far as he might) make his Mother partner of his divine majesty and power: giving unto her of old the sovereignty both of celestial things and mortal: ordering at her pleasure (as the patronage of men did require) the earth, the seas, heaven, and nature: at her liking, and by her, bestowing upon mortal men his divine treasures and heavenly gifts. So as all might understand, that whatsoever doth flow into the earth from that eternal and glorious fountain of good things, doth flow by MARIE. That l Constituta quippe est super omnem creaturam; & quicumque jesu curvat genu, matri quoque pronus supplicat: & filij gloriam cum matre non tam communem judico, quam eandem. Arnold. Carnotens tract. de laudib. Virgins. she is constituted over every creature, and whosoever boweth his knee unto jesus, doth fall down also and supplicate unto his mother: so that the glory of the Son may be judged not so much to be common with the Mother, as to be the very same. That m Tanta est gloria Virginis matris Dei; quòd tantum excedit in gloriâ naturam angelicam & humanam simul junctam, quantum circumferentia firmamenti excedit in magnitudine suum centrum: cum intelligat in filio suo se quasi alterum ipsum Deitate vestitam. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 12. serm. 2. in excellent. 21. so great is her glory, that she exceedeth the nature of Angels and Men, joined together, as far in glory, as the circumference of the firmament exceedeth his centre in magnitude: when she understandeth herself in her Son to be, as his other self, clothed with the Deity. That she being n Qui enim alicui rei innititur, virtutem ejus sibi assumit, & eâ sicut vult utitur. Et similiter ipsa Dei matter de omnipotentiâ filij sui cui ●st innixa, quantum vult sibi assumit. Id. part. 12. serm. 2. in excellent. 28. the mother of God, doth assume unto herself o● the omnipotency of her Son (upon which she leaneth) as much as she pleaseth. and that she o Accedis ante illud aurei● humanae reconciliationi● altar, non solùm rogans, sed imperans; Domina, non ancilla. Petr. Damian se●m. 1. de nativit. B. Mariae. doth come before the golden altar of humane reconciliation, not entreating only, but commanding; a Mistress, not a maid. They tell us, that the blessed Virgin herself appeared once unto Thomas Becket, & used this speech unto him. p Gaude & laetare, ac exulta mecum; quia gloria mea excellit dignitatem & laetitiam omnium sanctorum & cunctorum spirituum beatorum, & majorem gloriam habeo ipsa sola quam omnes simul Angeli & Sancti. Gaude. quia sicut Sol illuminat diem ac mundum, sic claritas mea illuminat totum orbem coelesten. Gaude, quia tota militia coeli mihi obedit, me veneratur & honorat. Gaude, quia filius meus mihi semper est obediens, & meam voluntatem, & cunctas preces meas semper exaudit. Gaude, quia Deus semper ad beneplacitum meum remunerat servitores meos in hoc seculo & in futuro. Gaude, quia proxima sedeo sanctae Trinitati, & vestita sum corpore meo glorificato. Gaude, quia certa sum & secura, quòd haec mea gaudia semper stabunt & nunquam finientur vel deficient. Et quicumque cum his gaudijs spiritualibus laetando in hoc seculo me venerabitur, in exitu animae suae de corpore praesentiam meam obtinebit; & ipsam animam ab hostibus malignis liberabo, & in conspectu filij mei ut meeum gaudia possideat praesentabo. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 10 serm. 2. sect. ult. Rejoice and be glad, and be joyful with me: because my glory doth excel the dignity and joy of all the Saints & all the blessed spirits; & I alone have greater glory than all the Angels and Saints together. Rejoice, because that as the Sun doth enlighten the day and the world, so my brightness doth enlighten the whole celestial world. Rejoice, because the whole host of heaven obeyeth me, reverenceth and honoureth me. Rejoice, because my Son is always obedient unto me, and my will, and all my prayers he always heareth. (or as others do relate it: * Quòd summae Trinitatis & mea est una voluntas; & quodcunque mihi placuerit, tota Trinitas ineffabili favore consentit. Promptuar. Discipuli, de miraculi B. Mari●, exempl. 14. (pag. 8. edit. Mogunt. ann. 1612.) The will of the blessed Trinity and mine is one and the same; and whatsoever doth please me, the whole Trinity with unspeakable favour doth give consent unto.) Rejoice, because God doth always at my pleasure reward my servitors in this world and in the world to come. Rejoice, because I fit next to the holy Trinity, and am clothed with my body glorified. Rejoice, because I am certain and sure, that these my joys shall always stand and never be finished or ●ayle. And whosoever by rejoicing with these spiritual joys shall worship me in this world, at the time of the dep●rture of his soul out of the body he shall obtain my presence: and I will deliver his soul from the malignant enemies, and present it in the sight of my Son, that it may possess joys with me. They tell us, that many ( q M●ltae meretri●es in die Sabbati●on pecca●ent propter reverentian Virgins Et multi videntur beatam Virginem in majori veneratione habere, quam Ch●istum filium ejus; magis ex simplicitate moti quam scientiâ. Sed quia honor matris redundat in filium, Prov. 17. patientiam habet filius Dei, de hâc quorundam virorum & mulie●um simplicitate. Bernardin. de Bust. pa●t. 6. serm. 2. memb. 3. many whores for example, that would not sin on Saturday, for the reverence of the Virgin; whatsoever they did on the Lord's day) seem to have the blessed Virgin in greater veneration than Christ her son; moved thereunto out of simplicity more than out of knowledge. Yet that the Son of God doth bear with the simplicity of these men and women: because he is not ignorant, that the honour of the mother doth redound to the child (Prov. 17.6.) They argue further, that r Si hoc privilegium habet Cardinalis, quòd si ponat pileum sive cape●lum suum super●caput illius qui ducitur ad justitiam, liberatur: (secundùm Baldun & Paulun de Castro, in ●addictos. C. de apple.) á fortiori, pallium beatae. Virgins potest nos ab omnibus malis liberare. Tam lata enim est ejus misericordia, quòd si aliquem devoté facientem Coronam suam viderit in medio millium daemonum trahi ad supplicium; eum protinùs liberabit: nec permittet aliquem malé finiri, qui ejus Coronam reverenter studuerit facere. Id. part. 12. serm. 1. mem●r. 3. if a Cardinal have this privilege, that if he put his cap upon the head of one that is led unto justice, he is freed thereby: then by an argument drawn from the stronger, the cloak of the blessed Virgin is able to deliver us from all evil. her mercy being so large, that if she should see any man who did devoutly make her Crown (that is to say, repeat the rosary or Chaplet of prayers made for her worship) to be drawn unto punishment in the midst of a thousand Devils; she would presently rescue him, & not permit that any one should have an evil end, who did study reverently to make her Crown. They add moreover, that s Sic in summâ erunt ducenta septuaginta tria millia septingenti quinquaginta octo dies indulgentiae pro qualibet coronâ. Felicis autem recordationis Sixtus Papa quartus, omnibus dicentibus in statu gratiae infrascriptam orationem sive salutationem ipsius Virgins, quae á multis dicitur in Coronâ, concessit indulgentiam duodecim millium annorum pro qualibet vice quâ dicitur. Ave sanctissima Maria, matter Dei, regina coeli, porta para disi, domina mundi. Singularis & pura tu es virgo. Tu concepisti Christum sine peccato. Tu peperisti creatorem & salvatorem mundi, in quo non dubito, Libera me ab omni malo; & orapro peccatis mei● Amen. Jbid. for every of these Crowns a man shall obtain 273758. days of Indulgence: and that Pope Sixtus the fourth granted an indulgence of twelve thousand years for every time that a man in the state of grace should repeat this short orison or salutation of the Virgin, which by many is inserted into her Crown. Hail most holy Mary, the mother of God, the Queen of heaven, the gate of Paradise, the Lady of the world. Thou art a singular and pure virgin: thou didst conceive Christ without sin: thou didst bear the creator and saviour of the world, in whom I do not doubt. Deliver me from all evil, and pray for my sins. Amen. In the Crown composed by Bonaventure, this is one of the orisons that is prescribed to be said. t Imperatrix & Domina nostra benignissima, iure matris impera tuo dilectissimo Filio Domino nostro jesu Christo, ut mentes nostras ab amore terrestrium ad coelestia desideria erigere dignetur. Bonaventur. Corona B Mariae Virgins, Operum tomo 6. edit. Rom. an. 1588. O. Empress and our most kind Lady, by the authority of a mother command thy most beloved Son our Lord jesus Christ, that he would vouchsafe to lift up our minds from the love of earthly things unto heavenly desires. which is suitable unto that versicle which we read in the 35. Psalm, of his Lady's Psalter. u Inclina vultum Dei super nos: coge illum peccatoribus misereri. Id. in Psalterio B. Mariae Virg. ibid. Incline the countenance of God upon us: compel him to have mercy upon sinners. the harshenesse whereof our Romanists have a little qualified in some of their editions, reading thus, x Inclina vultum filij tui super nos: coge illum precibus nobis peccatoribus misereri Psalter. Bonaventur seorsim. edit. Parisijs, an. 1596. in Capeleto Dominicae 2. Incline the countenance of thy Son upon us: compel him by thy prayers to have mercy upon us sinners. The psalms of this Psalter do all of them begin as David's do: but with this main difference, that where the Prophet in the one aimeth at the advancement of the honour of our Lord, the Friar in the other applieth all to the magnifying of the power and goodness of our Lady. So in the first Psalm: y Beatus vir qui diligit nomen tuum Maria virgo: gratia tua animam ejus confortabit. Psalm. 1. Blessed is the man (quoth Bonaventure) that loveth thy name, O Virgin Marie: thy grace shall comfort his soul. & in the others following. z Domina, quid multiplicati sunt qui tribulant me? in tempestate tuâ persequêri● & dissipabis eos. Psalm. 3. Lady, how are they multiplied that trouble me? with thy tempest shalt thou persecute and scatter them. a Domina, ne in furore Dei sinas corripi me: neque in ira ejus judicari. Psalm. 6. Lady, suffer me not to be rebuked in the fury of God; nor to be judged in his wrath. b Domina mea, in te speravi: de inimicis meis libera me Domina. Psalm 7. My Lady, in thee have I put my trust: deliver me from mine enemies, O Lady. c In Dominâ confido; propter dulcedinem misericordiae nominis sui. Psalm. 10. In our Lady put I my trust; for the sweetness of the mercy of her name. d Vsquequo Domina oblivisceris me; & non liberas me in die tribulationis? Psal. 12. How long wilt thou forget me, O Lady, and not deliver me in the day of tribulation? e Conserva me Domina, quoniam speravi in te: mihique tuae stillicidia gratiae impartire. Psalm. 15. Preserve me, O Lady, for in thee have I put my trust: and impart unto me the drops of thy grace. f Diligam te, Domina coeli & terrae: & in gentibus nomen tuum invocabo. Psalm. 17. I will love thee, O Lady of heaven and earth: and I will call upon thy name among the nations. g Coeli enarrant gloriam tuam: & unguentorum tuorum fragrantia in gentibus est dispersa. Psalm. 18. The heavens declare thy glory: and the fragrance of thine ointments is spread among the nations. h Exaudias nos Domina in die tribulationis: & precibus nostris converte clementem faciem tuam. Psalm. ●9. Hear us, Lady, in the day of trouble: and turn thy merciful face unto our prayers. i Ad te Domina levavi animam meam: in judicio Dei, tuis precibus non erubescam. Psalm. 24. Unto thee, O Lady, have I lifted up my soul: in the judgement of God, by thy prayers, I shall not be ashamed. k judica me Domina, quoniam ab innocentiâ meâ digressus sum: sed quia sperabo in te, non infirmabor. Psalm. 25. judge me, Lady, for I have departed from mine innocence: but because I will trust in thee, I shall not be weakened. l In tè Domina speravi, non confundar in aeternum: in gratiâ tuâ suscipe me. Psal. 30. In thee, O Lady, have I put my trust, let me never be confounded: in thy favour receive me m Beati quorum corda te diligunt, virgo Maria: peccata ipsorum á te misericorditer diluentur. Psalm. 31. Blessed are they whose hearts do love thee, o virgin Marry: their sins by thee shall mercifully be washed away. n judica Domina nocentes me: & contra eos exurge, & vindica causam meam, Psalm. 34. Lady, judge those that hurt me: and rise up against them, and plead my cause. o Expectans expectavi gratiam tuam: & fecisti mihi secundùm multitudinem misericodiae nominis tui. Psal. 39 Waiting have I waited for thy grace: and thou hast done unto me according to the multitude of the mercy of thy name. p Domina refugium nostrum tu es in omni necessitate nostrâ; & virtus potentior conterens inimicum. Psalm. 45. Lady, thou art our refuge in all our necessities; and the powerful strength treading down the enemy. q Miserere mei Domina, quae matter misericordia● nuncuparis: & secundùm viscera misericordiarum tuarum, munda me ab omnibus iniquitatibus meis. Psal. 50. Have mercy upon me, O Lady, who art called the mother of mercy; and according to the bowels of thy mercies, cleanse me from all mine iniquities. r Domina in nomine tuo● salvum me fac: & ab in●ustitijs meis libera me. Psalm. 53. Save me, Lady, by thy name; and deliver me from mine unrighteousness. s Miserere mei Domina, miserere mei: quia paratum est cor meum exquirere voluntatem tuam: & in umbrâ alarum tuarum requiescan. Ps. 56. Have mercy upon me, O Lady, have mercy upon me: because my heart is prepared to search out thy will; and in the shadow of thy wings will I rest. t Exurgat Maria, & dissipentur inimici ejus: conterantur omnes sub pedibus ejus. Psal. 67. Let Marie arise, and let her enemies be scattered: let them all be trodden down under her feet. u In te Domina speravi, non cnfundar in aeternum: in tuâ misericordiâ libera me, & eripe me. Psalm. 70. In thee, O Lady, have I put my trust, let me never be put to confusion: deliver me in thy mercy, and cause me to escape. x Deus judicium tuum Regida; & misericordiam tuam Reginae matri ejus. Psal. 71. Give the King thy judgement, O God, and thy mercy to the Queen his mother. y Domina, venerunt gentes in haereditatem Dei: quas tu meritis tuis Christo confoederâsti. Psalm. 78. Lady, the gentiles are come into the inheritance of God: whom thou by thy merits hast confederated unto Christ. z Misericordias tuas, Domina, in sempiternum decantabo. Psalm. 88 Thy mercies, O Lady, will I sing for ever. a Deus ultionum Dominus: sed tu Mater misericordiae ad miserandum inflectis. Psalm ●93. God is the Lord of revenges: but thou the mother of mercy dost bow him to take pity. b Venite, exultemus Dominae nostrae: jubilemus salutiferae Mariae Reginae nostrae. Psal. 94. O come, let us sing unto our Lady: let us make a joyful noise to Marry our Queen that brings salvation. c Cantate Dominae nostrae canticum novum: quia mirabilia fecit. Psal. 97. O sing unto our Lady a new song: for she hath done marvellous things. d Confitemini Domino, quoniam bonus: confitemini matri ejus, quoniam in saeculum misericordia ejus. Ps. 106. & 117. O give thanks unto the Lord, for he is good: give thanks unto his mother, for her mercy endureth for ever. e Domina, laudem meam ne despexeris: & hoc dedicatum tibi Psalterium digneris acceptare. Psal. 108. Lady, despise not my praise: and vouchsafe to accept this Psalter which is dedicated unto thee. f Dixit Dominus Dominae nostrae: sede matter mea á dextris meis. Psalm. 109. The Lord said unto our Lady: sit thou, my mother, at my right hand. g Qui confidunt in te, matter Dei, non timebunt á fancy inimici. Psal. 124. They that trust in thee, O mother of God, shall not fear from the face of the enemy. h Nisi Domina aedificaverit domum cordis nostri: non permanebit aedificium ejus. Psalm. 126. Except our Lady build the house of our heart: the building thereof will not continue. i Beati omnes qui timent Dominam nost●am: & beati omnes qui sciunt facere voluntatem tuam, & beneplacitum tuum. Psalm. 127. Blessed are all they who fear our Lady: and blessed are all they who know to do thy will, and thy good pleasure. k De profundis clamavi ad te Domina: Domina exaudi vocem meam. Psalm. 129 Out of the deep have I cried unto thee, O Lady: Lady, hear my voice. l Memento Domina David; & omnium invocantium nomen tuum. Psalm. 131. Lady, remember David, and all that call upon thy name. m Confitemini Domino quo●iam bonus est: quoniam per suam dulcissimam matrem Virginem Mariam datur misericordia ejus. Psalm. 135. O give thanks unto the Lord, because he is good: because by his most sweet mother the virgin Mary is his mercy given. n Benedicta si● Domina, quae instruis servos tuos ad praelium: & eos roboras contra inimicum. Ps. 143. Blessed be thou, O Lady, which teachest thy servants to war; and strengthenest them against the enemy. and so the last Psalm is begun with, o Laudate Dominam in sanctis ejus: laudate eam in virtutibus & miraculis ejus. Psal. 150. Praise our Lady in her Saints; praise her in her virtues and miracles: and ended accordingly, with, Omnis spiritus laudet Dominam nostram. Let every spirit (or, every thing that hath breath) praise our Lady. To this we may adjoin the p Psal●erium meditationum B. Mariae, vocatur á Io Pithio, de illustr. An●l. Scriptorib. pag. 380. Psalter of the salutations of the Virgin, framed by john Peckham archbishop of Canterbury, which is not yet printed. His preface he beginneth thus: Mente concipio laudes perscribere Sanctae Virgins; quae nos à carcere Solvit per filium, genus in genere Miri vivificans effectus opere. and endeth with a prayer to the blessed Virgin, that she would release the sins of all those for whom he prayed, and cause both his own name and theirs to be written in the book of life. Nec non & omnibus relaxes crimina, Pro quibus supplicans fundo precamina: Nostrumque pariter & horum nomina Conscribi facias in vitae paginâ. Then followeth his first Psalm; wherein he prayeth, that she would make us to meditate often God's Law, and afterwards to be made blessed in the glory of God's kingdom. Ave Virgo virginum parens absque pari, Sine viri semine digna foecundari: Fac nos legem Domini crebró meditari: Et in regni gloriâ beatificari. His other 149. Psalms (which are fraught with the same kind of stuff) I pass over. But Bernardinus de Senis his boldness may not be forgotten: who thinketh that q Sola benedicta virgo Maria plus fecit Deo vel tantùm (ut sic dicam) quam fecit Deus toti generi humano. C●edo etenim certé quòd mihi indulgebit Deus, si nunc pro Virgine loquar. Congregemus in unum quae Deus homini fecit: & consideremus quae Maria virgo Domino satisfecit etc. Reddendo ergo singula singulis, sc. quae fecit Deus homini, & quae fecit Deo beata Virgo; videbis quòd plus fecit Maria Deo, quam homini Deus: ut sic pro solatio dicere liceat, quòd propter beatam Virginem, quam tamen ipse fecit, Deus quodammodo plus obligetur nobis, quam nos sibi. Bernardin. Senens. serm. 61. artic. 1. cap. 11. God will give him leave to maintain, that the Virgin Marie did more unto him, or at least as much, as he himself did unto all mankind; and that we may say for our comfort (forsooth) that in respect of the blessed Virgin (whom God himself did make notwithstanding) God after a sort is more bound unto us, than we are unto him. With which absurd and wretched speculation Bernardinus de Busti after him was so well pleased: that he dareth to revive again this most odious comparison, and propose it a fresh in this saucy manner. r Sed ô virgo gratissima, nunquid tu aliquid ●ecisti Deo? Nunquid vicem ei reddidis●i? Profectò (si fas est dicere) tu secundùm quid majora fecisti Deo, quam ipse Deus tibi & universo generi humano. Volo ergo ego dicere, quod tu exhumilitate reticuisti. Tu enim solùm cecinisti; Quia fecit mihi magna qui potens est: ego vero cano & dico; Quia tu fecisti majora ei qui potens est. Bernardin. de Bust. Marial. part. 6. serm. 2. membr. 3. But O most grateful Virgin, didst not thou something to God? Didst not thou make him any recompense? Truly (if it be Lawful to speak it) thou in some respect didst greater things to God, than God himself did to thee and to all mankind. I will therefore speak that, which thou out of thy humility hast passed in silence. For thou only didst sing: He that is mighty hath done to me great things. but I do sing and say: that thou hast done greater things to him that is mighty. Neither is that vision much better, which the s Id. part. 9 serm. 2. assimilat. 2. same author reciteth as showed to S. Francis, or (as t Speculum vitae Francisci & fociorum eius: part. 2. c. 45. edit. Guilielmi Spoelberch. Item, Speculum Exemplorum, dist. 7. exempl. 41. others would have it) to his companion Friar Lion; touching the two ladders that reached from earth unto heaven. the one red, upon which Christ leaned: from whence many fell backward, & could not ascend. the other white, upon which the holy Virgin leaned: the help whereof such as used, were by her received with a cheerful countenance, and so with facility ascended into heaven. Neither yet that sentence, which came first from Anselm, and was after him used by Ludolphus Saxo the Carthusian, and Chrysostomus à Visitatione the Cistercian Monk: that u Velocior est nonnunquam salus memorato nomine Mariae, quam invocato nomine Domini jesu unici Filij sui. Anselm de excellentiâ B. Virgins, cap. 6. Ludolph. Carthusian de Vitâ Christi, part. 2. cap. 68 & Chrysostom. á Visitatione, de Verbis Dominae, tom. 2. lib. 2. cap. 2. more present relief is sometimes found by commemorating the name of Mary, then by calling upon the name of our Lord jesus her only Son. which one of x Henr. Fitz-Simon, of the Mass. lib. 2. part. 2. chap. 3. our Jesuits is so far from being ashamed to defend, that he dareth to extend it further to the mediation of other Saints also: telling us very peremptorily, that as our Lord jesus worketh greater miracles by his Saints then by himself· (john. 14.12) so often he showeth the force of their intercession more than of his own. All which I do lay down thus largely, not because I take any delight in rehearsing those things, which deserve rather to be buried in everlasting oblivion: but first, that the world may take notice, what kind of monster is nourished in the Papacy under that strange name of Hyperdulia: the bare discovery whereof, I am persuaded, will prevail as much with a mind that is touched with any zeal of God's honour, as all other arguments and authorities whatsoever. secondly, that such unstable souls as look back unto Sodom, and have a lust to return unto Egypt again, may be advised to look a little into this sink, and consider with themselves whether the steam that ariseth from thence be not so noisome, that it is not to be endured by one that hath any sense left in him of pierie. and thirdly, that such as be established in the present truth, may be thankful to God for this great mercy vouchsafed unto them, and mak● this still one part of their prayers. From all Romish Dulîa and Hyperdulîa, good Lord deliver us. OF IMAGES. WIth prayer to Saints our Challenger joineth the use of holy Images: which what it hath been and still is in the Church of Rome, seeing he hath not been pleased to declare unto us in particular, I hope he will give us leave to learn from others. a Doctrina ost Romanae Ecclesiae, Christi & Sanctorum Imagines piâ Religione á Christianis colendas esse. Zac. Bo●erius, in Orthodoxâ Consultat, de ratione verae Fidei & Religionis ample●tenda. part. 2. Regul. 1. pag. 189. edit. Matrit. an. 1623. It is the doctrine then of the Roman Church, that the Images of Christ and the Saints should with pious Religion be worshipped by Christians: saith Zacharias Boverius the Spanish friar, in his late Consultation directed to our most noble Prince Charles, b Serenissime Carole, spes Anglicanae Ecclesiae. Id. part. 1. Regul. 4. pag. 58. the Hope of the Church of England, and c Princeps futura orbis foelicitas Id part. 2. Regul. 2. pag. 196. the future felicity of the World; as even this Balaam himself doth style him. The representations of God, and of Christ, and of Angels, and of Saints, d Non solùm pinguntur, ut ostendantur, sicut Cherubim olim in templo, sed ut adorentur: ut frequens usus Ecclesiae testatur. Caietan in 3. part. Thomae, quaest. 25. artic. 3. are not only painted that they may be showed, as the Cherubims were of old in the Temple, but that they may be adored; as the frequent use of the Church doth testify: saith Cardinal Cajetan. So Thomas Arundel archbishop of Canterbury, in his Provincial Council held at Oxford in the year 1408. established this Constitution following. * From henceforth let it be taught commonly and preached by all, that the Cross and the Image of the Crucifix and the rest of the Images of the Saints, in memory and honour of them whom they figure, as also their places and Relics, aught to be worshipped with processions, bend of the knee, bowings of the body, incensings, kiss, offer, lighting of candles, and pilgrimages; together with all other manners and forms whatsoever, as hath been accustomed to be done in our or our predecessors times. And in the Roman Catechism set out by the appointment of the Council of Trent, e non solùm autem licere in Ecclesiâ imagines habere, & illis honorem & cultum adhibere, ostendet Parochus (cum honos qui illis exhibetur, referatur ad prototypa) verum etiam maximo fidelium bono ad hanc usque diem factum declarabit. Catechism. Roman. part. 3. cap. 2. sect. 14. the Parish priest is required to declare unto his parishioners, not only that it is lawful to have images in the Church, and to give honour and worship unto them, (for as much as the honour which is done unto them, is referred unto the things which they represent) but also that this hath still been done to the great good of the faithful. and that f Sanctorum quoq, imagines in templis positas demonstrabit; ut & colantur, & exemplo moniti, ad eorum vitam ac mores nos ipsos conformemus Ibid. the Images of the Saints are put in Churches, aswell that they may be worshipped, as that we being admonished by their example, might conform ourselves unto their life and manners. Now for the manner of this worship, we are told by one of their Bishops; that g Ergo non solùm fatendum est, fideles in Ecclesiâ adorare coràm imagine, ut nonnulli ad cautelam forté loquuntur, sed et adorare imaginem, sine quo volueris scrupulo quin & eo illam venerantur cultu, quo & prototypon ejus: propter quod, si illud habet adorari latría, & illa latrîa; si dulia vel hyperdulia, & illa pariter, ejusmodi cultu adoranda est. jacob. Nactantius, in epist. ad Roman. cap. 1 f●l 42. edit. Venet. an. 1557. it must not only be confessed, that the faithful in the Church do adore before the Images (as some peradventure would cautelously speak) but also adore the Image itself, without what scruple you will: yea they do reverence it with the same worship, wherewith they do the thing that is represented thereby. Wherefore (saith he) if that aught to be adored with Latrîa (or, divine worship) this also is to be adored with Latrîa; if with Dulîa or Hyperdulîa, this likewise is to be adored with the same kind of worship. And so we see that Thomas Aquinas doth directly conclude; that h Sic sequitur, quòd eadem reverentia exhibeatur imagini Christi & ipsi Christo cum ergo Christus adoretur adoratione latriae; consequens est, quòd ejus imago sit adoratione latriae adoranda. Thom Summ. part. 3. quaest. 25. artic. 3. the same reverence is to be given unto the Image of Christ and to Christ himself: and by consequence, seeing Christ is adored with the adoration of Latría (or, divine worship) that his image it to be adored with the adoration of Latrîa. Upon which place of Thomas, Friar Pedro de Cabrera, a great Master of Divinity in Spain, doth lay down these conclusions. I. i Simpliciter & absoluté dicendum est, sacras imagines esse venerandas in templis, & extra templa: & contrarium est dogma haereticum. Hoc est, imaginibus exhibenda esse signa servitutis & submissionis, amplexu, luminaribus, oblatione suffituum, capitis nudatione, etc. Ilaec conclusio est dogma fidei collectum ex Sanctâ Scripturâ, ex quâ constat, res creatas etiam inanimes, dummodò Deo sint sacratae, esse adorandas. Petr. de Cabrera, in 3. part. Thom. quaest. 25, ●rt. 3. disput. 2. num. 15. It is simply and absolutely to be said, that holy Images are to be worshipped, in Churches & ●ut of Churches: and the contrary is an heretical doctrine. for explication whereof he declareth, that by this worshipping he meaneth; that signs of service and submission are to be exhibited unto Images, by embracing, lights, oblation of incense, uncovering of the head, etc. and that this conclusion is a doctrine of faith collected out of the holy Scripture; by which it appeareth, that things created yea although they be senseless, so that they be consecrated unto God, are to be adored. II. k Imagines sunt veré & proprié adorandae, & ex intentione ipsas adorandi, & non tantùm exemplaria in ipsis repraesentata. Haec conclusio est contra Durandum & sectatores illius; quorum sententia á recentioribus censetur periculosa, temeraria, & sapiens haeresim: & M. Medina hîc refert, Magistrun Victoriam reputâsse il●am haereticam. Sed nostra conclusio est communis Theologorum. Ibid. num. 32. Images are truly and properly to be adored; and out of an intention to adore themselves, and not only the samplers that are represented in them. This conclusion (which he maketh to be the common resolution of the Divines of that side) he opposeth against Durand & his followers: who held that Images are adored only improperly, because they put men in mind of the persons represented by them; who are then adored before the images, as if they had been there really present. But this opinion he saith is censured by the latter Divines to be dangerous, rash, and savouring of heresy: yea and by Fr. Victoria to be plainly heretical. For l Si imagines improprié tan tùm adorantur; simpliciter & absoluté non ado●antur, neque sunt adorandae: quod est haeresis manifesta Ibid. num. 34. if Images be adored only improperly, they are not to be adored simply & absolutely: which is a manifest heresy; saith Cabrera. And m Si imagines solùm adorantur rememoratiué, & recordatiué, quia recordari nos faciunt exempla●ium; quae ita adoramus, ac si essent praesentia ●equeretur eâdem adoratione, quâ colimus Deum, esse adorandas omnes c●eaturas; cum omnes in Dei cognitionem & recordationem nos dacant, & Deus sit in omnibus rebus. Sed consequens est absurdum. Ergo. Ibid. num. 35. if Images were only to be worshipped by way of rememoration and recordation, because they make us remember the samplers, which we do so worship, as if they had been then present: it would follow that all creatures should be adored with the same adoration, wherewith we worship God; seeing all of them do lead us unto the knowledge and remembrance of God, and God is present in all things. III. n Sententia Divi Thomae, quatenùs docet eodem actu adorationis coli Imaginem, & exemplar per illam representatum; est verissima, pijssima, & fidei decretis admodùm consona. Ibid. disput. 3. num. 56. The doctrine delivered by Thomas, that the Image and the sampler represented by it is to be worshipped with the same act of adoration; is most true, most pious, and very consonant to the decrees of Faith. This he o Id ibid. num. 30. saith is the doctrine not only of Thomas, and of all his disciples, but also of all the old Schoolmen almost. and particularly he quoteth for it, Cajetan, Capreolus, Paludanus, Ferrariensis, Antonius, Soto, Alexander of Hales, Albertus Magnus, Bonaventura, Richardus de Mediavilla, Dionysius Carthusianus, Major, Masilius, Thomas Waldensis, Turrecremata, Angestus, Clichtoveus, Turrian and Vazquez. In a word; p Constans est Theologorum sententia; Imaginem eodem honore & cultu honorari & coli, quo coli tur id cujus est Imago Io. Azor. Institut. moral. tom. 1 lib. 9 cap. 6. it is the constant judgement of Divines, (saith Azorius the jesuit) that the Image is to be honoured and worshipped with the same honour and worship, wherewith that is worshipped whereof it is an image. Against this use, or rather horrible abuse of Images, to what purpose should we heap up any testimonies of holy Scripture; if the words of the second commandment, uttered with Gods own mouth with thundering and lightning upon mount Sinai, may not be heard? Thou shalt not make to thyself any graven Image, nor the likeness of any thing that is in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the water under the earth: Thou shalt not bow down to them, nor worship them. Which thunderclap from heaven the guides of the Romish Church discerning to threaten sore that fearful Idolatry which daily they commit; thought fit in wisdom, first to conceal the knowledge of this from the people, by excluding those words out of the Decalogue that went abroad for common use, under pretence (forsooth) of including it in the first Commandment: and then afterwards to put this conceit into men's heads, that this first commandment was so far from condemning the veneration of Images, that it commanded the same, and condemned the contrary neglect thereof. And therefore Laurence Vaux in his Catechism, unto this Question; Who breaketh the first Commandment of God by unreverence of God? frameth this Answer. q Vaux Catechism. chap. 3. They that do not give due reverence to God, and his Saints, or to their Relics and IMAGES. and jacobus de Graffijs in his explication of the same Commandment specifieth the due reverence here required, more particularly. namely, r Vt unamquamque imaginem eodem cultu, quo ille, cujus imago est, venetemur. id est, ut imagini Dei, vel Christi, vel etiam Crucis signo, prout Dominicam passionem ad mentem revocat, atriam impartiamur: ad sacrae Virginis imaginem hyperduliae, aliorum veró Sanctorum duliae adoratione adoremus. jacob. de Graff●s, Decision, aure. casuum cons●ient. part. 1 lib. 2. cap. 2. s●ct. penult. that we should reverence every Image with the same worship that we do him whose image it is. that is to say, that we impart Latrîa (or, divine worship) to the Image of God; or of Christ, or to the sign of the Cross also, in as much as it bringeth the Passion of our Lord unto our mind: and that we use the adoration of Hyperdulîa at the Image of the holy Virgin, but of Dulìa at the Images of other Saints. And can there be found (think you) among men, a more desperate impudency than this? that not only the practice of this wretched Idolatry should be maintained against the express commandment of almighty God; but also that he himself should be made the author and commander of it, even in that very place where he doth so severely forbid it, and s Rom. 1.18. reveal his wrath from heaven against the ungodliness and unrighteousness of men, which withhold the truth in unrighteousness. The miserable shifts and silly evasions, whereby they labour to obscure the light of this truth, have been detected by others to the full, and touched also in some part by myself in an t Serm. at Westminst. before the house of Commons. other place: where I have showed out of Deuteronom. 4.15, 16. and Rom. 1.23. that the adoring of the very true God himself in or by an Image, cometh within the compass of that Idolatry which the word of God condemneth. And to this truth do the Fathers of the ancient Church give plentiful testimony: in what great account soever our Challenger would have us think that the use of Images was with them. Indeed in so great account was the use of Images among them; that in the ancientest and best times, Christians would by no means permit them to be brought into their Churches; nay some of them would not so much as admit the art itself of making them: so jealous were they of the danger, and careful of the prevention of the deceit, whereby the simple might any way be drawn on to the adoring of them. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Alexand●· prophety. ad Gentes. We are plainly forbidden, saith Clemens Alexandrinus, to exercise that deceitful art. For the Prophet saith; Thou shalt not make the likeness of any thing, either in the heaven or in the earth beneath. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id Paedagog. lib. 3. cap. 2. Moses commandeth men, to make no Image, that should represent God by art. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Prophetic. For in truth an Image is a dead matter, form by the hand of an artificer. But we have no sensible Image made of any sensible matter, but such an Image as is to be conceived with the understanding. So his scholar Origen, writing against Celsus the philosopher: z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen. contra Cels. lib. 7. pag. 373. Who having his right wits (saith he) will not laugh at him, who after such great philosophical discourses of God or Gods, doth look on Images; and either presenteth his prayer to them, or by the sight thereof offereth it to him who is conceived thereby, unto whom he imagineth that he ought to ascend from that which is seen and is but a sign or symbol of him? And whereas Celsus had brought in that speech of Heraclîtus; a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hera●li●. Ephes. ibid. pag. 384. et apud Clem. Alexandr. in Prophetic. ad Gent. pag. 25. edit. Graecolat. ubi statim subiungitur: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; An non enim sunt prodigiosi qui lapides adorant? They pray unto these Images, as if a man should enter into conference with his house: and demanded; b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Celsus, apud Origen. ut supr. pag 384. Whether any man unless he were a very child, did think these things to be Gods, and not monuments and images of the Gods? Origen replieth, that c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen. ibid. pag. 386. it is not a thing possible, that one should know God, and pray to Images: and that Christians d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (league, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: ut in verbis Celsi, pag. 384. lin. 24.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. pag 387. did not esteem these to be divine Images, who used not to describe any figure of God who was invisible and without all bodily shape; e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. hoc est, (ut ex verbis subseque●tib. intelliigitur) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. pag. 385. nor could endure to worship God with any such kind of service as this was. In like manner, when the Gentiles demanded of the ancient Christians, f Cur nullas aras habent, templa nulla, nulla nota simulacra? Minut. Feli● in Octavio. why they had no known Images? Minutius Felix returneth them for answer again. g Quod enim simulacrum Deo fingam; cum si recté existimes, sit Dei homo ipse simulacrum? Ibid. What Image shall I make to God; when man himself, if thou rightly judge, is God's Image? h Ipsae imagines sacrae, quibus inanissimi homines, serviunt, omni sensu carent, quia terra sunt. Quis autem non intelligat, nefas esse rectum animal curvari, ut adoret terram? quae id circo pedibus nostris subjecta est, ut calcanda nobis, non adoranda sit. Lactant. divin. I●stitut. lib. 2. cap. 17. These holy Images (saith Lactantius) which vain men serve, want all sense; because they are earth. Now who is there that understandeth not, that it is unfit for an upright creature to be bowed down, that he may worship the earth? which for this cause is put under our feet, that it may be trodden upon, not worshipped by us. i Quare non est dubium, quin religio nulla sit, ubicunque simulacrum est. Nam si religio ex divinis rebus est; divini autem nihil est nisi in coelestibus rebus: carent ergo religione simulacra; quia nihil potest esse coeleste in eâ re, quae fit ex terrâ. Ib. cap. 18. Wherefore there is no doubt, that there is no religion, wheresoever there is an Image. For seeing Religion consisteth of divine things; and nothing divine is to be found but in heavenly things: Images therefore are void of religion; because nothing that is heavenly can be in that thing, which is made of earth. When k Alexander Imp. Christo templum facere voluit, eumque inter Deos recipere. Quod & Adrianus cogitâsse fertur, qui templa in omnibus civitatibus sine simulacris jusserat fieri; quae hodie id circo quai non habent numina, dicuntur Adriani: quae ille ad hoc paráffe dicebatur. sed prohibitus est ab iis qui consulentes sacra, repererant omnes Christianos futuro● si id optatò evenisset, & templa reliqua deserenda. Lamprid. in Alexandro. Adrian the Emperor had commanded that temples should be made in all cities without Images; it was presently conceived, that he did prepare those temples for Christ: as Aelius Lampridius noteth in the life of Alexander Severus. which is an evident argument, that it was not the use of Christians in those days to have any Images in their Churches. And for keeping of Pictures out of the Church, the Canon of the Eliberine or Illiberitane Council (held in Spain, about the time of Constantine the great) is most plain. l Placuit, picturas in Ecclesiâ esse non debere; ne quod colitur aut adoratur, in parietibus depingatur. council El b●r. cap. ●6. It is our mind, that pictures ought not to be in the Church; lest that which is worshipped or adored, should be painted on walls. which hath so troubled the minds of our latter Romanistes; that Melchior Canus sticketh not to charge the Council m Illa (lex) non imprudenter modò, verumetiam impié, á Concilio Elibertino lata est de tollendis imaginibus. Canus. loc. Theologic. lib. 5. cap. 4. conclus 4. not only with imprudency, but also with impiety, for making such a law as this, n Gentiles lignum adorant, quia Dei imaginem putant: sed invisibilis Dei imago non in eo est quod videtur, sed in eo utique quod non videtur. Ambros. in Psal. 118. octo●ar. 10. The Gentiles (saith S. Ambrose) worship wood, because they think it to be the image of God: but the image of the invisible God is not in that which is seen, but in that which is not seen. o Non vult se Deus in lapidibus coli. Id. epist. 31. ad Valen●inianum Imp. God would not have himself worshipped in stones: saith the same Father in another place. and, p Ecclesia inanes ideas & varias nescit simulacrorum figuras; sed veram novit Trinitatis substantiam. Id. de fugâ saecui●, ca, 5 The Church knoweth no vain ideas and divers figures of Images; but knoweth the true substance of the Trinity. So S. Hierome: q Nos unum habemus virum, & unam veneramur imaginem, quae est imago invisibilis & omnipotentis Dei. Hieronym. lib. 4. in Ezech. cap. 16. We worship one Image, which is the image of the invisible and omnipotent God. and S. Augustine: r In primo praecepto prohibetur coli aliqua in figmentis hominum Dei similitudo: non quia non habet imaginem Deus, sed quia nulla imago ejus coli debet, nisi illa quae hoc est quod ipse; nec ipsa pro illo, sed cum illo. Augustin. epist. 119. ad januar. cap. 11. In the first commandment, any similitude of God in the figments of men is forbidden to be worshipped. not because God hath not an image; but because no image of him ought to be worshipped, but that which is the same thing that he is, (Coloss. 1.15. Hebr. 1.3.) nor yet that for him, but with him. As for the representing of God in the similitude of a man: he resolveth, that s Tale simulacrum Deo nefas est Christiano in templo collocare. Id. de Fide & Symbol. cap. 7. it is utterly unlawful to erect any such image to God in a Christian Church. and touching the danger of Images in general, and the practice of the Church in this matter, thus he writeth. t Hoc enim venerantur, quod ipsi ex auro argentoque fecerunt. Sed enim & no● pleraque instrumenta & vasa ex hujusmodi materiâ vel metallo habemus in usum celebrandorum sacramentorum; quae ipso ministerio consecrata sancta dicuntur, in ejus honorem cui pro salute nostrâ inde servitur. Et sunt profectò etiam ista instrumenta vel vasa, quid aliud quam opera manum hominum? Veruntamen nunquid os habent, & non loquentur? Nunquid oculos habent, & non videbunt? Nunquid eis supplicamus, quia per ea supplicamus Deo? Illa caussa est maxima impietatis insanae, quòd plus valet in affectibus miserorum similis viventi forma quae sibi efficit supplicari, quam quòd eam manifestum est non esse viventem, ut debeat á vivente contemni. Plus enim valent simulacra ad curvandam infelicem animam, quòd os habent, oculos habent, aures habent, nares habent, manus habent, pedes habent; quam ad corrigendam, quòd non loquentur, non videbunt, non audient, non odorabunt, non contrectabunt, non ●●bulabunt. Id, in Psal. 113. cons. 2. The Gentiles worship that, which they themselves have made of Gold and silver. But even we also have divers instruments and vessels of the same matter or metal, for the use of celebrating the sacraments: which being consecrated by this very ministry are called holy, in honour of him who for our salvation is served thereby. And these instruments and vessels also, what are they else but the work of men's hands. Yet have these any mouth, and will not speak? have they eyes, and will not see? Do we supplicate unto these, because by these we supplicate unto God? That is the greatest cause of this mad impiety, that the form like unto one living which maketh it to be supplicated unto, doth more prevail in the affections of miserable men; than that it is manifest it doth not live at all, that it ought to be contemned by him who is indeed living. For Images prevail more to bow down the unhappy soul, in that they have a mouth, they have eyes, they have ears, they have nosthrillés, they have hands, they have feet; than to correct it, that they will not speak, they will not see, they will not hear, they will not smell, they will not handle, they will not walk. Thus far S. Augustine. The speech of Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium to this purpose is memorable: u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Amphiloch. citatus á Patrib Concilij Constantinop. an. 754. We have no care to figure by colours the bodily visages of the Saints in tables, because we have no need of such things; but by virtue to imitate their conversation. but the fact of Epiphanius, rending the veil that hung in the Church of Anablatha, is much more memorable: which he himself in his epistle to john Bishop of jerusalem (translated by S. Hierome out of Greek into Latin) doth thus recount. x Inveni ibi velum pendens in foribus ejusdem Ecclesiae tinctum atque depictum, & habens imaginem quasi Christi, vel Sancti cujusdam: non enim satis memini, cujus imago fuerit. cum ergo hoc vidissem, in Ecclesiâ Christi contra auctoritatem Scripturarum hominis pendere imaginem, scidi illud; & magis dedi consilium custodibus ejusdem loci, ut pauperem mortuum eo obvolverent & efferrent. Epiph●n. epist ad joann▪ Hierosolym. tomo 1. oper. Hieronym. epist. 60. I found there a veil hanging at the door of the Church died and painted, and having the image as it were of Christ or some Saint: for I do not well remember, whose image it was. When therefore I saw this; that contrary to the authority of the Scriptures the image of a man was hanged up in the Church of Christ: I cut it, and gave counsel to the keepers of the place, that they should rather wrap and bury some poor dead man in it. and afterwards he intreateth the Bishop of jerusalem (under whose government this Church was) y Deinceps praecipere, in Ecclesiâ Christi istiusmodi vela, quae contra religionem nostram veniunt, non appendi. Id. ibid. to give charge hereafter, that such veils as these which are repugnant to our religion, should not be hanged up in the Church of Christ. Which agreeth very well with the sentence attributed to the same Father in the Council of Constantinople: z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. citat á Concil. Constantinop. in Act. 6. tom. 5. Council N●caen. II. Have this in mind beloved sons, not to bring Images into the Church, nor into the Coemiteries of the Saints, no not into an ordinary house: but always carry about the remembrance of God in your hearts. For it is not lawful for a Christian man to be carried in suspense by his eyes and the wanderings of his mind. and with his discourse against the heresy of the Collyridians, which made an Idol of the Virgin Mary (as in the former question hath more largely been declared.) to which he opposeth himself in this manner. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. in Panar. haeres 79. pag. 447. How is not this course Idolatrous, and a Devilish practice? For the Devil stealing always into the mind of men under pretence of righteousness, deifying the mortal nature in the eyes of men, by variety of arts framed Images like unto men. And they truly who are worshipped are dead, but their Images that never yet were alive (for they cannot be said to be dead that never were alive) they bring in to be worshipped, by a mind going whoring from the one and only God: as a common harlot, stirred with a wicked desire of promiscuous mixture, and rejecting the sobriety of the lawful marriage of one man. If it be inquired who they were that first brought in this use of Images into the Church: it may well be answered, that they were partly lewd Heretics, partly simple Christians newly converted from Paganism, the customs whereof they had not as yet so fully unlearned. Of the former kind the Gnostique heretics were the principal: who b Imagines quasdam quidem depictas, quasdam autem & de reliquâ materiâ fabricatas habent: dicentes formam Christi factam á Pilato, illo in tempore quo fuit Iesus cum hominibus. Irenaeus, lib. 1. adve●s. haeres. cap. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 potiù●) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiphan. in Panar. haeres. 27 pag 52. had Images, some painted in colours, others framed of gold and silver and other matter; which they said were the representations of Christ, made under Pontius Pilate, when he was conversant here among men. Whence Carpocrates, and Marcellina his disciple (who brought this Idolatrous heresy first to Rome in the days of Pope Anicetus) c Id. Epiphan in Anacephalaeosi, pag 525. de Carpocrate. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sectae ipsius fuisse traditur socia quaedam Marcellina; quae colebat imagines jesus, & Pauli, & Homeri, & Pythagorae, adorando incensumque ponendo Augustin. de haeres. cap. 7. having privily made Images of jesus, and Paul, and Homer, and Pythagoras, did cense them, and worship them: as Epiphanius and Augustine do report. To the latter that observation of Eusebius may be referred concerning the Image of Christ, thought to be erected by the woman that was cured of the bloody issue. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Euseb. lib. 7. histor. Ecclesiastic. cap. 18. It is no marvel (saith he) that those of the Heathen who of old were cured by our Saviour should do such things: seeing we have seen the Images of his Apostles Paul and Peter, yea and of Christ himself, kept painted with colours, in tables: for that of old they have been wont by a Heathenish custom thus to honour them whom they counted to be their Benefactors or Saviour's. But by whomsoever they were first brought in, certain it is that they proved a dangerous snare unto the simple people, who quickly went a whoring after them: contrary to the doctrine which the Fathers & Doctors of the Church did deliver unto them. And therefore S. Augustine writing of the manners of the Catholic Church against the Manichees, directly severeth the case of such men from the common cause, and approved practice of the Catholic Church. e Nolite mihi colligere professores nominis Christiani, nec professionis suae vim aut scientes aut exhibentes. Nolite consectari turbas imperitorum, qui vel in ipsâ verâ religione superstitiosi sunt, vel ita libidinibus dediti, ut obliti sint quic quid promiserint Deo Novi multos esse sepulchrorum & picturarum adoratores. etc. Nunc vos illud admoneo, ut aliquando Ecclesiae catholicae maledicere desinatis, vituperando mores homnum, quos & ipsa condemnat, & quos quotidie tanquam malos filios corrigere studet. Augustin. de moribus Ecclesiae Catholicae, cap. 34. Do not collect unto me (saith he) such professors of the name of Christ, as either know not or keep not the force of their profession. Do not bring in the companies of rude men, which either in the true religion itself are superstitious, or so given unto their lusts that they have forgotten what they did promise unto God. Then for an instance of the first, he allegeth that he himself did know many which were worshippers of graves and Pictures: and at last concludeth. Now this I advise you, that you cease to speak evil of the Catholic Church, by upbraiding it with the manners of those men, whom she herself condemneth, and seeketh every day to correct as naughty children. This also gave occasion to Serenus Bishop of Marsiles 200. years after, to break down the Images in his Church, when he found them to be thus abused: which fact of his though Pope Gregory disliked, because he thought that Images might profitably be retained as laymen's books; yet in this he commended his zeal, that he would by no means suffer them to be worshipped. f Praetereà indico dudum ad nos pervenisse, quòd fraternitas vestra quosdam imaginum adoratores aspiciens, easden Ecclesiae imagines confregit, atque projecit. Et quidem zelun vos, ne quid manufactum adorari possit, habuisse laudavimus: sed srangere easden imagines non debuisse, judicamus Id circo enim pictura in Ecclesi●s adhibetur, ut hi qui literas nes●iunt, saltem in parietibus videndo legant quae legere in codicibus non valent. Tua ergo fraternitas & illas servare, & ab earum adoratu populum prohibere debuit: quantenus & literarum nescij haberent unde scientiam historiae colligerent; & po●ulus in picturae adoratione minimé pecc●ret. Gregor. Registr. lib. 7. epist. 109. ad Serenum. Vide ●●am lib. 9 epist. 9 ad eundem. I certify you (saith he) that it came of late to our hearing, that your brotherhood, seeing certain worshippers of Images, did break the said Church-images and threw them away. And surely we commended you that you had that zeal, that nothing made with hands should be worshipped: but yet we judge that you should not have broken those images. For painting is therefore used in Churches, that they which are unlearned, may yet by sight read those things upon the walls, which they cannot read in books. Therefore your brotherhood ought, both to preserve the images, and to restrain the people from worshipping of them: that both the ignorant might have had, whence to gather the knowledge of the history; and the people might not sin in worshipping the picture. There would be no end, if we should lay down at large the fierce contentions that afterwards arose in the Church touching this matter of Images: the Greek Emperors, Leo Isaurus, Constantinus Caballinus, Nicephorus, Stauratius, Leo Armenus, Michael Balbus, Theophilus, and others, opposing them in the East; and on the other side, Gregory the second & third, Paul the first, Stephen the fourth, Adrian the first and second, Leo the third, Nicholas the first, & other Popes of Rome as stiffly upholding them in the West. In a Council of CCCXXXVIII. Bishops held at Constantinople in the year of our Lord 754. they were solemnly condemned: in another Council of CCCL. Bishops held at Nice in the year 787. they were advanced again, and the veneration of them as much commended. This base decree of the second Nicene Council, touching the adoration of Images, although it were not by the hundreth part so gross, as that which was afterwards invented by the Popish Schoolmen: yet was it rejected as repugnant to the doctrine of the Church of God; by the Princes and Bishops of England first, about the year 792. and by Charles the great afterward, and the Bishops of Italy, France & Germany, which by his appointment were gathered together in the Council of Frankford, the year of our Lord. 794. The four books, which by his authority were published against that Nicene Synod, and the adoration of Images defended therein, are yet to be seen: as the Resolution also of the Doctors of France assembled at Paris by the command of his son Ludovicus Pius, in the year 824. and the book of Agobardus Bishop of Lions concerning Pictures and Images, written about the same time; the argument whereof is thus delivered by Papirius Massonus the setter out of it. g Graecorum errores de imaginibus & picturis manifestissimé detegens, negat eas adorari debere: quam sententiam omnes Catholici probamus, Gregorijque Magni testimonium de illis sequimur. Papir. Masson. Praefat. in Agobardi Opera, edit. Paris. an. 1605. Detecting most manifestly the errors of the Grecians touching images and pictures, he denieth that they ought to be worshipped: which opinion all we Catholics do allow; and follow the testimony of Gregory the great concerning them. This passage, together with the larger view of h Expungantur omnia, quae sub hoe titulo (De Imaginibu●) continentur. Jndex librorum expurgatorum. Bernardi de Sandoval & Roxas Card. de consilio senatus generalis Inquisit. Hispan. excus. Madriti, an. 1612. the contents of this Treatise following afterwards, the Spanish Inquisitors in their Index Expurgatorius command to be blotted out: which we find to be accordingly performed by the Divines of Cullen, in their late corrupt edition of the i Magn. Bibliothec. Veter. Patrum, tom. 9 part. 1. edit. Colon. ann. 1618. pag. 548. & 551. great Bibliothecke of the ancient Fathers. Gretser professeth, that he k Vehementer profectò hoc judicium de libro. Agobardi ab homine Catholico profectum. miratus sum. nam Agobardus toto libello, nihil aliud facit, quam quòd demonstrare nititur (quamvis casso conatu) imagines non esse adorandas. Jac. Gretser. lib. 1. de Cruc●. ●ap. 58. extremely wondereth, that this judgement of the book of Agobardus should proceed from a Catholic man. For Agobardus (saith he) in that w●ole book doth nothing else, but endeavour to demonstrate (although with a vain labour) that images are not to be worshipped. l Et quinam sunt Graeci, quorum de imaginibus er●ore Agobardus refellit, ut Editor ait? Nimirum Graeci isti sunt Petres Nicaeni Concilij; qui sanxerunt, imagines adorandas & colenda● esse. Contra quos qui disputat, is ab orthodoxis toto coelo discordat. Ibid. And who be these Grecians, whose errors touching images Agobardus doth refel, as this Publisher saith? Surely these Grecians are the Fathers of the Nicene Council, who decreed that Images should be adored and worshipped. Against whom whosoever disputeth, doth mainly descent from right believers. To which blind censure of the jesuit we may oppose, not only the general judgement of the ancient m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Nicet. Choniat. Annal. lib. 2. Almains his own countrymen, who within these four or five hundred years did flatly disclaim this Image-worship (as by Nicetas Choniates is witnessed:) but also the testimony of the Divines and Historians of England, France, and Germany touching the Nicene Council in particular; rejecting it as a n Hincmar. Rhemens'. lib. contr. Hincmar. Laudunens'. cap. 20. Egolismens'. monach. in vitâ Caroli Magni. Annal. Fuldens. Ado, Regino, & Hermann, Contract. in Chronic. an. 794. Pseudo-synode, because it concluded o Imagines adorari debere: quod omninò Ecclesia Dei execratur, Simeon Dunelmens'. Roger. Hoveden. & Matth. Westmonaster. histor. ann 792. vel 793. that Images should be worshipped: which thing (say our Chroniclers) the Church of God doth utterly detest. And yet for all that, we have news lately brought us from Rome: that p Ecclesiam porrò Christianam, etiam Antiquissimam, Totam, ac Vniversalem, summo consensu, absque ullâ oppositione, aut contradictione, Statuas ac imagines veneratam esse, est certissimum ac probatissimum. M. Anton. de Dominis, De consilio sui reditus, sect. 23. it is most certain, and most assured, that the Christian Church, even the most Ancient, the Whole, and the Universal Church, did with wonderful consent, without any opposition or contradiction, worship statues and images. Which if the cauterised conscience of a wretched Apostata would give him leave to utter: yet the extreme shamelesseness of the assertion might have withheld their wisdoms whom he sought to please thereby, from giving him leave to publish it. But it may be I seek for shamefastness, in a place where it is not be found: and therefore leaving them to their Images, like to like, (for q Psal. 115.8. & 135.18. they that make them are like unto them; and so is every one that trusteth in them) I proceed from this point unto that which followeth. OF FREEWILL. THat man hath freewill, is not by us gainsaid: though we dare not give him so large a freedom as the Jesuits presume to do. Freedom of will we know doth as essentially belong unto a man, as reason itself: and he that spoileth him of that power, doth in effect make him a very beast. For this is the difference betwixt reasonable and unreasonable creatures: as Damascen rightly noteth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Io. Damascen. Orthodox. fid. lib. 2. cap. 27. edit. Graec. vel. 44. Latin. The unreasonable are rather led by nature, than themselves leaders of it: and therefore do they never contradict their natural appetite, but as soon as they affect any thing, they rush to the prosecution of it. But man, being endued with reason, doth rather lead nature, then is led by it: and therefore being moved with appetite, if he will, he hath power to restrain his appetite, or to follow it. Hereby he is enabled to do the things which he doth, neither by a brute instinct of nature not ye● by any compulsion, but by advise and deliberation: the Mind first taking into consideration the grounds and circumstances of each action, & freely debating on either side what in this case were best to be done or not done; and then the Will inclining itself to put in execution the last and conclusive judgement of the practical Understanding. This liberty we acknowledge a man may exercise in all actions that are within his power to do: whether they be lawful, unlawful, or indifferent; whether done by the strength of nature or of grace. for even in doing the works of grace, our freewill suspendeth not her action, but being moved and guided by grace, doth that which is fit for her to do: grace not taking away the liberty, which cometh by God's creation, but the pravity of the Will, which ariseth from Man's corruption. In a word, as we condemn b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pho●. Bibliothec. num. 179. Agapius and the rest of that mad sect of the Manichees, for bringing in such a kind of necessity of sinning, whereby men were made to offend against their wills: so likewise with Polychronius and other men of understanding we defend, that c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polychron. in Cantic. pag. 93. edit. Meursij. virtue is a voluntary thing, and free from all necessity; and with the author of the books De vocatione Gentium (attributed unto Prosper) d Hanc quippe abundantiorem gratiam ita credimu● atque experimur potentem, ut nullo modo arbitremur esse violentam. Prosp. de vocat. Gent. li. 2. cap 26 we both believe and feel by experience that Grace is so powerful, that yet we conceive it no way to be violent. But it is one thing to inquire of the nature, another to dispute of the strength and ability of freewill. We say with Adamantius (in the Dialogues collected out of Maximus against the Marcionites) that e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orig. Dial. 3. contr. Martion. God made Angels and Men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: he endued them with freedom of Will, but not with ability to do all things. And now since the fall of Adam we say further, that freedom of Will remaineth still among men; but the ability which once it had, to perform spiritual duties and things pertaining to salvation, is quite lost and extinguished. For f Quis autem nostrûm dicat, quòd primi hominis peccato perierit liberum arbitrium de humano genere? Libertas quidem perijt per peccatum; sed illa quae in Paradiso fuit, habendi plenam cum immortalitate justitiam: propter quod natura humana divinâ indiget gratiâ, dicente Domino; Si vos Filius liberaverit, tunc veré liberi critis; utique liberi ad bene justeque vivendum Nam liberum a●b●trium usque adeò in peccatore non perijt; ut per illud peccent, maximé omnes qui cum delectatione peccant, & amore peccati, hoc eis placet quod eis libet. Aug. contr, duas e●ist. Pelagian. li. 1. cap. ●. who is there of us (saith S. Augustine) which would say, that by the sin of the first Man freewill is utterly perished from mankind? Freedom indeed is perished by sin: but that freedom which was in Paradise, of having full righteousness with immortality. for which cause Man's nature standeth in need of God's grace, according to the saying of our Lord; If the Son shall free you, than ye shall be free indeed: namely free to live well and righteously. For freewill is so far from having perished in the sinner; that by it they sin, all they especially who sin with delight, and for the love of sin, that pleaseth them which liketh them. When we deny therefore that a natural man hath any freewill unto good: by a natural man, we understand one that is without Christ, and destitute of his renewing grace; by freewill, that which the Philosophers call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a thing that is in our own power to do; and by good, a Theological not a Philosophical good, bonum veré spirituale & salutare, a spiritual good and tending to salvation. This then is the difference which Gods word teacheth us to put, betwixt a regenerate & an unregenerate man. The one is g Rom. 6. vers. 11. alive unto God, through jesus Christ our Lord; and so enabled to h ibid. vers. 13. yield himself unto God, as one that is alive from the dead, and his members as instruments of righteousness unto God: i ibid. vers. 22. having his fruit unto holiness, and the end everlasting life. The other is a mere k Eph●s. 4.18. stranger from the life of God, l Ephes. 2.1, 5. dead in trespasses and sins; and so no more able to lead a holy life acceptable unto God, than a dead man is to perform the actions of him which is alive. He may live indeed the life of a natural and a moral man, and so exercise the freedom of his Will, not only in natural and civil, but also in moral actions, so far as concerneth external conformity unto those notions of good and evil that remain in his mind: (in respect whereof the very m Rom. 2. 1●. Gentiles themselves which have not the Law, are said to do by nature the things contained in the Law:) he may have such fruit, as not only common honesty and civility, but common gifts of God's spirit likewise will yield, and in regard thereof he may obtain of God temporal rewards appertaining to this transitory life, and a lesser measure of punishment in the world to come: yet until he be quickened with the life of grace, & n Rom. 7.4. married to him who is raised from the dead, he cannot bring forth fruit unto God, nor be accepted for one of his servants. This is the doctrine of our Saviour himself, john. 15.4, 5. As the branch cannot bear fruit of itself, except it abide in the vine; no more can ye, except ye abide in me: I am the Vine, ye are the branches: He that abideth in me, and I in him, the same bringeth forth much fruit: for without me ye can do NOTHING, that is, nothing truly good and acceptable unto God. This is the lesson that S. Paul doth every where inculcate. o Rom. 7.18. I know, that in me, that is in my flesh, dwelleth no good thing. p 1. Cor. 2.14. The natural man perceiveth not the things of the spirit of God, for they are foolishness unto him: neither can he understand them, because they are spiritually discerned. q Hebr. 11.6. Without faith it is impossible to please God. r Tit. 1.15. Unto them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure: but even their mind & conscience is defiled. Now seeing s 1. Tim. 1.5. the end of the commandment is charity, out of a pure heart, and of a good conscience, and of faith unfeigned; seeing the first beginning, from whence every good action should proceed, is a sanctified heart, the last end the seeking of God's glory, and faith working by love must intercurre betwixt both: the moral works of the unregenerate failing so foully both in the beginning, middle and end, are to be accounted breaches rather of the Commandment than observances, depravations of good works rather than performances. For howsoever these actions be in their own kind good and commanded of God, yet are they marred in the carriage, that which is bonum being not done been: and so though in regard of their matter they may be accounted good, yet for the manner they must be esteemed vicious. The Pelagian heretics were wont here to object unto our forefathers (as the Romanistes do now a days unto us) both the examples of the Heathen, t Sed acerbissimi gratiae hujus inimici, exempla nobis opponitis impiorum, quos dicitis alienos á fide abundare virtutibus. Aug. contr. julian. lib. 4. cap. 3. who being strangers from the faith, did notwithstanding (as they said) abound with virtues: and S. Paul's testimony also concerning them, Rom. 2.14, 15. by which they laboured to prove, u Per hos enim probare conatus es, etiam alienos á fide Christi, veram posse habere justitiam; eo quòd isti, teste Apostolo, naturaliter quae legis sunt faciunt. Ibid. that even such as were strangers from the faith of Christ, might yet have true righteousness; because that these, as the Apostle witnessed, naturally did the things of the Law. But will you hear how S. Augustine took up julian the Pelagian, for making this objection? x Vbi quidem dogma vestrum quo estis inimici gratiae Dei, quae datur per jesum Christum Dominum nostrum, qui tollit peccatum mundi, evidentiùs expressisti; intro ducens hominum genus, quod Deo placere possit sine Christi fide, lege naturae. Hoc est unde vos maximé Christiana detestatur Ecclesia. Ibid. Herein hast thou expressed more evidently that doctrine of yours, wherein you are enemies unto the grace of God which is given by jesus Christ our Lord, who taketh away the sin of the world: bringing in a kind of men, which may please God without the faith of Christ, by the law of nature. This is it, for which the Christian Church doth most of all detest you: & again. y Sed absit, ut sit in aliquo vera virtus, nisi fuerit justus. Absit autem ut sit justus veré, nisi vivat ex fide: justus enim ex fide vivit. Quis porrò eorum, qui se Christianos habe●i volunt, nisi soli Pelagiani, aut in ipsis etiam fortè tu solus, justum dixerit infidelem justum dixerit impium, justum dixerit Diabolo mancipatum? sit licèt ille Fabricius, sit licèt Fabius, sit licèt Scipio, sit licèt Regulus. I●id. Be it far from us to think, that true virtue should be in any one, unless he were righteous. And as far, that one should be truly righteous, unless he did live by faith: for the just doth live by faith. Now which of them, that would have themselves accounted Christians, but the Pelagians alone, or even among them, perhaps thou thyself alone, would say that an infidel were righteous, would say that an ungodly man were righteous, would say that a man mancipated to the Devil were righteous? although he were Fabricius, although he were Fabius, although he were Scipio, although he were Regulus. And whereas julian had further demanded: z Si gentilie (inquis) nudum operuerit, nunquid quia non est ex fide, peccatum est? Prorsus in quantum non est ex fide peccatum est: non quia per seipsum factum, quod est nudum operire, peccatum est; sed de tali opere non in ●omino gloriari, solus impius negat esse peccatum. Ibid. If a Heathen man do clothe the naked, because it is not of faith, is it therefore sin? Saint Augustine answereth absolutely, in as much as it is not of faith, it is sin: not because the fact considered in itself, which is to clothe the naked, is a sin; but of such a work not to glory in the Lord, none but an impious man will deny to be a sin. For howsoever, a Quod si & ipsa (misericordia) per seipsam naturali compassione opus est bonum; etiam isto bono malé utitur qui infideliter utitur, & hoc bonum malé facit qui infideliter facit: qui autem malé facit aliquid, profectò peccat. Ex quo colligitur, etiam ipsa bona opera quae faciunt infideles, non ipsorum esse, sed illius qui bene utitur malis. Ipso●um autem esse peccata, quibus & bona malé faciunt; quia ea non fideli, sed infideli, hoc est, stultâ & noxiâ faciunt voluntate. qualis voluntas, nullo Christiano dubitante, arbour est mala, quae facere non potest nisi fructus malos, id est, sola peccata. Omne enim, velis nolis, quod non est ex fide, peccatum est. Ibid. in itself, this natural compassion be a good work; yet he useth this good work amiss, that useth it unbeleevingly, and doth this good work amiss, that doth it unbeleevingly: but who so doth any thing amiss, sinneth surely. From whence it is to be gathered, that even those good works which unbelievers do, are not theirs, but his who maketh good use of evil men: but that the sins are theirs, whereby they do good things amiss; because they do them not with a faithful, but with an unfaithful, that is, with a foolish and naughty will. Which kind of will no Christian doubteth to be an evil tree, which cannot bring forth but evil fruits, that is to say, sins only. For all that is not of faith, whether thou wilt or no, is sin. This and much more to the same purpose, doth Saint Augustine urge against the Heretic julian: prosecuting at large that conclusion which he layeth down in his book of the Acts of the Palestine Council against Pelagius. b Quantumlibet opera infidelium praedicentur: Apostoli sententiam veram novimus & invictam; Omne quod non est ex fide, peccatum est. Id. de gestis c●ntra Pelag●um, cap. 14. How much soever the works of unbelievers be magnified, we know the sentence of the Apostle to be true and invincible; Whatsoever is not of faith is sin. Which maketh him also in his Retractations to correct himself, for saying in one place, c Quòd Philosophos non verâ pietate praeditos, dixi virtutis lu●e fulsisse. Id. Retract. l●b. 1. cap. 3. That the Philosophers shined with the light of virtue, who were not endued with true piety. The like sentence doth Saint Hierome pronounce against those, d Sententiam proferamus adversus eos, qui in Christum non credentes, fortes & sapientes, temperantes se putant esse & justos: ut sciant nullum absque Christo vivere, sine quo omnis virtus in vitio est. Hieronym. in Galat. cap. 3. who not believing in Christ, did yet think themselves to be valiant and wise, temperate or just: that they might know that no man doth live without Christ, without whom all virtue is accounted vice. And Prosper against Cassianus, a Patron of the freewill of the Semipelagians: e Manifestissimè patet, in impiorum animis nullam habitare virtutem: sed omnia opera eorum immunda esse atque polluta; habentium sapientiam non spiritualem sed animalem, non coelestem sed terrenam, non Christianam sed Diabolicam, non à Patre luminum, sed à Principe tenebrarum; dum per ea ipsa quae non haberent nisi dante Deo, subduntur ei qu● primus recessit à Deo. Prosper. contra Collator. cap. 13. It appeareth (saith he) most manifestly, that there dwelleth no virtue in the minds of the ungodly, but that all their works be unclean and polluted; who have wisdom not spiritual, but animal, not heavenly but earthly, not Christian, but Diabolical, not from the Father of light, but from the Prince of darkness; while by those very things which they should not have had but by Gods giving, they are made subject to him, who did first fall from God. f Nec ideo existima●e debemus, in naturalibus thesauris principia esse virtutum, quia multa laudanda reperiuntur etiam in ingenijs impiorum: quae ex naturâ quidem prodeunt; sed quoniam ab eo qui naturam condidit recesserunt, virtutes esse non possunt. Quod enim vero illuminatum est lumine, lumen est; & quod eodem lumine caret, nox est: Quia sapientia hujus mundi stultitia est apud Deum. Ac sic vitium est quod putatur esse virtus: quandoquidem stultitia est, quod putatur esse sapientia. Ibid. Neither ought we therefore to imagine, that the beginnings of virtues be in the treasures of nature, because many commendable things are found in the minds of ungodly men, which do proceed indeed from nature; but because they have departed from him that made nature, can not be accounted virtues. For that which is illuminated with the true light, is light; and that which wanteth that light, is night: because the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God. And so that is vice, which is thought to be virtue: as that is foolishness, which is thought to be wisdom. Hitherto also pertaineth that sentence, produced by him out of S. Augustine's works: g Omnis infidelium vita peccatum est: & nihil est bonum sine summo bono. Vbi enim deest agnitio aeternae & incommutabilis veritatis, falsa virtus est, etiam in optimis moribus. Id. ex Augustino Sentent. 106. & Epigram. 81. The whole life of unbelievers is sin; and there is nothing good without the chiefest good. For where there is wanting the acknowledgement of the eternal and unchangeable truth, there is false virtue even in the best manners. Which he elegantly expresseth in verse, as well in his 81. Epigram, as in his Poëme against the Pelagians, wherein of natural wisdom he writeth thus: h Id. de Ingratis, cap. 16. Et licèt eximias studeat pollere per arts, Ingeniumque bonum generosis moribus ornet: Coeca tamen finem ad mortis per devia currit, Nec vitae aeternae veros acquirere fructus De falsâ virtute potest; unamque decoris Occidui speciem mortali perdit in aevo. Omne etenim probitatis opus, nisi semine verae Exoritur fidei, peccatum est, inque reatum Vertitur, & sterilis cumulat sibi gloria poenam. The Author of the book De Vocatione Gentium (by some wrongly attributed to S. Ambrose, to Prosper by others) delivereth the same doctrine in these words: i Etsi fuit qui naturali intellectu conatus sit vitijs reluctari; hujus tantùm temporis vitam steriliter ornavit, ad veras autem virtutes aeternamque beatitudinem non profecit. Sine cultu enim veri Dei, etiam quod virtus videtur esse, peccatum est: nec placere ullus Deo sine Deo potest. Qui verò Deo non placet, cui nisi sibi & Diabolo placet? A quo cum homo spoliaretur; non voluntate, sed voluntatis sanitate privatus est. Prosp. de Vocatione Gent. lib. 1. cap. 7. Although there have been some who by their natural understanding have endeavoured to resist vices; yet have they only barrenly adorned this temporal life, but not profited at all unto true virtues and everlasting bliss. For without the worship of the true God, even that which seemeth to be virtue is sin: neither can any man please God, without God. And he that doth not please God, whom doth he please but himself and the Devil? By whom when man was spoiled, he was deprived not of his will, but of the sanity of his will. k Qui si non operatur in nobis, nullius possumus esse participes virtutis. Si● no quip bono, nihil est bonum: sine hâc luce, nihil est lucidum: sine hâc sapientiâ, nihil sanum; fine hac justitiâ, nihil rectum. Ibid. cap. 8. Therefore if God do not work in us, we can be partakers of no virtue. For without this good, there is nothing good; without this light, there is nothing lightsome; without this wisdom, there is nothing sound; without this righteousness, there is nothing right. So Fulgentius, in his book of the Incarnation and Grace of Christ. l Quòd si quibusdam cognoscentibus Deum, nec tamen sicut Deum glorificantibus, cognitio illa nihil profuit ad salutem: quomodo hi potuerunt justi esse apud Deum, qui sic in suis moribus atque operibus bonitatis aliquid servant, ut hoc ad finem Christianae fidei charitatisque non referant? Quibus aliqua quidem bona, quae ad societatis humanae pertinent aequitatem, inesse possunt: sed quia non charitate Dei fiunt, prodesse non possunt. Fulg. de Incarn. & Grat. Christi, c. 26. If unto some who did know God, and yet did not glorify him as God, that knowledge did profit nothing unto salvation: how could they be just with God, which do so keep some goodness in their manners and works, that yet they refer it not unto the end of Christian faith and charity? In whom there may be indeed some good things that appertain to the equity of humane society: but because they are not done by the love of God, profit they cannot. And Maxentius in the Confession of his Faith: m Liberum naturale arbitrium ad nihil aliud valere credimus, nisi ad discernenda tantùm & desideranda carnalia sive secularia; quae non apud Deum, sed apud homines possunt fortassis videri gloriosa. Ad ea verò quae ad vitam aeternam pertinent, nec cogitare, nec velle, nec defiderare, nec perficere posse, nisi per infusionem & inoperationem intrinsecus Spiritus Sancti. Io. Maxent. in Confession suae fidei. We believe that natural freewill hath ability to nothing else, but to discern and desire carnal or secular things only; which not with God, but with m●n peradventure may seem glorious: but for the things that pertain to everlasting life, that it can neither think, nor will, nor desire, nor effect, but by the infusion and inward operation of the Holy Ghost. and Cassiodorus, in his exposition of the Psalms. n Est quidem in malâ part● execrabilis libertas arbitrij, ut praevaricator creatorem deserat, & ad vitia se nefanda convertat: in bonâ verò parte arbitrium liberum, Adam peccante, perdidimus; ad quod nisi per Christi gratiam redire non possumus: dicente Apòstolo; Deus est enim qui operatur in vobis, & velle, & perficere, pro bonâ voluntate. Cassiodor. in Psalm. 117. On the evil part indeed there is an execrable freedom of the will, that the sinner may forsake his Creator, and convert himself to wicked vices: but on the good part, by Adam's sinning, we have lost freewill, unto which otherwise than by the grace of Christ we cannot return: according to the saying of the Apostle; It is God which worketh in you, both to will and to do, of his good pleasure. (Philip. 2.13.) The first presumptuous advancer of freewill, contrary to the doctrine anciently received in the Church, is by Vicentius Lirinensis noted to be Pelagius the heretic. For o Quis unquam ante profanum illum Pelagium tantam virtutem liberi praesumpsit arbitrij; ut ad hoc in bonis rebus per actus singulos adjuvandum, necessariam Dei gratiam non putaret? Vincent. Lirinens. Commonitor. 1. advers. haeres. cap. 34. who ever (saith he) before that profane Pelagius, presumed the virtue of freewill to be so great; that he did not think the grace of God to be necessary for the helping of it in good things at every act? For maintaining of which ungodly opinion, both he and his disciple Celestius were condemned by the censure of the CCXLIII. Bishops assembled in the great Council of Carthage (anno Dom. 418.) p Donec apertissimâ confessione fateantur, Gratiâ Dei per jesum Christum Dominum nostrum, non solùm ad cognoscendam verumetiam ad faciendam justitiam, nos per actus singulos adjuvari; ita ut sine eâ nihil verae sanctaeque pietatis habere, cogitare, dicere, agere valeamus. Synod. African. Epist. ad Zosimum Pap. apud Prosperum contra Collator. cap. 5. & Respons. ad object. 8. Gallorum: ubi addit hanc constitutionem contra inimicos gratiae Dei totum mundum amplexum esse. until they should acknowledge by a most open confession, that by the grace of God through jesus Christ our Lord, we are holpen not only to know but also to do righteousness at every act: so that without it we can have, think, say, do, nothing that belongeth to true and holy piety. Wherewith Pelagius being pressed, stuck not to make this profession: q Anathema qui vel sentit vel dicit, gratiam Dei, quâ Christus venit in hunc mundum peccatores s●lvos facere, non solùm per singulas horas aut per singula momenta, sed etiam per singulos actus nostros non esse necessariam: & qui hanc conantur auferre, poenas so●tiuntur aeternas. Pelag. apud Augustin. lib. 1. de gratiâ Christi, con●r. Pelag. & Celest. cap. 2. Anathema to him, who either thinketh or saith, that the grace of God, whereby Christ came into this world to save sinners, is not necessary, not only at every hour or every moment, but also at every act of ours: and they who go about to take away this, are worthy to suffer everlasting punishment. Four books also did he publish in defence of freewill; to which he thus referreth his adversaries, for further satisfaction in this matter: r Legant etiam recens meum opusculum, quod pro libero nuper arbitrio edere compulsi sumus; & agnoscent quàminiquè nos negatione gratiae infamare gestierint; qui per tutom penè ipsius textum operis perfectè atque integrè & liberum arbitrium confitemur & gratiam. Id. ibid. cap. 41. Let them read the late work, which we were forced to set out the other day for freewill; and they shall perceive how unjustly they go about to defame us with the denial of Grace, who throughout the whole context almost of that work do perfectly and entirely confess both freewill and Grace. Yet for all this he did but equivocate in the name of Grace: s Sub ambiguâ generalitate quid sentiret abscondens; gratiae tamen vocabulo frangens invidiam, offensionemque declinans. Augustin. ibid. cap. 37. under an ambiguous generality hiding what he thought, but by the term of Grace breaking the envy, and declining the offence which might be taken at his doctrine, as S. Augustine well observeth. For, by Grace, he did not understand, as the Church did in this question, the infusion of a new quality of holiness into the soul, whereby it was regenerated, and the will of evil made good: but first, t Pelag. apud Augustin. de gostis contra Pelag. cap. 10. & in epist. 95. Vid. eund. Augustin. de great. & lib. arbitr. cap. 13. & serm. 11. de verbis Apostoli. the possibility of nature, that is to say, the natural freedom of will which every one hath received from God by virtue of the first creation. Against which S. Augustine thus opposeth himself: u Quid tantum de naturae possibilitate praesumitur? Vulnerata, sauciata, vexata, perdita est. Verâ confession, non falsâ defensione opus habet. Augustin. de nature. & great. cap. 53. Why is there so much presumed of the possibility of nature? It is wounded, it is maimed, it is vexed, it is lost. It hath need of a true confession, not of a false defence. And Prosper, speaking of the state of man's freewill after Adam's fall; — x Prosp. de Ingratis, cap. 27. hinc arbitrium per devia lapsum Claudicat, & caecis conatibus inque ligatis Motus inest, non error abest. manet ergo voluntas Semper amans aliquid quò se ferat; & labyrintho Fallitur, ambages dubiarum ingressa viarum. Vana cupit, vanis tumet & timet: omnimodaque Mobilitate ruens, in vulnera vulnere surgit. Secondly, by grace he understood the grace of doctrine and instruction, whereby the mind was informed in the truth out of the word of God. Which by Prosper is thus objected to his followers: — y Id. ibid. cap. 20. Vid. eund. in epist. ad Ruffinum, non procul ab initio: & Augustin. de haeres. cap. 88 & lib. 1. de gratiâ Christi contra Pelag. cap. 8, 9, 10. aliud non est vobiscum gratia, quam lex, Quamque Propheta monens, & quam doctrina ministri. Unto whom S. Augustine therefore saith well: z Legant ergo & intelligant, intueantur atque fateantur, non lege atque doctrinâ insonante forinsecùs, sed internâ atque occultâ, mirabili ac ineffabili potestate operari Deum in cordibus hominum, non solùm veras revelationes, sed etiam bonas voluntates. Augustin. ibid. cap. 24. Let them read and understand, let them behold and confess, that not by the law and doctrine sounding outwardly, but by an inward and hidden, by a wonderful and unspeakable power, God doth work in the hearts of men, not only true revelations, but good wills also. And thereupon the African Fathers in the Council of Carthage, enacted this Canon. a Quisquis dixerit gratiam Dei per jesum Christum Dominum nostrum, propter hoc tantum nos adjuvare ad non peccandum, quia per ipsam nobis revelatur & aperitur intelligentia mandatorum, ut sciamus quid appetere, quid vitare debeamus; non autem per illam nobis praestari, ut quod faciendum cognoverimus, etiam facere diligamus atque valeamus: anathema sit. African. Patr. in Synod. Carthagin. can. 4. Whosoever shall say, that the grace of God by jesus Christ our Lord, doth for this cause only help us not to sin, because by it the understanding of the commandments is revealed and opened unto us, that we may know what we ought to affect, what to shun; & that by it there is not wrought in us, that we may also love and be enabled to do that, which we know should be done; let him be anathema. Thirdly, under this grace he comprehended not only the external revelation by the word, but also the b Augustin. lib. 1. de great. Christ. contr. Pelag. cap. 7. & 41. internal by the illumination of God's Spirit. Whereupon he thus riseth up against his adversary. c Quam (gratiam) nos non, ut tu putas, in lege tantummodo, sed & in Dei esse adjutorio confitemur. Adjuvat enim nos Deus per doctrinam & revelationem suam, dum cordis nostri oculos aperit; dum nobis, ne praesentibus occupemur, futura demonstrat; dum Diaboli pandit insidias; dum nos multiformi & ineffabili dono gratiae coelestis· illuminat. Qui haec dicit, gratiam tibi videtur neg●re? a & liberum hominis arbitrium, & Dei gratiam confitetur? Pelag. ibid. cap. 7. We confess that this grace is, not (as thou thinkest) in the Law only, but in the help of God also. For God doth help us by his doctrine and revelation, whilst he openeth the eyes of our hearts; whilst he showeth us things to come, that we be not holden with things present; whilst he discovereth the snares of the Devil; whilst he enlighteneth us with the manifold and unspeakable gift of his heavenly grace. He that saith these things, doth he seem unto thee to deny grace? or doth he confess, both the freewill of man, and the grace of God too? And yet in all this (as S. Augustine rightly noteth) d Hinc itaque apparet, hanc eum gratiam confiteri, quâ demonstrat & revelat Deus quid agere debeamus; non quâ donat atque adjuvat ut agamus; cum ad hoc potius valeat legis agnitio, si gratiae desit opitulatio, ut fiat mandati praevaricatio. Augustin. ibid. cap. 8. he doth but confess that grace, whereby God doth show and reveal what we ought to do; not that, whereby he doth grant and help that we may do. And therefore, e Ipsas quoque orationes (ut in scriptis suis apertissimè affirmat) ad nihil aliud adhibendas opinatur, nisi ut nobis doctrina etiam divinâ revelatione aperiatur; non ut adjuvetur mens hominis, ut id, quod faciendum esse didicerit, etiam dilectione & actione perficiat. Id. ibid. cap. 41. in other places of his writings he plainly affirmeth, that our very prayers are to be used for nothing but this, that the doctrine may be opened unto us by divine revelation; not that the mind of man may be holpen, that he may also accomplish by love and action that which he hath learned should be done. Fourthly, to these he further added the grace of remission of sins. For the Pelagians said, f Ut non pec●emus, impleamusque justitiam, posse sufficere naturam humanam quae condita est cum libero arbitrio: eamque esse Dei gratiam, quia sic conditi sumus, ut hoc voluntate possimus; & quòd adjutorium Legis mandatorumque suorum dedit; & quòd ad se conversis peccata praeterita ignoscit: in his solis esse Dei gratiam deputandam, non in adjutorio nostrorum actuum singulorum. Id. de gestis contra Pelagium, cap. 35. that man's nature which was made with freewill, might be sufficient to enable us, that we might not sin, and that we might fulfil righteousness: and that this is the grace of God, that we were so made that we might do this by our will, and that he hath given us the help of his law and commandments, and that he doth pardon the sins passed to those that are converted unto him: that in these things only the grace of God was to be acknowledged, and not in the help given unto all our singular actions. And so they g Dicunt gratiam Dei quae data est per fidem jesu Christi, quae neque lex est neque natura, ad hoc tantùm valere, ut peccata praeterita dimittantur, non ut futura vitentur, vel repugnantia superentur. Id. de gratiâ & libero arbitrio, cap. 13. Vid. eiusd. lib. 1. de great. Christi contr. Pelag. cap. 2. said, that that grace of God which is given by the faith of jesus Christ, which is neither law nor nature, is effectual only to his, that sins past may be remitted, not that sins to come may be avoided, or when they make resistance may be vanquished. Whereupon S. Augustine thus encountreth julian the Pelagian heretic. h Tu vest●o more, qui de vestro descendit errore, non agnoscis gratiam, nisi in dimissione peccatorum; ut jam de caetero per liberum arbitrium ipse homo se ipsum fabricet justum. Sed non hoc dicit Ecclesia, quae clamat ●ota, quod didicit à Magistro bono: Ne nos inferas in tentationem. Id. lib. 2. postremi operis contra julianum; à Claud. Menardo edit. non procul à fine. Thou (according to your custom, which descendeth from your error) dost not acknowledge grace, but in the remission of sins; that now from henceforth a man himself by his freewill may make himself righteous. But so saith not the Church, which all cryeth that which it hath learned from a good master: Led us not into temptation. Lastly, this was the common doctrine of the i Id. De dono Perseverant. cap. 2. & 20 De gratiâ & lib. arbitr. cap. 5. De haeresib. cap. 88 etc. Pelagians, and accounted to be one of the principal k Ex his una est blasphemia, nequissimum & subtilissimum germen aliarum, quâ dicunt, Gratiam Dei secundùm merita hominum dari. Prosper. in epist. de great. & lib. arbitr. ad Ruffinum. blasphemies of that sect: that they held the grace of God to be given according to men's merits. Which was l Quod sic alienum est á Catholicâ doctrinâ, & inimicum gratiae Christi; ut nisi hoc objectum sibi anathematizâsset, ipse inde anathematizatus exîsset. Sed fallaciter eum anathematizâsse posteriores ejus indicant libri; in quibus omnino nihil aliud defendit, quam gratiam Dei secundùm merita nostra dari. Augustin. de great. & lib. arbitr. cap. 5. so abhorring from the Catholic doctrine, and opposite to the grace of Christ, that when it was objected to Pelagius in the Diospolitan Synod, held in Palaestina by the Bishops of the East, he durst not avow it; but was forced to accurse it, lest otherwise he should have been accursed himself. But that he deceitfully cursed it, the books wri●ten by him afterwards do show; wherein he defendeth nothing else, but that the grace of God is given according to our merits. which Prosper treading in S. Augustine's steps, doth thus express: m Prosp. de Ingratis, cap. 9 Objectum est aliud; ipsum dixisse magistrum Quòd meritis hominum tribuatur gratia Christi, Quantum quisque Dei donis se fecerit aptum. Sed nimis adversum hoc fidei, nimiumque repugnans Esse videns, dixit se non ita credere, & illos Damnari dignos quorum mens ista teneret. Quo cernis, cum judicibus damnantibus ista Consensisse reum: nec quenquam haec posse tueri. Quae tamen ipse suis rursum excoluisse libellis Detegitur, reprobum in sensum fallendo reversus. And in this also did the Pelagians betake themselves unto their old coverts of the grace of nature, the grace of mercy in forgiving of sins, the grace of instruction and revelation, and such other shifts. For n cum ab istis quaeritur, quam gratiam Pelagius cogitaret sine ullis praecedentibus meritis dari, quando anathematizabat eos, qui dicunt gratiam Dei secundùm merita nostra dari: respondent, sine ullis praecedentibus meritis gratiam, ipsam humanam esse naturam, in quâ conditi sumus. Neque enim antequàm essemus, mereri aliquid poteramus, ut essemus. Augustin. epist. 105. ad Sixtum. when it is demanded of them (saith S. Augustine) what grace Pelagius did think was given without any precedent merits: when he anathematised those, who say that the grace of God is given according to our merits: they answer, that the grace which is without any precedent merits, is the humane nature itself wherein we are created. forasmuch as before we were, we could not deserve any thing, that we might be. Then afterward perceiving what an idle thing it was to confound grace and nature thus together; o Dicunt Pelagiani, hanc esse solam non secundùm merita nostra gratiam, quâ homini peccata dimittuntur. Id. de great. & lib. arbitr. cap. 6. they said, that the only grace which was not according to our merits, was that whereby a man had his sins forgiven him. for they did not think, that a sinner could rightly be said to merit any thing save God's displeasure. But that at which they all aimed in general was this, p Intellectum est enim, saluberriméque perspectum, hoc tantùm eos de gratiâ confiteri, quòd quaedam libero arbitrio sit magistra; seque per cohor●ationes, per legem, per doctrinam, per creaturam, per contemplationem, per miracula, perque terrores extrinsecùs judicio ejus ostendat: quo unusquisque secundum voluntatis suae motum, si quaesierit, inveniat; si petierit, recipiat; si pulsaverit, introcat. Prosper. in epist. ad Ruffin. de great. & lib. arbitr. that Grace was only a kind of Mistress to freewill; and that by exhortations, by the law, by doctrine, by the creatures, by contemplation, by miracles, and by terrors outwardly, it showed itself to the judgement thereof: whereby every man according to the motion of his will, if he did seek, might find; if he did ask, might receive; if he did knock, might enter in. And thus (saith Pelagius) doth God q Operatur in nobis velle quod bonum est, velle quod sanctum est; dum nos terrenis cupiditatibus deditos, & mutorum more animalium tantummudò praesentia diligentes, futurae gloriae magnitudine & praemiorum pollicitatione succendit; dum revelatione sapientiae in desiderium Dei stupentem suscitat voluntatem; dum nobis suadet omne, quod bonum est. Pelag. apud Augustin. lib. 1. de great. Christi contra Pelag. cap. 10. work in us to will that which is good, to will that which is holy; whilst finding us given to earthly lusts, and like bruit beasts affecting only present things, he inflameth us with the greatness of the glory to come, and with promise of rewards; whilst by the revelation of his wisdom he raiseth up our stupefied will to the desire of God; whilst he persuadeth us to all that good is. To this instructing and persuading grace doth Pelagius attribute the exciting of the Will: but the converting of it unto God (which followeth afterward) he ascribeth wholly to the freedom of the will itself. r Qui currit ad Deum, & á Deo se regi cupit, id est, voluntatem suam ex ejus voluntate suspendit; qui ei adhaerendo jugiter, unus, secundùm Apostolum, cum eo fit spiritus; non hoc nisi de arbitrij efficit libertate. Q●â qui bene utitur, ita se totum tradit Deo, omnemque suam mortificat voluntatem, ut cum Apostolo possit dicere; Vivo autem jam non ego, vivit autem in me Christus: ponitque cor suum in manu Dei, ut illud quò voluerit Deus ipse declinet. Pelagius, apud Augustin. de gratia Christi, lib. 1. cap. 22, 23. He that runneth unto God, (saith he) and desireth to be ruled by God, hanging his will upon God's will; he who by adhering unto him continually, is made, according to the Apostle, one spirit with him: doth not this but out of the freedom of his will. Which freedom who so useth aright, doth so commit himself wholly to God, and mortifieth all his own will, that he may say with the Apostle; I live now, yet not I, but Christ liveth in me: and doth put his heart into God's hand, that God may incline it whither it shall please him. Here have you the full platform laid down of Pelagius his doctrine touching the conversion of a sinner. First, he supposeth a possibility in nature; whereby a man may will and do good. secondly, a corruption in act; whereby a man doth will and do the contrary. thirdly, an exciting grace from God; whereby the mind is enlightened, and the will persuaded (upon consideration of the promises and threats propounded) to forsake that lewd course of life, and to will and do the things that are good and holy. fourthly, an act of the freewill, thus prepared by God's exciting grace: whereby a man (without any further help from God) doth voluntarily yield unto these good motions; and so runneth unto God, desireth to be ruled by him, hangeth his will upon God's will, and by adhering unto him is made one spirit with him. fifthly, an assisting grace; whereby God guideth the will thus converted, and inclineth the heart whither it pleaseth him. We see three kinds of Grace here commended unto us by Pelagius. the first, a natural grace (as he fond termed it) bringing with it a bare possibility only to will and do good: which he said was not given according to merits, because he held it to be given at the very beginning of man's being, before which he could not possibly merit any thing. the second, an exciting or persuading grace, imparted unto such as were given to earthly lusts, and like bruit beasts affected only present things; who being in that case, were far from meriting any good thing at God's hands: and in that regard he affirmed, that this grace likewise was given without any respect to precedent merits. the third, an assisting grace, by which God doth guide and incline the heart of the converted sinner, to the doing of all good: and this he maintained to be given as a reward to that act of the freewill, whereby it yielded to the persuasions of the former exciting grace, and so did actually convert itself too God. Now this is s N●hil sic evertit hominum praesumptionem dicentium; Nos facimus, ut mereamur cum quibus faciat Deus. Augustin. c●ntra duas epist. Pel●gian. lib. 4. cap. 6. the presumption which S. Augustine condemneth so much in these men; that they durst say: We work to merit that God may work with us. that they t Priores volunt dare Deo, ut retribuatur eyes: priores utique dare quodlibet ex libero arbitrio, ut sit gratia retrib●enda pro praemio. Ibid. would first give to God, that it might be recompensed to them again: namely, they first give somewhat out of their freewill, that grace might be rendered to them again for a reward. that they were of opinion; u Meritum nostrum in eo esse, quòd sumus cum Deo: ejus autem gratiam secundùm hoc meritum da●i, ut sit & ipse nobiscum. Item meritum nostrum in eo esse, quòd quaerimus: & secundùm hoc meritum dari ejus gratiam, ut inveniamus eum. Id. de great. & libero arbitr. cap. 5. that our merit consisted in this, that we were with God, and that his grace was given according to this merit, that he should also be with us: that our merit should be in this, that we do seek him; and according to this merit his grace was given that we should find him. For they that followed Pelagius, (refining herein a little the doctrine of their Master, and delivering it in somewhat a more plausible manner) declared that x Ibi enim vos ut video, ponere jam coepistis merita gratiam praecedentia, quod est petere, quaerere, pulsare; ut his meritis debita illa reddatur, ac sic gratia inaniter nuncupetur. Id. contra julian. Pelagian. lib. 4. cap. 8. the merits which they held to go before grace and to procure grace, were, ask, seeking, and knocking: and that y Dicunt enim, etsi non datur gratia secundùm me●ita bonorum ope●um, quia per ipsam bene operamur, tamen secundùm meritum bonae voluntatis datur. quia bona voluntas (inquiunt) praecedit orantis, quam praecessit voluntas credentis; ut secundùm haec merita gratia sequatur exaudientis Dei. Id. de great. & lib. arbitr. cap. 14. grace was given, not according to the merit of our good works, (which they did acknowledge to be an effect, and not a cause of this grace) but of our good will only. because (said they) the good will of man praying went before, and the will of man believing went before that: that according to these merits the grace of God hearing might follow after. And all this they did under colour of maintaining freewill against the Manichees: for which they urged much that testimony of the Prophet, Esa. 1.19, 20. If ye be willing and hearken unto me, ye shall eat the good things of the land: but if ye refuse and will not hearken unto me, the sword shall consume them. But z Quid eis hoc prodest? quando quidem non tam contra Manichaeos defendunt, quam contra Catholicos extollunt liberum arbitrium. Sic enim volunt intelligi quod dictum est; Si volueritis & audiveritis me: tanquam in ipsâ praecedente voluntate sit consequentis meritum gratiae; ac si gratia jam non sit gratia, quae non est gratuita, cum redditur debita. Si autem sic intelligerent quod dictum est, Si volueritis; ut etiam ipsam bonam voluntatem illum praeparare confiterentur, de quo scriptum est, Praeparatur voluntas á Domino: tanquam Catholici ute●entur hoc testimonio; & non solùm haeresim veterem Manichaeorum vincerent, sed novam Pelagianorum contererent. Id. contr. duas epist. Pelagian. lib. 4. cap. 6. what doth this profit them? (saith S. Augustine) seeing they do not so much defend freewill against the Manichees, as extol it against the Catholics. For so would they have that understood which is said; If ye be willing and hearken unto me: as if in that very precedent will there should be the meriting of the subsequent grace; and so grace should be now no grace, which is no gratuity, when it is rendered as due. But if they would so understand that which is said, If ye be willing; that they would also confess that he doth prepare that good will, of whom it is written, The will is prepared by the Lord: they should use this testimony like Catholics; and not only vanquish the old heresy of the Manichees, but also crush the new of the Pelagians. Beside the professed Pelagians, who directly did deny Original sin; there arose others in the Church in S. Augustine's days, that were tainted not a little with their errors in this point of Grace and freewill; as namely one Vitalis in Carthage, and the Semi-pelagians (as they are commonly called) in France. For the first held, that a Per legem suam, per Scripturas suas Deum operari ut velimus quas vel legimus vel audimus: sed eis consentire vel non consentire ita nostrum est, ut si velimus fiat; si ●utem noli●us, nihil in nobis operationem Dei valere facia●u●. Operatur quippe ille, dicis, quantum in ipso est ut velimus, cum nobis nota siunt ejus eloquia: sed si eis acquiescere nolumus, nos ut operatio ejus nihil in nobis prosit efficimus. Id. epist. 107. ad Vital●m. God did work in us to will by his Scriptures either read or heard by us: but that to consent unto them or not consent is so in our power, that if we will it may be done, if we will not, we may make the operation of God to be of no force in us. For God doth work (said he) as much as in him is that we may will, when his word is made known unto us: but if we will not yield unto it, we make that his operation shall have no profit in us. Against him S. Augustine disputeth largely in his 107. Epistle; where he maketh ●his to be the state of the question betwixt them; b Utrum praecedat haec gratia an subsequatur hominis voluntatem, hoc est, (ut planiùs id eloquar) utrum ideò nobis detur, quia volumus, an per ipsam Deus etiam hoc efficiat ut velimus. Ibid. Whether Grace doth go before or follow after the Will of man, that is to say, (as he further explaineth it) Whether it be therefore given us, because we will; or by it God doth work even this also, that we do will. The worthy Doctor maintaineth that Grace goeth before, and worketh the will unto good: which he strongly proveth, both by the word of God and by the continual practice of the Church, in her prayers and thanksgivings for the conversion of unbelievers. c Si fateris pro eis orandum, id utique orandum fateris, ut doctrinae divinae arbitrio liberato á tenebrarum potestate consentiant. Ita fit ut neque fideles fiant nisi libero arbitrio; & tamen illius gratiâ fideles fiant, qui eorum á potestate tenebrarum liberavit arbitrium. Sic & Dei gratia non negatur, sed sine ullis humanis praecedentibus meritis vera monstratur: & liberum ita defenditur, ut humilitate solidetur, non elatione praecipitetur arbitrium; & qui gloriatur, non in homine, vel quolibet alio vel seipso, sed in Domino glorietur. Ibid. For if thou dost confess (saith he) that we are to pray for them, surely thou dost pray that they may consent to the doctrine of God, with their will freed from the power of darkness. And thus it will come to pass, that neither men shall be made to be believers but by their freewill; and yet shall be made believers by his grace, who hath freed their will from the power of darkness. Thus both God's grace is not denied, but is showed to be true without any humane merits going before it: and freewill is so defended, that it is made solid with humility, and not thrown down headlong by being lifted up; that he that rejoiceth, may not rejoice in man, either any other or yet himself, but in the Lord. and again: d Quomodo Deus expectat voluntates hominum, ut praeveniant eum, quibusdet gratiam: cum gratias ei non immeritò agamus de iis quibus non ei credentibus, & ejus doctrinam voluntate impiâ persequentibus misericordiam praerogavit; eosque ad seipsum omnipotentissimâ facilitate convertit, ac volentes ex nolentibus fecit? ut quid ei inde gratias agimus, si hoc ipse non fecit? Ibid. How doth God expect the wills of men that they should prevent him, to whom he might give grace: when we do give him thanks not undeservedly in the behalf of them, whom not believing, and persecuting his doctrine with an ungodly will, he hath prevented with his mercy, and with a most omnipotent facility converted them unto himself, and made them willing of unwilling? Why do we give him thanks for this, if he himself did not this? e Prorsus non oramus Deum, sed orare nos fingimus; si nos ipsos non illum credimus facere quod oramus. Prorsus non gratias Deo agimus, sed nos agere fingimus; si unde illi gratia● agimus, ipsum facere non putamus. Labia dolosa si in hominum quibus●unque sermonibus sunt, saltem in orationibus non sint. Absit, ut quod facere Deum rogamus oribus & vocibus nostris, eum facere negemus cordibus nostris: &, quod est gravius ad alios decipiendos, hoc non taceamu● disputationibus nostris: & dum volumus apud homines defendere liberum arbitrium, apud Deum perdamus orationis auxilium, & gratiarum actionem non habeamus veram, dum veram non agnoscimus gratiam. Si veré volumus defendere liberum arbitri●m; non oppugnemus unde fit liberum. Nam qui oppugnat gratiam, quâ nostrum ad declinandum á malo, & faciendum bonum liberatur arbitrium, ipse arbit●ium suum adhuc vult esse captivum. Ibid. Questionless we do not pray to God, but fain that we do pray, if we believe that not he, but ourselves be the doers of that which we pray for. Questionless we do not give thanks to God, but fain that we give thanks; if we do not think that he doth the thing, for which we give him thanks. If deceitful lips be found in any other speeches of men, at leastwise let them not be found in prayers. far be it from us, that what we do beseech God to do with our mouths and voices, we should deny that he doth it in our hearts: and, which is more grievous, to the deceiving of others also, not conceal the same in our disputations; and whilst we will needs defend freewill before men, we should lose the help of prayer with God, and not have true giving of thanks, whilst we do not acknowledge true grace. If we will truly defend freewill, let us not oppugn that by which it is made free. For who so oppugneth grace, whereby our will is made free to decline from evil and to do good; he will have his will to be still captive. Thus doth S. Augustine deal with Vitalis: to whom he saith, f Ego haereticum quidem Pelagianum te esse non credo: sed ita esse volo, ut nihil illius ad te transeat, vel in te relinquatur erroris. Ibid. I do not believe indeed that thou art a Pelagian heretic; but so I would have thee to be, that no part of that error may pass unto thee, or be left in thee. The doctrine of the Semi-pelagians in France is related by Prosper Aquitanicus and Hilarius Arelatensis, in their several epistles written to S. Augustine of this argument. g Consentiunt omnem hominem in Adam periisse, nec inde quenquam posse proprio arbitrio liberari: sed id conveniens asserunt veritati, vel congruum praedicationi, ut cum prostratis & nunquam suis viribus surrecturis annunciatur obtinendae salutis occasio; eo merito, quo voluerint & crediderint á suo morbo se posse sanari, & ipsius fidei augmentum, & totius sanitatis suae consequantur effectum. Hilar. epist. ad Augustin. They do agree (saith Hilarius) that all men were lost in Adam, and that from thence no man by his proper will can be freed: but this they say is agreeable to the truth, or answerable to the preaching of the word; that when the means of obtaining salvation is declared to such as are cast down and would never rise again by their own strength, they by that merit, whereby they do will and believe that they can be healed from their disease, may obtain both the increase of that faith, and the effecting of their whole health. And h Nec negari gratiam, si praecedere dicatur talis voluntas, quae tantùm medicum quaerat; non autem quicquam ipsa jam valeat. Nam illa testimonia, ut est illud, Sicut unicuique partitus est mensuram fidei, & similia, ad id volunt valere, ut adjuvetur qui coeperit velle; non ut etiam donetur, ut velit. Ibid. that grace is not denied, when such a will as this is said to go before it, which seeketh only a Physician, but is not of itself otherwise able to do any thing. For as touching that place, As he hath distributed to every one the measure of faith; and other like testimonies: they would have them make for this, that he should be holpen that hath begun to will; but not that this also should be given unto him, that he might will. Prosper in his Pöems doth thus deliver it. i Prosp. de Ingratis, cap. 10. Gratia quâ Christi populus sumus, hoc cohibetur Limit vobiscum, & formam hanc asseribitis illi: Ut cunctos vocet illa quidem, invitetque nec ullum Praeteriens, studeat communem adferre salutem Omnibus, & totum peccato absolvere mundum. Sed proprio quemque arbitrio parere vocanti, judicioque suo, motâ se extendere ment Ad lucem oblatam; quae se non subtrahat ulli, Sed cupidos recti iuvet, illustretque volentes. Hinc adjutoris Domini bonitate magistrâ Crescere virtutum studia; ut quod quisque petendum Mandatis didicit, jugi sectetur amore. Esse autem edoctis istam communiter aequam Libertatem animis, ut cursum explere beatum Persistendo queant: finem effectumque petitum Dante Deo, ingenijs qui nunquam desit honestis. Sed quia non idem est cunctis vigour, & variarum Illecebris rerum trahitur dispersa voluntas: Sponte aliquos vitijs succumbere, qui potuissent A lapsu re vocare pedem, stabilesque manner. Against these opinions, S. Augustine wrote his two books, of the Predestination of the Saints, and of the gift of Perseverance: in the former whereof he hath this memorable passage among diverse others. k Multi audiunt verbum veritatis; sed alij credunt, alij contradicunt. Volunt ergo isti credere, nolunt autem illi. Quis hoc ignoret? quis hoc neget? Sed cum aliis praeparetur, aliis non praeparetur voluntas á Domino: discernendum est utique quid veniat de mise●icordiâ ejus, quid de judicio. Quod quaerebat Israel, ait Apostostolus, hoc non est consecutu●: electio autem consecuta est, caeteri veró excoecati sunt, etc. Ecce misericordia & judicium; misericordia in electione quae consecuta est justitiam Dei, judicium veró in caeteros qui excoecati sunt: & tamen illi quia voluerunt, crediderunt; illi quia noluerunt, non crediderunt. Misericordia igitur & judicium in ipsis voluntatibus facta sunt. Augustin. d● Praedestinat. Sanctor. cap. 6. Many hear the word of truth; but some do believe, others do contradict. Therefore these have a will to believe, the others have not. Who is ignorant of this? who would deny it? But seeing the will is to some prepared by the Lord, to others not, we are to discern what doth proceed from his mercy, and what from his judgement. That which Israël did seek (saith the Apostle) he obtained not: but the election hath obtained it, and the rest were blinded, (Rom. 11.7.) Behold mercy and judgement; mercy in the election which hath obtained the righteousness of God, but judgement upon the rest that were blinded: and yet the one because they would, did believe; the others because they would not, did not believe. Mercy therefore and judgement were executed even upon the wills themselves. Against the same opinions diverse treatises were published by Prosper also; who chargeth these men with l In istis Pelagianae pravitatis reliquijs non mediocris virulentiae fibra nutritur, si principium salutis malé in homine collocatur; si divinae voluntati impié voluntas humana praefe●tur, ut ideò quis adjuvetur quia voluit, non ideò quia adjuvatur velit; si originaliter malus receptionem boni non á summo bono, sed á semetipso inchoare male-creditur; si aliunde Deo placetur, nisi ex eo quod ipse donaverit. Prosp. in epist. ad Augustin. nourishing the poison of the Pelagian pravity, by their positions: inasmuch as 1. the beginning of salvation is naughtily placed in man by them. 2. the will of man is impiously preferred before the will of God: as if therefore one should be holpen because he did will, and did not therefore will because he was holpen. 3. a man originally evil is naughtily believed to begin his receiving of good, not from the highest good, but from himself. 4. it is thought that God may otherwise be pleased, than out of that which he himself hath bestowed. But he maintaineth constantly, that both the beginning and ending of a man's conversion is wholly to be ascribed unto grace: and that God effecteth this grace in us, not by way of counsel and persuasion only, but by an inward change and reformation of the mind; making up a new vessel of a broken one, by a creating virtue. m Id. de Ingratis, cap. 14. Non hoc consilio tantùm hortatuque benigno Suadens atque docens, quasi normam legis haberet Gratia: sed mutans intus mentem, atque reformans, Vasque novum ex fracto fingens, virtute creandi. The Writers of principal esteem on the other side, were n Opuscula Cassiani, Presbyteri Galliarum, apocryphas. Opuscula Fausti Rhegiensis Galliarum, apocryphas. Concil. Roman. 1. sub Gelasio. johannes Cassianus, and Faustus Regiensis or Reiensis: the former of which was encountered by Prosper (in his book Contra Collatorem) the latter by Fulgentius, joh. Maxentius, Facundus, Caesarius, johannes Antiochenus: as also by Gelasius and his Roman Synod of LXX. Bishops, the writings of them both were rejected amongst the books Apocryphal. And lastly by the joint authority both of the See of Rome, and of the French Bishops assembled in the second Council of Orange, in the year of our Lord DXXIX. sentence was given against the Pelagians and Semi-Pelagians in general, that their opinions touching Grace and freewill, were not agreeable to the rule of the Catholic faith: and these conclusions following, among sundry others, determined in particular. o Si quis invocatione humanâ gratiam Dei dicit posse conferri; non autem ipsam gratiam facere, ut invocetur á nobis: contradicit Esaiae Prophetae, vel Apostolo idem dicenti; Inventus sum a non quaerentibus me, palám apparui iis qui me non interrogabant. Concil. A●ausican. 11. Can. 3. If any doth say, that by man's prayer the grace of God may be conferred; and that it is not grace itself which maketh, that God is prayed unto by us: he contradicteth the Prophet Esay, or the Apostle saying the same thing; I was found of them that sought me not, and have been made manifest to them that asked not after me, (Esai. 65.1. Rom. 10.20.) p Si quis, ut á peccato purgemur, voluntatem nostram Deum expectare contendit; non autem ut etiam purgari velimus per sancti Spiritus infusionem & operationem in nobis fieri confitetur: resistit ipsi Spiritui sancto, per Salomonem dicenti; Praeparatur voluntas á Domino. et Apostolo salubriter praedicanti; Deus est qui operatur in nobis & velle & perficere pro bonâ voluntate. Ibid. can. 4. If any man defend, that God doth expect our will, that we may be purged from sin; and doth not confess, that this will of ours to be purged, is wrought in us by the infusion and operation of the holy Ghost: he resisteth the holy Ghost, saying by Solomon; The will is prepared by the Lord, (Prov. 8.35. according to the LXX.) and the Apostle preaching wholesomely; It is God which worketh in you, both to will and to do, of his good pleasure: (Phil. 2.13.) q Si quis sine gratiâ Dei, credentibus, volentibus, desiderantibus, conantibus, laborantibus, vigilantibus, studentibus, petentibus, quaerentibus, pulsantibus nobis misericordiam dicit conferri divinitùs; non autem ut credamus, velimus, vel haec omnia sicut oportet agere valeamus, per infusionem & inspirationem sancti Spiritus in nobis fieri confitetur; & aut humilitati aut obedientiae humanae subjungit gratiae adjutorium, nec ut obedientes & humiles simus ipsius gratiae donum esse consentit: resistit Apostolo dicenti; Quid habes, quod non accepisti? et, Gratiâ Dei sum id quod sum. Can. 6. If any man say, that to us, without grace, believing, willing, desiring, endeavouring, labouring, watching, studying, ask, seeking, knocking, mercy is conferred by God; and doth not confess, that it is wrought in us by the infusion and inspiration of the holy Ghost, that we may believe, will, or do all these things as we ought; and doth make the help of grace to follow after man's either humility or obedience, neither doth yield that it is the gift of grace itself, that we are obedient and humble: he resisteth the Apostle, saying; What hast thou, that thou hast not received? (1 Cor. 4.7.) and, By the grace of God I am that I am, (1 Cor. 15.10.) r Divini est muneris, cum & recté cogitamus, & pedes nostros á falsitate & injustitiâ tenemus, Quoties enim bona agimus, Deus in nobis atque nobiscum, ut operemur, operatur, Can. 9 It is of God's gift, both when we do think aright, and when we hold our feet from falsehood and unrighteousness. For as oft as we do good things, God worketh in us, and with us, that we may work. s Multa in homine bona fiunt, quae non facit homo. Nulla veró facit homo bona, quae non Deus praestet, ut faciat homo. Can. 20. There are many good things done in man, which man doth not. But man doth no good things, which God doth not make man to do. t Hoc etiam salubriter profitemur & credimus, quòd in omni opere bono non nos incipimus, & postea per Dei misericordiam adjuvamur; sed ipse nobis, nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis, & fidem & amorem sui prius inspirat, ut & baptismi sacramenta fideliter ●equiramus, & post baptismum ●um ipsius adjutorio ea quae sibi sunt placita implere possimus. Can. ult. This also do we wholesomely profess and believe, that in every good work we do not begin, and are holpen afterwards by the mercy of God; but he first of all, no good merits of ours going before, inspireth into us both faith and the love of him: that we may both faithfully seek the Sacrament of Baptism, and after Baptism with his help, we way fulfil the things that are pleasing unto him. Touching which last Canon we may note: First for the reading, that in the Tomes of the Counsels set out by Binius, it is most notoriously corrupted. For where the Council hath, Nullis praecedentibus bonis meritis, No good merits going before; there we read, u Concil. tom. 2. part. 1. pag. 639. edit. Colon. an. 1618. Multis praecedentibus bonis meritis, Many good merits going before. Secondly, for the meaning, that x Gratiam secundùm merita nostra dari intelligunt Patres, cum aliquid fit proprijs viribus, ratione cujus datur gratia, etiamsi non sit illud meritum de condigno. Bellarm. de Grat. & l●b. Arbitr. lib. 6. cap. 5. the Fathers understand grace to be given according to merits; when any thing is done by our own strength, in respect whereof grace is given, although it be no merit of condignity: as both Bellarmine himself doth acknowledge in the explication of the determination of the Palestine Synod against Pelagius; and in the case of the Semi-Pelagians, as it is delivered by Cassianus, is most evident. For y Ita semper gratia Dei nostro in bonam partem cooperatur arbitrio, atque in omnibus illud adjuvat, protegit ac defendit, ut nonnunquam etiam ab eo quosdam conatus bonae voluntatis vel exigat, vel expectet; ne penitùs dormienti aut inerti otio dissoluto, sua dona conferre videatur: occasiones quodammodo quaerens, quibus humanae segnitiei torpore discusso, non irrationabilis munificentiae suae largitas videatur, dum eam sub colore cujusdam desiderij ac laboris impartit. & nihilominus gratia Dei semper gratuita perseveret; dum exiguis quibusdam parvisque conatibus tantam immortalitatis gloriam, tanta perennis beatitudinis dona, inaestimabili tribuit largitate. Io. Cassian. Collat. 13. cap. 13. the grace of God (saith he) doth always so cooperate to the good part with our freewill, and in all things help, protect and defend it, that sometime it either requireth, or expecteth from it some endeavours of a good will; that it may not seem to confer its gifts upon one that is altogether sleeping, and given to sluggish idleness: seeking occasions after a sort, whereby the dulness of humane slothfulness being shaken off, the bargenesse of its bounty may not seem to be unreasonable, while it imparteth the same under the colour of a kind of desire and labour. Yet so notwithstanding that grace may always continue to be gracious and free; while to such kind of small and little endeavours, with an inestimable largesse it giveth so great glory of immortality, so great gifts of everlasting bliss. z Quantumlibet ergo enisa fuerit humana fragilitas, futurae retributioni par esse non poterit; nec ita laboribus suis divinam imminuit gratiam, ut non semper gratuita perseveret. Ibid. Let humane frailty therefore endeavour as much as it will, it cannot be equal to the retribution that is to come; neither by the labours thereof doth it so diminish God's grace, that it doth not always continue to be given freely. Where you may observe, from what fountain the Schoolmen did derive their doctrine of works preparatory, meriting grace by way of congruity, though not of condignity. For Cassianus (whom a Prosp. cont●. Collator. cap. 3. & 17. Tom. 7. Op●r. Augustini. Prosper chargeth, notwithstanding all this qualifying of the matter, to be a maintainer in very deed of that damned point of Pelagianisme; that the grace of God was given according to our merits) Cassianus, I say, was a man that bore great sway in our Monasteries, where his writings were accounted as the Monks general Rules: and until the other day, Faustus himself (who of all others most cunningly opposed the doctrine of S. Augustine touching grace and freewill) was accepted in the Popish Schools for a reverend Doctor and a Catholic Bishop. Yea the works of Pelagius himself were had in such account, that some of them (as his Epistle ad Demetriadem for example, and his Exposition upon S. Paul's Epistles, which are fraught with his heretical opinions) have passed from hand to hand, as if they had been written by S. Hierome; and as such, have been alleged against us by some of our Adversaries in this very question of freewill. The less is it to be wondered, that three hundred years ago in the midnight of Popery, the profound Doctor Thomas Bradwardin (than Chancellor of London, and afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury) should begin his Disputations, Of the cause of God against Pelagius with this lamentable complaint. b Ecce enim (quod non nisi tactus dolore cordis intrinsecus refero) sicut olim contra unicum Dei Prophetam octingenti & quinquaginta Prophetae Baal, & similes sunt reperti, quibus & innumerabilis populus adhaerebat: ita & hodiè in hâc caussâ; quot, Domine, hodie cum Pelagio pro libero Arbitrio contra gratuitam Gratiam tuam pugnant, & contra Paulum pugilem gratiae spiritualem? Tho. Bradwardin Praefat. in libros de Caussâ Dei contra Pelag. Behold, (I speak it, with grief of heart touched inwardly) as in old time against one Prophet of God, there were found eight hundred and fifty Prophets of Baal; unto whom an innumerable company of people did adhere: s● at this day, in this cause, how many (O Lord) do now fight with Pelagius for freewill against thy free grace, and against Paul, the spiritual Champion of grace? c Totus etenim penè mundus post Pelagium abijt in errorem. Exurge igitur Domine, judica caussam tuam; & sustinentem te sustine, protege, robora, consolare. Ibid. For the whole world almost is gone after Pelagius into error. Arise therefore, O Lord, judge thine own cause; and him that defendeth thee, defend, protect, strengthen, comfort. To whose judgement I also now leave these d Liberi arbitrij defensores, imó deceptores quia inflatores, & inflatores quia praesumptores. August●n. Epist. 105. ad Sixtum. Vani, non defensores, sed inflatores liberi arbitrij. Id. in opere postremo c●ntra julian. Pelagian. lib. 2. Non defensores, sed inflatores & praecipitatores liberi arbitrij. Id. de Grat. & lib. arbitr. cap. 14. Vain defenders, or (as S. Augustine rightly censureth them) deceivers, and puffers up, and presumptuous extollers of freewill. OF MERITS. IN the last place we are told, that the Fathers of the unspotted Church of Rome did ●each, Tha● man for his meritorious works receiveth, through the assistance of God's grace, the bliss of everlasting happiness. But our Challenger, I suppose, will hardly find one Father either of the spotted or unspotted Church of Rome, that ever spoke so babishly herein, as he maketh them all to do. That man, by the assistance of God's grace, may do meritorious works, we have read in diverse Authors, and in diverse meanings. But after these works done, that a man should receive through the assistance of God's grace the bliss of everlasting happiness, is such a piece of gibberish, as I do not remember that before now I have ever met withal even in Babel itself. For with them that understand what they speak, assistance hath reference to the doing of the work, not to the receiving of the reward: and simply to say, that a man for his meritorious works (taking merit here as the Romanists in this question would have it taken) receiveth through God's grace the bliss of everlasting happiness; is to speak flat contrarieties, and to conjoin those things, that cannot possibly be coupled together. For that conclusion of Bernard is most certain: a Non est in quo gratia intret, ubi jam meritum occupavit. Bernard. in Cantic. Ser. 67. There is no place for grace to enter, where merit hath taken possession. because it is grounded upon the Apostles determination, Rom. 11.6. If it be of grace, it is no more of works: or else were grace no more grace. Neither do we therefore take away the reward, because we deny the merit of good works. We know, that in the keeping of God's Commandments there is great reward; Psal. 19.11. and that unto him who soweth righteousness, there shall be a sure reward; Prov. 11.18. But the question is, whence he that soweth in this manner, must expect to reap so great and so sure a harvest? Whether from God's justice; which he must do if he stand as the Jesuits would have him do upon merit: or from his mercy; as a recompense freely bestowed out of God's gracious bounty, and not in justice due for the worth of the work performed. Which question, we think, the Prophet Hosea hath sufficiently resolved; when he biddeth us sow to ourselves in righteousness, and reap in MERCY, Hose. 10.12. Neither do we hereby any whit detract from the truth of that axiom, That God will give every man according to his works: for still the question remaineth the very same; whether God may not judge a man according to his works, when he sitteth upon the throne of grace, as well as when he sitteth upon the throne of justice? and we think here, that the Prophet David hath fully cleared the case, in that one sentence, Psal. 62.12. With thee, O Lord, is MERCY: for thou rewardest every one according to his work. Originally therefore, and in itself, we hold that this reward proceedeth merely from God's free bounty and mercy: but accidentally, in regard that God hath tied himself by his word and promise to confer such a reward, we grant that it now proveth in a sort to be an act of justice. even as in forgiving of our sins (which in itself all men know to be an act of mercy) he is said to be faithful and just, 1 joh. 1.9. namely, in regard of the faithful performance of his promise. For promise, we see, amongst honest men is counted a due debt. but the thing promised being free, and on our part altogether undeserved, if the promiser did not perform, and proved not to be so good as his word; he could not properly be said to do me wrong, but rather to wrong himself, by impairing his own credit. And therefore Aquinas himself confesseth, b Non sequitur, quòd Deus efficiatur simplicitèr debitor nobis, sed sibi ipsi; in quantum debitum est, ut sua ordinatio impleatur. Thom. 1.2. Quaest 14. art. 1. ad 3. that God is not hereby simply made a debtor to us, but to himself; in as much as it is requisite that his own ordinance should be fulfilled. Thus was Moses careful to put the children of Israel in mind touching the Land of Canaan (which was a type of our eternal habitation in Heaven) that it was a Land of promise, and not of merit: which God did give them to possess, not for their righteousness, or for their upright bear't, but that he might perform the word which he swore unto their Fathers, Abraham, Izhak, and jacob, (Deut. 9.5.) Whereupon the Levites say, in their prayer unto God, Nehem. 9.8. Thou madest a covenant with Abraham, to give unto his seed the Land of the Canaanites; and hast performed thy word, because thou art JUST. Now because the Lord had made a like promise of the Crown of life to them that love him: (jam. 1.12.) therefore S. Paul doth not stick in like manner to attribute this also to God's justice. Henceforth (saith he, 2 Tim. 4.8.) is laid up for me the crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at that day: and not to me only, but unto all them also that love his appearing. Upon which place, Bernard, in his book of Grace and freewill, saith most sweetly. c Est ergo quam Paulus expectat, corona justitiae, sed justitiae Dei, non suae. justum quippe est ut reddat quod debet; debet autem quod pollicitus est. Et haec est justitia Dei, de quâ praesumit Apostolus, promissio Dei. Bern. li. de Gratia, & libero arbitrio. That therefore which Paul expecteth, is a crown of righteousness, but of God's righteousness, not his own. For it is just that he should give what he oweth, and he oweth what he hath promised: and this is the righteousness of God, of which the Apostle presumeth, the promise of God. But this will not content our Jesuits, unless we yield unto them; d Nos tam proprié ac veré cum gratiâ Dei bene agentes praemia mereri, quam sine illâ malé agentes supplicia meremur. Io. Maldonat. in Ezech. 18.20. that we do as properly and truly merit rewards, when with the grace of God we do well, as we do merit punishments, when without grace we do evil. So saith Maldonat. that is to say, unless we maintain, e Opera bona justorum meritoria esse vitae aeternae ex condigno, non solùm ratione pacti & acceptationis, sed etiam ratione operis; ita ut in opere bono ex gratiâ procedente, sit quaedam proportio & aequalitas ad praemium vitae aeternae. Bellar. de justis. l. 5. c. 17. that the good works of just persons do merit eternal life condignly, not only by reason of God's covenant and acceptation, but also by reason of the work itself: so that in a good work proceeding from grace, there may be a certain proportion and equality unto the reward of eternal life. So saith Cardinal Bellarmine. For the further opening whereof, Vasquez taketh upon him to prove in order these three distinct Propositions. First, f Opera bona justo●um ex seipsis, absque ullo pacto & acceptatione, digna esse remuneratione vitae aeternae; & aequalem valorem condignitatis habere ad consequendam aeternam gloriam. Gabr. Vasquez. Commentar. in 1 am. 2 ae. qu. 114 disp. 214 ca 5. ●nit. that the good works of just persons are of themselves, without any covenant and acceptation, worthy of the reward of eternal life; and have an equal value of condignity to the obtaining of eternal glory. Secondly, g Operibus justorum nullum dignitatis accrementum provenire ex meritis aut personâ Christi, quod aliâs eadem non haberent, si fierent ex eâdem gratiâ á solo Deo liberaliter sine Christo collatâ. Ibid. init. cap. 7. That no accession of dignity doth come to the works of the just by the merits or person of Christ; which the same should not have otherwise, if they had been done by the same grace bestowed liberally by God alone without Christ. Thirdly, h Operibus justorum accessisse quidem divinam promissionem: eam tamen nullo modo pertinere ad rationem meriti; sed potius advenire operibus, non tantùm jam dignis, sed etiam jam meritorijs. Ibid. init. cap. 8. That God's promise is annexed indeed to the works of just men, yet it belongeth no way to the reason of the merit; but cometh rather to the works, which are already not worthy only, but also meritorious. Unto all which he addeth afterwards this Corollary. i cum opera justi condigné mereantur vitam aeternam, tanquam aequalem mercedem, & praemium: non opus est interventu alterius meriti condigni, quale est meritum Christi, ut eis reddatur vita aeterna. quinimo aliquid habet peculiare meritum cujuscunque justi respectu ipsius hominis justi, quod non habet meritum Christi: nempe reddere ipsum hominem justum, & dignum aeternâ vitâ, ut eam digné consequatur. meritum autem Christi licè● dignissimum sit, quod obtine at á Deo gloriam pro nobis; tamen non habet hanc efficaciam & virtutem, ut reddat nos formaliter justos, & dignos aeternâ vitâ: sed per virtutem ab ipso derivatam hunc consequuntur effectum homines in seipsis. Et ita nunquam petimus á Deo per merita Christi, ut nostris dignis operibus & meritorijs reddatur merces aeternae vitae: sed ut per Christum detur nobis gratia, quâ possimus digné hanc mercedem promereri. Id. ibid. disput. 222. cap. 3. num. 30.31. Seeing the works of a just man do condignly merit eternal life, as an equal recompense and reward: there is no need that any other condign merit, such as is the merit of Christ, should come between, that eternal life might be rendered unto them. Yea the merit of every just man hath somewhat peculiar in respect of the just man himself, which the merit of Christ hath not: namely, to make the man himself just, and worthy of eternal life, that he may worthily obtain the same. But the merit of Christ, although it be most worthy to obtain glory of God for us, yet it hath not this efficacy and virtue, to make us formally just, and worthy of eternal life: but men by virtue derived from him, attain this effect in themselves. And so we never request of God by the merits of Christ, that the reward of eternal life may be given to our worthy and meritorious works: but that by Christ grace may be given unto us, whereby we may be enabled worthily to merit this reward. In a word: k Merita nostra in nobis hanc vim habent, ut reddant nos formaliter digno● v●●â aeternâ: merita autem Christi non reddunt no● dignos formaliter; sed Christus dignus est, qui propter illa nobis impetret quicquid ipse pro nobis petierit. Ibid. num. 32. Our merits (saith he) have this force in us, that they make us formally worthy of eternal life: the merits of Christ do not make us worthy formally; but Christ is worthy, in regard of them, to impetrate unto us whatsoever he requesteth for us. Thus doth Vasquez the jesuit discover unto us to the full the mystery of this iniquity: with whom (for the better information of the English Reader) we join our Rhemists, who deliver this as their Catholic doctrine. l Rhem. annotat. in 2 Tim. 4.8. that all good works done by God's grace after the first justification, be truly and properly meritorious, and fully worthy of everlasting life: and that thereupon heaven is the due and just stipend, crown, or recompense, which God by his justice oweth to the person so working by his grace. (For he rendereth or repayeth heaven, say they, as a just judge, and not only as a merciful giver: and the crown which he payeth, is not only of mercy, or favour, or grace, but also of justice.) And again. m jidem in Luc. 20.35. that man's works done by Christ's grace, do condignly or worthily deserve eternal joy: so as n jid. in 1. Corinth. 3.8. works can be none other but the value, desert, price, worth, and merit of the same. Whereupon they put us in mind, o Ibid. that the word, Reward, which in our English tongue may signify a voluntary or bountiful gift, doth not here so well express the nature of the Latin word, Merces, or the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which are rather the very stipend that the hired workman or journeyman covenanteth to have of him whose work hedoth; and is a thing equally and justly answering to the time and weight of his travels and works, rather than a free gift. This is that doctrine of merits, which from our very hearts we detest and abhor; as utterly repugnant to the truth of God, and the common sense of all truehearted Christians. The lesson which our Saviour taught his disciples, is far different from this, Luk. 17.10. When ye have done all those things which are commanded you, say: We are unprofitable servants; we have done that which was our duty to do. And p Si inutilis est, qui fecit omnia: quid de illo dicendum est, qui explere non potuit? Hieronym. ad Ctesiphont. contr. Pelag. if he be unprofitable (saith S. Hierome) who hath done all: what is to be said of him, who could not fulfil them? So likewise the Romans themselves might remember, that they were taught by S. Paul at the beginning: that there is no proportion of condignity to be found betwixt not the actions only but the passions also of the Saints, and the reward that is reserved for us in the world to come. For I reckon, that the sufferings of this present time, are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us: saith he, Rom. 8.18. and Bernard thereupon: q De aete●nâ vitâ scimus, quia non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam; nec, si unus omnes sustineat. Neque enim talia sunt ●ominum merita, ut propter ea vita aeterna deberetur ex jure; aut Deus injuriam aliquam faceret, nisi eam donaret. Name, ut taceam quòd merita omnia dona Deis sunt, & ita homo magis propter ipsa Deo debitor est, quam Deus homini: quid sunt merita omnia ad tantam gloriam? Bernard. serm. 1. in Annuntiat. B. Mariae. Concerning the life eternal we know, that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory; no, not if one man did sustain them all. For the merits of men are not such, that for them eternal life should be due of right; or God should do any injury, if he did not give it. For, to let pass that all merits are Gods gifts, and in that respect a man is for them made a debtor to God, more than God to man: what are all merits in comparison of so great a glory? and S. Ambrose long before him: r Omnia quae patimur minora sunt & indigna quorum pro laboribus tanta rependaturfuturorum merces bonorum, quae revelabitur in nobis, cum ad Dei imaginem reformati gloriam ejus facie ad faciem aspicere meruerimus. Ambros. ●pist. 22. All those things which we suffer, are too little and unworthy, foot the pains whereof there should be rendered unto us so great reward of good things to come, as shall be revealed in us, when being reform according to the image of God we shall merit (or obtain) to see his glory face to face. Where for the better understanding of the meaning of the Fathers in this point, we may further observe, that merits in their writings do ordinarily signify nothing but works (as in the alleged place of Bernard:) and s Verum quidem est, neque id me fugit, usurpari nonnunquam nomen meriti, ubi nulla est ratio meriti, neque ex congruo, neque de condigno. Andr. Vega defence. Concil. Tridentin. de justificat. lib. 8. cap. 8. Si aliquis vocabulo promerendi usus est; aliter non intellexit, quam consecutionem de facto. Stapleton. Promptuar. Catholic. far. 5. post Dominic. Passion. Vocabulum merendi apud veteres Ecclesiasticos scriptores feré idem valet quod consequi, seu aptum idoneumque fieri ad consequendum. G●org. Cassand. Scholar in Hymnos Ecclesiastic. pag. 179. Oper. Vid. Cochlaeum in Discuss. confess. & Apolog. artic. 20. to merit, simply to procure or to attain, without any relation at all to the dignity either of the person or the work; as in the last words of Ambrose is plainly to be seen. And therefore as Tacitus writes of Agricola, that t jis virtutibus iram Caij Caesaris meritus. Tacit. in vit. jul. Agricolae. by his virtues he merited (that is to say, incurred) the anger of Caius Caesar: so S. Augustine saith, that he and his fellows for their good doings at the hands of the Donatists, u Pro actione gratiarum flammas meruimus odiorum. Augustin. contr. litter. Petilian. lib. 3. cap. 6. in stead of thanks merited (that is, incurred) the flames of hatred. On the other side the same Father affirmeth, that S. Paul x Pro persecutionibus & blasphemijs vas electionis meruit nominari. Id. de Praedestinat. & gratiâ. for his persecutions and blasphemies merited (that is, found the grace) to be named a vessel of election; having reference to that in 1 Timoth. 1.13. Who was before a blasphemer, and a persecuter, and injurious; but I obtained mercy. where in stead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the vulgar Latin translateth Misericordiam consecutus sum; y Cypri. epist. 73. sect. 11. Augustin. de Baptism. contr. Donatist. lib. 4. cap. 5. S. Cyprian readeth, Misericordiam merui, I merited mercy. Whereunto we may add that saying which is found also among the works of S. Augustine: that z Ut omnis ●eccator propterea de se non desperet, quia Paulus meruit indulgentiam. Augustin. se●m. 49. de Tempore. no sinner should despair of himself, seeing Paul hath merited pardon. and that of Gregory: a Quid quòd Paulus, cum Redemptoris nomen in ter●â conaretur extinguere, ejus v●rba de coelo meruit audire? Greg. Moral. in job. lib. 9 cap. 17. Paul when he went about to extinguish the name of our Redeemer upon earth, merited to hear his words from heaven. as also that other strain of his concerning the sin of Adam; which is sung in the Church of Rome at the blessing of the Taper: b O felix cu●pa, quae talem ac tantum meruit habere Redemptorem. Vid. jodoc. Cl●cthovei lib. de duab. propositionib. Cer●i Pas●halis. O happy sin, that merited (that is, found the favour) to have such and so great a Redeemer. Howsoever therefore the ancient Doctors may seem unto those that are not well acquainted with their language, to speak of merits as the Romanists do: yet have they nothing common with them but the bare word; in the thing itself they differ as much from them every way, as our Church doth. c Vix mihi suadeo quòd possit ullum opus esse, quod ex debito remunerationem Dei deposcat: cum etiam hoc ipsum, quòd agere aliquid possumus, vel cogitare, vel proloqui, ipsius dono & largitione faciamus. Origen. lib. 4. in ●pist. ad Rom. cap. 4. I can hardly be persuaded, saith Origen, that there can be any work, which may require the reward of God by way of debt: seeing this very thing itself, that we can do or think or speak any thing, we do it by his gift and largesse. d Merces quidem ex dono nulla est, quia debetur ex opere: sed gratuitam Deus omnibus ex fidei justificatione donavit. Hilar. in Matth. Can. 20. Wages indeed, saith Saint Hilary, there is none of gift, because it is due by work: but God hath given the same free to all men, by the justification of faith. e Unde mihi tantum meriti, cui indulgentia pro coronâ est? Ambros. in Exhortat ad Virgins. Whence should I have so great merit, seeing mercy is my Crown? saith S. Ambrose. and again, f Quis nostrûm fine divinâ potest miseratione subsistere? Quid possumus dignum praemijs facere coelestibus? Quis nostrûm ita assurgit in hoc corpore, ut animum suum clevet, quo jugiter adhaereat Christo? Quo tandem hominum merito defertur, ut haec corruptibilis caro induat incorruptionem, & mortale hoc indua● immortalitatem? Quibus laboribus, quibus injuriis possumus nostra levare peccata? Indignae sunt passiones hujus temporis ad superventuram gloriam. Non ergo secundùm merita nostra, sed secundùm misericordiam Dei, coelestium decretorum in homines forma procedit. Id. in Psal. 118. oct●nar. 20. Vid. eund. de bono mortis, cap. 11. Which of us can subsist, without the mercy of God? What can we do worthy of the heavenly rewards? Which of us doth so rise up in this body, that he doth elevate his mind, in such sort as he may continually adhere unto Christ? By what merit of man is it granted, that this corruptible flesh should put on incorruption, and this mortal should put on immortality? By what labours, or by what enduring of injuries, can we abate our sins? The sufferings of this time are unworthy for the glory that is to come. Therefore the form of heavenly decrees doth proceed with men, not according to our merits, but according to God's mercy. S. Basil expounding those words of the Psalmist, Behold the eye of the Lord is upon them that fear him; upon them that hope in his mercy, (Psalm. 33.18.) saith, that he doth hope in his mercy, g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basil. in Psalm. ●2. who not trusting in his own good deeds, nor looking to be justified by works, hath the hope of his salvation only in the mercies of God. and in his explication of those other words, Psalm. 116.7. Return unto thy rest, O my soul; for the Lord hath dealt bountifully with thee. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Psalm. 114. & apud Anton. Meliss. part. 2. serm. 93. Everlasting rest (saith he) is laid up for them that strive lawfully in this life; not to be rendered according to the debt of works, but exhibited by the grace of the bountiful God to them that trust in him. i Si nostra consideremus merita, desperandum est. Hieronym. lib. 17. in Esai. cap. 64. If we consider our own merits, we must despair, saith S. Hierome. and, k cum dies judicij vel dormitionis advenerit, omnes manus dissolventur, etc. quia nullum opus dignum Dei justitiâ reperietur. Id. lib. 6. in Esai. cap. 13. When the day of judgement or death shall come, all hands will fail; because no work shall be found worthy of the justice of God. Macarius the Egyptian Eremite in his 15. homily writeth thus. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Macar. homil. 15. Touching the gift which Christians shall inherit, this a man may rightly say; that if any one from the time wherein Adam was created unto the very end of the world, did fight against Satan, and undergo afflictions, he should do no great matter in respect of the glory that he shall inherit. for he shall reign together with Christ world without end. His 37. homily is in the Paris edition of the works of m Marc. erenit. edit. Paris. an. 1563. Name in Micropr●sbytico Prooemium illud non habetur: quip quod Maca●i● constel. esse, non Marci. Marcus the Eremite set out as the Prooeme of his book of Paradise and the spiritual law. There Macarius exhorteth us, that n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Macar. homil. 37. believing in almighty God, we should with a simple heart and void of scrupulosity come unto him who bestoweth the communion of the spirit according to faith, and not according to the proportion of the works of faith. Where joannes Picus the Popish interpreter of Marcus, giveth us warning in his margin, that this clause is to be understood of a lively faith: but concealeth his own faithlesness in corrupting of the text, by turning the works of faith into the works of nature. for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is by his Latin translation (which is to be seen in o B●blioth●c. Patr. tom 4. pag. 935. B. ●dit. Colon. Bibliothecâ Patrum) as much to say as, Non ex proportione operum naturae. There is a treatise extant of the said Marcus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, touching those who think to be justified by their works: where he maketh two sorts of men, p 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marc. Eromit. de his qui putant ex operib. justificari, cap. 17. & ex eo Anastasius Sinaita, vel Nicaenus, quaest. 1. pag. 16. edit. Ingolstad. that miss both of them the kingdom of heaven. the one, such as do not keep the commandments, and yet imagine that they believe aright: the other, such as keeping the commandments, do expect the kingdom as a wages due ●nto them. For q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ibid. cap. 2. the Lord (saith he) willing to show, that all the commandments are of duty to be performed, and that the adoption of children is freely given to men by his blood, saith; When you have done a●l things that are commanded you, then say; We are unprofitable servants, and we have done that which was our duty to do. Therefore the kingdom of heaven is not the hire of works, but the grace of the Lord prepared for his faithful servants. This sentence is repeated in the very self same words, by r Hesyc. Presb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Centur. 1. s●ct. 79. Hesychius in his book of Sentences written to Thalassius. The like sayings also hath S. Chrysostome. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ch●ysost. in epist. ad Colos●. homil. 2. No man showeth such a conversation of life, that he may be worthy of the kingdom; but this is wholly of the gift of God. Therefore he saith; When ye have done all, say, We are unprofitable servants; for what we ought to do, we have done. t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. de compunctione, ad Stelech●um, tom. 6. edit. Savil. pag. 157. Although we did die a thousand deaths, although we did perform all virtuous actions; yet should we come short by far of rendering any thing worthy of those honours which are conferred upon us by God. u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Psalm. 4. Although we should do innumerable good deeds, it is of God's pity and benignity that we are heard. although we should come unto the very top of virtue, it is of mercy that we are saved. x 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Matth. Homil. 79. edit. Graec. vel 80. Latin. for although we did innumerable works of mercy, yet would it be of the benignity of grace, that for such small and mean matters should be given so great a heaven and a kingdom, and such an honour: y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. in Psal 5. whereunto nothing we do can have equal correspondence. z Sit licèt excellens hominum meritum, sit naturae jura conservans, sit legum jussisobtemperans; impleat fidem, justitiam teneat, virtutes exerceat, damnet vitia, peccata repellat, semet exemplum imitantibus praebeat: si quid gesserit, parum est; quicquid fecerit, minus: omne enim meritum breve est. Numera beneficia, si potes; & tunc considera quid mereris. Cum beneficijs caelestibus tua facta perpende, cum divinis muneribus actus proprios meditare: nec dignum te judicabis eo quod fueris, si intelligas quid mereris. Serm. de primo homine praelato omni creaturae; tom. 1. oper. Chrysost. Let the merit of men be excellent, let him observe the rights of nature, let him be obedient to the commandments of the Laws; let him fulfil his faith, keep justice, exercise virtues, condemn vice, repel sins, show himself an example for others to imitate: if he have performed any thing, it is little; whatsoever he hath done is small: for all merit is short. Number God's benefits, if thou canst: and then consider what thou dost merit. Weigh thine own deeds with the heavenly benefits, ponder thine own acts with the divine gifts: and thou wilt not judge thyself worthy of that which thou art, if thou understandest what thou dost merit. Whereunto we may add the exhortation made by S. Antony to his Monks in Egypt. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Athanas. Vit. Antoniuses, pag. 25. The life of man is most short, being measured with the world to come: so that all our time is even nothing, in comparison of everlasting life. And every thing in this world is sold for that which it is worth, and one giveth equal in exchange of equal: but the promise of everlasting life is bought for a very little matter. Wherefore, my sons, let us not wax weary; nor think that we stay long, or perform some great thing: for the sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed on us. Neither when we look upon the world, let us think that we have forsaken any great matters. For all this earth is but a very little thing, in comparison of the whole heaven. Therefore although we had been lords of the whole earth, and did forsake the whole earth; that would be nothing worthy to be compared with the kingdom of heaven. For as if one would neglect one piece of brass, that he might gain a hundred pieces of gold: so he who is lord of the whole earth and forsaketh it, should but forgo a little, and receive a hundred fold. Such an other exhortation doth S. Augustine also make unto his hearers. b cum attenderis quid sic accepturus; omnia tibi erunt vilia quae pateris, nec digna aestimabis pro quibus illud accipias. Miraberis tantum dari pro tanto labour. Nam utique fratres, pro aeternâ requie labour aeternus subeundus erat. Aeternam felicitatem accepturus, aeternas passiones sustinere deberes. Sed si aeternum sustineres laborem; quando venires ad aeternam felicitatem? Ita fit, ut necessariò temporalis sit tribulatio tua, quâ sinitâ venias ad felicitatem infinitam. Sed plané, fratres, posset esse longa tribulatio pro aeternâ felicitate. Verbi gratiâ, ut quoniam felicitas nostra finem non habebit; miseria nostra, & labour noster, & tribulationes nostrae diuturnae essent. Nam etsi mille annorum essent, append mille annos contra aeternitatem. Quid appendis cum infinito quantumcunque finitum? decem millia annorum, decies centena millia, si dicendum est, & millia millium, quae finem habent, cum aeternitate comparari non possunt. Huc accedit, quia non solùm temporalem voluit laborem tuum Deus, sed etiam brevem. August. in Psal. 36. Conc. 2. When thou dost consider (saith he) what thou art to receive; all the things that thou sufferest will be vile unto thee, neither wilt thou esteem them worthy for which thou shouldst receive it. Thou wilt wonder, that so much is given, for so small a labour. For indeed, brethren, for everlasting rest everlasting labour should be undergone: being to receive everlasting felicity, thou oughtest to sustain everlasting sufferings. But if thou shouldst sustain everlasting labour; when shouldst thou come to everlasting felicity? So it cometh to pass, that thy tribulation must of necessity be temporal; that it being finished, thou mayst come to infinite felicity. But yet, brethren, there might have been long tribulation for eternal felicity. that, for example, because our felicity shall have no end; our misery, and our labour, and our tribulations should be of long continuance. For admit they should continue a thousand year: weigh a thousand years with eternity. Why dost thou weigh that which is finite, be it never so great, with that which is infinite? Ten thousand years, ten hundred thousand, if we should say, and a thousand thousand, which have an end, cannot be compared with eternity. This than thou hast, that God would have thy labour to be not only temporal, but short also. And therefore doth the same Father every where put us in mind, that God is become our debtor, not by our deservings, but by his own gracious promise. c Fidelis homo est credens promittenti Deo; fidelis Deus est exhibens quod promisit homini. Teneamus fidelissimum debitorem, quia tenemus misericordissimum promissorem. Neque enim aliquid ei commodavimus, ●ut mutuum commendavimus, ut teneamus eum debitorem: cum ab illo habeamus quicquid illi offerimus, & ex illo sit quicquid boni sumus. Id. in Psal. 32. Conc. 1. Man (saith he) is faithful, when he believeth God promising: God is faithful, when he performeth that which he hath promised unto man. Let us hold him a most faithful debtor, because we have him a most merciful promiser. For we have not done him any pleasure, or leaned any thing to him that we should hold him a debtor; seeing we have from himself whatsoever we do offer unto him, and it is from him whatsoever good we are. d Ergo non ei al quid dedimus: & tenemus debitorem. Unde debitorem? Quia promissor est Non dicimus Deo; Domine redde quod accepisti, sed redde quod promisisti. Id. ibid. & in Psal. 83. We have not given any thing therefore unto him; and yet we hold him a debtor. Whence a debtor? because he is a promiser. We say not unto God; Lord, pay that which thou hast received, but, pay that which thou hast promised. e Secu●us ergo esto. Tene debitorem, quia credidisti in promissorem. Id. in Psal. 83. circa finem. Be thou secure therefore. Hold him as a debtor, because thou hast believed in him as a promiser. f Fidelis Deus qui se nostrum debitorem fecit: non aliquid á nobis accipiendo, sed tanta nobis promittendo, etc. Promisit enim hominibus divinitatem, mortalibus immortalitatem, peccatoribus justificationem, abjectis glorificationem. Quicquid promisit, indignis promisit; ut non quasi operibus merces promitteretur, sed gratia á nomine suo gratis daretur: quia & hoc ipsum quòd justé vivit, inquantum homo potest justé vivere, non merit● h●mani, sed beneficij est divini. Id. in Psal. 109. circa init: God is faithful, who hath made himself our debtor; not by receiving any thing from us, but by promising so great things to us. For to men hath he promised divinity, to those that are mortal immortality, to sinner's justification, to abjects glorification. Whatsoever he promised, he promised to them that were unworthy; that it might not be promised as wa●es for works, but being grace, might according to the name be graciously and freely given: because that even this very thing, that one doth live justly (so far as a man can live justly) is not a matter of man's merit, but of the gift of God. Therefore, g In his quae jam habemus, laudemus Deum la●gitorem: in his quae nondum habemus, teneamus debitorem. Debtor enim factus est, non aliquid à nobis accipiendo, sed quod ei placuit promittendo. Aliter enim dicimus homini, Debes mihi quia dedi tibi: & aliter dicimus, Debes mihi quia promisisti mihi. Quando dicis, Debes mihi quia dedi tibi; á te processit beneficium, sed mutuatum non donatum. Quando autem dicis, Debes mihi quia promisisti mihi; tu nihil dedisti, & tamen exigis. Bonitas enim ejus qui promisit dabit, etc. Id. de Verbis Apostoli, Serm. 16. in those things which we have already, let us praise God as the giver: in those things which as yet we have not, let us hold him our debtor. For he is become our debtor, not by receiving any thing from us, but by promising what it pleased him. For it is one thing to say to a man, Thou art debtor to me, because I have given to thee: and another thing to say, Thou art debtor to me, because thou hast promised me. When thou sayest. Thou art debtor to me, because I have given to thee: a benefit hath proceeded from thee, though lent, not given. But when thou sayest, Thou art debtor to me, because thou hast promised me: thou gavest nothing to him, and yet requirest of him. For the goodness of him that hath promised, will give it, etc. h Hominum salus ex solâ Dei misericordiâ pendet. neque enim hanc adipiscimur praemium & mercedem justitiae: sed Dei bonitatis donum est. Theodoret. in Sophoni. cap. 3. The salvation of men depends upon the sole mercy of God: saith Theodoret. for we do not obtain it as the reward and wages of our righteousness: but it is the gift of God's goodness. i Superant certamina coronae, non comparantur cum laboribus remunerationes: labour enim parvus est, sed magnum lucrum speratur. Et p●opte●ea non mercedem sed gloriam vocavit ea quae expectantur. Id. in Roman. 8.18. The crowns do excel the fights, the rewards are not to be compared with the labours: for the labour is small, but great is the gain that is hoped for. And therefore the Apostle, Rom. 8.18. called those things that are looked for, not wages, but glory. and Rom. 6.23. k Hîc non dicit mercedeni, sed gratiam. Etsi quis enim summam & absolutam justitiam praestiterit: temporali●us laboribus aeterna in aequilibrio non respondent. Id. in Roman. 6. ult. not wages, but grace. For although a man should perform the greatest and most absolute righteousness: things eternal do not answer temporal labours in equal poise. The same for this point is taught by S. Cyrill of Alexandria: that l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cyril. Alexandrin. homil. Paschal. 4. the crown which we are to receive, doth much surpass the pains which we take for it. And the Author of the book of the calling of the Gentiles (attributed unto Prosper) observeth out of the Parable, Matth. 20.9. that God bestoweth eternal life on those that are called at the end of their days, as well as upon them that had laboured longer: m Non labori pretium solvens, sed divitias bonitatis suae in eos, quos sine operibus elegit, effundens: ut etiam hi● qui in multo labore sudârunt, nec amplius quam novissimi acceperunt; intelligant donum se gratiae, non operum accepisse mercedem. Prosp. de Vocat. Gent. lib. 1. cap. 17. not as paying a price to their labour, but pouring out the riches of his goodness upon them whom he had chosen without works; that even they also who have sweat with much labour, and have received no more than the last, might understand, that they did receive a gift of grace, and not a due wages for their works. This was the doctrine taught in the Church for the first five hundred years after Christ: which we find maintained also in the next five hundred. n Meritum meum regnator coelestis si attenderet, aut exigua bona adipisce●er, aut magna supplicia; & mei idoneus aestimator, quo meritis pervenire non poteram, voto non tenderen. Sed gratias illi, qui delicta nostra sic ne extollamur resecat, utspem ad laetiora (al. latiora) perducat. Enned. Ticinens. l. 2. ep. 10. ad Faust. If the King of heaven should regard my merit (saith Ennodius, Bishop of Pauîa) either I should get little good, or great punishments; and judging of myself rightly, whither I could not come by merits, I would not tend in desire. But thanks be to him, who, that we may not be extolled, doth so cut off our offences, that he bringeth our hope unto better things. Our glorification, saith Fulgentius, o Gratia autem etiam ipsa ideo non injustê dicitur, quia non solùm donis suis Deus dona sua reddit: sed quia tantum etiam ibi gratia divinae retributionis exuberat, ut incomparabiliter atque ineffabiliter omne meritum, quamvis bonae & ex Deo datae, humanae voluntatis atque operationis excedat. Fulg. ad Monimum, l. 1. c. 10. is not unjustly called Grace: not only because God doth bestow his own gifts upon his own gifts; but also because the grace of God's reward doth so much there abound, as that it exceedeth incomparably and unspeakably all the merit of the will and work of man, though good, and given from God. For p Totis licèt & animae & corporis laboribus desudemus, totis licèt obedientiae viribus exerceamur: nihil tamen condignum merito pro coelestibus bonis compensare & offer valebimus. Non valent vitae praesentis obsequia aeternae vitae gaudijs comparari. Lassescant licèt membra vigilijs; pallescant licèt ora jejunijs: non erunt tamen condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam, quae revelabitur in nobis. Pulsemus ergò, charissimi, in quantum possumus; quia non possumus quantum debemus: futura beatitudo acquiri potest, aestimari non potest. Euseb. Emiss. vel. Gallican. ad Monachos, ser. 3 although we did sweat (saith he who beareth the name of Eusebius Emissenus, or Gallicanus) with all the labours of our soul and body, although we were exercised with all the strength of obedience: yet shall not we be able to recompense and offer any thing worthy in merit for the heavenly good things. The offices of this present life cannot be compared with the joys of the life eternal. Although our members be wearied with watchings; although our faces wax pale with fastings: yet the sufferings of this time will not be worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall be revealed in us. Let us knock therefore, dear beloved, as much as we can, because we cannot as much as we ought: the future bliss may be acquired, but estimated it cannot be. q 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Agap●t. Diacon. Paraenes. ad justinian. sect. 43. Albeit thou hadst good deeds equal in number to the stars, (saith Agapetus the Deacon, to the Emperor justinian) yet shalt thou never go beyond the goodness of God. For whatsoever any man shall bring unto God, he doth but offer unto him his own things, out of his own store. and as one cannot outstrip his own shadow in the Sun, (which preventeth him always, although he make never so much speed:) so neither can men by their good doings, outstrip the unmatchable bounty of God. r Ut enim saepe diximus: Omnis humana justitia, injustitia esse convincitur, si districté judicetur. Prece ergo post justitiam indiget; ut quae succumbere discussa poterat, ex solâ judicis pietate convalescat. etc. Dicat ergo: Qui etiamsi habuero quippiam justum, non respondebo, sed meum judicem deprecabor. Velut, si apertiùs fateatur, dicens: Etsi ad opus virtutis excrevero, ad vitam non ex meritis, sed ex veniâ convalesco. Gregor. Moral. in job. lib. 9 cap. 14. All the righteousness of man, saith Gregory, is convicted to be unrighteousness, if it be strictly judged. It needeth therefore prayer after righteousness; that that which being sifted might fail, by the mere pity of the judge might stand for good. Let him therefore say: Although I had any righteous thing, I would not answer, but I would make supplication to my judge. (job 9.15) as if he should more plainly confess, and say: Albeit I did grow up unto the work of virtue, I should be enabled unto life, not by merits, but by pardon. But you will say, s Quòd s●illa sanctorum felicitas misericordia est, & non meritis acquiritur: ubi erit quod scriptum est; Et tu reddes unicuique secundùm opera sua? Si secundùm opera redditur; quomodo misericordia a●stimabitur? Sed aliud est secundùm opera reddere, & aliud propter ipsa opera reddere. In eo enim quòd secundùm opera dicitur, ipsa operum qualitas intelligitur; ut cujus appa●uerint bona opera, ejus sit & retributio glo●iosa. Illi namque beatae vitae in quâ cum Deo, & de Deo vivitur, nullus potest aequari labour, nulla opera comparati: praesertim cum. Apostolus dicat; Non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam quae revelabitur in nobis. Id. in Psal. Penitent 7. vers. 9 If this bliss of the Saints be mercy, and is not obtained by merits; how shall that stand which is written: And thou shalt render unto every one according to his works? If it be rendered according to works; how shall it be accounted mercy? But it is one thing to render according to works; and another thing to render for the works themselves. For when it is said, According to works; the quality itself of the work is understood: that whose works appear good, his reward way be glorious. For unto that blessed life, wherein we are to live with God, and by God, no labour can be equalled, no works compared: seeing the Apostle saith, The sufferings of this present time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us. t Per justitiam factorum nullus salvabitur, sed per solam justitiam fidei. Bed. in Psalm. 77. By the righteousness of works no man shall be saved, but only by the righteousness of faith: saith Bede. and therefore u Instruit videlicèt, ut nemo vel libertatem arbitrij, vel merita sua sufficere sibi ad beatitudinem credat; sed solâ gratiâ Dei se salvari posse intelligat. Id. in Psalm. 31. no man should believe, that either his freedom of will, or his merits, are sufficient to bring him unto bliss; but understand, that he can be saved by the grace of God only. The same Author, writing upon those words of David, Psalm. 24.5 He shall receive a blessing from the Lord, and righteousness from the God of his salvation: expoundeth the blessing to be this; x Accipiet benedictionem, id est, multiplicationem á Domino; hanc scilicèt; ut in praesenti bene promereatur, & in futuro bene remuneretur. Et hoc non ex meritis, sed ex solâ gratiâ. Id. in Psalm. 23. that for the present time he shall merit (or work) well, and for the future shall be rewarded well. and that, not by merits, but by grace only. To the same purpose Elias Cretensis, the interpreter of Gregory Nazianzen, writeth thus. * Debemus per misericordiam intelligere mercedem illam, quam nobis Deus rependit. Nos enim tanquam servi, virtutèm debemus, ut optima quaeque Deo & grata tanquam debitum quoddam exsolvamus ac offeramus: quip quum nihil habeamus, quod non ab ipso acceperimu●. Deus autem velut Dominus & herus noster miseretur, nobisque potius dona●, quam rependit. Elias in Nazianzeni Orat. habit. in elect. Eulalij. By mercy we ought to understand that reward, which God doth repay unto us. For we as servants do owe virtue, that the best things, and such as are grateful, we should pay and offer unto God as a certain debt: considering that we have nothing, which we have not received from him: and God on the other side, as our Lord and Master, hath pity on us, and doth bestow rather, than repay unto us. y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anastas quaest. 135. This therefore is true humility, (saith Anastasius Sinaita or Nicaenus) to do good works, but to account one's self unclean and unworthy of God's favour, thinking to be saved by his goodness alone. For whatsoever good things we do; we answer not God for the very air alone which we do breathe. And when we have offered unto him all the things that we have, he doth not owe us any reward for all things are his: and none receiving the things that are his own, is bound to give a reward unto them that bring the same unto him. In the book set out by the authority of Charles the Great against Images; z Arca foederis secundùm quosdam Dominum & Salvatorem nostrum, in quo solo foedus pacis apud Patrem habemus, designat, etc. Cui propitiatorium superponitur, quia scilicèt legalibus sive evangelicis praeceptis, quae in eo fundata sunt, supereminet misericordia ejusdem mediatoris; per quam non ex operibus legis quae fe●imus nos, neque volentes, neque currentes, sed ejus miseratione salvamur. Opus Carolin. de Imaginib. lib. 1. cap. 15. ● the Ark of the Covenant is said to signify our Lord and Saviour, in whom alone we have the Covenant of peace with the Father. Over which the Propitiatory is said to be placed: because above the Commandments either of the Law, or of the Gospel, which are founded in him, the mercy of the said Mediator taketh place; by which, not by the works of the Law which we have done, neither willing, nor running, but by his having mercy upon us, we are saved. So Ambrose Ansbertus, expounding that place, Rev. 19.7. Let us be glad and rejoice, and give glory to him; for the marriage of the Lamb is come, and his wife hath made herself ready. a In eo autem damus illi gloriam, quo nullis praecedentibus bonorum actuum meritis, sed solâ nos ejus misericordiâ, ad tantam dignitatem pervenisse fateamur. A●bros. Ansbert. lib. 8. in Apocalypses. c. 19 In this, saith he, do we give glory to him; when we do confess, that by no precedent merits of our good deeds, but by his mercy only, we have attained unto so great a dignity. And Rabanus in his Commentaries upon the Lament. of jeremy: b Ne dicerent, Patres nostri suo merito placuerunt, ideò tanta sunt à Domino consecuti: intulit non meritis d●tum, sed quia ita sit Deo pl●citum; cujus est gratuitum omne quod praesta●. R●b●n. in jerem. lib. 18. cap. 2. Lest they should say, Our Fathers were accepted for their merit, and therefore they obtained such great things at the hand of the Lord; he adjoineth, that this was not given to their merits, but because it so pleased God, whose free gift is whatsoever he bestoweth. Haymo writing upon those words, Psalm. 132.10. For thy servant David's sake refuse not the face of thine Anointed, saith that, c Propter David servum tuum, id est, propter meritum ipsius Christi. & his datur planè intelligi, nullum de meritis suis debere praesumere; sed omnem salvationem ex Christi meritis expectare. Haymo in Psal. 131. For thy servant David's sake, is as much to say as, For the merit of Christ himself: and fro● thence collecteth this doctrine; that none ought to presume of his own merits, but expect all his salvation from the merits of Christ. So in another place: d Sed & nos agentes poenitentiam, sciamus nihil nos dignum dare posse ad placandum Deum; sed solummodo in sanguine imm●culati & singularis Ag●i nos posse salvari. Id. in Micheae cap. 6. When we perform our repentance, (saith he) let us know that we can give nothing that is worthy for the appeasing of God; but that only in the blood of that immaculate and singular Lamb we can be saved. And again, e Vita aeterna nulli per debitum redditur; sed per gratuitam misericordiam datur. Id. Homil. in Dominic. Septuagesimae. Eternal life is rendered to none by debt; but given by free mercy. f Necesse est solâ fide Christi salvari credentes. Smaragd. in Galat. cap. 3. It is of necessity that believers should be saved only by the faith of Christ: saith Smaragdus the Abbot. g Gratiâ, non meritis, salvati sumus à Deo. Comment●r. in Marc. cap. 14. inter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hieronym. By grace, not by merits, are we saved of God: saith the Author of the Commentaries upon S. Mark, falsely attributed to S. Hierome. That this doctrine was by God's great mercy preserved in the Church the next 500 years also, as well as in those middle times: appeareth most evidently by those Instructions and Consolations, which were prescribed to be used unto such as were ready to depart out of this life. h Formula illa infirmos jam animam agentes interrogandi, in Bibliothecis passim obvia; qu●e & separatim Anselmo Cantuariensi inscribitur, & operi Epistolarum inserta reperitur. Georg. Cassand. in Appendic. ad Opusc. Io. Roffens. de fiduciâ & misericord. â Dei. This form of preparing men for their death, was commonly to be had in all Libraries, and particularly was found inserted among the Epistles of Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury; who was commonly accounted to be the Author of it. The substance thereof may be seen (for the copies vary, some being shorter, and some larger than others) in a Tractate written by a Cistercian Monk, of the Art of dying well (which I have in written hand, and have seen also printed in the year 1483. and 1504) in the book called, Hortulus animae; in Cassander's Appendix to the book of john Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, de fiduciâ & misericordiâ Dei; (edit. Colon. An. 1556.) Caspar Vlenbergius his Motives; (caus. 14. pag. 462.463. edit. Colon. An. 1589.) in the Roman Sacerdotal (part. 1. tract. 5. cap. 13. fol. 116. edit. Venet. An. 1585.) in the book entitled, Sacra institutio Baptizandi juxta ritum Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae, ex decreto Concilij Tridentini restituta, etc. printed at Paris, in the year 1575. and in a like book entitled Ordo Baptizandi, cum Modo visitandi, printed at Venice the same year. out of which the Spanish Inquisitors, as well in their New, as in their Old Expurgatory Index (the one set out by Cardinal Quiroga in the year 1584. the other by the Cardinal of Sandoval and Roxas, in the year 1612.) command these interrogatories to be blotted out. i SACERDOS. Credis non proprijs meritis, sed passionis Domini nostri jesu Christi virtute & me●ito, ad gloriam pervenire? R●spond●at infirmus: Credo. SACERDOS. Credis, quòd Dominus noster Iesus Christus pro nostrâ Salute mortuus sit: & quòd ex proprijs meritis, vel alio modo nullus possit salvari, nisi in merito passionis ejus? Respondeat infirmus: Credo. Ordo baptizandi, & visitandi, edit. Venet. an. 1575. fol. 34. & Institut. Baptiz●ndi, edit. Paris. an. 1575. fol. 35. a. & Sacerdotal. Rom. edit. Venet. an. 1585. fol. 116. b. Dost thou believe to come to glory, not by thine own merits, but by the virtue and merit of the passion of our Lord jesus Christ? and, Dost thou believe, that our Lord jesus Christ did die for our salvation: and that none can be saved by his own merits, or by any other means, but by the merit of his passion? Whereby we may observe how late it is, since our Romanists in this main and most substantial point (which is the very foundation of all our comfort) have most shamefully departed from the faith of their forefathers. In other copies of this same Instruction (which are followed by Cassander, Vlenbergius, and Cardinal Hosius himself) k Sed & Anselmus Archiepiscopus Cantuari●nsis inte●rogationes quasdam praescripsisse d●citur infi●mis in extremis constitutis: inter quas extrema est. Credis te non posse nisi per mortem Christi salvari? Respondet infirmus: Etiam. Tum illi dicitur. Age ergò, dum superest in ●e anima, in hâc solâ morte fiduciam tuam constitue; in nullâ aliâ re fiduciam h●be: huic morti te totum commit, hâc solâ te totum contege, totum immisce te in hâc morte, totum confige; in hâc morte te totum involve. Et si Dominus Deus voluerit te judicare, dic: Domine, mortem Domini nostri jesu Christi objicio inter me & tuum judicium: aliter tecum non contendo. Et si tibi dixerit, quia peccator es, dic: Domine, mortem Domini jesu Christi pono inter te & peccata mea. Si dixe●it tibi, quòd meruisti damnationem, dic: Domine, mo●tem Domini nostri jesu Christi obtendo inter me, & mala merita mea; ipsiusque meritum offero pro me●ito, quod ego debuissem habere nec habeo. Si dixerit, quòd tibi ●st iratus, dic: Domine, mortem Domini nostri jesu Christi oppono inter me & iram tuam. Hosius in Confession P●tricoviens. cap. 73. the last question propounded to the sick man is this. Dost thou believe that thou canst not be saved, but by the death of Christ? Whereunto when he hath made answer affirmatively: he is presently directed to make use thereof, in this manner. Go too therefore, as long as thy soul remaineth in thee, place thy whole confidence in this death only; have confidence in no other thing: commit thyself wholly to this death, with this alone cover thyself wholly, intermingle thyself wholly in this death, fasten thyself wholly; wrap thy whole self in this death. And if the Lord God will judge thee, say: Lord, I oppose the death of our Lord jesus Christ betwixt me and thy judgement: no otherwise do I contend with thee. And if he say unto thee, that thou art a sinner, say: Lord, I put the death of the Lord jesus Christ betwixt thee and my sins. If he say unto thee, that thou hast deserved damnation, say: Lord, I set the death of our Lord jesus Christ betwixt me and my bad merits; and I offer his merit in stead of the merit which I ought to have, but yet have not. If he say, that he is angry with thee, say: Lord, I interpose the death of our Lord jesus Christ betwixt me and thine anger. Add hereunto the following sentences of the Doctors of these latter ages. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. O●cum●n in Roman. 8. pag. 312. We cannot suffer or bring in any thing worthy of the reward that shall be: saith Oecumenius. So Petrus Blesensis Archdeacon of bath. m Nihil molesté potest sustineri in hâc morte vitali, quod coelestibus gaud●js ex aequo respondere sufficiat. Petr. Blesens. in job, cap. ult. No trouble can be endured in this vital death, which is able equally to answer the joys of heaven. and Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury more fully, before him. n Si homo mille annis serviret Deo, etiam ferventissimé; non mereretur ex condigno, dimidiam diem esse in regno coelorum. Ans●lm. in lib. de Mensuratione Crucis. If a man should serve God a thousand years, and that most fervently; he should not deserve of condignity to be half a day in the Kingdom of heaven. Radulphus Arden's, expounding those words of the Parable, Matth. 20.13. Didst not thou agree with me for a penny? o Nemo, fratres, ex his verbis putet Deum quasi ex conventione astrictum esse ad reddendum promissum. Sicut enim Deus est liber ad promittendum, ita est liber ad reddendum: praesertim cum tam merita quam praemia sint gratia sua. Nihil enim aliud quam gratiam suam coronat in nobis Deus: qui si vellet in nobis agere districté, non justificaretur in conspectu ejus omnis vivens. Unde Apostolus qui plus omnibus laboravit, dicit: Existimo quòd non sunt condignae passiones hujus temporis ad futuram gloriam quae revelabitur in nobis. Ergo haec conventio nihil aliud est, quam voluntaria Dei promissio. Rad. Arden's. Dominic. in Septuagesima, Homil. 2. Let no man out of these words, saith he, think that God is, as it were, tied by agreement to pay that which he hath promised. For as God is free to promise, so is he free to pay: especially seeing as well merits as rewards are his grace. For God doth crown nothing else in us but his own grace: who if he would deal strictly with us, no man living should be justified in his sight. Whereupon the Apostle, who laboured more than all, saith: I reckon that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the glory which shall be revealed in us. Therefore this agreement is nothing else, but God's voluntary promise. And p Ne miremini, flatters, si merita justorum gratias voco: teste enim Apostolo, nihil habemus quod non à Deo & gratis accepimus. Sed quoniam per unam gratiam pervenimus ad aliam, merita dicuntur & improprié. Teste enim Augustino, solam gratiam suam coronat in nobis Deus. Id. Dominic. 18 post Trinitat. Homil. 1. do not wonder (saith he, in another Sermon) if I call the merits of the just graces. for as the Apostle witnesseth, we have nothing which we have not received from God, and that freely. But because by one grace we come unto another; they are called merits, but improperly. For as Augustine witnesseth: God crowneth only his own grace in us. So Rupertus Tuitiensis: q Res est non meriti, sed gratiae, magnitudo vel aetern●tas coelestis glo●iae R●pert Tuit. in johan. lib. 1. cap. 1. The greatness or the eternity of the heavenly glory, is not a matter of merit, but of grace. The same doth r Bernard. Cl●niacens. de Contemptu mundi, lib. 1. Bernardus Morlanensis express in these rhythmicall verses of his: Vrbs Sion inclyta, * al. turris & edita. patria condita littore tuto; Te peto, te colo, te flagro, te volo, canto, saluto. Nec meritis peto, nam meritis meto morte perire: Nec reticens tego, quòd meritis ego filius irae. Vita quidem mea, vita nimis rea, mortua vita: Quip reatibus exitialibus obruta, trita. Spe tamen ambulo, praemia postulo speque fideque: Illa perennia postulo praemia nocte dieque. But Bernard of Claraevalle above others delivereth this doctrine most sweetly. s Necesse est primò omnium credere, quòd remissionem peccatorum habere non possis, nisi per indulgentiam Dei: deinde quòd nihil p●orsus habere queas operis boni, nisi & hoc dederit ipse: postremò quòd aeternam vitam nullis potes operibus promereri, nisi gratis detur & illa. Bernard. S●rm. 1. in Annuntiat. B. Mariae. It is necessary (saith he) that first of all thou shouldest believe, that thou canst not have remission of sins, but by the mercy of God: then, that thou canst not at all have any whit of a good work, unless he likewise give it thee: lastly, that by no works thou canst merit eternal life, unless that also be freely given unto thee. t Alioquin si proprié appellentur ea quae dicimus nostra merita: spei quaedam sunt seminaria, charitatis incentiva, occultae praedestinationis indicia, futurae felicitaris praesagia, via regni, non caussa regnandi. Id. in fine libri de Gra●. & lib. Arb. Otherwise, if we will properly name those which we call our merits: they be certain seminaries of hope, incitements of love, signs of secret predestination, foretokens of future happiness, the way to the kingdom, not the cause of reigning. u Periculosa habitatio eorum qui in meritis suis sperant: periculosa, quia ruinosa. Id. in Psal. Qui habitat. Serm. 1. Dangerous is the dwelling of them that trust in their merits: dangerous, because ruinous. x Hoc enim totum hominis meritum, si totam spem suam ponat in eo qui totum hominem salvum facit. Ibid. Serm. 15. For this is the whole merit of man, if he put all his trust in him who saveth the whole man. y Meum proinde meritum, miseratio Domini. Non planê sum meriti inops, quandiu ille miserationum non fuerit. Quòd si misericordiae Domini multae, multis nihilo minus ego in meritis sum. Id. in Cant. serm. 61. Therefore my merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poor in merit, so long as he is not poor in mercy: and if the mercies of the Lord be many, my merits also are many. With which that passage of the Manual, falsely fathered upon S. Augustine, doth accord so justly; that the one appeareth to be plainly borrowed from the other. z Tota spes mea est in morte Domini mei. Mors ejus meritum meum, refugium meum, salus, vita & resurrectio mea. Meritum meum miseratio Domini. Non sum meriti inops, quamdiu ille miserationum Dominus non defuerit: & misericordiae Domini multae, multus ego sum in meritis. Manual. cap. 22. tom. 9 Operum Augustini. All my hope is in the death of my Lord. His death is my merit, my refuge, my salvation, life and resurrection. My merit is the mercy of the Lord. I am not poor in merit, so long as that Lord of mercies shall not fail: and as long as his mercies are much, much am I in merits. Neither are the testimonies of the Schoolmen wanting in this cause. For where a Nota quòd cum dicitur, Deus pro bonis meritis dabit vitam aeternam; Pro, primo notat signum, vel viam; vel occasionem aliquam: sed si dicatur, Propter bona merita dabit vitam aeternam; Propter, notat caussam efficientem. Ideò non recipitur á quibusdam: sed hanc recipiunt, Pro bonis meritis, & consimiles earum; assignantes differentiam inter Pro, & Propter. Georg. Cassander, epist. 19 ad Io. Molinaeum (Oper. pag. 1109.) ex libro MS. vetusti cujusdam Scholastici. God is affirmed to give the kingdom of heaven for good merits or good works: some made here a difference betwixt pro bonis meritis and propter bona merita. The former, they said, did note, a sign, or a way, or some occasion: and in that sense they admitted the proposition. But according to the latter expression, they would not receive it; because propter did note an efficient cause. And yet for the salving of that also, the Cardinal of cambray, Petrus de Alliaco delivereth us this distinction: b Haec dictio Prop●er quandoque capitur consecutiué; & tunc denotat ordinem consecutionis unius ●ei ad alia●: ut cúm dicitur, Praemium datur propter meritum. Nihil enim aliud signifa●atur, nisi quòd post meritum datur praemium, & non nisi post meritum: sicut aliâ, patebit in materiâ de merito. Quandoque verá capitur caussaliter. Pet. Cameracens. in 1. Sentent. dist. 1. quaest. 2. DD. This word Propter is sometimes taken by way of consequence; and than it noteth the order of the following of one thing upon another: as when it is said, The reward is given for the merit. For nothing else is signified thereby, but that the reward is given after the merit, and not but after the merit. Sometimes again it is taken causally. And c Qu●a enim caussa est illud ad cujus esse sequitur aliud; dupliciter potest al●quid dici Caussa. Uno modo proprié; quando ad praesentiam esse unius, virtute ejus & ex naturâ rei sequitur esse alterius: & sic ignis est caussa caloris. Alio modo improprié; quando ad praesentiam esse unius sequitur esse alterius, non tamen virtute ejus nec ex naturâ rei, sed ex solâ voluntate alterius: & sic actus meritorius dicitur caussa respectu praemij. Sic etiam caussa sine quâ non dicitur caussa. Ex quo sequitur, quód caussa sine quâ non, non debet absoluté & simpli●iter dici caussa: quia proprié non est caussa. Id. in 4 Sent●quaest. 1. ●ctic. 1. D. forasmuch as a cause also is accounted that, upon the being whereof another thing doth follow: a thing may be said to be a cause two manner of ways. One way properly; when upon the presence of the being of the one, by the virtue thereof and out of the nature of the thing there followeth the being of the other: and thus is fire the cause of heat. Another way improperly; when upon the presence of the being of the one there followeth the being of the other, yet not by the virtue thereof nor out of the nature of the thing, but only out of the will of another: and so a meritorious ●ot is said to be a cause in respect of the reward; as caussa sine quâ non also is said to be a cause, though it be none properly. Among those famous Clerks that lived in the family of Richard Angervill Bishop of Durham in the days of Edward the third; Thomas Bradwardin who was afterward Archbishop of Canterbury, Richard Fitzraufe afterward Archbishop of Armagh, and Robert Holeot the Dominican, were of special note. The first of these, in his Defense of the cause of God against the Pelagians of his time, disputeth this point at large: showing, d Is in laudatissimâ illâ Summâ contra Pelagianos copiosé & erudité disputat, Meritum non esse caussam aeterni praemij: cumque Scriptura & Doctores confirment, Deum praemiaturum bonos propter merita sua bona; propter, non significare caussam proprié, sed improprié, vel caussam congnoscendi, vel ordinem, vel denique dispositionem subjecti. Georg. Cassand. epist. 19 ut suprá. Vid. ipsum Bradwardini opus, edit. Lond. an. 1618. á pag. 350. ad 353. that Merit is not the cause of everlasting reward; and that when the Scriptures and Doctors do affirm, that God will reward the good for their good merits (or works,) Propter did not signify the cause properly; but improperly, either the cause of knowing it, or the order, or the disposition of the subject thereunto. Richard of Armagh (whom my countrymen commonly do call S. Richard of Dundalke, because he was there borne and buried) intimateth this to be his mind; that the reward is here rendered, e Non propter condignitatem operis, sed propter promissionem & sic propter justitiam praemiantis. Armachan. in Quaest Armenorum, lib. 12. cap. 21. not for the condignity of the work, but for the promise and so for the justice of the rewarder: as heretofore we have heard out of Bernard. Holcot, though in words he maintain the merit of condignity; yet he confesseth with the Master of the Sentences, that God is hereby made our debtor, ex. naturâ sui promissi, non ex naturâ nostri commissi, out of the nature of his own promise, not out of the nature of our doing: and that our works have this value in them, not naturally, as if there were so great goodness in the nature or substance of the merit that everlasting life should be due unto it, but legally, in regard of God's ordinance and appointment. even f Sicut parva pecunia cupri, ex naturâ suâ sive naturali vigore; non valet tantum, sicut unus panis; sed ex institutione principis tantum valet. Rob. Holcot. in lib. Sapient. cap. 3. lect. 36. as a little piece of copper, of it own nature or natural value, is not worth so much as a loaf of bread; but by the institution of the Prince is worth so much. And in this manner g Possumus dicere, quòd opera nostra sunt condigna vitae aete●nae ex gratiâ, non ex substantiâ actus. Statuit enim Deus quòd bene operans in gratiâ habebit vitam aeternam. Et ergo per legem & gratiam principis nostri Christi meremur de condigno vitam aeternam. Ibid. we may say (saith he) that our works are worthy of life everlasting by grace, and not by the substance of the act. For God hath ordained, that he that worketh well in grace should have life everlasting: and therefore by the law and grace of Christ our Prince we merit condignly everlasting life. Whereby we may see, how rightly it hath been observed by Vasquez; h Contingere enim potest, ut si veram caussam & rationem meriti non assignemus; verbis solùm ab haereticis dissidentes reipsâ cum eis conveniamus, atque in eorum sententiam velimus nolimus, consentire cogamur: quod sané aliquibus Catholicis in hâc controversiâ accidisse, non obscuré inferiùs patebit. Gabr. Vasquez, in 1 am. 2. ae. quaest. 114 disput. 214. cap. 1. that diverse of those whom he accounteth Catholics, do differ from us only in words, but agree in deed. Of which number he nameth i Guilielm. Parisiens'. tract. de Meritis. Willielmus Parisiensis, k Scotus in 1. Sont. dist. 17. quaest. 3. sect. Hîc potest dici. Id. in 4. distinct. 49. quaest. 6. Loquendo de strictâ justitiâ, Deus nulli nostrum propter quaecunque merita est debitor perfectionis reddendae, tam intensê; propter immoderatum excessum illius perfectionis ultra illa merita. Scotus, l Guilielm. Ockam, in 1. Sent. distinct. 17. quaest. 2. sect. Ideò dico aliter. Ockam, m Gregor, in 1. Sent. distinct. 17. quaest. 1. artic. 2. in confirmationibus secundae conclusion●s & solutione quarto argumenti contra eand. Gregorius Ariminensis, n Gabriel. in 1. Sent. dist. 17. quaest. 3. artic. 3. dub. 2. & in 2. dist. 27. quaest. 3. arti. 3. dub. 2. Gabriel Biel with his o Supplement. Gabriel. in 4. distinct. 49. quaest. 4. artic. 2. conclus. 3. Supplement, the Canons of Culleyn in their p Antididagm. colonians. cap. 12. de praemio & retribut. bonorum operum. Antididagma and q Enchirid. addit. Concilio Coloniensi, tit. de justific. sect. Et ut semel hunc articulum. Enchiridion, r Io. Bunder. Compend. Concertationis, tit. 6. artic. 5. joh. Bunderius, s Alphons. contr. haeres. lib. 10. tit. Meritum, & lib. 7. tit. Gratia. Alphonsus de Castro, and t Vega in Opusc. de justif. quaest. 5. ad. 1. & 3. Andreas Vega who was present at the handling of these matters in the last Tridentine Council. All these, and sundry others beside them, hold that the dignity of the good works done by God's children doth not proceed from the value of the works themselves, but only from the gracious promise and acceptation of God. Yea Gregorius Ariminensis, u Valens ille Gregorius Ariminensis, maximus & studiosissimus Divi Augustini propugnator. Id. ibid. quaest. 6. that most able and careful defender of S. Augustine (as Vega styleth him) concludeth peremptorily, x Ex hoc ulteriùs infero; quòd nedum vitae aeternae, sed nec alicujus alterius praemij aeterni vel temporalis, aliquis actus hominis ex quacunque charitate elicitus, est de condigno meritorius apud Deum. Gregor. in 1. dist. 17. quaest. 1. art. 2. that no act of man, though issuing from never so great charity, meriteth of condignity from God, either eternal life, or yet any other reward whether eternal or temporal. The same conclusion is by Durand the most resolate Doctor (as y Durandus utique resolutissimus. Jo. Gerson. epist. add students Collegij Navarrae. Gerson termeth him) thus confirmed: z Quod redditur potius ex liberalitate dantis quam ex debito operis; non cadit sub merito de condigno stricté & proprie accepto, ut expositum est. Sed quicquid á Deo accipimus, sive sit gratia, sive sit gloria, sive bonum temporale vel spirituale, praecedente in nobis propter hoc quocunque bono opere; potius & principaliùs accipimus ex liberalitate Dei, quam reddatur ex debito operis. Ergo nihil penitùs cadit sub merito de condigno sic accepto. Durand. in 2. distinct. 27. quaest. 2. sect. 12. That which is conferred rather out of the liberality of the giver than out of the due of the work, doth not fall within the compass of the merit of condignity, strictly and properly taken. But whatsoever we receive of God, whether it be grace or whether it be glory, whether temporal or spiritual good, whatsoever good work we have before done for it, yet we receive the same rather and more principally out of God's liberality, than out of the due of the work. Therefore nothing at all falleth within the compass of the merit of condignity, so taken. And a Caussa autem hujus est, quia & illud quod sumus, & quod habemus, sive sunt boni actus, sive boni habitus seu usus; totum est in nobis ex liberalitate divinâ gratis dante & conservante. Et quia ex dono gratuito nullus obligatur ad dandum amplius, sed potius recipiens magis obligatur danti: ideò ex bonis habitibus, & ex bonis actibus sive usibus nobis á Deo datis, Deus non obligatur nobis ex aliquo debito justitiae ad aliquid amplius dandum, ita quòd si non dederit sit injustus; sed potius nos sumus Deo obligati. Et sentire, seu dicere oppositum, est temerarium seu blasphemum. Ibid. sect. 13.14. the cause hereof is, (saith he) because both that which we are and that which we have, whether they be good acts or good habits, or the use of them, is wholly in us by God's liberality freely giving and preserving the same. Now because none is bound by his own free gift to give more, but the receiver rather is more bound to him that giveth: therefore by the good habits, and by the good acts or uses which God hath given us, God is not bound to us by any debt of justice to give any thing more, so as if he did not give it he should be unjust; but we are rather bound to God. And to think or say the contrary, is rashness or blasphemy. Of the same judgement with Durand, was jacobus de Everbaco, as Marsilius witnesseth, who delivereth his own opinion touching this matter in these three conclusions. I. b Considerando opera nostra secundùm se, vel etiam prout sunt ex gratiâ cooperante; non sunt opera meritoria vitae aeternae de condigno. Ma●sil. de I●ghen, in 2. Sent. quaest. 18. art. 4. If we consider our works in themselves, or as they proceed also from cooperating grace, they are not such works as deserve eternal life of condignity. for proof whereof he bringeth in many reasons; and that of Durands for one. c Si de condigno ex operibus gratiâ & libero arbitrio e●iam quantumlibet magnis operatis deberetur vita aeterna: tunc Deus illi injuriam faceret, si sibi vitam aeternam non tribueret. & sic Deus ex magnis datis bonis cogeretur sub justit●â addere ampliora: quod ratio non capit. Ibid. If for the works wrought by grace and freewill although never so great, eternal life should be due unto any by condignity: then God should do him injury, if he did not give eternal life unto him. and so God by those great good things which he had given, should be constrained in way of justice to add more great thereunto; which reason doth not comprehend. II. d Hujusmodi opera poss●nt dici vitae aeternae meritoria de condigno; ●x acceptatione divinâ originaliter procedente ex merito passionis Christi. Ibid. Such works as these may be said to merit eternal life of condignity, by divine acceptation, originally proceeding from the merit of the passion of Christ. III. e Opera facta ex gratiâ merentur vitam a●ternam de congruo ex liberali Dei dispositione, quâ disposuit ea sic praemiare. Ibid. Works done by grace do merit eternal life by way of congruity; in respect of Gods liberal disposition, who hath so purposed to reward them. Afterwards he proveth out of the Apostle, Rom. 6.23. that f Non ex nostrâ justitiâ sed ex Dei gratiâ datur vita aeterna: juxta illud ad Rom. 6. Gratia Dei vita aeterna. Ibid. eternal life is given out of God's grace, not out of our righteousness, and that God in thus rewarding us, doth neither exercise commutative justice, g cum in operibus nostris bonis nihil Deo demus, pro quo per commutationem debeatur nobis praemium. Ibid. because in our good works we give nothing unto God, for which by way of commutation the reward should be due unto us; nor yet distributive, h cum nullus bene operando se●undùm se & secundùm statum aliquid de condigno me●eatu●, s●d pot●ùs Deo majori obligatione astringitu●, q●ia majora bona recepte Ibid. because no man by working well, in regard of himself and in regard of the state wherein he is, doth merit any thing of condignity, but is bound to God rather by a greater obligation, because he hath received greater good things from him. And i Ex quibus concluditur, quòd justus sic in remunerando: quia justâ dispositione suâ disposuit ex gratiâ a●ceptationis minus meritum majori praemio coronare; non justitiâ debiti, sed g●atiâ & dispositione beneplaciti d●vini. Ibid. thereupon at last concludeth, that God is just in rewarding, because by his just disposition he hath ordained by the grace of acceptation to crown the lesser merit with the greater reward; not by the justice of debt, but by the grace and disposition of the divine good pleasure. But the sentence of the Chancellor and the Theological faculty of Paris in the year 1354. against one Guido an Austin Friar, that then defended the merit of condignity, is not to be overpassed. For by their order, this form of recantation was prescribed unto him. k Dixi contra Bacchalarium Praedicatorum conferendo cum ipso; quòd homo meretur vitam aeternam de condigno; id est, quòd, si non daretur, o● si●ret injuria. Et scripsr quòd Deus faceret sibi injuriam: & hanc probavi. Istam revoco tanquam falsam, haereticam & blasphemam. Guid. Revocat. errorum fact. Paris. an. 1354. tom. 14. Bibliothec. Pa●●. edit. Colon. pag. 347. I said against a Bachelor of the order of the Friar's Preachers in conference with him, that a man doth merit everlasting life of condignity, that is to say, that in case it were not given, there should injury be done unto him. I wrote likewise, that God should do him injury: and approved it. This I revoke as FALSE, HERETICAL, and BLASPHEMOUS. Yet now the times are so changed, and men in them that our new Divines of Rheims stick not to tell us, that it l Rhem. annotat. in Hebr. 6.10. is most clear to all not blinded in pride and contention, that good works be meritorious, and the very cause of salvation, so far that God should be unjust, if he rendered not heaven for the same. where to the judgement of the indifferent Reader I refer it, whether side in this case is more likely to have been blinded in pride: (we who abase ourselves before God's footstool, and utterly disclaim all our own merits; or they who have so high a conceit of them, that they dare in this presumptuous manner to challenge God of injustice, if he should judge them to deserve a less reward than Heaven itself:) and whether that sentence of our Saviour Christ be not fulfilled in them, as well as in the proud and blind Pharisees their predecessors. m joh. 9.39. For judgement I am come into this world, that they which see not might see, and that they which see might be made blind. And so leaving these blind leaders of the blind, who say they n joh. 9.41. see (by that means making their sin to remain) and say they o Revel. 3.17. are rich and increased with goods (not knowing that they are wretched, and miserable, and poor, and blind, and naked:) I proceed, and out of the fifteenth Century or Hundred of years after Christ produce other two witnesses of this truth. The one is Paulus Burgensis; who expounding those words of David, Psalm. 36.5. Thy mercy, O Lord, is in heaven, (or, reacheth unto the heavens) writeth thus: p Gloriam coelestem nullus de condigno secundùm legem communem meretur. unde Apostolus ad Rom. 8. Non sunt condignae passiones hujus seculi ad futuram gloriam, quae revelabitur in nobis. & sic manifestum est, quòd in coelo maximé relucet misericordia Dei in beatis. Paul. Burg●ns. addit. ad Lyran. in Psa. 35. No man according to the common law can merit by condignity the glory of heaven. whence the Apostle saith in the 8. to the Romans, that the sufferings of this time are not worthy to be compared with the future glory which shall be revealed in us. and so it is manifest that in heaven most of all the mercy of God shineth forth in the blessed. The other is Thomas Walden, who living in England the same time that the other did in Spain, professeth plainly his dislike of that saying; q Quòd homo ex meritis est dignus regno coelorum, aut hâc gratiâ vel illâ gloriâ. quamvis quidam Scholastici invenerunt ad hoc dicendum terminos de condigno & congruo. Waldens'. tom. 3. de Sacramentalib. tit. 1. cap. 7. that a man by his merits is worthy of the kingdom of heaven, or this grace or that glory: howsoever certain Schoolmen, that they might so speak, had invented the terms of Condignity and Congruity. But r Reputo igitur saniorem Theologum, fideliorem Catholicum, & Scriptures sanctis mag●s concordem; qui tale meritum simpliciter abnegat, & cum modificatione Apostoli & Scripturarum concedit quia simpliciter quis non meretur regnum coelorum, sed ex gratiâ Dei aut voluntate largitoris. Ibid. I repute him (saith he) the sounder Divine, the more faithful Catholic, and more consonant with the holy Scriptures, who doth simply deny such merit, and with the qualification of the Apostle and of the Scriptures confesseth, that simply no man meriteth the kingdom of heaven, but by the grace of God or will of the giver. s Sicut omnes sancti priores usque ad recentes Scholasticos & communis scripsit Ecclesia. Ibid. as all the former Saints, until the late Schoolmen, and the universal Church hath written. Out of which words of his you may further observe both the time when, and the persons by whom this innovation was made in these latter days of the Church: namely, that the late Schoolmen were they, that corrupted the ancient doctrine of the Church, and to that end devised their new terms of the merit of congruity and condignity. I say, in these latter days: because if we look unto higher times, Walden himself in that same place doth affirm that it was a branch of the t Pelagiana est haeresis quòd Deus secundùm mensuram operum meritorioru● praemiabit hominem sic merentem. Ibid. Pelagian heresy to hold, that according to the measure of meritorious works God will reward a man so meriting. Neither indeed can this proud generation of Merit-mongers be derived from a more proper stock, than from the old either Pelagians or Catharists. For as these do now adays maintain, that they do u Rhemists' an not. in Rom. 9.1. work by their own freewill, and thereby deserve their salvation: so was this wont to be a part of Pelagius his song; x Mihi nullus auferre poteri● liberi arbitrij potestatem: ne si in operibus meis Deus adjutor extiterit, non mihi debeatur merces, sed ei qui in me operatus. Pelag. apud Hieronym. in Dialog. advers. Pelag. lib. 1 No man shall take away from me the power of freewill: lest if God be my helper in my works, the reward be not due to me, but to him that did work in me. And to y Gloriantes de suis m●ritis. Isidor. lib. 8. Origin. cap. 5. de Catharis. glory of their merits, was a special property noted in the Catharists or ancient Puritans: who standing thus upon their own purity, z Et memoriâ reconde, quòd Ecclesia dic●t pro parte membrorum, copiosa sua esse peccat: ut qui se praedicant esse mundos (si●ut Ca●h●ristae) intelligant se portionem cum sanctâ Ecclesiâ non h●bere. Cass. in Ps. ●4 do thereby declare (as Cassiodorus noteth) that they have no portion with the holy Church, which professeth that her sins are many. Nay, a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiph. haeres 59 pa●. 216, 2●7. while these men call themselves Puritan, (saith Epiphanius) by this very ground they prove themselves to be impure. for whosoever pronounceth himself to be pure, doth therein absolutely condemn himself to be impure. For, as S. Hierome in this case disputeth against the Pelagians (and so against the Puritan and Pelagian Romanists) b Tunc ergo justi sumus, quand● nos peccatores fatemu●: & justiti● nostra non ex proprio merito, se ex Dei consistit miseri●ord●â. Hieron. Dialog. adve●s. Pelag. lib. 1. then are we righteous, when we confess ourselves to be sinners; and our righteousness consisteth not in our own merits, but in God's mercy. with whose resolution against them, we will now conclude this point against their new offspring; that c P●o n●●●lo (inquit) salvos faciet eos: h●ud dubium quin j●st●s, qui non prop●io meri●o, sed Dei salvantur cle●en●●â Id. ibid. l●b. 2. the righteous are saved, not by their own merit, but by God's clemency. And thus have I gone over all the particular articles propounded by our Challenger: and performed therein more a great deal, than he required at my hands. That which he desired in the name of his fellows, was; that we would allege but any one Text of Scripture, which condemneth any of the above written points. He hath now presented unto him not texts of Scripture only, but testimonies of the Fathers also, justifying our descent from them not in one but in all those points, wherein he was so confident, that they of our side that had read the Fathers could well testify, that all antiquity did in judgement concur with the now Church of Rome. And if he look into every one of them more nearly; he may perhaps find, that we are not such strangers to the original and first breed of these Romish errors, as he did imagine. It now remaineth on his part, that he make good what he hath undertaken: namely, that for the confirmation of all the above mentioned points of his Religion, he produce both good and certain grounds out of the sacred Scriptures, and the general consent likewise of the Saints and Fathers of the Primitive Church. Wherein, as I advise him to spare his pains in labouring to prove those things, which he seeth me before hand readily to have yielded unto: so I wish him also not to forget his own motion, made in the percloase of his Challenge; that all may be done with Christian charity and sincerity, to the glory of God, and instruction of them that are astray. FINIS. Faults escaped. PAge 10. line 15. for once read one. p. 18. l. 8. (as also p. 19 l. 1. and 113. l. 2.) Radbertus. p. 30. l. 9 Canonical. p. 63. l. 28. bread and wine. p. 67. l. 9 or. p. 71. l. 12. for wine. read blood. ibid. l. 21. for second read third. p. 77. in t●e marg●nt, at the very beginning, add x. Lanfranc. lib. de Sacram. Eucharist. contra Berengar. pag. 85. lin. 15. for he read God. p. 103. l. 20. set. p. 163. lin. 12, 13. cross out those words: then in any of the rest. pag. 271. in the margin, lin. 16. for Id. put Hieronym. pag. 326. in the margin, lin. 17. Marcellam. pag. 341. lin. 5. Christian. pag. 352. l. 5. cross out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 405. l. 20. put out the word jesuit: and in the last line of the margin, aft●r quaest. 12. add, artic. 10. disput. 7. conclus. 6. p●g. 444. lin. ul●. Pitsio. pag. 449. in marg. l. 35. Naclantus. pag. 448. at the ast●risc *. lin. 14. add in the margin. Ab omnibus deinceps doceatur communiter atque praedicetur, Crucem & Imaginem Crucifixi ceterasque Imagines Sanctorum, in ipsorum memoriam & honorem quo● figurant, ac ipsorum loca & reliquias processionibus, gen● flexionibus, inclinationibus, thurificationibus, deosculationibus, oblationibus, luminarium accensionibus, & peregrinationibus, nec non aliis quibuscunque modis & formis quibus nostris & predecessorum nostrorum temporibus fieri consuevit, venerari debere. Gu●lh●lm. Lyndewode Provincial. lib. 5. the Heretic. cap. Nullus quoque. pag. 451. l. 12. M●rsilius. pag. 453. in the margin. lin. 12. and 26. and pag. 454. l. 9 for Prophetic. read Protreptic. pag. 456. marg. lin. 38. manuum. pag. 463. marg. lin. 9 Patres. A CATALOGVE OF THE AUTHORS HERE alleged; disposed according to the order of the times, wherein they are accounted to have lived. Anno Domini: 40 NIcodemus. The author of the counterfeit Gospel, attributed unto him, lived within the first 600. years: being cited by Gregorius Turonensis. 43. Thaddaeus; vouched by Eusebius. 70. Clemens I. Romanus episc. Counted the author of the Apostolical Constitutions. 70. Dionysius Areopagita. The books that bear his name, seem to be written in the fourth or fifth age after Christ. 100 Ignatius Antiochenus. 120. Hermes. 163. justinus Martyr. 170. Theophilus Antiochenus. 180. Irenaeus Lugdunensis. 180. Tatianus. 190. Maximus. out of whom the Dialogues against the Marcionists, attributed to Origen, are collected: as appeareth by the large fragment cited out of him by Eusebius in the end of the seventh book de Praeparatione Euangelicâ. 200. Clemens Alexandrinus. 200. Tertullianus. 210. Caius. 220. Hippolytus Martyr. 230. Origenes. 230. Ammonius. 230. Minutius Felix. 240. Novatianus. 250. Gregorius Neocaesareensis. 250. Cyprianus. 260. Zeno Veronensis. 270. Victorinus Pictaviensis. 290. Pamphilus' Martyr. 300. Arnobius. 300. Lactantius. 303. Concilium Sinuessanum, supposititium. 310. Concilium Eliberinum, seu Illiberitanum. 325. Concilium Romanum sub Silvestro, supposititium. 325. Concilium Nicaenum, univ●rsale I. 325. Macarius Hierosolymitanus. 330. Eusebius Caesareensis. 330. Juvencus. 340. Eusebius Emesenus. 340. Athanasius Alexandrinus. 350. Eustathius Antiochenus. 350. Julius Firmicus Maternus. 350. Acacius Caesareensis. 359. Conciliabula Arrianorum, Nicaen. Constantinop. Sirmiens. & Ariminens. 360. Didymus. 360. Hilarius Pictaviensis. 360. Titus Bostrensis. 364. Concilium Laodicenum. 370. Macarius Aegyptius. 370. Cyrillus Hierosolymitanus. 370. Asterius Amaseae episc. 370. Optatus. 370. Ambrose Mediolanensis episc. 370. Basilius Caesareensis. 370. Gregorius Nazianzenus. 370. Aerius haereticus. 380. Caesarius. 380. Gregorius Nyssenus. 380. Nectarius. 380. Pacianus. 380. Prudentius. 380. Philastrius. 380. Euagrius Ponticus. 380. Amphilochius. 381. Concilium Constantinopolitanum, universale II. 390. Hieronymus. 390. Paula & Eustochium, apud eund. 390. Epiphanius. 390. Ruffinus. 390. Coelius Sedulius. 390. Paulinus Mediolanensis. 400. Io. Chrysostomus. cujus epistolam ad Caesarium monachum (quam in quaestionem vocant pontificij) citatam invenio in Collectaneis contra Severianos, quae ex Fr. Turriani version habentur in 4. tomo Antiquae lectionis Henr. Canisijs, pag. 238. & in fine libri Io. Damasceni contra Acephalos; ibid. pag. 211. ubi postrema verba testimonij á nobis citati (pag. 64.65.) Turrianus ita transtulit: Sic etiam híc, divinâ naturâ in ipso insidente, unum Filium, unam Personam utrumque constituit. 400. Marcus eremita. 400. Polychronius. 400. Hesychius presbyter. 410. Palladius, Lausiacae histostoriae author. 410. Pelagius haereticus. 410. Augustinus. 410. Philo Carpathius. 410. Synesius. 414. Theodorus Daphnopatus. by Henr. Oraeus referred to this year: I know not by what warrant. 418. Concilium Africanum universale Carthagine habitum contra Pelagium. 420. Maximus Taurinensis. 424. Hilarius Arelatensis. 430. Io. Cassianus. 430. Vincentius Lirinensis. 430. Author Operis imperfecti in Matthaeum. 430. Cyrillus Alexandrinus. 430. Synodus Alexandrina, contra Nestorium. 430. Theodoretus. 430. Proclus Cyzicenus. 431. Concilium Ephesinum, universale III. 440. Prosper Aquitanicus. 440. Socrates historicus. 440. Sozomenus. 440. Eucherius Lugdunensis. 440. Petrus C●rysologus. 450. Leo. I. 450. Primasius. 451. Concilium Chalcedonense, universale FOUR 460. Basilius Seleuciensis. 460. Victor Antiochenus. 460 Salvianus Massiliensis. 476. Gelasius Cyzicenus. 490. Faustus Regiensis, seu Reiensis. 490. Gennadius Massiliensis. 490. Gelasius Papa I. 494. Concilium Romanum I. sub Gelasio. 500 Paschasius Romanae ecclesiae diaconus. 500 Olympiodorus. 500 Andrea's Caesareensis. Stephanus Gobarus haereticus. 507. Laurentius Novariensis. 510. Ennodius Ticinensis. 520. Aurelius Cassiodorus. 520. Eusebius Gallicanus. 520. Caesari●s Arelatensis. 520. Fulgentius Ruspensis episc. 520. johannes Maxentius. 527. Ephraem Antiochenus. 527. Agapetus diaconus. 529. Concilium Arausican. II. 530. Fulgentius Ferrandus. 530. Dionysius Exiguus. 530. Benedictus Monachus. 530. Procopius Gazaeus. 540. Arator. 553. Concilium Constantinopolitanum, universale. V. 560. Andrea's Hierosolymitanus, Cretensis archiepisc. 560. Dracontius. 570. Cresconius. 580. Venantius Fortunatus. 580. johannes Climacus. 589. Concil. Toletan. III. 600. Gregorius I. 600. johan. Nesteuta. Agapius Manichaeus. 610. Eustratius Constantinopolitanus. 630. Isidorus Hispalensis. 633. Concilium Toletanun. FOUR 640. Maximus Monachus. 640. jonas. 640. Anastasius Sinaita. 660. Eligius Noviomensis. 680. julianus Toletanus. 690. Theodorus Cantuar. archiepisc. 700. Liber Canonum Ecclesiae Anglo-Saxonicae; MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ. Nico. 710. Isidorus Mercator. 720. Beda. 720. Germanus Constantinop. 730. Bonifacius Moguntinus. 740. Gregorius III. 740. Io. Damascenus. 740. Antonius' author Melissa 745. Synodus Romana sub Zachariâ. 750. Ambrose Ansbertus. 754. Constantinopolitanum Concilium contra Imagines. 773. Hadrianus I. 780. johannes Hierosolymitanus. 785. Etherius & Beatus. 787. Concilium Nicaenun II. 787. Epiphanius Diaconus. 790. Elias Cretensis. 790. Alcuinus. 794. Concilium Francofurtense. 800. Carolus Magnus. 813. Concilium Arelatense FOUR 813. Concil. Cabilonense II. 816. Concil. Aquisgranense sub Ludovico Pio. 824. Synodus Parifiensis, de Imaginibus. 830. Christianus Druthmarus. 840. Amalarius Lugdunensis. 840. Paschasius Radbertus. 840. Rabanus Maurus. 840. Haymo Halberstattensis. 840. Agobardus Lugdun. episc. 840. Walafridus Strabus. 842. Concil. Aquisgranense sub Pipino. 850. Synodus Carisiac. 850. johannes Scotus. 850. Ecclesia Lugdunens'. contra eund. 850. Grimoldus. 850. Hincmarus Rhemensis. 860. Photius, 860. johannes Diaconus. 870. Otfridus Wissenburgensis. 876. Ratrannus, vulg. Bertramus. 890. Leo Imperator. 890. Michael Syncellus. 890. Ado Viennensis. 890. Nicetas Serronius. Gregorius Cerameus. 920. Regino Prumiensis. 950. Smaragdus. 975. Aelfrick. 1000 Fulbertus Carnotensis. 1020. Burchardus. 1030. Simeon Metaphrastes. 1050. Petrus Damiani. 1050. Oecumenius. 1050. Berengarius. 1058. Hermannus Contractus. 1060. Radulphus Arden's. 1060. Lanfrancus Cantuariensis archiepisc. 1060. Algerus. 1070. Osbernus. 1070. Theophylactus. 1080. Euthymius Zigabenus. 1080. Anselmus Cantuariensis archiepisc. 1090. Waltramus Naumbergensis. 1100. Sigebertus Gemblacensis. 1100. Conradus Bruwilerensis. 1100. Zacharias Chrysopolitanus. 1100. Ivo Carnotensis. 1110. Anselmus Laudunensis. 1120. Eadmerus. 1120. Michael Glycas. 1120. johannes Zonaras. 1120. Rupertus Tuitiensis. 1130. Hugo de S. Victore. 1130. Guilielmus Malmesburiensis. 1130. Innocentius II. 1130. Bernardus Claraevallensis. 1140. Petrus Lombardus. 1140. Gilbertus Porretanus. 1146. Otto Frisingensis. 1150. Petrus Cluniacensis. 1150. Constantinus Harmenopulus. 1150. Bernardus Morlanensis. 1154. Leo Thuscus. 1160. Arnaldus Carnotensis, abbess Bonaevallis. Opus de Cardinalibus Christi operib. Cypriano perperàm adscriptum, huic authori in exemplaribus MSS. tribuitur: quorum duo Oxonij ipsi vidimus; in Bo●lci●na Bibliothecâ unum, in Collegij Omnium Animarum Biblioth. alterum. 1160. Petrus Blesen●is. 1160. johannes Tzetzes. 1170. Hugo Etherianus. 1170. Gratianus. 1180. Theodorus Balsamon. 1180. Simeon Dunelmensis. 1200. Cyrus' Theodorus Prodromus. 1200. Innocentius III. 1204. Rogerus Hoveden. 1206. Guillermus Altissiodorensis. 1210. Nicetas Choniates. 1215. Concilium Lateranense. 1220 Jacobus de Vitriaco. 1230. Guilielmus Aluernus, Parisiensis episc. 1240. Alexand. de Hales. 1240. Albertus Magnus. 1250. Matthaeus Parisiensis. 1250. Hugo Cardinalis. 1252. Dominicanis contra Graecoes. 1260. Thomas Aquinas. 1260. Bonaventura. 1270. Jo. Semeca. 1280. Richardus de Media villa. 1280 Aegidius Romanus, à Trithemio author fuisse dicitur Compendij Theologicae veritatis, quod pag. 179. Alberti Magni nomine citavimus. Idem opus Bonaventurae nomine legitur in Appendice septimi tomi operum ejus Romae edit. 1283. johan. Peckham Cantuar. archiepisc. 1300. johannes Duns, Scotus. 1300. Georgius Pachymeres. 1300. Athanasius Constantinopolitanus. 1300. Nicolaus Cabasilas. Matthaeus Quaestor. 1310. Hugo de Prato. 1310. Guilielmus Nangiacus. 1320. Guilielmus Ockam. 1320. Durandus de S. Porciano. 1320. Petrus Paludanus. 1320. Theodorus Metochita. 1320. Nicolaus Lyranus. 1327. Andronicus. 1330. Alvarus Pelagius. 1340. Thomas Bradwardin. 1340. Nicephorus Gregoras. 1350. Richardus Armachanus. 1350. Robertus Holcot. 1350. Thomas de Argentina. 1354. Guido Augustinianus. Germanus Patriarcha Constantinop. 1370. Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis. 1370. Henricus de jota vel Huecta. 1386. Gregorius Ariminensis. 1390. Michael Angrianus de Bononia. 1400. Petrus de Alliaco, Cameracensis. johannes Herolt, author Sermonum Discipuli. jacobus de Everbaco. 1410. johannes Gerson. 1414. Constantiense Concilium. 1420. Theodoricus de Niem. 1430. Paulus Burgensis. 1430. Alphonsus Tostatus Abulensis episc. 1430. Thomas Walden. 1430. Bernardinus Senensis. 1438. Graecorum Apologia ad Basileense Concil. de igne Purgatorio. 1438. Concilium Ferrariense. 1439. Concilium Florentinum. 1439. Eugenij FOUR Bulla Unionis. 1440. Nicolaus Tudeschius, Abbas Panormitanus. 1440. Marcus Eugenicus, Ephesius. 1450. Gennadius Scholarius. 1460. Aeneas Silvius. 1460. Dionysius Carthusianus. 1479. Congregatio Complutensis. 1480. Bernardinus de Busti. 1480. johannes Capgravius. 1480 Gabriel Biel. 1490. Marsilius de Inghen. 1490. jacobus Perez de Valentia. 1500. johannes Major. 1500. Raphael Volaterranus. 1500. johannes de Selva. Erasmus, Adrian the sixth, Cardinal Cajetan, and the other writers of this last age, I pass over; as also the Hebrews and Heathen writers, cited in the question of the Descent into Hell: because the designing of the precise time wherein they lived, serveth to little use. Only I think it not amiss to add here a list of the Liturgies and Ritual books, which I have had here occasion to make use of. Liturgiae. Graecae, nomen praeferentes jacobi. Petri. Marci. Clementis. Basilij. Chrysostomi. Gregorij Romani; à Codino Graecé reddita. Liturgia Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, Latiné á Leone Thusco edita. Graecorum Euchologium. Menaea. Octoëchum Anastasimum. Pentecostarium. Novum Anthologium Graecé editum Romae an. 1598. Basilij Anaphora Syriaca, ab Andr. Masio conversa. Missa Angamallensis, Christianorum S. Thomae, ex Syriaco conversa. in Itinerario Alex●j Menesijs. Armenorum Liturgia, ab Andrea Lubelczyck Latin conversa. Liturgiae Aegyptiacae Basilij á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae. Gregorij Nazianzeni á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae. Cyrilli Alexandrini á Victorino Scialach ex Arabico conversae. Missa Ambrosiana. Gregorij I. Antiphonarium & Sacramentarium. Officium Muzarabum in Hispaniâ. Missale Gotthicum; tomo 6. Bibliothec. Patr. edit. Paris. an. 1589 & 15. edit. Colon. an. 1622. Ordo Romanus antiquus. Missa Latina antiqua, edit. Argentinae an. 1557. Baptizatorum & Confi●entium Ceremoniae antiquae: uná cum praefationibus vetustis, edit. Colon. an. 1530. Alcuini Sacramentorum liber; & Officium per ferias. Grimoldi Sacramentorun liber. Preces Ecclesiasticae v●ter●s, á Georgio Cassandro editae. Pontificale Romanum vetus, edit. Venet. an. 1572. & reformatum, Clementis VIII. jussu Romae edit. an. 1595. Missale Romanum vetus, edit. Paris. an. 1529. & jussu Pij V. & Clementis VIII. reformatum, edit. Romae an. 1604. Breviarium Romanum. Sacerdotale Romanum, edit. Venet. an. 1585. Caeremoniale Romanum, edit. Colon. an. 1574. Ordo Baptizandi, cum modo visitandi infirmos. Vener. 1575. Sacra institutio Baptizandi juxta ritum S. Romanae Ecclesiae, ex decreto Concilij Tridentini restitur. Paris. 1575. Breviarium Praemonstratensium. FJNJS.