THE Golden-grove, moralised in three Books: A work very necessary for all such, as would know how to govern themselves, their houses, or their country.  
Made by W. Vaughan, Master of Arts, and student in the Civil Law.  
Printed at London by Simon Stafford, dwelling on Adling hill. 1600.   

Ad fratrem de Insignibus suis Epigramma.  
AMhigo, cur bicolor nostrae Leo stirpis alumnus!  
Bestia cur, frater, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tua est!  
Num quia purpurei nostrum sit stemma reatus  
Expers, suspiciens candida, nigra premens?  
Num quia conveniant, Insignia dissona, in unum  
Tam genus Austrinum, quam boreal genus?  
Vel quia Caucaseo similem de monte Leonem  
Prostrarit dextro vis proavitae jove?  
Forte Molorchaeus leo talis ab Hercule cesus;  
Talis natus erat Maenaliisque plagis.  
Sed quî sit nostrum, seu qua ratione colorent  
part priore album, posteriore nigrum:  
Causa latet, Let he mysteria tanta colorum  
Abluit, haec centum noscere lustra vetant.  
Macte Leone tamen, frater charissime, macte  
(Stemmate Kiffini) Thermodoonte tuo.   

To the Right worshipful, my loving brother, Sir john Vaughan of Golden-grove, Knight.  
CAto of Utica (as Plutarch writeth) being demanded whom he loved best, answered, his brother then the other still continuing to ask him, and who next, he likewise answered, his brother. And so again the third time, he answered, his brother. Thrice in like sort was I asked, & yet unasked, asked of myself, though unasked of others, whether to one or three I would dedicate this my threefold book. To this myself unto myself made answer: to whom more fitly should I dedicate my first book treating of Virtue, then to my virtuous brother? to whom my second of a Family, then to my familiar brother? to whom my third of Civility, then to my civil brother? The consideration of which points (dear brother) moved me to present unto you alone, and not to three this Grove of mine, conformed as near as I could, like unto that golden grove of the ancient Hesperides. Wherein I could be said to imitate, the Philosopher Athenodorus, who parted with his elder brother Zeno all his goods, & gave unto him the one half, for what is more agreeable to nature, than that one brother should to his power reciprocally aid another? & what more prodigious, than that one brother should be a wolf unto another? this plainly and wisely was specified by the Greek poet Euripides, who said: questionless he that loveth not his brother, loveth neither him, that begat him, nor her, that hare. And again confirmed by Antigone in Sophocles: I must (quoth she) love my brother better than my son, by reason that hereafter I may very well have more sons, but, my father & mother being both dead, never more brethren. Standing, I say, upon these terms, & hammering in my mind on the anvil of our mutual love, I thought it part of my duty to impart unto you the just half of my substance, nay, in a manner all my substance, desiring you withal, that, even as a skilful Geometrician at the games of Olympus by the bigness of Hercules foot guessed of the stature of his whole body: so by the outward view of this my triple treatise, you will measure the willingness of mine inward mind. As for barking sycophants and envious caitiffs, to whose controlling check the very best of all scholars have been subject, I pass not for them, namely, let them make tennis balls of my books, yea, and bandy them quite away, if they can▪ Only this is my wish at this present, that you, most loving brother, will diligently peruse than over, & shelter than under the vail of your favourable censure. Almighty God (that I may now end) give you your hearts Christian contentment, while as a Pilgrim you remain in this earthly grove, & make your mind pliable and ready for the contemplation of that golden and everlasting Grove prepared for the Godly in the world to come. Fron jesus College in Oxford.  
Your loving brother, William Vaughan.   

To the Reader.  
GEntle Reader, my two years silence since the edition of my last Latin poems argueth me in thy censure, either to have overslept myself with Epimenides, or to have played the micher amongst the obscure Antipodes. Which inconveniences (I confess) the worlds ingratitude, being a great discouragement, and the burden of my profession, a necessary employment, made me with diligent care to attend another Cynosure, by which the course of my studies might be directed. In consideration whereof fearing some patent of concealment I break forth at length, and am come to plead mine own tenure in a more familiar language. And this I do, aswell because every one may perfectly know my meaning, as that I might crave pardon of mine auditory, if either I go awry, or chance to trip, no man goeth so upright, but he may by some casualty or other kiss the ground. It is a good horse, that never stumbleth. Err I may in writing, but it is thy part (courteous Reader) to brook mine errors with patience.  
As for the subject of my discourse, it resembleth the herb Muscovy, in that as it being joined to other flowers doubleth the sweetness of them: so these fruits of mine being now grown to a Grove, will augment each other savour to the sence-pleasing comfort of the reader. If any man delight to have himself shine with a glorious show of virtue, I have given him the tops of moral behaviour; if to have his house and family well beautified; I have yielded him divers branches for that purpose; if to have his country flourish, I have sent him the deep-grounded stem of policy. And if the greatest Gardener of the best manured Eden had vouchsafed me the sets of Diviner worth, such as bloomed in the holy and golden groves of his Prophets, I would have offered up a sweet smelling sacrifice of the purest choice; but since that glorious Paradise for the first man's offence hath been shut up from any entrance, I thought good to present thee with such fruits, as this earth affords, a three leaved bud, not only of incomparable sweetness to him, that hath it, but also of infinite admiration to him, that beholdeth it.  
In conclusion, whereas in these books I make often mention of my Commentaries upon Persius, thou shalt-understand, that I have had them ready together with a most easy Paraphrase in English and Latin to be printed above a twelvemonth ago, but for certain respects, I caused them to be closed in a case of delay & reiourneied, till I find better leisure to put than forth. For even thus & thus must we take opportunity for the publishing of our labours, howsoever they may chance to please the curious sort but so and so. If I could promise myself kind & gracious acceptance, I would promise our age the like Commentaries upon a Satirist of the like vain, even the learned Juvenal, thereby to stir up other men, 
— quos aequus amavit  
jupiter, aut ardens evexit ad aethera virtus  to give light to his gloomy and hidden excellency. In the mean time view over this Golden-grove seriously, and, if thou reapest, any good thereby, glorify the great Lord of Hierarchies, who for thy sake gave me grace to frame it. Farewell.  
Thine in the Lord W. V.   

CARMEN EMBLEmaticum in aureum G. Vaughanni saltum.  
AVreum long nemus hoc amoenos  
Vincit hortos Hesperidum nitore:  
Aureos fructus par●unt quotannis  
Arbores: coelo radios ab alto  
Hic habent frondes. Locus hic amoenus,  
Quo Deum Musae recolunt sub umbris,  
Quo canune laetae volucres sub umbris,  
Quo nowm lumen rutilat sub umbris:  
Non vepres, spinae, tribuli, inyricae  
Hic vigent, Musis locus est dicatus.  
Aureas plantas alit hic sacrato  
Rore Vaug hannus, pretatis hortus  
Crescite plantis: pretatis Author  
servet has plantas, precor, a malorum fulmine tutas.  
johannes Williams, S. Theologiae Doctor, & publicus: professor in Academia Oxoniensi.   

In eundem.  
OMnia si nobis tria sint Vaughanne, vel unum,  
Omnia tunc liber hic trinus & unus habet.  
Ethicae & urbanae lex juncta domestica legi,  
Trina quidem, numeris sed quoque tota suis.  
Promis Vlissaeatua scripta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 arte,  
Dum mores hominum publica iura canis.  
Digna igitur multa & civili laud refulget  
Tum quia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 canit, tum quia Musa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Gulielmus Osbern Procurator Academiae Oxoniensis.   

In eundem.  
EThica scribenti suggessit Cynthius: annon  
Ingenio magna est urbs quoque digna tuo?  
Dumque domos coleres maior, sanctosque penates,  
Publica sollicitat Res super illa rapi.  
Quid magis? aeternum celebris nisi scandis Olympun.  
Materies arti cessit, & aequa seges.  
Prima legat populus, legat altera publicus alti.  
Hospitii Dominus; tertia Regis erunt.  
Tu bene diviso libros dum dividis orbi,  
Hos orbi sapiens, te dabis ipse Deo  
Henricus Pricius S. Theologiae Bachalaureus, & Collegii sancti johannis Socius.   

In eundem.  
Magnanimun vere fratrem sic imbuis arte,  
Vt curare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seque, domumque queat.  
Quid maius magno possis concedere fratri,  
Quam quo prudenter seque suosque regat?  
Griffinus Powel.   

In eundem.  
NOn omnes arbusta iwant, humilesque myricae  
Docta cothurnati Musa Maronis ait:  
Ignoscas mihi, culte Maro, pars altera vera est  
Carminis, & pars est altera falsa tui.  
Displiceant utcunque rubi, sterilesque myricae,  
Quique fovet tribulos falce domandus ager:  
Laeta tamen me arbusta iwant dumetaque laeta,  
Aurea sunt; & sunt aurea, amice, tua.  
Saluete O priscum redeuntia tempora in aurum,  
Inque dies aetas mollior inque dies.  
Vepribus assueti mutasse cubilia Patres  
Dicuntur, nitidas atque habitasse casas.  
converso in melius saeclorum gratulor orbi,  
Ecce tibi in medio moenia sunt nemore.  
Non hoc Thraeicius Getica cum vest sacerdos  
Natusue Amphion de jove finxit opus.  
Ille meus condebat opus, qui prestat utrique,  
Ille casas cultas fecit, & ille nemus.  
Qui vere & ex animo tuusest, johannes Budden.   

In eundem, ad Authorem.  
EThica civilem docet instructissima vitam,  
Musaque civilis Regna domosque docet.  
Sit tibi cum libro fatum par, surgit in altum  
Ex parvo, in summos tu quoque surge locos.  
Desere privatam (placeat tibi publica) Musan  
Exemplun hoc magni grand Maronis habes.  
Ille boves & oves gracili modulatus avena,  
Serior hinc annis arma virumque canit.  
Tu simili scribens vena, moresque domosque  
Instruis; extremam principis aula tenet.  
Nicholaus Langford, Art. Magister.   

In eundem.  
PActoli rutilasue Tagi quid quaeris arenas?  
Vaughanni plures dat tibi saltus opes.  
India quid fuluum caput exeris? India sordes.  
Haec superat siluas aurea silva tuas.  
Quid vetus ostentat bifrontem fabula janum?  
Geryonem triplicem quidue poeta suum?  
Respuit hic jani titulum, vult esse triformis.  
Odit Geryones, excolit hic animos.  
Moors compescit, dispescit, ut Orpheus; aedes  
Instruit; & plebem iure iugoque tenet.  
Thomas Came, Art. Magister.   

In eundem.  
cum tria, forma, modus, situs, omnia sidera librent:  
jusque triplex, triplex Gratia, parca triplex:  
Cum sophiae triplex sit pars; partusque triformis  
Matris Opis; Sty gi itela trisulca Dei:  
Quis vetet hunc Lucum triplicem te dicere? libras  
Sidera, ius tribuis, fata Charinque refers.  
Auro deducis Sophiam (Vaughanne:) jehovae  
Regna, maris fines, Daemonis arma canis.  
Gabriel Powel.   

To Master Vaughan the Author of the Golden-grove.  
WHile thou in sacred studies dost bestow  
Thy watchful hours these thankless times among,  
Fron learning's root three virtuous branches grow,  
Charming the powers of every Muse's song  
To leave their two-topped hill, and for a space  
In thy fresh Grove their mutual selves embrace.  
Thy Golden-grove, thy ever-blooming spring,  
Thy virtues nursery, thy wits dear brood,  
Where like the Graces dancing in a ring strove,  
Three sciences invite the public good.  
Needs must the Grove, where these fair virtues  
Be thought a precious and a golden Grove.  
The moral Nymph with deep discretion goes,  
The economic with a careful eye;  
The Politic the state of kingdoms knows;  
Treating of Nations, counsels, majesty.  
The several places of their best renown,  
And objects are the heart, the house, the crown.  
Now let the heart estranged at the last,  
(If any such the Golden-grove inherit)  
Behold the seat where Equity is placed  
With due regard of an impartial spirit.  
And so prefer an honest Ethicke praise,  
Before he come to Politic essays.  
Then let this house for Occonomicks worth  
Deserve the title, which it long hath borne.  
No drossy excrement from gold comes forth;  
Then golden as it is, O let it scorn,  
That any dregs or blemishes be found  
To spring from out that Grove, & fruitful ground.  
Let Policy defend the lawful right,  
Since Countries perish by the hand of wrong.  
Vaughan, the world in censure is upright,  
Esteeming thee amongst the learned throng.  
If any stony friend unjustly deal,  
'tis no true Diamond in golden seal.  
Thy work shall live, so shall thy Brother's fame,  
But much the more, if he regard thy pain,  
And gratify thy Muse, that makes his name  
The note of all eternity to gain.  
Three ages Nestor lived; now (as they be)  
The Muses give thy Legend three times three.  
Thomas Storer, Master of Arts.   

In commendation of the Golden-grove, and the Author thereof.  
WHo so do wish Philosophy displayed,  
Garnishd in colours of most perfect hue,  
Refined again, that lately was decayed,  
And this again laid out to all men's view,  
Which in disgrace erst bad the world adieu,  
(So things suppresed, and trodden low to ground,  
With great applause do to the stars abound.)  
Let such draw near and view this Golden-grove,  
Whereof the roots are, virtues of the mind:  
The trunks & stalks, that grow these roots above,  
joint virtues are to private rule assigned:  
The boughs, the public sway of kingly kind.  
Virtue the root, Rule private is the stem,  
The branches are, the golden Diadem.  
All which are done by learned Vaughan's pen,  
Thereby deserving well eternal fame,  
Who took great pains to benefit all men,  
That would with singleness peruse the same;  
Thus hath he got himself a golden name.  
And thus we see this stately Golden-grove,  
Whereof the motive was, his Brother's love.  
Samuel Powel, Master of Arts.   

To the Author.  
Thyself a tendrer of that Golden-grove,  
To which thou send'st this golden Grove of thine,  
How truly that so called was dost prove:  
How truly this: it needs no proof of mine.  
It is no gilt, it is a golden book,  
Fit for that gem thy Brother on to look.  
The gold whereof, as pure as ever shone,  
(Let Envy speak, she can it not deny)  
Fears not to touch the learneds Lydian stone.  
Who buys this Gold, too dear it cannot buy;  
It is refined in furnace of thy brain,  
In fire then to try it, were but in vain.  
Some say Prometheus' man of clay did make,  
But beastlike passions put into his heart:  
Vaughan, believe them not, for they mistake,  
To make men was not his, but is thine Art.  
Thou hast effected what he ne'er began,  
Thou hast made manners: manners make the man.  
Gold-gutted Crassus, were he now alive,  
Might here find gold to find an host of men:  
Rich-fingered Midas might here learn to thrive,  
Not by his own rich touch, but by thy pen;  
Which Chimick-like (I hope) will turn to gold  
Our iron times, and make them as of old.  
john Raulinson, Master of Arts.   

In praise of the Golden-grove, moralised by master Vaughan.  
AMid the vale of jedas' bushy grove,  
Before a bribed judge (such was their fate)  
A Trinity of Goddesses once strove:  
Gold caused their strife (the cause of all debate.)  
Now a new judge their quarrel hath acquitted,  
Atoning this late-iarring Trinarie,  
And, sith in groves and gold they first delighted,  
Hath built a Golden-grove for this fair three.  
Where Pallas first unfoldeth virtuous saws,  
Which Venus doth convey to families.  
Then juno tempreth both with rightful laws,  
And those themselves with heavenly policies,  
So these, whom Gold & groves first set at strife,  
This Golden-grove combines in blessed life.  
Charles Fitz-Geffrey.   

In commendation of this Golden-grove.  
SOme write of th'isle of the Hesperides,  
Where golden fruit in greatest plenty grew;  
A pretty fiction, and no doubt did please  
The Author self, although it were not true.  
If by our days we measure those of old,  
(For now men love if but to dream of gold)  
No more a fiction, now no more a toy;  
Vaughan hath made that true, which they but feigned;  
By Vaughan's Art it is that we enjoy  
That, which but only they in show obtained,  
A Golden-grove, a harbour of delight,  
Against the storms of Fortune's weaker might.  
What gracious gift can Sophia now bestow,  
On Vaughan worthy his industrious pain,  
Unless of boughs, which in his Grove do grow,  
With golden wreaths she crown his learned brain.  
Fortune cannot reward desert of wit,  
But honour, only she doth nourish it.  
Thomas Michelborne▪   

The Arguments of the Chapters that are contained in these Books.  

The first Book.  

The first part.  
OF God's nature. Chap. 1.  
The knowledge of God. chap. 2.  
Atheists. chap. 3.   

The second part.  
Of man.. chap. 4.  
The soul. chap. 5.  
That a man hath but one soul. chap. 6.  
The immortality of the soul. chap. 7.   

The third part.  
Of Virtue. chap. 8.  
Vice. chap. 9  
That a man must not delay to become virtuous. chap. 10.  
Remedies against vice. chap. 11.  
justice. chap. 12.  
Injustice. chap. 13.  
Whether it be lawful for one to kill himself. chap. 14.  
That we should not patiently endure all injuries. chap. 15.   

The fourth part.  
Of truth, chap. 16.  
Lies. chap. 17.  
Swearing. chap. 18.  
Perjury. chap. 19  
Cursers and blasphemers. chap. 20.  
Deceit. chap. 21.  
Whether a man be bound to perform that, which he hath sworn to his enemy, either willingly, or by constraint. chap. 22.  
Heretic, and schismatics. chap. 23.  
Jesuits. chap. 24.   

The fifth part.  
Of Magnanimity. chap. 25.  
Ambition. chap. 26  
Remedies against ambition. chap. 27  
Of Fortitude. chap. 28  
foolhardiness. chap. 29  
Fear and pusillanimity. chap. 30   

The sixth part.  
Of Temperance, and Continence. ch. 31  
Intemperance, and Incontinence. ch. 32  
Lechery. chap. 33  
Gluttony, and Drunkenness. chap. 34  
The discommodities of drunkenness. c. 35  
Remedies against Intemperance, Gluttony, and Drunkenness. chap. 36.  
Stupidity or dullness. chap. 37.   

The seventh part.  
Of magnificence. chap. 38  
Liberality. chap. 39  
Prodigality. chap. 40  
The properties of a covetous man. chap. 41.  
Remedies against covetousness. chap. 43.  
A dehortation from covetousness. chap. 43.  
Whether the covetous man be worse than the prodigal. chap. 44.   

The eight part.  
Of clemency and courtesy. chap. 45.  
Modesty and bashfulness. chap. 46.  
Affability. chap. 47.  
Indulgence. chap. 48.  
Pride. chap. 49.  
Scurrility, or scoffing. chap. 50.  
Whether stage-plays ought to be suffered in a commonwealth. chap. 51.  
Of cruelty. chap. 52.   

The ninth part.  
Of Patience. chap. 53.  
Anger. chap. 54.  
Remedies against anger. 55.  
Remedies against adversity, and loss of worldly goods.   

The tenth part.  
Of friendship. chap. 57  
How a man should know his friend. chap. 58.  
Flattery. chap. 59  
Ingratitude, with a remedy against it. chap. 60.  
Hatred, & the punishment thereof. ch. 61  
Envy. chap. 62.  
Calumniation and slander. chap. 63.   

The eleventh part.  
Of Art, and whether Art be better than Nature. chap. 64.  
Science, or knowledge. chap. 65.  
Understanding. chap. 66.  
Prudence. chap. 67.  
Sapience, or wisdom. chap. 68  
The ignorance of our times. chap. 69.    

The second Book.  

The first part.  
OF a family, and the division thereof. chap. 1.  
That there be four kinds of matrimony. chap. 2.  
The causes why matrimony was instituted. chap. 3.  
How excellent a thing matrimony is. ch. 4  
After what manner the ancients solemnized matrimony. chap. 5.  
Of matrimony in England at this day solemnized. chap. 6.  
The duties of the husband toward his wife. chap. 7.  
The duties of the wife toward her husband. chap. 8.  
Of Divorcement, and whether the innocent party, after a divorcement made, can marry again during the other party's life? chap. 9  
Of jealousy. chap. 10.   

The second part.  
The duties of parents toward their children. chap. 11.  
The duties of children toward their parents. chap. 12.  
Of Brotherly love, and whether a man should prefer his friend before his brother? chap. 13.  
Of disobedient sons. chap. 14.   

The third part.  
The duties of masters towards their servants. chap. 15.  
Of the Sabbath day, & whether masters may set their servants at work on the sabbath day? chap. 16.  
The duties of servants toward their masters. chap. 17.   

The fourth part.  
Of Acquisitive faculty. chap. 18.  
Of money, the chiefest part of the Acquisitive faculty. chap. 19  
Of Bawds, and whether they ought to be suffered? chap. 20.  
Of usurers. chap. 21.  
Of the particulars, wherein usury is committed. chap. 22.  
Whether it be lawful for an householder to engross corn in the market, to the intent he may sell the same another time at a dearer price? ch. 23.   

The fifth part.  
Of Hospitality. chap. 24.  
Wherein good hospitality consisteth. chap. 25.  
Why housekeeping nowadays is decayed. chap. 26.  
Of Alms, and the forgetfulness thereof in these days. chap. 27.  
Circumstances to be observed in giving of alms. chap. 28.  
Of Fasting, & that an householder should observe fasting days. chap. 29.  
Of the true fast. chap. 30.    

The third Book.  

The first part.  
Of a commonwealth. chap. 1.  
The division of a commonwealth. ch. 2.  
Of a monarchy. chap. 3.  
That hereditary succession is better election. chap. 4.  
The duties of a Prince. chap. 5.  
Of the name of Emperor. chap. 6.  
Of the name of a King. chap. 7.  
Of a Gynaecracie, or women's reign. ch. 8  
Of Tyrants. chap. 9  
Whether subjects may rise against their sovereign, being a Tyrant or an heretic? chap. 10.  
Of an Aristocracy. chap. 11.  
Of a Democracie. chap. 12.   

The second part.  
The members of a Commonwealth. chap. 13  
Of Noblemen. chap. 14.  
The properties of a Gentleman. cha. 15.  
That Gentlemen must not greatly respect what the common people speak of them. chap. 16.  
Of Knights of honour. chap. 17.  
Of Citizens. chap. 18.  
Whether outlandish men ought to be admitted into a city? chap. 19  
Of Merchants. chap. 20.  
Of Artificers. chap. 21.  
Of Yeomen; & their oppression. ch. 22.   

The third part.  
Of Counsel. chap. 23.  
Of counsellors. chap. 24.  
Of Parliaments. chap. 25.  
Of judgements. chap. 26.  
Of judges, and their duty. chap. 26.  
Of Bribes, and going to law. chap. 27.  
Of Magistrates. chap. 29.  
Of the great cares and troubles of Magistrates. chap. 30.  
Whether magistrates may receive presents sent unto them? chap. 31.   

The fourth part.  
Of the education of Gentlemen. ch. 32.  
The causes, why so few Gentlemen nowadays be virtuously disposed. chap. 33.  
Whether youths ought to be corrected? chap. 34.  
Of schoolmasters, & their duties. cha. 35  
That schoolmasters should have large stipends allowed them. chap. 36.  
Whether it be better for parents to keep their sons at home with a private schoolmaster, or to send them abroad to the public school? chap: 37.  
Of Tutoures in the university, and how to discern a good Tutor. chap. 38.   

The fifth part.  
Of Grammar. chap. 39  
Of Logic. chap. 40.  
Of Rhetoric, and the abuse thereof in these days. chap. 41.  
Of Poetry, and the excellency thereof. chap. 42.  
Of Philosophy. chap. 43.  
Of the Art magic. chap. 44.  
Of Physic. chap. 45.  
Of Law. chap. 46.  
Of the common law of England. chap. 48.  
Whether alteration of laws be good in a commonwealth? chap. 48.  
Of Divinity. chap. 49.  
Whether two religions may be tolerated in one kingdom? chap. 50.  
Of simony, one of the chiefest overthrows of religion. chap. 51.   

The sixth part.  
Of the alteration of a commonwealth. chap. 52.  
The effects of all the Comets, and chiefest Eclipses, which have happened in this last age. chap. 53.  
The causes of sedition, and civil broils. chap. 54.  
Of Treason. chap. 55.  
Of Idleness. chap. 56.  
Of Diceplay. chap. 57  
Of superfluity in apparel, another cause of the alteration of a commonwealth. chap. 58.   

The seventh part.  
Of the conservation of a commonwealth. chap. 59  
Of Taxes, and subsidies. chap. 60.  
Remedies against sedition, and privy conspiracies. chap. 61.  
The felicity of a Commonwealth. chap. 62   

The eight part.  
Of war. chap. 63  
Whether it be lawful for Christians to make war. chap. 64  
What wars be most lawful. chap. 65.  
That before we begin wars, preparation is to be made of sufficient necessaries thereto belonging. chap. 66.  
The duties of a General. chap. 67.  
Of the choice of soldiers. chap. 68  
Whether the stranger, or the home borne subject is to be preferred? chap. 69.  
How the enemy is to be vanquished. chap. 70.  
The conclusion, of Peace.     

The first Book of the Golden-grove moralised.  

The first part.  

Of God's nature. Chap. I.  
FOrasmuch as all the endeavours of human actions do proceed from God, 
Pind. in Pythiis.  and, 
Ps. 127.  except he build the house, and uphold men's enterprises, their labour is but lost, that build: I hold it a requisite point of my duty, that in these moral discourses, and politic traditions, I begin principally of his Majesty, and search out some essential property flowing from his Divine & incomprehensible form.  
For the accomplishing of which, and of all the rest which I write, assist me, 
a Senec. in Hercule furente.  O thou great Governor of heaven, and judge of the world, with thy sacred power: grant, 
Boet. l. 3. de consolation philosop. m●tr. 9  I beseech thee, that my mind may ascend up into the strait and noble seat of virtue, where I may find the fountain of goodness, and reveal the same being found unto thine almost lost & astraied sheep.  
God's supernatural nature (I confess) being every way infinite cannot possibly be contained by any limited creature. 
* Arist. li. 1. posterior. analiticor. & li. 3. Physic. & Casus lib. 3 Comment. Physic. cap. 7.  Things subject and familiar to sense are comprehended in the mind by an imaginary resemblance of them: but as for things infinite and not subject to sense (of which nature God is) how shall I be able to imprint their likeness in my feeble and shallow brain? 
* 1. ●oh. 1. 18.  No man hath seen God at any time, 
* Cic. lib. 1. de natura Deorum.  yet we know him by his miraculous works. To come nearer his description, I find that God is a most pure, essential, and active form, without mixture of matter & form, or distinction of parts, every where alike, and the very same. And again, God is uncreate, perpetual, that is, he ever was, and ever will be, 
* Arist. l. 1. Physic. Lucr. lib. 1. de rerum natura, Persius' satire. 3. & B●et. lib. 5. de consolat. philosop.  he was not made of nothing, for nothing, according to the Philosophers saying, is made of nothing.  
The Gentiles, albeit wanting the light to understand perfect truth, were yet all of them for the most part amazed at the excellent glory & power of God. Pythagoras said, that God was a lively mind, that pierced into all things, of whom all living creatures received their being. Thales esteemed him to be an understanding, that created all things of the element of water. Chrysippus called him a natural faculty endued with Divine reason.  
Thus we see, that there is engraven in the hearts of men a certain feeling of God's nature, which can never be rooted out. And although swinish Atheists do laugh at that, which I have written touching the Godhead, 
Calu lib. 1. Instit. cap. 2.  yet that is but a laughter from the teeth outward, because inwardly the worm of conscience gnaweth them much more sharply than all hot searing irons.  
Finally, to leave the Gentiles opinions, I judge it not amiss, if we satisfy ourselves to believe, that God is almighty, his might unsearchable, & his power admirable. And as 
* Arist. li. 2. de Anima.  the soul is wholly both in the whole body, & also in every member of it: 
* Casus li. 8. Cōm. Phys. ca 10.  so God is wholly both in the world, & likewise wholly in every part of the same.   

Of the knowledge of God. Chapt. 2.  
DIagoras and Theodorus were not ashamed to dispute against the Deity. Neither (as I hear) do some of our brazenfaced Cavaliers cease to blaspheme God by denying most impudently his everlasting essence. O foolish men! when they see a fair house, they immediately presuppose some one or other to have built it. So in like manner when they behold one another, will not they sometimes even by natural discourse ask, who made them? The heathen Orator saith, that 
b Cic. li. 1 Tuscul.  there is no nation so savage, no people so senseless, which will not confess that there is some God: & even they that are Libertines, Epicures, and in other points of their lives differing little from bruit beasts, do reserve some seed of religion: Also, 
c jam. 2. 19  the very Devils believe, that there is a God, and do tremble, as saith the Apostle. Yea, 
* Calu. li. 1. Instit. cap. 2.  the very obstinacy of the wicked is a substantial witness that the Deity is known, which with their furious striving yet can never wind themselves out of the ●eare of God. But what need I dally thus with doltish Atheists? let them read the holy scripture, & they shall find five general means, whereby God is made manifest unto man.  
The first, are the framed things, wherein God did first reveal himself, for 
* Psal. 19  the heavens declare the glory of God, and the firmament showeth his handy work. The second is the spark of nature, whereby all men as it were by natural instinct obtain the infallible admonition of the truth. The third way whereby God is made known, is the verbal will, which successively from time to time in some country or other hath been holden up by worldly blessings, apparitions, ceremonies, prophecies, and last of all by the presence of the Messias himself. The fourth is the holy Ghost, who openeth our misty eyes, whereby we embrace the true and Apostolical doctrine. The fifth means, whereby God is known, are his miracles, at the sight of which the very Atheists themselves being affrighted must exclaim with julian the Apostata: 
Nazian. in julian. Orat. 2.  O God, O Galilaan, thou hast overcome our unbelief.   

Of Atheists. Chap. 3.  
OF Atheists there are two sorts: the inward, and the outward. The inward Atheist is he, that slily carrieth the countenance of a sheep, and yet is no sheep, but a sheep-biter. He swalloweth up advowsons, hospitals, and other men's goods under pretence of simplicity. He raiseth rents, encloseth commons, and enhanceth the price of corn. With his wool or wealth he useth to snarl & deceive honest-minded men, whom at length he notwithstanding having Scripture in his mouth snatcheth at most greedily, & clappeth in irons. This kind of Atheist I will decipher hereafter.  
The outward Atheist on the other side openly professeth nature to be his God. And even as the spider infecteth with poison the fragrantst liquors he sucks; so the outward Atheist most wickedly extracteth common places out of the secrets of nature, and turning them to his own use, he blasphemeth God, whom he never knew.  
Is there any rain without a cloud? any apples without trees? any portraiture without a painter? any kingdom without rulers? can the heavens move without a mover? say, thou viper, (for a better name thou deservest not) wilt thou not believe that, which thou beholdest with thine eyes? wherefore, I pray thee, was the world framed? was it not for man? what idiot, when he passeth through a village, though half ruinous, will not presently suppose, that it was contrived by some or other? Much rather, O sensual beast, shouldst thou imagine, that a quickening maker, even God, hath created not only thee, but all the world beside.  
If no reason will persuade thee, yet, me thinks, the extraordinary punishments of God, which always, such Atheists, as thou art, have felt, should be of force, to recall thee from thy most damnable opinion. It is written of Diagoras one of the first authors of this sect, that being fled from Athens, and his books burnt by universal consent, he was slain by certain men, whom the Athenians had hired for that intent. Pliny the elder, one likewise of the same stamp, while he was overcurious in searching the causes of nature, was choked near to the mountain Veswius with smoke, and with the smell of brimstone issuing out of the same. Pope Leo the tenth, who often said, that Moses, Christ, and Mahomet were three of the greatest dissemblers, was by the just judgement of God suddenly strooken dead with an extreme laughter. Likewise, an Italian Captain of late days in the low countries, leading his company to skirmish with the enemy, thus encouraged them: Sirs, quoth he, remember the former glory of our nation, and fight valiantly: as for your sins, if you die, you shall understand, there is no God. Which when he had said, he fought, & was the first man that was slain. Not inferior to these was one Christopher Marlowe by profession a playmaker, who, as it is reported, about 7. years ago wrote a book against the Trinity: but see the effects of God's justice; it so happened, that at Detford, a little village about three miles distant from London, as he meant to stab with his poniard one named Ingram, that had invited him thither to a feast, and was then playing at tables, he quickly perceiving it, so avoided the thrust, that withal drawing out his dagger for his defence, he stabbed this Marlowe into the eye, in such sort, that his brains coming out at the dagger's point, he shortly after died. Thus did God, the true executioner of divine justice, work the end of impious Atheists.  
Furthermore, some of our worldlings may worthily be ranged in the forefront of this hellish rout. They, I say, that belch out this accursed theorem of Machiavelli, 
Machia. in prin●cipe.  namely, that the heathenish religion made men courageous, whereas our religion makes men fearful. O foolish sots● is the fear and love of God become the cause of your foolish fear? Nay, rather it is your consciences, that bring fear into your hearts. The more wicked ye be, the more you fear. Me thinks, that albeit ye had no demonstration of God, yet this aught to satisfy you, which proceedeth of a natural fear. For whosoever feareth, showeth necessarily, that there is some supreme power which is able to terrify & hurt him. As chose, he that is assured, that nothing can appall or diminish his valour, is altogether free from fear.    

The second part.  

Of man.. Chap. 4.  
ABdala one of the wise men of Arabia, being on a time demanded, what was the most wonderful thing in the world? answered, man.. Hermes Trismegistus termed man the great miracle. Others called him the little world. Likewise, the wisest Philosophers agreed, that man's body is composed of the four elements, and of all their qualities. For the flesh agreeth fitly with the earth: his vital spirits with the air & the fire: and his humours with the water. The sense of touching consenteth with the earth. The sense of seeing with the fire: that of smelling with the air and fire: that of tasting with the water: & that of hearing with the air. Yea, there is no part in the whole body of man wherein one of the elements doth not interpose his virtue, albeit one of them is always predominant over the rest. And most certain it is, 
Ce. 1. 27  that Man is a creature made of God after his own Image, well disposed by nature, composed of body and soul. In this sort man had his beginning and being of the great and eternal builder of the world; of whom likewise he was created so noble for three reasons. The first, that by this means man knowing how God hath placed him above all other living creatures, he might be induced daily to love and honour him, as is meet. And therefore did the Lord place the eyes in man's body to behold his wonderful works. And for this cause also did he fasten ears to man's head, that he should understand and keep his commandments. The second, to the end, that acknowledging the noble place & race from whence he came, he might fear to stain his name and fame with dishonest & unlawful deeds. The third, that he, not being ignorant of his own excellency, should extol himself in God, and in him, & through him he should judge himself worthy of heavenly felicity.  
What should I rip up the good discipline of living, the laws, customs, arts and sciences by man invented, to furnish life with the three sorts of good, namely, honest, pleasant, and profitable? According to which, there be also three sorts of companies; one for honesty, as the learned and virtuous; another for pleasure, as, young folks, and married men; a third for profit, as Merchants. Wherefore by good reason man holdeth the sovereignty, and chiefest room in this world.   

Of the soul. Chap. 5.  
THe infusion of the soul into the body by God the Creator, is a most admirable thing: seeing that the soul, which is invisible, is comprehended within the body being palpable: that which is light and of celestial fire, within that, which is earthy, cold & corruptible: that which is free, within that which is base & bound. This alone is the instrument, that can bring us to the understanding of God and ourselves. This is speculative and active at one and the same instant. This is she, that for her beauty hath the four cardinal virtues; & for her actions, reason, judgement, will, and memory. Briefly, this is she, about whom the wisest of the world have occupied their curious and fine wits.  
Pythagoras' affirmed, that the soul was a number moving itself. Plato said, that the soul was a portion taken from the substance of celestial fire. The prince of the Peripatetics writeth, 
Arist. li; 2. de anima. ca 1.  that the soul is the motion or act of a natural body, that may have life. Our Divines define the soul after this manner. The soul of man is a spirit, that giveth life and light to the body, whereunto it is knit, and which is capable of the knowledge of God, to love him, as being fit to be united unto him through love, to everlasting happiness.   

That a man hath but one soul. Chap. 6.  
EVen as in every body there is but one essential kind of nature, whereby it proceedeth to be that, which it is: so in every living creatures body there is but one soul, by the which it liveth. In the scripture we neverread, that one man had more souls then one. 
Gen. 2. 7  Adam being created by God, 
Gen. 46. 26.  was a living soul. All the souls that came with jacob into Egypt, and out of his loins (beside his sons wives) were in all threescore and six souls, that is, threescore and six persons. Also the sons of joseph, 
Ibid. 27.  which were borne him in Egypt, were two souls. Steven being stoned by the jews, called on God, and said, 
Act. 7. 39  Lord jesus, receive my spirit. Saint Paul raising Eutichu● from death, said, his life is in him. Our saviour Christ likewise complained unto his Disciples, saying, 
Mar. 14. 34.  My soul is very heavy, even unto the death. Hereby we may note, that one man hath but one soul.  
How greatly therefore are those Philosophers deceived, who affirm, that one man hath three distinct souls, to wit, reasonable, sensitive, and vegetative? whereof these two last are in a bruit beast, as well as in a man: and the vegetative in plants, in beasts, and in man. This opinion of plurality of souls seemed so damnable unto the ancient fathers, that Augustine, Damascenus, and the fourth Council of Constantinople proclaimed them to be excommunicated, which would hold one man to have many souls. Briefly, to leave this error, 
* I think, Arist: li. 2. anim. cap. 3  it falleth out with the soul, as it doth with figures: for even as the trigon is in the tetragon, and this tetragon in the pentagon: so likewise the vegetative power is in the sensitive, and this sensitive is in the reasonable soul.  

Objection.  
We see young infants having vegetative, and sensitive souls, and not possessing the reasonable soul, before they come to years of discretion. 
Arist. li. 2. de Generatione animal. cap. 3.  Moreover, it is well known, that a man liveth first the life of plants, then of beasts, and last of all of man: therefore a man hath three souls, distinct aswell by succession of time, as in essence, and formal property.   

Answer.  
I grant, that the faculties of man's soul are by their operations successively known, as the vegetative power is known more plainly in the beginning: then the sensitive: & last of all the reasonable soul. But from thence to conclude, that infants have no reasonable soul, I deem it mere madness. For the whole soul is infused within them in the beginning, but by the sacred power of God it is not made as then manifest, until they attain to elder years. Touching your proof (that a man liveth the life of plants; then the life of beasts; and last, of a reasonable man) I answer, that it is meant of the vital powers; and not of the soul: and so I yield, that a man at first exerciseth the powers vegetative, and sensitive, and then he hath the benefit of the reasonable soul.    

Of the immortaltiie of the soul. chap. 7.  
ATheists, and the hoggish sect of the Epicures; who would fain stay in their bodily senses, as beasts do, deride the holy scriptures, saying, that it is not known what becomes of their souls afthe death of their bodies, or to what coast they travel, by reason that none returned at any time back from thence to certify them. This is their childish reason. Which truly in my judgement sprung up of their negligence, in not ferreting out the end of the soul. For to what end else was the soul created, but that knowing God her Creator, and worshipping him for that great benefit, she might stand in awe and love of him, and at length attain to everlasting life, which is appointed for her end? All other living creatures God made for man's use; but man he created to the end, that the light of his wisdom might shine in him, and that he might participate with him his goodness. Admit therefore, that man's soul were corruptible: what difference then, I pray thee, would there be between a man and a bruit beast? nay then consequently it must follow, that man was created without cause.  
Wherefore did God create man of stature strait, and erected towards the aspect of heaven, the original place of his true pedigree, but that he should persuade himself that he is of a heavenly nature? surely 
* Calu. lib. 1. Instit. cap. 15.  the conscience, which discerning between good and evil, answereth the judgement of God, is an undoubted sign of an immortal soul. For how could a motion without essence come to the judgement seat of God, & throw itself into fear by finding her own guiltiness? Further, if the soul were mortal, what reward is left to the just? what punishment to the wicked? Also, if this were true, the wicked have that, which they most desire, and the just that, which they most abhor. But shall punishment be inflicted on the just, whereas it ought to be executed on the wicked? Many reasons I could allege, but of all others this is most forcible, which God hath given us in the resurrection of his son our saviour jesus Christ, whereby his soul was united again to his body, and taken up into heaven in the sight of his Disciples. Likewise we read that▪ God said to Moses: 
Exo. ca 3▪ ver. 6  I am the God of Abraham, Isaac, and jacob, wherehence our saviour Christ concluded, that Abraham, Isaac, & jacob, do live yet after their death, seeing that * God is the God of the living, 
Matth. ca 22. verse 32 Persius satyr. 3.  and not of the dead. Now to be brief, I may fitly compare these Epicurian hogs unto drunkards, who so long being drunk, until they have by sleep, sufficiently allayed the furious force of the wine which they drunk, know not whether they have any wit or conscience, any soul or sense.  

Objection.  
Men, as Pliny writeth, 
h Plinius lib. 7. ca ●5.  breath no otherwise then beasts do, for we see nothing of the soul of either of them: therefore the soul as well of men as of beasts, being nothing else but a breath, is mortal.   

Answer.  
Pliny seeing smoke come out of the mountain Veswius, judged that there was fire within, although he beheld it not: also he knew by his nose that there was brimstone issuing out of the same, albeit he saw it not: how chanceth it then, that when by his senses he perceived somewhat more in men, then in beasts, he was not brought thereby to believe, that consequently there must be somewhat within, which causeth men to differ from bruit beasts? Furthermore, men discourse learnedly of all natural things, they are endued with reason, and their speech followeth reason, which are such things, as have a resemblance of God's spirit shining in them: but beasts have not in them this apprehension, for that they are produced out of the power of that matter, whereof they are engendered. Finally, the soul of man is bred in the body by God, above all the matter of the same.     

The third part.  

Of Virtue, Chap. 8.  
Whosoever means to sow a godly field with corn, 
Boetius lib. 3. de consolat. philoso. metr. 1.  must first rid the same field of thorns and shrubs, and cut away the fernes with his scythe, that the new corn may grow with full cares: so likewise, O mortal man, thou having been all the days of thy life, as it were in a golden dream, awake at last, and withdraw thyself from that fond delight, that virtue which is surer & better than all Arts, may the sooner enter into thy mind. Be not like unto a child, who seeing a babble wherewith he playeth, taken out of his hand, powtingly throweth away that which he hath in his other hand, although it be far better than the former. All worldly things, be they never so glorious, do fade away, yea, & worldlings themselves are so soon suffocated and choked with every small moth, that they are ready to stumble at every straw, and to become daunted at every trifling cause. But contrariwise, they which are bedewed with the sweet drops of Virtue, will never be overturned, either with worldly guiles, or with the loss of life and blood.  
Virtue is alway permanent: she is quiet in most stormy times, & shineth in the dark: being driven from her seat, she nevertheless remaineth in her country, she giveth continual light, and never becometh spotted with any filth. Every thing that is achieved by her means, is good and sovereign. For her love, Anacharsis the Philosopher left his kingdom of Scythia to his younger brother, & went into Athens to find her there. This also moved the Emperor Maximili● the 2. in the year of our Lord 1574. to answer a Dutchman that craved his Letters Patents to make him a nobleman: It is in my power, quoth he, to make thee rich, but Virtue must make thee noble. Happy therefore is he that wooeth her, & thrice happy is he that is contracted to her: for even as the prowess & valour of a horse maketh him apt and fit for his rider to attend courageously the onset of the enemy: so virtue strengtheneth her owner against concupiscence, & restoreth him ready to abide any brunts of variable fortune Moreover, (a) 
Piccolom grad. 4 de virtu. moral.  virtue is said to be three manner of ways in man, either infused by God, or planted by nature, or gotten by pains and industry. Virtue is infused by God, when we call her either faith, hope, or charity: (b) 
Arist. lib 1. Rhetor.  she is by nature, when we term her nobil●ti●: She is said to be gotten through pains and industry, when we name her either moral, as justice, truth, magnanimity, fortitude, temperance, magnificence, liberality, clemency, modesty, affability, friendship, & patience; or intellectual, as Art, science, understanding, prudence, and wisdom, all which together with their extremes and subordinate qualities I will decipher hereafter.  
Wherefore, to be brief, let us embrace virtue, so precious and manifold a palm tree, which the more it is pulled down, the more it returneth upward; let us, I say follow her, who hath this singular property in alher actions, 
Plutar. in vita Periclis.  namely, that c she maketh the man that knoweth her, so to affect her, that forthwith he liketh all her actions, and desireth to imitate them that are virtuously disposed.   

Of Vice. Chap. 9  
EVen as a virtue is the beauty of the inward man, 
August. Epist. 35  & the way to attain unto an happy life: so vice is the sickness thereof, and fighteth against nature. (d) 
Propert. lib. 2.  All things that are borne have vices, as it were sown in their minds. 
e Horat. li. 1. ser.  He is best, that is least troubled with them. For we see, that neither fire nor fear doth carry a man away so violently as vices. They only have been the undooers of all commonwealths, and as soon as they once have entered into the mind, they will never forsake it, until they overwhelm it with all kinds of sin, f 
Senec. li. de tranquil. ani.  hurt it with their griping, and overthrow all things, which are next unto them: unhappy man is he, that is vexed with them: far better it were for him not to live at all, or else living, g 
Mar. 9  to be thrown into the sea with a millstone about his neck. Although a man be fast laden with irons, yet his captivity is nothing to him that is environed with vices. He then, that will be mighty, must subdue his cruel affections, & not yoke himself to the foul liberty of vicious motion.  
In sum, h 
jere. 25.  turn again every man from his evil way, & from his wicked imaginations. i 
jam. 4.  Submit yourselves to God, and resist the Devil: and he will fly from you: draw nigh unto God, 
1. P●. 5  and he will draw nigh unto you. Cleanse your hearts, you sinners, & purge your hearts, you wavering minded.   

That a man must not delay to become virtuous. chap. 10.  
THere be many of our worldlings, which seek to shroud their vices under this cloak, that they mean to amend all in time, 
* Persius' Satyr. 5.  and this time is driven from day to day, 
* Resolution li. 1. par. 2. cap. 5.  until God, in whose hands the moments of time are, doth shut them out of all time, and doth send them to pains eternal without time. Little do they think, that their vices are by wicked custom fortified, and as it were with a beetle, more strongly rammed into their hearts & midriffes. It is an usual proverb, that whatsoever is bred in the bone, will never out of the flesh: so likewise, a wound being for a time deferred, becometh infectious and past cure. Why then, O mortal men, do ye build on such a weak foundation? why do ye not at this instant without any further procrastinations, prostrate yourselves before the most highest, ere the dark night of death steal upon you, and 
* jere. 13  ere ye stumble at that foul black hillock? Oh, imitate not those foolish virgins, 
* Mat. 25  who because they gave not good attendance, were shut out of doors by the bridegroom. We see by common experience, that if a man deliver a reasonable petition unto an earthly King, he may perhaps attend a year or two, before he be fully satisfied. What then shall ye expect of the heavenly King, whom ye have a thousand times most wilfully displeased? Is it possible for you, after you have obstinately resisted him all the days of your lives, to sue unto him at the period of your years, and to obtain remission? No, no, it is not presumptuous delay, that worketh unfeigned repentance. You must begin 
* Psa. 95. & Heb. 3  to day, if you will hear his voice, and speed of your suits. God will not be limited and restrained according to your wills. 
* Eccle. 5.  His wrath will come upon you at the sudden, and 
* Psa. 48  you shall be thrust into hell like sheep. Like as the poets say of Titius, so shall you, being as it were food unto death, consume in hell, and yet revive again, so that still ye may be ever dying. Then shall ye cry unto the mountains, and say, 
Luke 23. & Apoc. 6.  O you mountains fall upon us, & you hills cover us. Then shall you repent to your pain, but your repentance shall not at all avail you. If an husbandman for laziness defer to sow in the winter, he is like in summer to starve or beg. Sow therefore, O ye that are Christians, while you have time to sow, 
joel. 2.  even this day convert unto the Lord, and ye shall reap perpetual happiness for your reward. Repentance that is done at the last day, most commonly is done upon fear of future torments. Besides, 
* jere. 13.  the Aethiopian can assoon change his black skin, as you do well, having learned all the days of your lives to do evil.  
Myself have known a young Gentleman, that sometime having been disobedient to his parents, and also misdemeaned himself divers other ways beside, was urged to repentance by some of his well willers. To whom he answered: that now this was his full intent, and by the grace of God (quoth he) assoon as I come home to my Father (he being as then about forty miles off) I will utterly renounce my former manner of living, and will become a new man. But see the inevitable will of God. He was scarce seven miles on his way homeward, when as it was his woeful chance to encounter with some of his enemies, and by them to be slain.  
For which cause, I say, cut off all delays, lest in a matter of such importance, ye be suddenly surprised. Ye have not two souls, that ye may adventure one▪ 
* Rom. 13.  The night is past, and the day is come; the day of the Lord is come, 
* Apoc. 22  as a snare on all them, that dwell upon the face of the earth, in which 
a 2. Pet. 3  the heavens must pass away with a noise and the elements must melt with heat, and the earth with the works therein must be burnt up. 
b 1. Pet. 4  Be ye therefore sober & watchful in prayer: for 
c Mat. 24  in the hour that ye think not, will the Son of Man surely come to judge the world.   

Remedies against vice. Chap. 11.  
THe root of vice is the original corruption, wherewith mankind hath been overwhelmed ever since the fall of Adam. Which corruption in process of time being grown by continual custom into a sinful habit, becometh damnable three manner of ways. First, by thoughts; next by words, as, swearing, lies; lastly, by deeds, as murder, adultery.  
Now for the curing of this Hydra-like malady, six things are to be observed. First, we must oft consider, that the acts of virtues themselves cannot be of any value with God, except we continually exercise ourselves therein. For the longer we delay, 
* Resol. li. 1. part. 2 cap. 5.  the more is the kingdom and power of the Devil established and confirmed in us. Secondly, we must once or twice a day at least call to remembrance our vices, & with a contrite heart ask God forgiveness. Thirdly, we must weigh with ourselves, how that we are wandering pilgrims in this world, and like unto them, that upon their journeys abide not in those Inns, where they are well lodged, but after their bait do depart homeward, uttering these words of the Prophet: * Woe is me, 
Ps. 120.  that I remain in Mesech, and dwell in the tents of Kedar. The fourth remedy against vice is, that we think on the manifold miseries of this life, & on the end thereof. The fifth, we must oftentimes repeat that fearful saying of the Apostle: * If the just shall scarce be saved, 
1. Pet. 4.  where shall the wicked man and sinner appear? The sixth, we must muse upon the day of judgement, at which time 
* Gal. 6.  every one must bear his own burden, and sinners must 
* 1. Pet. 4.  give an account of every idle word. 
* resolute. li. 1. part. 1. cap. 5. ex A●selmo.  about them shall be their judge offended with them for their wickedness: beneath them hell open: and the cruel furnace ready boiling to receive them: on the right hand shall be their sins accusing them: on the left hand the devils ready to execute Gods eternal sentence upon them: within them their consciences gnawing them: without them all damned souls bewailing: on every side the world burning.   

Of justice. Chap. 12.  
JVstice is a thing belonging to policy, 
Arist. li. 1. Polit. cap. 2.  sith the order of a civil society is the law, & judgement is nothing else, but the decision of that, which is just. This virtue, as the Divine Philosopher writeth, 
b Plato li. 4. de Republics.  is the chiefest gift, which God gave unto men. For if she were not amongst us, what would our commonwealth be, but a receptacle for thieves? From whence 
c Plin. lib. 2. nature. histor.  the sect of Democritus concluded, that there were 2. things, which rule the whole world, namely, Reward & Punishment.  
Some say, that justice is more resplendent than the Sun, for he lighteneth the world only by day, whereas she shineth both night and day: the sun illuminateth the eyes of the body, justice the eyes of the mind: the Sun molesteth us by his continual presence, but of justice we shall never be weary, whereupon othersome affirm, that 
* Piccolomi. grad. 5. de virtut. moral. ex Nigidio. Figulo.  she is placed in the Zodiac between the signs of Leo and Libra, whereby her equality and courage are understood. To come nearer our own time, let us commune with ourselves, and forethink, what should become of us, if there were no gallows for murderers and heinous offenders, no whips for rogues, nor fines & amercements for affrays and such like crimes. Surely, we should not live together. The wild Karnes & Red-shanks of Ireland would not be more savage than us.  
Wherefore, O ye, which are seated in the throne of justice, respect not your own private commodities: 
2. Chron. 19  for you execute not the judgements of man; but of God, and he will be with you in the cause and judgement. Lay before your eyes the example of that zealous judge, who feared not to commit the Prince of Wales (afterwards king H. the fifth) for his assault into the prison of the King's bench. For which act of justice, that noble Prince, when he came to the crown, yielded him great thanks, & during his wars in France, left the said judge his substitute over this whole Realm. To be brief, wash your hands clean from bribes, & administer justice unto all men without any kind of affection, vaine-pitie, or favour, lest that, they prying into your lives, in stead of honour, you be branded in the forehead with the perpetual note of infamy.   

Of Injustice. Chap. 13.  
Injustice is a kind of injury, used by such as be in authority, over the weaker sort, 
a Aristot. lib. 5. Ethic. ca 1  who also assume unto themselves, more than law or right permitteth them. This vice of all others is most repugnant to man's nature, because that 
b Plato in Gorgia.  a man, as long as he benefiteth, and executeth justice, is like unto God, but practising injustice, he separateth himself far enough from God. Woe therefore be unto you, landlords, who forgetting yourselves, and your duty towards God, do flay and vex your tenants and inferiors with extraordinary imposts, with ask of benevolences, letherwits, and such like. Woe be unto you, heirs and elder brethren, who make dishcloutes and no reckoning of your younger brethren, but suffer them to be idle and forlorn, which destroyeth them both body and soul: woe, I say, be unto you, that extort, & 
c Ezec. 22.  like ravening wolves do rob & take prays to shed blood, and to destroy souls for your own covetous gain, so that you are 
* Juvenal. satire. 10  not content to be infected with one heinous offence, but moreover you raise up sundry mischiefs, & molest your already distressed brethren with many and injust taxations. For the which, God will proceed in judgement against you, 
a Ezech. 22.  he will power out his indignation upon you, & consume you with the fire of his wrath: your own ways will he render upon your heads. Then in conclusion shall you perceive, how that 
b Seneca Epist. 98  no wickedness escapeth scotfree, by reason that the punishment of one consisteth in another.   

Whether it be lawful for a man to kill himself. Chap. 14.  
NOthing is more damnable, nothing more ungodly, then for a man to slay himself. For if an homicide be damned for killing another: so in like manner he that killeth himself is guilty of murder, because he killeth a member of the commonwealth. Yea, this is a greater sin. For we live here in this world altogether according to God's prescription. 
* Gen. 1.  We are created of God after his own image: and shall we endamaging ourselves, wrong our Creator? No, if we do, our own consciences will accuse us as murderers & traitors before the tribunal seat of God. It is reason that he, which sent us into the world for the setting forth of his glory, should call us out of the world to yield an account of our bailiwick, 
Sydn. li. 4 Arcad.  he hath appointed us Captains of our bodily forts, which without treason to that majesty are never to be delivered over, till they be redemanded. Besides, despair cannot bear the title of valour, by reason it proceedeth of an abject and weak mind. Now therefore if we be valiant, let us make our valour manifest unto Gods and our country's enemies, that if we die in such attempts, the Almighty may canonize us holy martyrs, and crown us with eternal glory in his blessed kingdom.  

Objection.  
Nature granted no longer unto Cato a patent of his life, for Pompey and his Complices were overthrown, and if he himself had been taken captive by Cesar, he had lost his honour and life: therefore it was lawful for him to effect that, which, if he had not, another would.   

Answer.  
Nature gave Cato a life not voluntarily to lose, but to sustain and nourish. Besides, nature and violence are opposite. 
Cas. lib. 3 specul. moral. cap. 7.  In brief, it had been better for him to have been tormented in Phalaris brazen bull, then desperately to kill himself.    

That we should not patiently endure all injuries. Chap. 15.  
MAny, as the anabaptists, doubt, whether it be lawful or no for one Christian to sue or strike another, grounding their opinion upon 
a Matth. cap. 6. Epistol. ad Rom. cap. 12. & Epistol. ad Cor. ca 6  the authority of the Scripture. Yet, this schismatical doubt in my judgement might quickly be blotted out, if they knew what injury meant, for a man may have injury offered either to his person, to his goods, or to his credit. Now concerning our person and goods, it is certain, that virtue permitteth us to repel violence with violence, or else embracing patience, to remit all to the Magistrates, in whose hands the sword of justice remaineth. As for the reprehension of the Corinthians, I answer, that they were rebuked for going to law under those magistrates, which were not Christians, and * in that they brought the Gospel in slander among the unbelievers. 
Calvin. li. 4. Instit. cap. 20.  In like sort I think it meeter for us Protestants to endure all injuries whatsoever, then to commence suits one against another under any Popish or heretical judge. But on the contrary, if the Magistrate be of our religion, what other order by the law of GOD and man is prescribed, then to sue unto him, and to crave satisfaction for the injury which is done unto us? 
a Cic. act. 5. in Verrem.  Every reproach hath a certain sting, which wise and good men can hardly tolerate. Moreover, it is holden for a principle, that 
b Arist. li. 2. Rheto.  no man is vilified and despised in his own conceit. And therefore he cannot choose, but for reasonable causes go to law, and so have the pleas handled, that he may live afterwards in more security: for experience showeth unto us, how that those injuried persons, which most are silent, as confessing themselves overcome by their stronger, do abide continual molestations, and live in intolerable thraldom.  
Touching the last way, whereby injury is offered unto our credit, my sentence is, that it can never be impaired in an honest man, by reason that virtue, which shineth with undefiled honours, will ever patronize & protect it. What availeth it then, that a man go to law for such a trifle, & have his adversary punished, namely, 
a L. lex Cornel. § 10. ff. de iniur.  noted with infamy? Believe me, it is better for you, O contentious witals, to end such cavillations of your wronged credit at home, then to travel to London, and there to feed the ravening Lawyers with the sweat of your brows. Pursue not therefore one another with unappeasable stiffness, but rather end your doubts at home under an indifferent arbitrator without rancour or malice.    

The fourth part.  

Of Truth. Chap. 16.  
Truth is that infallible virtue, which revealeth the creation of the world, the power of God, his blessing for the godly, & vengeance for the wicked. This is she, which rightly may be termed the centre, wherein all things repose themselves, the map, whereby we sail, and the balm whereby we are healed. This is she, 
a ovid. Epist. 19  whom God respecteth more than all sacrifices. To be short, this is she, which 
b Cicero orat. in Vatin.  hath so great power, that no engine, wit, or art can subdue: and although she hath no attorney to defend her cause, yet notwithstanding she is defended by herself. According to our belief in God, Truth is named faith: in agreements between man and man. Truth is called promise: of servants towards their masters she is termed loyalty. But in what estimation she is in these accursed times, I tremble to speak thereof. For many there be, that outface & deny their own superscriptions: & unless an honest man bring with him multitude of witnesses to testify the truth, he is like to be defrauded of his due. O how far do we degenerate from the ancients! They were wont in times past to lend money upon a man's naked & bare promise, and likewise to pass their conveyances and state of lands in few lines: whereas now on the contrary a dozen skins of parchment will scant serve their turn; for what do they else but hammer quirckes and crotchets, and invent twenty apish tricks to cirumvent one another? Promoting pettifoggers are the movers of all these fallacies. They are the caterpillars, which exclude truth, and would make her a wandering vagabound. Beware of them, O ye which are honestly bend. Through their illusions 
a Silius Ital. li. 2.  break not the league of amity, neither prefer ye kingdoms before truth. Take away this virtue, and our commonwealth is become a piracy. The loss of wealth is nothing to the loss of truth. For which cause, the Philosopher doubted not to affirm, that 
b Aristot. lib. 1. Ethic. ca 6.  wise men ought to contradict themselves for verities sake, yea, and to engage their credit for her conservation. Think upon this, O Lawyers, & consider with yourselves, how 
* Eurip. in Phoen.  the speech of Truth is simple, and needs not sundry explications and cavillations.   

Of Lies. Chap. 17.  
OF lies there be three sorts: The first I call an officious lie, which is used, when otherwise an heinous offence cannot be eschewed, as we read in the book of Kings, 
1. Sam. 9  where * Michol Saul's daughter saved her husband David by the same means. The second kind of lies is named jesting, which men use at table, not of any premeditation or malice, but rather for to delight the company. Howbeit among Christians it is not much laudable. The third kind of lies is named hurtful or odious, which extendeth to the harming of one or other. This sort of lying is most detestable in the sight of God and man.  
Furthermore, a lie is a base vice, & worthy to be cont●ned of all mortal men, & especially of those, that are wise, for 
a Arist. li. 1. Sophis. elenchor. cap. 1.  the duties of a wise man are two, whereof the one is not to lie in any thing, which he knoweth: the other, to make a liar manifest to the face of the world. And even as we debar wise men: so we most of all dissuade youths from lying; for if they be suffered & borne withal to coin lies, they will at last become altogether past grace, & by use will be inveterated in falsehood, Wherefore they must be quickly restrained, and severely chastised, when they lie. Hereupon some hold, 
Cic. li. 3. office & Greg. lib. 8. Moral.  that * those youths are as it were naturally evil, which take a delight in telling of lies. Othersome say, that 
* Homer. lib. 9 Odyss.  they differ not from deadly enemies. But howsoever, in my judgement, they ought to be speedily looked unto, and then the rather, 
e Plautus in Mercat●r.  when they begin once to tell lies to their own parents, which is a most intolerable fact.   

Of Swearing. Chap. 18.  
WE must not swear at all, 
Maetth. cap. 5. & Extra. de iureiurand. c. 26.  neither by heaven, for it is the throne of God: nor yet by the earth, for it is his footstool: Neither must we swear by our heads, because we cannot make one hair white or black. But our communication must be yea, yea, and nay, nay, and whatsoever is more than these, cometh of evil. Howbeit notwithstanding, there be very few here in England, that are not in a manner fully resolved to regard swearing as a virtue. He is a Gull or a Puritan, quoth they, that will not swear: nay, rather they should say, he is a member of the devil that delighteth in swearing. 
Augustin. lib. contra. mendac.  Hearken what an holy father saith: Swear not at all, lest that by swearing you come to the facility of swearing, from thence to custom, and from custom you fall into perjury. Neither can your feeble excuses suffice, in saying that you swear not, by God, by God's blood, by God's wounds, but rather you swear by Gog, by God's bud, by God's zwoonce. O foolish hypocrites! do you think although you delude us, that you can dally with him, who noteth & heareth every word which you speak? no, no: it will not go for payment at the fearful day of judgement. In swearing thus, you heap hot coals of fire upon your heads, and offend as bad, by attributing that honour unto counterfeit creatures, which is due unto the creator, who only is to be named, and that after a good sort, in all your words and deeds. Take heed lest that God execute upon you such a fearful judgement, as he of late days executed on a young man in Lincolnshire. This young man, as is by master Perkins, master Stubs, & others credibly reported, was an abominable swearer, and his usual oath was, By God's blood. God willing his repentance, corrected him often times with sickness, that he might be converted. But he utterly rejected all corrections. Then God seeing that nothing could reclaim him from swearing, inflicted on him a most grievous disease, of which he languished a long time. At last his friends perceiving him to be near his death, caused his passing bell to be rung. Whereupon this swearer hearing the bell toll, rose up in his bed, saying, God's blood, he shall not have me yet. But lo, the just judgement of the Lord. At those words the blood gushed out at every joint of his body, & never ceased, till all the blood in his body was run out, and thus died this bloody swearer, whose example, I pray God, may sink into the hearts of our swaggering Cavaliers, who at each other word use to lash out most detestable oaths.  
Now to conclude this chapter, 
a August. in tract. de decollat. johan. Bap.  whosoever provoketh any man to swear a grievous oath, and knoweth that he sweareth falsely, is worse than a murderer, because that a murderer killeth but the body, whereas he killeth the soul, yea, & which is more, he killeth two souls, namely, his whom he provoked to swear, & his own soul.  

Objection.  
It is good to have the name of God in our mouths, therefore it is lawful to swear.   

Answer.  
Swearing is twofold 

Godly, when we be called by the officers of necessity to depose the truth in any doubtful or litigious matter, 
Epist. ad Hebr. ca 6. & l. 3. C. de rebus credit. Extra. de probati. c. 2.  or else in a private case, between party and party, to end strife and debate: and this is tolerable, when all other lawful proofs are known to be wanting.  
ungodly, when we swear upon every light occasion, and in our daily talk, and this is reproved.      

Of perjury or forswearing. Chap. 19  
AN oath hath three associates, to wit, truth, judgement, and justice: whereof if any be found lacking, it is no longer to be termed an oath, but rather perjury, which undoubtedly is a most abominable sin: for thereby we have no respect either unto his presence, who is every where, or reverence unto his commandment, which expressly insinuateth, 
Exod. 20. & Deut. 5.  that * we take not his name in vain, for he will not hold him guiltless, that taketh his name in vain, and so treacherously abuseth his sacred majesty.  
The heathen themselves detested this vice, and thereupon 
a In Iliad fera per tot.  Homer reprehended the Troyans' for their perjure. 
b Diodor. sic. lib. 2.  The Egyptians punished perjurers by death. Yea, many hold it for a maxim, that oaths are to be observed sacredly towards our foes, and that not without good reason, seeing 
c Ex leg. 12. tabu.  perjury by the will of God is destruction, and by man's own confession, infamy; 
d Novel. 82. c. 11 § 1. l. 2 C. de rebus cred. & iureiur. l. si duo § fin. ff. de conduit. institut. ubi & poenam politicam ponit Vlpianus & Cuiacius 8. obseru.  which is likewise sound confirmed by our civil Lawyers.  
Sundry examples I might allege to this purpose, but for brevity sake I will at this time content myself with one only. In the year of our Lord 1576. Anne Aueries widow, forswearing herself for a little money, that should have been paid for six pound of tow, at a shop in Woodstreet of London, fell immediately down speechless, casting up at her mouth the same matter, which by course of nature should have been avoided downwards, till she died. Thus did God reward perjury.  
In conclusion, 
e Isidor.  He that forsweareth himself, 
Isidor. lib. 3. de summo bone.  is subject unto two persons: first unto the judge, whom he deceiveth by his lying, and then unto the innocent party, whom he endangereth by his perjury. Those which would know more of this vice, I refer to the reading of my Commentaries, 
In satire. 5. Persii.  where I have already sifted it.   

Of Cursers and Blasphemers. Chap. 20.  

h Leuit. 24.  Whosoever curseth his God, shall bear the pain of his own sin, and the blasphemer of the lords name shall die the death. The whole congregation of the people shall stone him, whether he be a citizen or a stranger. This bitter commination the Lord raineth down upon such as curse and blaspheme. Who then will presume to contradict and dispute against it? If a subject blaspheme or speak evil of his prince, presently he is had by the back, and condemned to die? What then shall be done with him, that banneth and teareth in pieces the name of God, who is the King of Kings? Is he not worthy of greater punishment, namely, to suffer both in body and soul? 
* Canon. 10 caus. 24. q. 3. ex Hieron. in Epist. ad Tit.  Michael the Archangel durst not curse the devil, albeit he was worthy of all the curses in the world how therefore is it lawful for us to curse? The Turks at this day dare not transgress herein, for fear of God's punishment. Many of the papists accounted it an intolerable sin to blaspheme. O what a condemnation will this be unto us? I fear me, that many of them having as it were but a glimpse of the Gospel of Christ, will go before us Protestants into the everlasting Paradise. We know in our consciences, that cursers and blasphemers are heinous offenders in the sight of God. Howbeit nevertheless, we live careless and obstinate, as being either dazzled like unto owls at the eminent light of the Gospel, or else bewitched and charmed by the empoisoned guiles of this world, and the Prince of this world. Our usual speeches in our anger are these: The Devil take him, Vengeance light upon him, A pox on thee, A plague on thee. All which horrible curses have already fallen on some of our pates, & that within these 7. years. The plague first overspread itself through London the Metropolitan City of this Realm, and from thence it crept into every shire in particular. The pox likewise hath not been absent, which many parents to their great grief can testify. As for the other two, the devil and vengeance, the gallows being burdened with traitors, murderers, and felons, may give sufficient evidence against us.  
Now concerning blasphemy, the followers thereof have not altogether escaped scotfree, as appeared by Duke joyeus, who about eight year since, felt the smart of his impious deserts. This Duke, one of the chiefest of the leaguers in France, being overcome by the French Kings forces that now reigneth, and despairing of any good success, vomited forth these words: Farewell my great Cannons: I renounce God, and will run this day a high fortune. With that he galloped amain, and plunged himself, horse and all into the river Tar, where presently he was swallowed up. Thus did God work the end of this blasphemous Duke. And I pray God they may so still be rewarded that blaspheme him, which causeth the foundations of the earth to tremble, in any Realm or nation in the world whatsoever. What shall I write of the Franciscan Friars, who blasphemously compare their Friar Francis unto Christ, saying, that Christ did not any thing, but Francis did the same? yea; Francis did more than Christ, for his nails drove away temptations. O childish comparison! Of this blasphemous rout is Bellarmine, that Archpapist, as by these his words it appeareth. 
a Bellarm. lib. 2. de Mona. cap. 13. Leuit. 24. & §. ult. in Nou. 77. Clarus. §. blasphema, lib. 5. jason. l. 3. §. jurare. num. 11. de iniur. & Zasius Consil. 19 num. 37. lib. 1.  If we, quoth he, cannot by any means keep the law of God, than God is more unjust, and more cruel than any tyrant. The punishment of cursers and blasphemers were divers. Sometimes they were punished by death. Sometimes * their tongues were cut or bored through. And at other times their punishments were arbittarie according to the number of their offences. Likewise king Lewes of France hearing the Lord of lenuile, one of his Barons, blaspheme God, caused him to be apprehended, and his lips to be slit with an hot iron. For which notable act of justice, he afterwards deserved the name of a Saint.  
Let us therefore consider of these both ordinary, and extraordinary punishments, and employ our whole studies to admonish those miscreants, who do nothing else but ban and blaspheme God, yea, and otherwhiles their own selves.   

Of Deceit. Chap. 21.  
Such is the corrupt nature of this age, that men convert that into deceit, which God gave them for good reason, whereby it falleth out, that 
e Terent. in Andr.  one deceit bringeth in another, and consequently, cozenages are heaped upon cozenages. here-hence it cometh to pass, that so many in these days are conicatched. For how can it otherwise be, as long as they listen unto flatterers, & despise wise men, when they tell them of their follies?  
Wherefore beware of smoothing dissemblers, O ye that are gently disposed, and suffer yourselves to be lift out of the gulf of ignorance, and to be powdered with truth, which erst like sots ye have abandoned. 
b Ari. lib. 4. Metaphysic.  None ever have been deceived, but in that whereof they are ignorant, or else in that which is obscure. And if they be deceived, 
c Demost. 1. Olynth  it is prodigious, if they be deceived of good men. Finally, 
* An. lib 2. Elench sophistic.  they that perceive not deceits, shall oftentimes be deceived of themselves.   

Whether a man be bound to perform that, which he hath sworn to his enemy, either willingly, or by constraint. Chap. 22.  
SO excellent a thing is the name of faith, that the use thereof hath not only purchased credit among friends, but also renown amongst enemies, which foundation being laid, I constantly aver, if a man hath sworn unto his enemy, that he is perjured, if he perform not his oath. Now 
* Hotoman. lib. illustr. question. cap. 17.  under the name of Enemy, I comprehend six sorts of people. First, there be foreign enemies, such as the Spaniards be unto us at this instant, who by an universal consent, do wage war against us, and these are properly to be termed enemies. Secondly, Rebels, of which number we account the Earl of Tyrone, and the wild Irish, who have traitorously revolted from her majesties jurisdiction, are to be called enemies. Thirdly, we name Pirates, rovers & thieves. Fourthly, we name adversaries, amongst whom civil discords happeneth, enemies. Fiftly, banished persons, outlaws, and condemned men, have the title of enemies. In which rank, I place Robin Hood, little john, and their outlawed train, who spoiled the king's subjects. Lastly, Fugitives, and runagate servants, making war with their masters, deserve the name of enemies. In the beadroll of these enemies, flatterers, conicatchers, slanderers, and Promoters, disturbers of the public rest may be added.  
Now to the question, whether we ought to keep touch with all these sorts of enemies? It seemeth unfeignedly, that we should, as shall more manifestly appear by these reasons. 
Leuit. 19  First, * oaths by the testimonies of the scriptures, 
Deut. 5.  are to be observed. 
josua. 9  Secondly, * evil is not to be committed, 
2. Sam. 21  that goodness may ensue. Perjury is evil, 
Matth. 5.  therefore not to be committed, 
Rom. 3.  that goodness may ensue: no, not although a man should lose his life for it. Thirdly, of two evils, the least is to be chosen: but perjury is a greater evil than loss of goods and lands, yea, and which is more, it is greater than loss of life: therefore it is better to lose life and living, then to burden our consciences with the abominable sin of perjury. 
Ambros. lib. 1. Offic. c. 29.  Fourthly, there cannot be honesty nor quietness amongst us, if we break our oaths. Sixtly, it is no point of lively magnanimity to engage our faith, unless we were willing to perform it: for 
h Psal. 15.  who shall dwell in God's tabernacle? who shall rest upon his holy hill? even he that setteth not by himself. It is rather the property of folly, for that a fool will swear any thing for his own safeguard: whereas a man of discretion will consider well, and weigh his speech as it were by the ounce, before he pawn it. Seventhly, whatsoever a man sweareth, and may perform with the favour of God, & without sin, that same, albeit compelled, is to be observed, for the name of God is of greater estimation, than all temporal commodities: such is the promise which a man sweareth unto thieves, because now and then for our amendment GOD permitteth temptations: therefore a man having sworn unto thieves or pirates by compulsion, may not profane his oath. Likewise Machiavelli is worthy of many stripes, who counseled his Prince to put on the fox's skin, when his other shifts did fail, and to follow that young man's example, who said: 
h Hippo●●●us apud ●uripidem.  I swore an oath by tongue, but I bear a mind unsworne.  

Objection.  
An Obligation whereby a man is bound, may be made void by the authority of a Magistrate. Also it is a rule in law: A compelled oath is no oath: therefore a man compelled to swear, may choose whether he will keep his oath or no.   

Answer.  
There be two sorts of obligations. 

The first, whereby a man is bound by writing unto another man, and this kind of obligation may be made frustrate by the judges.  
The second, whereby a man is bound either unto his friends or enemies, and this only belongeth to GOD, who by them is called to record. Moreover, although this obligation by oath may be made void by the public law, yet notwithstanding, it remaineth steadfast in the private law of a man's conscience.      

Of Heretics and Schismatics. Chap. 23.  
THey are to be accounted heretics, which contumatiously defend erroneous opinions in the church of Christ, and will not by any exhortations be converted to the truth. Such were the Arrians, that held three degrees in the Trinity. Such were the Menandrians, Manichaeans, Carpocratians, Cerinthians, Valentinians, Somosatenians, Novatians, Ebionites, Noetians, Macedonians, Dovatists, Tertullianists, Pelagians, Nestorians, 
Novel. 109 praefation. §. Haereticos Wesembec. in C. de Heretic. & Clarus lib. 5. §. haeres. num. 13 & 14.  and others, ● which by justinian the Emperor were afterwards condemned, their goods confiscated, and themselves either banished or put to death.  
Innumerable examples concerning heretics are extant: but I will content myself at this time with the rehearsal only of two of them, the memory whereof, is as yet rife amongst many of us. In the year of our Lord 1561. and the third year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, there was in London one William jeffery, that impudently affirmed john Moor a companion of his, to be jesus Christ, and would not revoke his foolish belief, until he was whipped from Southwark to Bedlam, where the said Moor meeting with him, was whipped likewise, until they both confessed that Christ was in heaven, & themselves but sinful and wicked heretics. In like manner, about ten years ago, I myself being then a scholar at Westminster, Henry Arthington, & Edmond Coppinger, two gentlemen, bewitched by one William Hackets dissimulations, concluded him to be the Messias, and thereupon ran into Cheapside, proclaiming the said Hacket to be Christ. For which heretical or rather Devilish device they were apprehended and imprisoned: & in the end Hacket was hanged on a gallows placed up in Cheapside; Arthington was kept in prison upon hope of repentance; & Coppinger died for sorrow the next day in Bridewell.  
Thus we see that truth, although for a time it be darkened by a cloud, yet at last it prevails and gets the victory: & the Heretics themselves are by God's special judgements confounded, and their courageous opinions in a moment abated. Neither will it be long, ere that the Romish Bishop, the son of Belial shall see 
* Psal. 2.  his power bruised with a rod of iron, and broken in pieces like a potter's vessel: yea, himself 
* 2. Thes. 2.  shall be consumed with the spirit of God's mouth, and be abolished with the brightness of his coming.   

Of Jesuits. Chap. 24.  
IGnatius a maimed soldier, not for any fervency or zeal, that he bore unto a new austerity of life, but feeling himself weak any longer to souldierize & follow the wars, communicated with divers persons, and among the rest with one Pasquier Brovet, a man altogether unlettered & ignorant of Divinity. These two together with their enchanted complices, to apply their title unto their zeal, named themselves devout persons of the society of jesus. And thereupon presented themselves unto Pope Paul the 3. about the year of our Lord 1540 This Pope permitted them to be called Jesuits, but with this countermand, that they should not surpass the number of threescore persons. Thus for a time they satisfied themselves. But within a while after, they obtained greater privileges of Pope Paul the fourth: which made their troublesome order like ill weeds to multiply apace, and attempt many horrible things: yea, even most wicked treason against the lives of high potentates and Princes, as against our sovereign Queen, against the French king, and divers others. In Portugal and India they termed themselves Apostles; but in the year 1562. sundry of them were drowned by the just judgement of God. Who is so simple, but he understandeth, that they in naming themselves Jesuits do go about to degrade the ancient Christians, and blaspheme against GOD? rather they should call themselves Ignatians, and not bring in new-found orders. This the Sorbonistes of Paris knew very well, when they doubted not about six years ago to exhibit a bill in the Parliament against them. What shall I write, how they give themselves altogether to be Machiavellians, and ungodly Politicians, how they hoard up wealth, how they possess earldoms and Lordships in Italy and Spain? and yet for all this, they presume to entitle themselves of the society of jesus. O wretched caitiffs! O hellish heretiques● the time will come, when this outrageous profession of yours shall be extinguished by the Sunshine of the true and Apostolical doctrine, as the Sorcerers rod was eaten up by Aaron's rod in the presence of Pharaoh.    

The fifth part.  

Of Magnanimity. Chap. 25.  
MAgnanimity is a virtue, 
Arist. lib. 4. Ethic. cap. 3.  that consisteth in achieving of great exploits: and is touched chiefly upon eight occasions. First, a magnanimous man is he, that will never be induced to enterprise any dishonest point against any man, no not against his utter enemy. Secondly, he will choose the mean rather than the extreme. Thirdly, he will tell his mind plainly without dissimulation. Fourthly, he will not respect what the common people speak of him, nor will he measure his actions according to their applauses. Fiftly, a magnanimous man, 
* Osorius li. 3. Christian. nobilit.  though he should see all the world eagerly bend to fight, and though he should see every thing round about him set on fire, and almost consumed, yet he notwithstanding through an assured confidence will remain constant. Sixtly, a magnanimous man will withdraw his mind from worldly affairs, & lift it up to the contemplation of great matters, 
* Psal. 1.  and in God's law will he exercise himself day and night. Seventhly, a magnanimous man will scorn vices, and forget injuries. Eightly, he will speak nothing but wise and premeditated words, according to that old saying: A barking dog will never prove good biter, and the deepest rivers run with least noise.  
The ancient Christians of the primitive Church were right examples of this virtue Magnanimity, as they, who had all the properties thereof imprinted in them. They, I say, who cheerfully gave themselves to be massacred and tormented. Like unto these were our late English martyrs in Queen Mary's days, who gladly in defence of the true religion yielded themselves to fire and faggot. For the undoubted belief of triumph in heaven both diminished and took away the corporal grief, and replenished the mind with cheerfulness and joy. They knew man's life to be but a bubble on the face of the earth. They considered with themselves our miserable estate; for assoon as we are borne, we seem to flourish for a small moment, but straightway we die, and there is little memorial left behind. They knew Magnanimity to be the ornament of all the virtues. Briefly, they persuaded themselves to see their saviour Christ in heaven, and evermore to dwell with him. These, these be the duties of magnanimous men, which whosoever do covet to embrace, shall at last attain to everlasting happiness.  

Objection.  
All scornful men are wicked: 
* Arist. lib. 4. Ethic. ca 3.  magnanimous men are scornful: therefore they are wicked.   

Answer.  
There be two sorts of scornful men, 

That scorn men's persons, and they are wicked.  
That scorn vices, & they are good: after which manner magnanimous or great-minded men do scorn insolent men & dastards by reason of their pride and cowardice.      

Of Ambition. Chap. 26.  
IN ambition there be five mischiefs. The first is, that causeth a man neither to abide a superior nor an equal. The second, an ambitious man by attributing honour unto himself, goeth about to defraud God of his due. The 3. plague in ambition is, that it considereth not what hath chanced to such, as exercised it. 
a Bembus li. 2. Venet. hist.  Lodowick Sforcia uncle to john Galeaze Duke of Milan whom he poisoned, was one of the most ambitious men in the world; but yet for all his Italian tricks 
b Gnicciardin. li. 4. Histor.  he was at last in the year 1510. taken captive by the French King, and put in prison, where he continued till he died. Cardinal Wolsey likewise here in England may serve for a pattern of ambition, who being preferred by King Henry the eight her majesties Father, would notwithstanding have exalted himself above the King, for which his intolerable ambition his goods were confiscated, and himself apprehended. The fourth mischief in ambition is, that he hunteth after false and deceitful glory, and 
c Persius' Satyr. 1.  thinks it a fair thing to be pointed at with the finger, and to be talked of: This is he. The fifth, an ambitious man weigheth not his own frayelty and weakness.   

Remedies against ambition. Chap. 27.  
THe forward horse is not holden back without foaming and showing his fury. The stream that runneth, is not stayed contrary to the course thereof without making a noise: & the ambitious man is not reclaimed from his aspiring thoughts without good and wholesome admonitions; I will nevertheless, as well as I can, endeavour to cure him of his cankered malady.  
First, let the ambitious man consider whereof he is made, namely, of dust & ashes. Secondly, he must diligently go to hear Sermons, and read the holy Bible. Thirdly, he must think upon the wavering actions of fortune, how she taketh from one that, which she transferreth on another, and how she respecteth not the equity of causes, nor the merits of persons, but maketh her fancy the measure of her affections. Fourthly, let the ambitious have a regard whether he be commended of wise men or of flatterer's. Fiftly, let him compare his own deeds with those of the holy men's in times past. Sixtly, he must not inquire what the common people say of him. Seventhly, let him take heed by other men's harms, and muse upon the case of those men, who desiring to eat some fruit, regarded not the height of the tree, whereon they grew, but laboured to climb up to the top, and so fell down headlong by reason of the weakness of the boughs.   

Of Fortitude. Chap. 28.  
THe means to discern a valiant man be eight. The first, if he be not astonished in adversity, nor proud in prosperity, but leading both the one & the other within the square of Mediocrity. Secondly, he is a valiant man, that is mild and courteous of nature. Thirdly, if 
a Eurip. in Rhes.  he scorns privily to overcome his adversary. Fourthly, if he contemn to fight in a bad quarrel, for 
b Ambr. li. 1. Offi.  fortitude without equity is the fuel of iniquity. Fiftly, if he 
c Virg. li. 6. Aeneid.  give not place to miseries, but goeth the more courageously against them. Sixtly, he is a valiant man, that sorroweth to die an inglorious death. Seventhly, that feareth shame. As 
* Aristot. lib. 3. Ethic. ca 8  Hector did, when his friends counseled him not to go out of the city. Eightly, he is a valiant man, that will fight stoutly in his Country's defence, and not fear to die. Such a one was Captain 
* Homer. lib. 22. Iliad.  Diagio of Milan, 
* Machiavelli. li. 4 Histor. Florent.  who in the year of our Lord 1400. being environed with fire and enemies, not finding any means to defend his charge, or escape honestly with life, threw over the wall of the place, where he was enclosed, and where no fire as yet burned, certain clothes and straw, and upon the same his two children, and said to his enemies, Take you here those goods which Fortune gave me, but my goods of mind wherein my glory consisteth neither will I give them, nor can you take them from me. The enemies saved the poor children, and offered him ladders to convey himself down safe. But he refusing all succours, chose rather to die in the fire, then receive life from the enemies of his country. What shall I speak of sir Philip Sidney, sir Richard Greenevil, and sundry others of our own countrymen, who of late years not unlike to those of ancient times so highly commended, willingly and valiantly lost their lives, rather than they would trust to the mercy of the Spaniards? 
Plutarch. in vita Cleomen.  In brief, * commonly they, that are most afraid to offend the law, are in the field most stout against their enemies, and will shun no peril to win fame and honest reputation.   

Of Foolhardiness. Chapt. 29.  
Foolhardiness is the excess of fortitude, used for the most part of Cavaliers and tossepots. For seldom is it seen, that they at any time have fought in just causes, or have observed the circumstances belonging to true Fortitude.  
Their properties rather are to flaunt like Peacocks, to play the Braggadochians, and to trust most impudently in the hugeness of their limbs, and in their drunken gates. Such are many of our young Gentlemen, who by their wise parents are sent so timely to learn wise fashions at London. Such are they, I say, who carry beehives and commonwealths in their pates, who jet now and then in the streets with bushes of feathers on their Cockescombed sconces, and go attired in Babylonian raiments. But the higher they exalt themselves, the greater will be their fall. In the forefront of these madde-cappes may the Duke of Guise appear, who in the year 1588. one day before he was slain, as he sat at dinner, found a little scroll of paper under his trencher, wherein was written that he should look unto himself, and that his death was prepared. But he in the same paper rashly with his own hand wrote these words: They dare not, and so threw it under the table.  
By whose example let men take heed how they persist in any thing rashly, for although the poets say, that 
a Virg. lib. 4. Aenei. & ovid. lib. 10. Metam.  Fortune helpeth an audacious man, yet notwithstanding that help is quickly overcast and 
b Quintil. Declamation. 1.  broken by the woeful calamities of the body. Wherefore we must deem it expedient to resist and turn back fool hardiness rather late than never.  

Objection.  
An audacious Braggadochian being knocked runneth away: therefore there is no difference betwixt a foolehardy man and a coward.   

Answer.  
Two things are to be respected in a foolehardy Braggadochian. 

1 Madhardinesse or rashness, which leadeth him into danger.  
2 Weakness of nature not agreeable to his mind: & this is the cause, why he trusteth sometimes unto his heels, rather than his hands.      

Of fear and Pusillanimity. Cha. 30.  
EVen as the foolhardy Cavaleer traverseth up and down like a Lion: so a fearful man is a pusillanimous meacock: he feareth his own shadow by the way as he traveleth, and judgeth each bush to be a rover. When he is among Gentlemen, he holdeth his head down like a dunce, and suddenly sneaketh away like an urcheon. He is either by nature melancholic, or by use a niggard or a tenderling, such a one was that Gentleman of Portugal, who craved of king Sebastian in the year 1572. a protection against some, who had sworn his death. The king gave it him. Shortly after he came again unto the king, and complained unto him of the great fear he was daily in, notwithstanding his protection. Whereunto the king wisely answered: from fear I cannot protect you. far more fearful than this Portugal was that young Gentleman of Patavine, who of late years being in prison upon some accusation, heard by one of his friends, that of certainty he should be executed the next day following. Which news so terrified & changed him, that in one only night he became white & grai-headed, whereas before there was no appearance thereof. The cause of this so wonderful an alteration was fear, which grounded upon a false opinion of mischief seized on his heart, and consumed it like a pestilent canker according to that saying: 
* Arist. li. 2. Physic.  A sudden alteration hath no great beginning. And again, 
* Vegetius lib. 3. de remilit.  Usual things are seldom feared. For being long expected, how can they choose but fall out lightly? To conclude, it is 
* Terent. in Eunuch.  the first and sudden fear, that bereaveth the mind of advise, but often consideration of it breedeth confidence, and quite expelleth all manner of fear.    

The sixth part.  

Of Temperance and Continence. Chapt. 30.  
ALl virtues do make a Commonwealth happy and peaceable: but temperance alone is the sustainer of civil quietness, for it taketh care that the realm be not corrupted with riot and wanton delights, whereby diverse states have been cast away. This is that virtue which hindereth dishonest actions, which restraineth pleasures within certain bounds, and which maketh men to differ from bruit beasts. Moreover, this is that 
* Homer. lib. 10. Odyss.  herb, which Mercury gave to Ulysses, lest he should taste of the enchauntres cup, & so with his fellows be transformed into a hog. & this is that virtue, which great men ought specially to embrace, that by their example the common sort might become temperate. For 
* Aristot. lib. 1. Ethic. ca 5.  this is the reason why so many nowadays live riotously like beasts, namely, because they see noblemen and magistrates, that govern the commonwealth, to lead their lives wanton, as Sardanapalus did. Therefore let noblemen be temperate, and spend less in shows and apparel, that they may keep better hospitality than they do, and benefit the poor. Let them, I say, imitate those famous wights, who voluntarily resigned up their large portions in this world, that they might live the more contentedly. A murath the second, Emperor of the Turks, after he had gotten infinite victories, became a Monk of the straightest sect amongst them in the year of our Lord 1449. Charles the 5. Emperor of Germany gave up his Empire into the hands of the Prince's electors, and withdrew himself in the year 1557. into a monastery. The like of late did the tyrant his son king Philip of Spain. What shall I say of Daniel, and his three companions Ananias, Azarias, and Misael? did they not choose to sustain themselves with pulse, when as they f might have had a portion of the king's meat? 
Daniel. 1.  seeing therefore by these examples we perceive, how great the force of Temperance is over the greedy affections of the mind, let us devoutly love her, and through her love, observe a mean in our pleasures and sorrows.   

Of Intemperance, and Incontinence. Chap. 31.  
intemperance is an overflowing in pleasures, desperately constraining all reason, in such sort, that nothing is able to stay him from the execution of his lusts. For that cause there is a difference between it and incontinence, namely, that an incontinent man knoweth full, that the sin which he commits is sin, and had intended not to follow it, but being overmastered by his Lordly perturbations, he yieldeth in a manner against his will thereunto: whereas the intemperate man sinneth of purpose, esteeming it a goodly thing, and never reputes him once of his wickedness. Wherehence I conclude, that an intemperate man is incurable, and far worse than the incontinent: for the incontinent man being persuaded with wholesome counsels, will be sorry for his offence, and will strive to overcome his passions. But to make both, aswell the intemperate man, as the incontinent hateful unto us: Let us call to mind, how they do nothing else, but think on their present provender and rutting. Also, we must consider, how that intemperance is that goggle-eyed Venus, which hindereth honest learning, which metamorphozeth a man into a beast, and which transformeth simple wretches into tosse-potted asses: wherefore I wish all men of what quality soever they be, to take heed of this vice, lest they either be accounted beasts, or alive be reckoned among the number of the dead.   

Of Lechery. Chap. 33.  
Lechery is a short pleasure, bringing in long pain, that is, it expelleth virtue, shorteneth life, & maketh the soul guilty of abominable sin. This vice I fear me, is too rife here in England, for how many Ursula's have we like that princely Ursula, who with eleven thousand Virgins more in her company being taken by the Painime fleet, as they were sailing into little Britain, for the defence of their chastities, were all of them most tyrannically martyred? In steed of Ursula's, I doubt, we have courtesans, and whorish droyes, who with their brayed drugs, periwigs, farthingales, false bodies, trunk sleeves, spanish white, pomatoes, oils, powders, and other glozing fooleries too long to be recounted, do disguise their first natural shape, only sophistically to seem fair unto the outward view of tame and undiscreet woodcocks. Yet notwithstanding, let a man behold them at night or in the morning, and he shall find them more ugly and loathsome then before: and I cannot so well liken them, as to Miller's wives, because they look as though they were beaten about their faces with a bag of meal. But what enfueth after all these artificial inventions? the vengeance of God. 
Esay 3.  Instead of sweet savour, there shall be stink, instead of a girdle, a rent, instead of dressing the hair, baldness, instead of a stomacher, a girding of sack cloth, and burning, instead of beauty. What shall I do them, asketh the honest man? how shall I discern a chaste woman from a bawdy trull, a diligent housewife, from an idle drone? 
Gellius lib. 1. ca 11. St●baeus sermon. 65. & Bruson. lib. 7 cap. 22.  (a) If she be fair, she is most commonly a common quean: if she be foul, then is she odious: What shall I do? This thou shalt do, O honest man, 
b Martial. lib. 8. Epigram. ad Priscum.  (b) Choose thee not a wife above thine estate, nor under, lest the one be too haughty, or the other displease thee: rather hearken unto a witty virgin, borne of virtuous and witty parents, correspondent unto thee both in birth and degree, and no doubt but with thy good admonitions thou shalt have her tractable. No woman is so flinty, but fair words and good usage will in time cause her to relent, and love thee as she should, above all others: in fine, respect not dowry, for  
* If she be good, 
Plautus in Aulular.  she is endowred well.   

Of Gluttony and Drunkenness. Chap. 34  
OF Gluttony there be four kinds. The first happeneth, when a man causeth his meat to be made ready before due and ordinary time for pleasure, and not for necessity. The second, when a man curiously hunteth after diversities and dainty meat. The third, when he eateth more than sufficeth nature. The last, when we eat our meat too greedily and hungrily, like unto dogs.  
Now to come to drunkenness, I find that there be three sorts thereof. The first, when we being very thirsty, not knowing the force of the drink, do unwittingly drink ourselves drunk: and this can be no sin. The second, when we understand that the drink is immoderate, and for all that, we respect not our weak nature, which unawares becometh cupshot; and this is a kind of sin. The third, when we obstinately do persevere in drinking, and this certainly, is a grievous and intolerable sin.   

The discommodities of drunkenness. Chap. 35.  
THe discommodities of drunkenness are many: 
Prou. 20. & 23. joel. 2.  first, (c) it displeaseth God: secondly, it is undecent and filthy: for doth not a drunken man's eyes look red, bloody, 
Luke. 16.  and staring? doth not his tongue falter? doth not his breath stink? is not his nose fiery and worm-eaten? are not his wits dead, according to that: When the ale is in, wit is out? doth not his body shiver? 
Horatius lib. 1. Epistol.  In brief, What doth not drunkenness signify? it discloseth secrets, it maketh the unarmed man to thrust himself into the wars, and causeth the careful mind to become quite void of care. The third discommodity of drunkenness is, that it shorteneth life, defaceth beauty, and corrupteth the whole world. For how can it otherwise be, when GOD blesseth not the meat and drink within our bodies? Fourthly, drunkenness i● the cause of the loss of time. 
Esay. 5.  Fiftly, Hell gapeth and openeth her mouth wide, that the multitude and wealth of them that delight therein, may go down into it. For proof whereof, I will declare one notable example, taken out of the Anatomy of Abuses. About twenty years since, there dwelled eight men, Citizens and Citizens Sons of Swaden a City of Germany, who upon a Sunday morning, agreed to go into a Tavern, and coming to the house of one Antony Hage, an honest man, and zealously given, they called for wine. The good man told them that they should have none, before Sermon time was past, and persuaded them to go hear the word preached. But they (save one Adam Giebens, who advised them to hear the Sermon for fear of GOD'S wrath) denied, saying, that they loathed that kind of exercise. The good Oast neither giving them any Wine himself, nor permitting any other, went to the Sermon. Who being gone, they fell to cursing, & wishing that he might break his neck before he returned: whereupon the devil appeared unto them in the shape of a young man, bringing in his hand a flagon of wine, & drunk unto them, saying: Good fellows, be merry, for you shall ha●e wine enough, & I hope you will pay me well. Then they inconsiderately answered, that they would pay him, or else they would gauge their necks, yea, their bodies and souls, rather than to fail. Thus they continued swilling and bibbing so long, till they could scant see one another. At the last, the Devil their tapster told them, that they must needs pay their shot: whereat their hearts waxed cold. But he comforting them, said: Be of good cheer, for now must you drink boiling lead, pitch; and brimstone with me in the pit of hell for evermore. Hereupon he made their eyes appear like fire, and in breadth as broad as a saucer: and ere they could call for grace & mercy, the devil prevented them, & broke their necks asunder. The other Adam Giebens, who counseled them before to hear God's word, having some sparks of faith within him, was preserved from death, by the great mercy of God.  
After this sort God punished drunkenness, to the terror of all such as delight therein. God grant that men hereafter may beware, how they play the drunkards. For doubtless, although he bears with our quaffers here in England, yet notwithstanding, he hath prepared heavy punishments for them in the world to come.   

Remedies against intemperance, gluttony, and drunkenness. Chap. 36.  
THe first remedy against intemperance, gluttony, and drunkenness, is the word of God: for 
e Matth. 4  (e) it is written, Man shall not live by bread only, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God. The second, they must consider the fasting and poverty of Christ, for when he said, I thirst, that is, I thirst after man's salvation, 
johan. 19  they gave him Vinegar to drink. The third remedy is, that they weigh with themselves the evil, which proceedeth from their vices, and the torments of the rich glutton in hell. The fourth, let them think on the eternal pleasures of the other world, and 
n Matt. 5.  hunger & thirst after righteousness. The fifth, let them follow Socrates' advice, 
i Plut. de curiosit. et Xenop. lib. 1. de dict. & fact. Socrat.  Who admonished men to take heed from eating and drinking those things, which would move them not being hungry, nor thirsty: and also from prying into gentlewomen's beauties, lest, as the Poets feign, Cupid the blind God of love, do perchance shoot and hit them. This reason 
b Elian. li. 3. vari. hist. c. 30  Clitomachus knew very well, who if he heard but one talking of love matters, would immediately depart away. Lastly, let them avoid idleness; for 
h ovid. li. 1. de remed. amo.  Idleness being taken away, the force of lechery decayeth.   

Of stupidity or dullness. Chap. 37.  
Stupidity is a voluntary and too great a suppression of lawful pleasures. This vice 
r Arist. li. 3. Ethic. cap. 11.  is seldom found amongst men: for where shall we see any so dull, that hath no taste of pleasures? All other living creatures can judge and discern of the meat which they eat: but dull men have not half so much judgement or discretion. Therefore without doubt, they that have lost their feeling, are no more to be called living men, but blocks, or stocks, or rather bruit beasts deprived of sense. There be some men I confess, very bluntish and dull, yet notwithstanding, I dare not say, that they are in such sort infected by reason of this vice, the defect of Temperance; but more likely they are so, because of their unwholesome & bad complexions, or else because of some sickness or other. And thus much of the nature of Stupidity.  

Objection.  
Stupidity is a mean to obtain virtue, for it is a bridling of lust: therefore it is no vice.   

Answer.  
Stupidity is a bridling of lust, but confusedly, without wit or reason.     

The seventh part.  

Of Magnificence. Chap. 38.  

e Arist. li. 4. Ethic. cap. 2.  THe like difference as is between God & man, between a temple & a sepulchre, such is betwixt magnificence & liberality: for 
a Ibid.  magnificence is a virtue, that consisteth in sumptuous & great expenses: whereas liberality is conversant in small things, so that the one is peculiar to Noblemen, and the other to common Gentlemen. But in this age it is quite abandoned. They were wont in times past, to patronize and find poor scholars at the University: But now, I pray you, who is so nobleminded? who so virtuous? They were wont to build Colleges: but now they are ready to pull them down; and which is more, if any intends but to build a free-school or an hospital (which is as seldom seen as a black swan) we account him, as they say, one of God Almighty's fools. The Gentlemen of the Inns of Court, quoth the rich chuffs, wear so much on their backs, as would serve for the building of free-schooles. Our sons at the University spend yearly in battles, decrements, and books, as much at would suffice for the repairing of bridges, highways, and such like. Those preachers please our minds best, which preach faith, and no good works. This cheap religion we like; a strong barn, Neighbour, is worth fifteen of their freeschooles. But alas, how can the poor sheep do well, when their shepherds be cold in charity? when these non residents care not how their flocks thrive? when the levites of jesus Christ have always this worldly theorem in their mouths: He ought to be begged for a fool, that gathereth not for his wife and children? O politic worldlings! O Machiavellians! The Papists, that in a manner build their whole devotion upon good works, shall rise against you at the day of judgement: yea, the Infidels themselves, who dedicate their substance unto Idols, shall testify against you. What saith your Nazianzen? 
b Nazian. in oration, de cura paupe.  A man hath nothing so divine as magnificence, & distribution of goods. What saith Strabo? 
c Strab. lib. 10.  Men them principally do imitate God, when they benefit. Wherefore, O mortal men, both spiritual and temporal, do good while you may, time passeth away, live mindful of death. After which you must yield account to the almighty judge, how you have consumed your lives and goods. In a word, help to advance and prefer scholars, for 
* Martial. lib. 1. Epigr.  If there be a Maecenas, and furtherers of learning, we shall quickly find Virgil's and Horace's to eternize your names and magnificence; whereas on the contrary, 
a Tacitus lib. 11. Annal.  if magnificence and hire of pains be taken away, learning must of necessity fall to ruin.   

Of Liberality. Chap. 39  
Liberality is a virtue placed between prodigality and avarice, 
a Arist. li. 4. Ethic. cap. 1.  Conversant most commonly in giving, & sometimes in receiving; whereby not only the participation of gifts & money are meant, but also the communication of good counsels and duties are understood. All they which exercise this virtue, do purchase unto themselves love and good will, which be of great moment, either to live quietly, or to rule without trouble: 
z Hor. li, 2. Od. 2 & Mart. lib. 8. Epigram.  Their fame shall never fall from the earth, and they themselves shall be highly favoured of the highest landlord. For 
b Oui. lib. 5. Faster.  oftentimes when God means to send his thunderbolts against the wicked, he stayeth his hand by reason of their sacrifices & alms.  
Now to come to the anatomizing of liberality, I put down eight circumstances, whereby a Gentleman may become liberal, & so uphold his reputation. The first law of liberality is, to distribute unto them, who are most worthy: Otherwise, he is like a blind man, when he knoweth not to whom he giveth: namely, he must observe the order of nature, in preferring his brethren before his cousins, & his cousins before strangers, & 
a Macr lib. 2. saturnal.  in rewarding of wise men, before sycophants & pickthanks. The second circumstance is, that a man give not more, than his ability will afford, but rather he must cut out his coat in proportion according to his cloth: because 
c Plinius iuni. lib. 7. Epist.  repentance followeth hasty liberality. The third, he must not give to them, which have enough already. The fourth, he must not, after he hath bestowed his gifts, cast and hit men in the teeth with them, or by his prating, cause the remembrance of his gifts to perish. The fifth rule of liberality, a man must not hurt one, that he may be liberal to another, for they that do this, are neither to be accounted beneficial nor liberal, but pernicious. The sixth, he must give willingly without requesting, for nothing is more dear than that, which is bought by prayers. Hitherto appertaineth the Apostles saying: 
2. Cor. 9  As every man wisheth in his heart, so let him give, not grudgingly, nor of necessity: for GOD loveth a cheerful Giver. The seventh, let him respect the place, where he giveth, that is, whether in an honest house, or in an infamous. The last law of liberality is, that it be without shipwreck or loss of the givers good name.  
But why do I decipher that, which now a days men have utterly abandoned? Where in England, nay, where in the world, can I point with my finger, & say: There is a liberal man? Alas, all men are become misers, there are none that are liberal, no, not one. O ungrateful wretcheslis not God your Landlord, and doth not he suffer you to enjoy his lands without in comes or fines? Only this is his condition, that ye use the poor well, and cherish the needy: why then are ye covetous, why do ye not perform his condition, and be liberal? It behooves you rather to lay up riches in heaven, and not to believe, that this fickle and doting world, is a perpetual paradise, & that the drossy excrements thereof, are hallowed. Communicate therefore your goods one unto another, for treasure remaineth prepared for the godly in heaven. Let not the hellish usurer have dominion over you: he is Plutus (as the Poets feign) the God of your riches. Beware of his fawn, take heed of his motives and illusions; he cometh disguised in the form of an Angel of light, persuading you by sophistry, that liberality is a vice, that golden ducats are demie Gods. But what followeth after all these fallacies? death, and the vengeance of the highest. To be short, as many as are well disposed to be liberal, let them give in their lives time, whilst they have space to give. It is foolishness for any man to defer his liberality till after his death: for executors will part stakes; and beside, alms at that time, will do the givers no good.   

Of Prodigality. Chap. 40.  

h Arist. lib. 4. Ethic.  Prodigality is a foolish and undiscreet wasting and lavishing of goods: for the which poverty and late repentance do ensue. The rare follower of this vice careth not for circumstances, but spendeth his money upon such things, whereof he leaveth little remembrance or none at all behind him: he never thinks on the variable blasts of fortune: but ignominiously consumeth his patrimony in a bawdy or infamous house, and if there were given him as much money 
a Boetius lib. 2. de Consolat. Philosop. metr. 2.  as the sea turneth up sand, when it is tossed with the raging winds: yet for all that a prodigal man will devour all, & at last will be forced to pill & poll his poor tenants, supplying his wants ambitiously by unlawful means.  
Into the lists of this vice many of our English Cavaliers & soldiers do enter, who bestow all that they have on gorgeous raiments & in visiting of queans: Whereas rather they should consider with themselves, 
b Pers. satyr. 3.  what they are, how they mean to live hereafter, of what vocation they are, & what profit they may reap by saving their money. It becometh them not to follow crows abroad through thick & thin: but to respect, whither they go. It becometh them, I say, not to imitate Bedlams, who journey still that way, where the staff falleth. God hath appointed every man to be of some calling or other. To conclude, they deceive themselves in thinking, that prodigality doth engraff in them a kind of liberality: for 
* Tacitus lib. 1. Histor.  many know how to spend, but not, how to give.   

The properties of a covetous man. Chapt. 40.  
THe properties of a covetous man are infinite, but principally these: First a covetous man is an Infidel, for he loveth not his brethren, and 
* 1. joh. 4.  he that loveth not, knoweth not God, for God is love. Secondly, he is a thief, for the goods that he possesseth, are none of his own, but Gods. Man is only constituted as a steward, and must one day to his perpetual destruction, yield an account thereof. Further, it is known, that 
* Arist. li. 1. Politi.  theft, and sundry other vices spring chiefly from covetousness. Thirdly, a covetous man is a slave, for he attendeth & waiteth on his money. Fourthly, he is in continual fear and suspicion, least thieves rob him of his treasure, lest his ewes have no good yeaning, lest the floods carry away his mills, and lest there happen a wet year.  
Fiftly, 
* Juvenal. satire. 14  a covetous man is alway vexed and aggrieved in mind, for if his wife asketh for two shillings to buy silk, six pence for spice or salt; then he frets and fumes, yells and bannes, swearing that she seeks his utter undoing. Sixtly, he hath most commonly three keys or more to his chest, and which is worse, threescore in his heart to keep them from spending. Lastly, a covetous man offendeth against the second commandment, for he worships Idols, in reposing so much confidence in his money.   

Remedies against covetousness. Chap. 42.  
ALbeit that 
* Seneca in Hercu. O●te,  nature is little enough to satisfy a niggards mind, because he is insatiable: yet notwithstanding, I will endeavour to bring him into the right way: first, let him think upon the 
c Amo. 6.  fearful alarms, 
Esay 5.  which God by his Prophets sounded against all covetous men. 
Luk. 6.  Secondly, let him consider the poverty of Christ. 
jud. 2.  Thirdly, let him weigh with himself, how nature is content with a little, as for example, 
s 1. Reg. 19  Elias was glad to eat bread and water: 
i Dan. 1.  Daniel satisfied himself with pulse: 
n Luke. 3.  Saint john Baptist lived on locusts and wild honey. Fourthly, let the covetous man keep good company, and follow them that are virtuously disposed. Fiftly, let him think on the everlasting riches of the other world. Sixtly, let him consider of his end and death. Lastly, let the covetous man examine himself, and muse upon the unhappy lives and punishments, of such as have been covetous.  
Calipha the Sultan of Egypt, having filled a Tower with gold and precious stones, and being in war with Allan the king of Tartary, was at last taken captive by him, & famished in that tower, wherein his treasure lay. More strange is that, which is reported of an Archbishop of Mogunce, who in the year of our Lord 1518. foreseeing that corn would the next year be sold at an extreme rate, gathered together great store, and whorded the same up in certain garners, which he had built for the same purpose; not with a godly intent to bring down the price, but rather to enhance it for his own private commodity. But behold the judgements of God; his servants the next year overturning this whorded corn, found clean contrary to their expectations snakes, adders, and vermin so thick crept in, that it was impossible to save aught thereof. The like, as I heard, happened about a dozen years ago unto a wicked niggard here in England. Also, to mine own remembrance, there was one in the year 1589. that sent four bushels of wheat (every one consisting of two bushels & a half of Winchester measure) into the market, and was offered 22. shillings for every bushel, which he refused, hoping to get 2. shillings more on the next market day. But see the reward of covetousness: wheat was then sold for 16. shillings, & within 2. markets after for a noble, in somuch that that man, which refused to take 22. shillings for every bushel, was now glad to have a noble for the same. Likewise a certain knight of Oxfordshire punished very justly (but overseverely) the covetousness of a priest, that denied the service of his office in the burying of a dead body, because his widow had not wherewith to pay him the costs of the funeral. For the Knight himself going to the burial, caused the minister to be bound to the corpse, & so to be cast both into one grave. Which done, he road straightway to the Court, & with some intercession begged his pardon of Q. Mary. The like fact I heard was put in practise by john Maria Duke of Milan above an 100 years since. What shall I speak of the covetousness of one Peter Vnticaro a Spaniard? who with certain other Christians, to the number of 263. having been a long time withholden captives in Alexandria by the great Turk, at length in the year of our Lord 1577. conspired together for their delivery, & by good luck killed the Jailer, and then entering into his chamber, found a chest, wherein were great store of double ducats, which this Peter Vnticaro, & two more opening, stuffed themselves so full as they could therewith, between their shirts & their skin▪ which th'other Christians would not once touch, but said, that it was their liberty, which they sought for, to the honour of God, & not to make a mart of the infidels wicked treasure. Yet did these words sink nothing into their stomachs. But within a while after, in a skirmish with the warder of the prison, P. Vnticaro & th'other 2. that were armed with the ducats, were slain, as not able to wield themselves, being so pestered with the weight and uneasy carriage of the ducats.  
Now to end these remedies and fearful punishments executed on covetous persons, I hold, that 
s 1. Tim. 6.  covetousness is the root of all evil, & the chiefest cause why God is offended with us: to which also by his Prophet he pronounceth woe, saying, 
Esay. 5.  Woe be unto them that join house to house, and lay field to field.   

A dehortation from covetousness. Chap. 43.  
Having heard so many remedies and fearful examples, awake ye covetous men, and seek to be rich in God, and not in the frail riches of this world, which consume away like rust, before you have any fruition of them. Distribute your goods unto the needy, and purchase no more than serves your necessity: ye know not whether your lands and goods shall be taken from you by the Turks, Spaniards, suretiships, fire, subsidies in the time of war, or any other discommodities. In the year 1588. divers rich Farmers and niggards hearing that the Spanish navy was coming to invade this realm, and fearing thereby the loss of all their grain and money which they had by the sea side, transported as much as they might into safer places: even so, ye that be rich, being advertised of the wavering case of this world, see ye transport so much of your wealth, as possibly you may, into the house and purses of the poor: commit, I say, the custody of your substance to Christ himself, who in the day of judgement will redeliver the same unto you with a glorious interest, & with a crown of gladness. Remember the words of Christ: ● O fools, this night shall your souls be taken from you, 
Luk. 12.  than whose shall those things be, which ye have prepared? Even theirs, who will make havoc of them, and never thank you once. Forget not what he commandeth you in another place. 
s Matth. 10.  Possess not gold nor silver, for 
r Mar. 10  it is hard for them that have riches, to enter into the kingdom of God: and 
n Ibid.  It is easier for a Camel to go through the eye of a needle, then for a rich man to enter into heaven. Wherefore, O ye rich, be not like to a dog lying in the hay, which when he cannot eat himself, he will not with his barking, suffer the poor horses to eat thereof. Oh resemble not camels, who though they go loaden with treasure, yet they eat nothing but hay. In fine, repent and turn to God, for he is merciful, and would not your destruction: Give alms, 
Luc. 12.  and make you bags which wax not old, and a treasure which can never fail in heaven, where no thief cometh, neither moth corrupteth.   

Whether the covetous man be worse than the prodigal. Chap. 44.  
Covetousness is one of the desires beside nature, 
Arist. lib. 1. Physic.  and therefore more detestable than prodigality, which for the most part, issueth from a generous spirit, and hath some tokens of grace and repentance: whereas chose, covetousness springeth in such, as are of base & dunghilled thoughts, which hardly may be lift up from the earth, and is so bred and inveterated in the bone, that it will never be rooted out. In a word, the prodigal man doth good unto many, by his lavish gifts, & by wise counsels may be brought to the square of liberality; but the covetous man benefiteth none; and (as I said before) is incurable, and as it were sick of a dropsy, by reason of a daily habit, which he hath taken in coveting.  

Objection.  
He that hurteth himself, is worse than he that hurteth another; but such is the prodigal man: therefore he is worse than the covetous man.   

Answer.  
The covetous man hurteth himself, and others worse, by keeping that in his chest, which might credit himself, and relieve the needy: whereas on the contrary, the prodigal man purchaseth friends and good will by his spending, and otherwhiles helpeth others in their distresses.     

The eight part.  

Of Clemency and Courtesy. Chap. 45.  
NOt only reason consenteth, but also experience confirmeth, that of whom clemency is abandoned, in him all other virtues are abolished: for what maketh a man seem a God? doth not clemency? surely, there is nothing that draweth nearer unto Divinity than it. The consideration whereof, procured by the contemplation of the notable frame of man; provoketh us to be zealous, and earnest to do our neighbour good, as not ignorant, how that the pure grace and mercy of God, do shine in every just and honest man. Wherefore, let Princes, noblemans, and Gentlemen, who know what virtue is, consider in how vast a sea of inconveniences they wade connually for all their superficial ports. Let them, I say, weigh with themselves, that they be but men; and if for a momentary while they frown, and scorn to look on their inferiors: what, will not the mighty jehovah, who noteth all men's hearts and gestures, contemn them likewise: yea, yea, he will also strike them with most horrible darts of vengeance: therefore, for fear of the same, let men behave themselves courteously, and imitate those famous wights, who by their courtesies have merited perpetual honour.  
King Henry the second of France, having in the year of our Lord 1554. licenced the Duke of Montmorency Constable to chastise the rebellion of Bordeaux, afterward gave out a general absolution, and forgave every man. The like courtesy did the Duke of Guise, albeit he was a most bloody tyrant, show unto the Prince of Condie his prisoner, in that he spoke reverently unto him, used him kindly, and permitted him to lie with him in one bed, which most men did not suppose that he would have done: for it is manifest, how hateful in civil broils, the head of either faction is, so as if the one happen into the others hand, his usage most commonly is ungentle, and his life in jeopardy.  
Now by these and such like examples, let us, who are reformed Christians, follow the traces of Gentlemen, & not like unto heathenish Cannibals, or Irish karnes, persecute one another with capital enmity. Finally, let us again, and again ponder the words of our Saviour Christ, who taught us to be courteous, and to 
Mat. 18  forgive our brethren not only seven times, but also seventy times seven.   

Of Modesty and Bashfulness. Chap. 46.  
HE that is impudent and never blusheth, is accounted lost, and aught to be banished from all virtuous company: But on a sudden, 
* Terent. in Adel.  I saw him blush, therefore all is well. O noble modesty! O honourable affection of the mind! which deservest to have Temples & altars dedicated unto thee, as to a divine Goddess: for what beautifieth the virtues? Modesty: what bridleth and tameth the furious passions of the mind? Modesty. In young men she is the badge of innocency, and greatly to be commended: but 
b Ari. lib. 4. Ethic. cap. ult. & Plautus in Amphyt.  in old men she is utterly dispraised; the reason is, because shame fastness being once departed from a man, is irrevocable, and knoweth not how to return. But now alas, in this old and spotted age of the world, youths, by reason of their parents fond indulgence, have exceeded the limits of modesty, and are become so brazenfaced, that they will not stick to outface & deny that which is most evident: they are I say, become so impudent and base minded, that they will neither acknowledge any reverence to their elders, nor suffer themselves to be advised by their equals, nor as yet look mildly on their inferiors. Nevertheless, shamefastness in despite of all her adversaries, shall be acceptable among wise men, and guide their hearts, as she did in times past. In the mean time, let men think well of her, and note, whether she graceth young men; and then according to the effect, let them choose, whether they receive her or no,   

Of Affability. Chap. 47.  
Affability is either a witty use of speech; or a delightful recreation of the mind; or an amiable show of countenance. It is a witty use of speech, when a man moveth mirth, either by the quick changing of some sentence, or else by a counterfeit, extravagant, and doubtful speech, as for example, a Gentleman on a time said unto a Gentlewoman, How now Gentlewoman, what, all alone? she eftsoon wittily answered: Not alone, sir, but accompanied with many honourable thoughts. In like sort, a merry Recorder of London, mistaking the name of one Pepper, called him Piper: whereunto the party excepting, said, Sir, you mistake, my name is Pepper, not Piper: the Recorder answered: what difference is there between piper in Latin, and pepper in English? There is, replied the other, as much difference between them, as is between a pipe and a Recorder.  
Affability is a delightful recreation of the mind, when we laugh moderately at those things, which wisely and chiefly touch some fond behaviour of some one body, or when we tickle some vice or other: as if a man should talk of a privy thief in this wise; I have one at home among all others, to whom there is no door shut in all my house, nor chest locked: Meaning, that he is a picklock and a privy thief. Howbeit, he might have spoken these words of an honest servant.  
Affability is an amiable show of countenance, as when some great parsonage resaluteth the people cheerfully, & succoureth every one according to his power. Whereby, as another 
s 2. Sam. 15  Absalon, he stealeth the hearts of the people. Then they speak all, as it were in a diapazon: who can choose but with all his heart love this noble minded Gentleman, in whom all the sparks of aswell royal, as real virtues do appear? But on the contrary, if a Noble man, that is proud and haughty of countenance, should pass by them without any semblance of gentleness, they will thus descant of him: This man by his stately stalking, and portly gate over looketh Paul's steeple: he is as proud as Lucifer, his pride will one day have a fall. Thus they read of him, be he never so high of degree: they care not who hears them: their tongues are their own.  
In respect whereof, I wish all Gentlemen to behave themselves affably, and courteously towards their inferiors. For whereby else is a Gentleman discerned, save by his gentle conditions? let them therefore look better & pry into themselves, & earnestly charge some of their most faithful followers, to admonish them of their oversights at convenient seasons.   

Of Indulgence. Chap. 48.  
INdulgence is a fond, vain, & foolish love, used most commonly of parents towards their children. There is no vice so abhorred of wise men as this; For they find by experience, that more youths have been cast away through their parent's indulgence, then either through violent or natural death. Yea, I have heard sundry Gentlemen, when they came to years of discretion, grievously exclaim, and bitterly complain of their parent's fondness, saying: We would to God that our parents had heretofore kept us in awe and severity; for now lacking that instruction, which we ought to have, we feel the smart thereof. Undoubtedly God will one day demand an account of them, and examine them, wherefore they respected not better their own bowels. Shall he bless them with children, and they through blind indulgence neglect their education? Truly, it is a miserable case. In times past parents were wont to place their sons with wise governors, requesting them not in any case to let them have their own wills. But now adays it falls out clean contrary. For parents in these times when they hire a schoolmaster, will first hearken after his gentle usage, and then they will question with him touching the small salary, which they must pay him for his industry, so that forsooth now and then to be mindful of this vice Indulgence, they accept of a sow-gelder, or some petty Grammatist, that will not stick in a foolhardy mood to break Priscian's pate. With such a one they covenant, namely, that he must spare the rod, or else their children will be spilled. Within a while after assoon as their indulgent Master hath taught them to decline Stultus, Stulta, Stultum, as an adjective of three terminations, they bring them out of hand into the University, and there diligently do inquire after a mild Tutor, with whom their tender sons might familiarly and fellowlike converse. And what then? Mary, before a twelvemonths' end, they send for them home again in all post haste to visit their mammes, who thought each day of their sons absence to be a whole month. There they be made sucklings during the next twelve month. Well, now it is high time to suffer their ready dandling to see newfangled fashions at the Inns of Court. Where being arrived, they suit themselves unto all sorts of company, but for the most part unto shrivers, Cavaliers, and mad-cappes, insomuch at the last, it will be their friends hard hap, to hear that their sweet sons are either penned up in Newgate for their good deeds, or have cracked a rope at Tyburn. This is the effect of Indulgence. This is their false conclusion, proceeding of their false premises. Now you must understand, that if the parents had not thus cockered & 〈◊〉 their sons in their childhood, 〈◊〉 caused them to be severely looked unto, they would not in the flower of their age have come to such a miserable end.  
In the Chronicle of the Swissers, mention is made of a certain offender, whom upon his arraignment his own father was compelled to execute, that so by the indulgent author of his life he might come to his death. Hither likewise may I refer that common story of a certain woman in Flaunders, who living about threescore years ago, did so much pamper two of her sons, that she would never suffer them to lack money; yea, she would privily defraud her husband to minister unto them. But at last she was justly punished in them both, for they fell from dicing and rioting to stealing, and for the same one of them was executed by the halter, & the other by the sword, she herself being present at their woeful ends, whereof her conscience showed her, that her Indulgence was the only cause.  
This aught to be a lively glass to all parents to provide for their children's bringing up, and to purge them betimes of their wild and wicked humours, lest afterwards they prove incurable, and of little sprigs they become hard withered branches. In brief, O parents, correct your children, while they be young; pluck up their weeds, while they begin, lest growing among the good seed they hinder their growth; and permit them not so rather, of prentices to become enfranchised freemen. In so doing, you may be assured, that they will easily be brought to study the knowledge of heavenly wisdom, and to embrace civility, the only butt and mark, whereat the godly & virtuous do level, especially for God's glory, for their own commodity, and for the goodness that thereby ensueth unto the commonwealth in general.   

Of Pride. Chap. 49.  
PRide is a bubbling or puffing of the mind, derived from the opinion of some notable thing in us, more than is in others. But 
* Eccl. 10.  why is earth & ashes proud! seeing that when a man dieth, he is the heir of serpents, beasts, & worms? Who knoweth not, that GOD closely pursueth proud men? who doubteth, that 
* Luke 1.  he thundereth, and scattereth them in the imaginations of their hearts, that he putteth down the mighty from their seats, and exalteth the humble and meek? In somuch that 
* Eccl. 10  he which is to day a king, to morrow is dead, Wherefore, O wight, whosoever thou art that readest this book, lay aside thy Peacock's plumes, and look once upon thy feet, upon the earth, I mean, wherehence thou camest. 
* Eze. 28  though thou thinkest in thine heart, that thou art equal with GOD, yet thou art but a man, and that a sinful man. In sum, wish not lordly authority unto thyself, for he that seeketh authority, must forethink how he cometh by it, and coming well by it, how he ought to live in it, and living well in it, he must forecast how to rule it, and ruling discreetly, he must oftentimes remember his own frailty.   

Of Scurrility of Scoffing. Chapt. 50.  
EVen as I greatly commend affability and pleasant jests: so I utterly mislike and condemn knavery in jesting. For tongues were not given unto men to scoff and taunt, but rather to serve God, and to instruct one another. And as a little fire may consume whole villages: so in like manner the tongue, which is a kind of fire, yea, a world of calamity, polluteth the whole body, if it be not refrained. For which cause, though there be some merry and conceited wit in a jest: yet we must beware, that we rashly bestow it not on them, whom we afterwards would not for any thing offend. Therefore the respect of time, & consideration of the person is necessary in lesting. For we must not give dry flouts at meals, lest we be accounted Ale-knights: we must not taunt choleric men, lest they take it in ill part: we must not deride simple fellows, because they are rather to be pitied: nor yet wicked persons, for it behoveth to have them rather punished, then laughed to scorn.   

Whether stageplays aught to be suffered in a Commonwealth? Chapt. 51.  
STageplaies fraught altogether with scurrilities and knavish pastimes, are intolerable in a well governed commonwealth. And chiefly for six reasons. First, 
a Tertull. lib. de speculo.  all stageplays were dedicated unto Bacchus the drunken God of the Heathen, and therefore damnable. Secondly, 
b Concil. 30. Carthag & Synod. Laodic. cap. 54.  they were forbidden by Christian parliaments. Thirdly, men spend their flourishing time ingloriously and without credit, in contemplating of plays. All other things being spent may be recovered again, but time is like unto the latter wheel of a coach, that followeth after the former, and yet can never attain equally unto it. Fourthly, 
* Ephes. 5.  no foolish and idle talking, nor jesting should be once named amongst us. Fiftly, stageplaies are nothing else, but pomps and shows, in which there is a declining from our belief. For what is the promise of Christians at their Baptism? namely, to renounce the Devil and all his works, pomps, and vanities. Sixtly, 
* Saluian. lib. 6. de Gubern. Dei.  stageplays are the very mockery of the word of God, and the toys of our life. For while we be at the stage, we are ravished with the love thereof, according to the wise man's words: It is a pastime for a fool to do wickedly; 
* Prou. 10. 23.  and so in laughing at filthy things, we sin.   

Of Cruelty. Chap. 52.  
THere be two sorts of cruelty: whereof the one is nothing else, than 
* Sen. lib. 2, de Clementia cap. 4.  a fierceness of the mind in inflicting of punishments. The other is a certain madness, together with a delight in cruelty, of which brood I accounted them to be, who are cruel without cause. The causes, that procure cruelty, be three. The first is covetousness, for (as the ancient Latin Orator recordeth) 
* Rutilius Lupus li. 2. de figure. sent.  madness is the father of cruelty, and covetousness is the mother thereof. The second is violence naturally engraffed. The third cause of cruelty is ambition, which soweth in it a hope and desire of climbing higher.  
Now to beautify our subject with examples, I bring forth first of all Galeace Sfortia Duke of Milan, who being wondered wrath with a poor man, that by chance had taken a hare, which he in hunting before had lost, compelled him to eat the same raw, skin, and all: Further, the Spaniards of all nations under the cope of heaven be most cruel, as appeared by their monstrous and horrible cruelties exercised upon the miserable Indians, whom they, in stead of alluring by fair means to the knowledge of the Gospel, made some to be devoured of dogs, and others to be cast down headlong from steep hills. Moreover, many of our own countrymen have been eye-witness of their barbarous tyrannies. In the year of our Lord 1588. they brought with them hitherward gagges and such like torments to inflict upon us, if by God's merciful providence they had not been speedily prevented and miraculously confounded; and I pray God all they may be so served, that intent cruelly to usurp and encroach upon other men's rights. Neither with silence can I overskip the cruelties of Cardinal Albert, Archduke of Austria, and deputy of the low countries on the King of Spain's behalf. This Cardinal, about four years since, having taken Caleis in France, spared not man, woman, nor child: But Tigerlike caused them all to be butchered. Likewise about a year and a half ago, the said Cardinal departing from the low countries, with intent to be married unto the king of Spain's sister, that now is, left Francis Mendoza, Admiral of Arragon, his substitute to wage war in the low countries. But what cruelties this Mendoza together with his ragged rout hath committed within this twelvemonth, the whole world reporteth; and especially they of Cleve land, his own confederates to their utter undoing, can bear witness of the Spanish cruelty.  
God of his goodness preserve our realm of England from their ravening claws, & abate their pride which already begins to rise, and to assail the reformed Church of Christ.    

The ninth part.  

Of Patience. Chap. 53.  
PAtience is a virtue, that is exercised in tolerating mildly of injurious words, of loss of goods, or of blows. But alas we shall nowadays sooner find them, that will do away themselves, rather than they will bear any thing patiently; the reason of this their impatience is, because they know not the effects of patience, which are these following, namely, first, to hope well, and then if any thing happen beside their expectations, to bear the same patiently. Secondly, 
* Aristot. lib. 1. de anim.  not to be moved without a cause. Thirdly, not to give place to any trouble. Fourthly, not to envy them, which manage, although simply, matters of estate. Fiftly, a patient man must spare him, that hath offended him being his weaker, and must spare himself, if his stronger hath injuried him. For what skilleth it, whether fortune alway displeaseth thee? canst not thou contemn her frowns, & accompany God the author of all things without murmuring? Consider with thyself, how God tempteth some good men with adversity, lest that long prosperity should puff up their minds with pride, & how he suffereth others to be molested with pensiveness and damages, that thereby they might confirm the virtues of their minds. Perhaps thou complainest of sickness, or of sturdy servants. Admit thou art so vexed, yet notwithstanding remember, that 
* Eurip. in Orest.  there is no passion so great, no calamity so grievous, whose weight man's nature faileth to sustain. Follow the example of Casimire Duke of Polonia, who playing at dice with a certain Nobleman of his realm, chanced to win a great sum of money, and thereupon would needs give over. But the Nobleman, whose money he chiefly won, was there at so fiercely moved, that he struck his Duke, and by the benefit of the night escaped away scotfree. Nevertheless, the next day following he was apprehended and brought before the Duke, every man believing, that he should lose his head. Yea, many of the Barons persuaded the Duke to put him to death. Whereunto his grace answered in this wise: Truly, I know no cause, why I should punish him, seeing that, whatsoever he did, was done in rage: myself rather am worthy of blame, for that I used such unseemly gaming; we must give losers leave to chafe.  
But to return to my matter, percase thou art poor: suppose thou be; canst thou not by study overwhelm this grief? nature is with a little satisfied. I am banished, thou sayest, and by envious flatterers brought into disdain among my chiefest friends. What? wilt thou therefore torment thy body and mind, and deface the workmanship of God? no▪ For these misfortunes are not peculiar to thee alone, but common either early or late unto all mortal creatures. Let the freedom of thy banishment comfort thee, as that, which is far to be preferred before domestical servitude. In fine, forget not to think upon those famous wights, who chanced to be buried in a foreign soil.   

Of Anger. Chap. 54.  
ALthough I have written of this furious vice 
* In Comment. in Sat. 5. Persi.  else where: yet notwithstanding, I will adventure once again to express the same in a more familiar tongue; & to make it appear the more easy, I hold anger to be dangerous for nine reasons. First, it is contrary to God's spirit, for where by it we are borne anew & of wild wolves made tame sheep: so chose Anger corrupteth us, & of sheep reduceth us to be wolves. Secondly, Anger permitteth not a man to follow good & wholesome counsels, nor to consider of that, which he hath to do. Thirdly, Anger is accompanied with ambition, & causeth a man to slay himself, as for example, 
& Sophoc. in Aiac●, & ovid. lib. 13. Metam.  Ajax seeing that the Grecians had preferred Ulysses before him, and had bestowed upon him the armour of Achilles as a recompense of his wisdom, fell mad, and in his madness killed himself. Fourthly, Anger maketh a man to reveal secrets like to a drunkard. Fiftly, Anger diffigureth a man, for it causeth him to stammer and hack in his speech, to wax red, to look pale; yea, it causeth his blood to boil, as if there were a torch put under: his eyes sparkle, he biteth his lips, he beateth the board with his fist, he stampeth against the ground, and flingeth, and overturneth all things, that are next about him. Sixtly, Anger thirsteth greatly after revenge. Seventhly, 
a Homer. lib. 7. Iliad.  Anger disturbeth all things, and is the cause of all evil. Eightly, Anger destroyeth all the virtues. Lastly, 
b Ennius' apud Cicer●nē li. 4. Tusculan.  Anger is the beginning of madness.   

Remedies against Anger. Chap. 55.  
EVen as they that fear to be besieged, do beforehand prepare victuals to avoid famine, and also bulwarks, and warlike engines to repel the enemy, and defend themselves: so in like manner they, that see themselves naturally disposed to anger, aught to premeditate, and find out beforehand certain medicines for the same; with which being made mild, they may resist anger, or at least so temper themselves, that they may not be afflicted. In consideration whereof, I will set down ten kinds of salves. The first is, that the angry man 
c Ephes. 4.  let not the sun go down upon his wrath: nor delay it, for fear lest delayed anger breed hatred. The second remedy, the angry man must have a lowly and humble spirit, and 
* Senec. in Thebay.  addict his mind to piety, and to the reading of the scriptures. The third, he must not be too credulous, curious, nor superfluous in any thing. The fourth, he must persuade himself, how that every man is by nature, dull, weak, and frail, and therefore hard for his servants to please him. The fifth salve against anger is, that the angry man read the treatises of Philosophers concerning patience, and gather some flowers thereof into a breviary. The sixth, he must when some have offended him, repeat over some tract or other, before he be thoroughly angry. The seventh, let the angry man bethink with himself, touching the ill-favoured countenance of such, whom he saw angry; and when he himself is angry, he must take a looking-glass in his hand, and therein behold the fashion of his face, and whether it be altered or no. The eight, the angry patient must eschew such meats as engender choler, and eat the contrary: and, if yet he amend not, he must repair to the Physician, and either purge that choleric humour, or else use Phlebotomy. The ninth, let him muse upon the passion of our Saviour Christ. The tenth and last salve is, that he weigh with himself the uncertainty of this life, and consider of the joys of heaven, and of the torments of hell.   

Remedies against adversity, and loss of worldly goods. Chap. 56.  
WHen I consider with myself the instability of this fickle world, and behold the adversity, which sundry honest men sustain, I am pricked in conscience, and enforced to impart those few medicines which I know, unto the view of the world. 
z Act. 3.  Gold and silver have I none, yet such as I have, that give I unto you. My first remedy is, that the afflicted person have recourse to God, & heartily beseech his Majesty to forgive him all his sins. The second, the distressed patient must believe, that all adversities whatsoever, tend to some scope or other, namely, for our misdemeanours towards GOD, or for our trial: and for this cause it is expedient, that he rejoice and be glad, that God hath such a respect unto him, in chastizing him in this world. The third remedy is, that he persuade himself to be free, and his own man: whereas others live in subjection to their devilish pelf, and are toiled with legions of troubles. 
Boetius lib. 1. de Consolation philosophiae. metr. 4.  This the patient Philosopher confirmeth: Whosoever (quoth he) careth and feareth the loss of worldly things, or wisheth for temporal goods, is not his own man, nor at liberty. The fourth salve for adversity is, that the patient man read over the scripture diligently, and there behold, as in a clear glass, the adversity and poverty of Christ & his disciples. The fifth remedy in such a case is, to 
n Cominaus' li. 5 cap. 5.  Confer with some familiar friend: for that easeth the mind, and by talking thus in counsel with a faithful friend, the spirits recover their former virtue and strength. The sixth, that he either read himself, or hear some other reading the Treatises of moral Philosophy, namely, Seneca the Philosopher, Plutarch, Boetius, and Petrarch. The seventh, that he 
b Plautus in Asin.  resolve himself to be constant, stout, and patiented, for it is a fond thing to seek the avoiding of that, which cannot by any means be avoided. The eight medicine is, that he premeditate with himself, after what manner he might bear his adversity, that is, whether it be better to dwell in his own country, or in a foreign land: and whether he should apply himself to this or that occupation: The ninth reason is to remember, that 
a Lucretius li. 3. de rerum natura.  man's mind is more vehemently stirred up to religion in adversity, rather than in prosperity. The tenth and last is, to busy himself with labours, & to exercise his body daily, that thereby he may the sooner forget his wonted griefs. There be some, that give three natural purgations or remedies for sorrow, to wit, weeping, sighing, fasting. But these in my judgement are very hurtful, for they impair the force of the body, & deface the handiwork of God.    

The tenth part.  

Of friendship. Chap. 57  
FRiendship ought to be had in regard among mortal men, chiefly for seven reasons: First, because 
s Eurip. in Helen.  there is a certain desire of friends, to know the miseries of their friends. Secondly, friendship ought to be respected for the friendly similitude, which is between God & good men. Thirdly, because 
i Cic. in Laelio, & Manilius. lib. 2. Astron.  there is nothing more agreeable to nature, and more convenient, as well to prosperity, as to adversity, than it. Fourthly, for that one friend will help another in doubtful matters. Fiftly, 
n Horatius lib. 1. satyr. 4.  A friend will defend a friend in his absence. Sixtly, friendship is praiseworthy among men, because it is regarded among birds, and also, among things which are without life: as for example, there is friendship between the Peacock and the Dove: between the Chough and the Heron: Vines love the Elm tree: the myrtle likewise is a friend to the Olive: and if the Almond grow alone, it proveth altogether unfruitful. Let us pry into minerals, and we shall see friendship betwixt the loadstone and the iron, and between the Emerald and gold: If we consider of heavenly bodies, we shall find, that Mercury, Luna, Sol, and jupiter, are friends to Saturn, and that Mars and Venus are his enemies. All the Planets saving Mars and Saturn, are friends to jupiter. Finally, among friends all things are common, for 
n Arist. lib. 4. Ethic.  A friend is a second self.   

How a man should know his friend. Chap. 58.  
MAny there be, that meeting by chance either in traveling, or at ordinaries, do believe, that from that instant a sure league of friendship is established between them, which in good truth can never be so, by reason that in the time of trial there is no more effect of such friends, then between the Crow and the Kite, of whom (as the Fable goeth) when it happened to the one to be bare of plumes, and would needs borrow some, the other answered, that he had no more than was sufficient for him.  
Of this rank was King Richard the second of this Realm, who in the year of our Lord 1398. created Henry Bolling brook Earl of Derby, Duke of Hereford, and four other Earls, at that time made he Dukes, and parted lands among them, thereby thinking to have gotten firm friends. But boughtfriendes are seldom sure, as being like unto Arabian ●auens, who so long as they are full, do make a pleasant noise, but being empty, they yield a fearful cry. So in like manner it chanced to this King Richard, as being shortly after deposed by the Duke of Hereford (afterward King Henry the fourth) whom, as I say de before, he had friendly advanced to that honour.  
Wherefore a man that would be circumspect, and know his friend, must principally know these positions. First, let him consider, whether his friend be ambitious: because that 
z Cicero in oratio. pro Milon.  Ambition is fearful, and for the least cross of fortune, will forsake true friendship. Secondly, whether his friend be covetous, for that 
a Sallust. in coniurat. Catil.  Covetousness selleth friendship, faith, and honesty. Thirdly, let him prove his friend aforehand in matters of importance, for if he than go forward with a ready affection, he may be assured of him against the next time: but if he once stagger, or seem cold that way, he knoweth what he hath to do.   

Of Flattery. Chap. 59  
Flattery is hardly discerned from friendship, by reason that in every motion of the mind, it is glozingly intermingled with it, but in their deeds they are mere adversaries, for flattery dissenteth from it in all virtuous actions. This a wife man will soon espy, and that especially by these tokens. First, a flatterer is accustomed to praise a man before his face, and yieldeth his consent with him in all matters, as well bad as good. Secondly, a 
b Iwen. Satyr. 3.  flatterer is wont to commend the deformity of his friend, when he is present, and to admire his stammering voice. Thirdly, A Flatterer, when a man hath need of him, turneth his back. Fourthly, a flatterer will take upon him at first to contradict a man, & by little & little he will yield as vanquished, and will shake hands with him: these be the properties of a Flatterer, of whom let every honest man beware; for (as the Poet saith) 
* Oui. lib. 2. Eleg.  Wicked poison lurketh under the sweetest honey. And it is better to fall among a company of crows, then to come among Flatterers, because they will not peck a man till he be dead, whereas Flatterers will not spare to devour a man being alive.  

Objection.  
A flatterer will smooth and consent with you in all things, therefore he is not vicious.   

Answer.  
A flatterer is either 

An Ape by imitation, for he will sooth a man so long till he hath gotten somewhat by him.  
A shadow by deceit, for he quickly passeth.  
A Basilisk by stinging, for with his very sight he woundeth a man.      

Of Ingratitude, with a remedy against it. Chap. 60.  
BEcause ingratitude is the greatest token of all vices, and because the earth bringeth forth nothing worse than an ingrateful man: I will anatomize both the vice, and the lover thereof: First, in respect of our unthankfulness towards GOD, and next, in consideration of so many ingrateful wretches, that live in these accursed days.  
Our first Parents having received unspeakable benefits at the hands of GOD, as being created by him after his own likeness, and then constituted as Monarches over all other living creatures, showed themselves ingrateful for the same, by eating of the forbidden Apple. Whose examples we imitating, do persist, or rather surpass them in ingratitude, as, in forgetting GOD'S exceeding love, when he spared not his only begotten son, but gave him even to shameful death for our salvation.  
Moreover, we are unthankful unto him for his singular care and favour, which he exhibited in opening our stone-blind eyes, and in lifting us out of the dark pit of errors, wherein our forefathers by the illusions of the fiend, and of his member the Pope, were enthralled, and in a manner sunk.  
We are unthankful towards men, when we deface with forgetfulness the good turns which we have received of our friends. This abominable kind of usage is at this instant too much practised by our own countrymen and Neighbours: for it so comes to pass, that the greater the benefits are, the greater most oftentimes is the ingratitude: and I know not who among the rest be more unthankful, than children towards their Parents, and Scholars towards their teachers, who in steed of thanks, do recompense them with disobedience, lies, curses, slanders, and what not? O detestable sin! not the fowls of the air, who altogether are ignorant of reason, have ever exercised the same. We read, that 
* Aelianus lib. 13. variar. histor.  A young man falling by chance among thieves, and crying out, was saved by a Dragon, who by him being nourished, straightway knew his voice, and came to help him. It is said of the Stork, that so often as she hath young ones, she casteth one out of her nest into the chimney, for a guerdon and reward unto him, that suffered her to lodge there. Oh, I would, that all they which delight in the contrary, had been subject to the Persian King, for doubtless than they would repent them of their ingratitude, when they should see their necks in the halter. The Persians knew, that 
r Xenoph li. 1. paed. Cyr.  the man, which of benefits received proved unthankful, was not worthy to live.  
Let men therefore beware, whom they accept into their favour and houses, for it may be, their guests will become as grateful unto them, as the Adder, whom the husband man, finding almost dead in the snow, brought home and cherished. 
s Aesop. in Fabu.  Which Adder being thus entertained, within a while after in am of his fostering, infected all the whole house with his poison.  
Now touching a preservative against this vice of ingratitude, mine opinion is, that men have a good respect how they bestow their benefits, 
a Comminae. li. 2. ca 3  Seeing it is impossible for a wise man to be unmindful of a good turn: and if they confer their gifts upon fools, they are worse than mad, because they shall perceive in the end, that a fools acquaintance will stand them in no stead.   

Of hatred, and the punishment thereof. Chap. 61  
IT is strange nowadays to see, how one man is a wolf to another, and how their whole imaginations are set on nought else, save on destruction and blood. Although they speak gently, and utter the words of the holy Prophets, yet 
* Persius' Satyr. 5.  in their musty minds they repose the Fox's subtleties, and hating their brethren, are 
s 1. Cor. 13.  as sounding brass and tinkling Cymbals. For which cause, let not beasts excel us, who are wont to converse with all other of the same kind, and do right kindly love together.  
Let us not, I say, be at variance amongst ourselves, and suffer the Devil to have his triumphant will, by provoking us to further mischief, and like promoters, to lay traps for our enemies. To fall out for every straw, and to revenge every injury, is as if one member of the body should rebel against another: and to say the truth, do we not daily see, how these kinds of contentious men are overmet withal, and overthrown in their own inventions? Albeit they flourish for a while, yet notwithstanding, at last they have their deserts: for GOD, when he strikes, strikes home, and to the quick. For manifestation whereof, I will propose certain late examples, and which have chanced within this last age.  
In the year of our Lord 1503. Ceasar Borgia determining to poison a Cardinal, and others, invited them to supper, and for that purpose, sent before a flagon of wine that was infected with poison, by a servant, that knew nothing of the matter, commanding that no man should touch them: but such is the judgement of God, who in the execution of justice, raiseth one tyrant to kill another, and breaketh the brands of fire upon the head of him that first kindled it: Pope Alexander the sixth, Cesar Borgia his father, coming by adventure in somewhat before Supper, and overcome with the exceeding drought of the weather, called for drink: and because his own provision was not as then brought from the palace, he that had the infected wine in charge, thinking it to be recommended to his keeping for wine most excellent, gave the Pope to drink of the same wine, which Cesar Borgia his bastard son had sent: who likewise arriving, while his father was drinking, drunk also of the same wine; being but just, that they both should taste of the same cup, which they had prepared for others.  
In the year of our Lord 1563. the Duke of Guise purposing to sack the City of Orleans, wrote unto the Queen Mother, that within four and twenty hours after he would send her word of the taking of Orleans, wherein he would not spare any man, woman or child whatsoever: and that after he had kept his Shrovetide therein, he would in such sort spoil and destroy the town, that the memory thereof should be extinct for ever. But man purposeth, and God disposeth: for the same day, as the Duke about evening returned from the camp to the Castle, where he lodged, minding to execute that, which he had written unto the Queen, a young man named john Poltrot, having long time before intended to give the stroke, stayed for him in the way, as he returned to his lodging, and discharged his pistol laden with three bullets at him, whereof the Duke presently after died.  
In like manner the Duke his son, having occasioned that bloody massacre at Paris in the year 1572. and purposing in the year 1588. utterly to root the Protestants out of the realm, was himself slain through the commandment of the French king his sovereign, whom he a little before most traitorously had injuried.  
By these and such like examples, let us take heed, how we entrap one another; yea, let us beware, how we curse & lay in wait for our chiefest enemies. Vengeance is Gods, and he will reward. Briefly, let us embrace love, and friendly agree together in Christ jesu. For 
* 1. Cor. 13.  love deferreth wrath: it is bountiful: love envieth not: love doth not boast itself: it is not puffed up: it rejoiceth not in iniquity, but in the truth: it suffereth all things: it believeth all things: it hopeth all things: it endureth all things.   

Of Enuy. Chap. 62.  
NOt without reason are vices named brutish, for they be all borrowed from brute beasts. Niggardize we have from the hedgehog: pride from the lion: anger from the wolf: gluttony from the bear: sluggishness from the ass: & envy from the dog. All which save envy may sophistically be justified: as for example, niggardize is shadowed under the number and care of wife and children, and otherwhiles under the vail of poverty. Pride pleadeth, that familiarity breeds contempt, and that she must obey the importunity of the times. Anger allegeth the ingratitude of men, the indignity of injuries, the disparagement and shame, that may follow by too much patience. Gluttony showeth, that he hath a strong constitution of body, a good stomach to his meat, and therefore hang sorrow and kill care. Sluggishness declareth, that labour and study consume the vital spirits, that he, which sleeps well, thinks no harm, and he that thinks no harm, pleaseth God. Thus every vice for the most part can shroud itself under some cloak or other. But, Envy, where is thy excuse? Truly, thou hast nothing to say for thyself. Only thou meanest to escape away scotfree, because thou art concealed in man's heart, as being like unto a tree, which in outward appearance seemeth to be most beautiful, and is full of fair blossoms, but inwardly is rotten, worm-eaten, and withered. nowadays thy subjects bear all the sway, they put men by the ears, they are the Pettifoggers, they the politicians, and who but they? Alas, 
* Plaut. in Bacchid.  there is no man, that envieth not another man's prosperity. What then shall we further expect? nothing, but the coming of the great judge. We see all things fulfilled; we see the father envious against the son, the son against the father; to be short, we see one brother envious against another. Now is that golden prophesy of the Greek Orator come to pass: to wit, 
* Demost. Oration. 1. contra Aristo.  When equity and the common good are overturned by envy, then must we think that all things are turned topsy-turvy.  
Examples aswell domestical as foreign be infinite concerning envy: howbeit at this time I will rehearse but one, and that a foreign one. In the year of our Lord 1596. the Duke of Medina, seeing that our English fleet had burnt the Spanish navy, & had taken the town of Cales, and doubting that the other navy, which he had at S. Lucas would either be compelled to yield, or pay ransom, was so envious of our happy success, that he caused it immediately to be set on fire, so that to spare a reasonable redemption, he rashly lost twelve millions of gold, which (as it is credibly reported) the navy valued.  
Amongst other sins, which the Turks account deadly, this of Envy is not held to be the least. For (say they) no man whatsoever shall ever come to the joys of Paradise, although in all other things he be never so dutiful to please God, except he be first thoroughly cleansed from this sin of Enuy. Repent therefore, thou sensual and envious man, and ask God forgiveness from the very bottom of thy heart. Repent, I say, and God will heal thy 
* Virgil. in poemat. de livor. Plura de his in Commentar. meis in satire. 6. Persii vide.  wound, which chiron's hand can never do: no nor Phoebus, nor Aesculapius, Phoebus his dear son; no nor all the world beside.   

Of Calumniation and slander. Chapt. 63.  
EVen as they, which lay siege unto cities, do not invade their enemies; where they see the walls strong and massy, but where they perceive there is small resistance, and where they see the place easy to be scaled: so they, that pretend to backbite & slander others, do note what is most pliable and weak in the hearers mind, that thereto they may convey their artillery, and bring in their weapons, which are falsehood, craft, and perjury. This done, they tickle the hearer's ears, and rub them as it were with a pen: so that most commonly the accusers are believed, & they, that are accused, are not called to give answer. But in my judgement they, that lend their ears to these curre-dogs barking, are no less to be reproved, than the barkers themselves, because they wink at such imperfections, & will not exchange stripe for stripe, I mean, because they will not punish and correct such slanderers. Of this brood I reckon many of our rascal trencherknights, who not only wind themselves in by subtle devices, but also set their tongues to sale for a morsel foe pasty-crust, and take a delight to sow dissension betwixt man and wife, and betwixt brother and brother.  
Examples I need not produce, for our pillories bear evident witness of their slanderous dealings. Leave therefore to accuse your brethren, to snap honest men by the shins, and to rail and scoff at them, that will not in any case intermeddle with you. Be like unto new borne babes, and covet the milk of love, that so you may not be guilty of that sentence, which the holy Ghost pronounced, namely, that 
* 1. joh. 3  whosoever hateth his brother, is a manslayer.    

The eleventh part. Of the Intellectual virtues.  

Of Art; and whether Art be better than Nature? Chap. 64.  
THis name of Art hath four significations. First, it is taken for the universal perfection of Art, which we comprehend in God. So we say, that 
* Plato lib. 10. de Legib.  the world, and all that therein is, were made by God's art. Secondly, the name of Art is put for the similitude and shadow of that, which shineth in beasts, birds, flies, & such like. In this sense it is said, that the spider showed unto us the art of spinning. The Bee taught us to conform things in order. The fish learned us the Art of swimming. Thirdly, the name of Art is extended to the general habit of the mind, as far forth as we do any thing by it, that is separated from nature. So Grammar, Rhetoric, Music, Arithmetic, Logic, Geometry, and Astronomy are called Artes. Likewise in this sense Prudence is named the art of composing man's actions: Science the Art of discerning the truth. Fourthly, the name of Art is taken for that true form of Art, which is distinguished from the other habits of the mind, as far forth as it is defined an habit of the mind joined with true reason, apt to effect. In this signification I term it here an intellectual virtue. here-hence ariseth that doubtful question, to wit, whether Art be better than nature? To this I answer negatively, persuaded specially by these three reasons. The first, 
* Arist. li. 7. Metaphysic. text. 4.  the essence of a thing is better than the accident of a thing: Nature is an essence, & Art an accident, therefore nature is better than Art. The second, nature worketh inwardly, and altereth the inward habit of the mind, but Art only effecteth outwardly, & changeth the outward form: therefore Art is not better than nature. Finally, nature is joined with God, according to that common sentence, God & nature do make nothing in vain: but Art is joined with man, and by reason of man's weakness is subject to innumerable errors: therefore nature is far better than Art.  

Objection.  
That which is later in birth, is first in excellency and perfection: Art is in birth later than nature: therefore it is more excellent in perfection.   

Answer.  
Your rule only holdeth in corruptible things, namely, while that which is first stayeth for the next which followeth. But when the essence is compared with the accident (as now it is) the essence is far more excellent, and by a consequence nature is better than Art, and your sentence false.    

Of Science or knowledge. Chap. 65.  
THe name of Science is taken four manner of ways. The first, it is used for every certain knowledge of a thing. So we say that the snow is white, the crow black, the fire hot. The second, the name of Science is taken for every true habit of the mind separated from the knowledge of the senses; in which signification Hypocrates proved Physic to be a science. The third, it is used more properly for every habit gotten by demonstration, separated from the habit of action: in this sense supernatural philosophy is named the chiefest science. The fourth, the name of science is taken more strictly for a habit gotten by demonstration separated from wisdom; in which last signification Natural philosophy, & the Mathematics are called Sciences, and supernatural Philosophy is termed human Divinity.  
The benefits, that come by this intellectual virtue, are three. First, it assuageth man's mind being rude and barbarous, and maketh it capable of true reason. Secondly, science settleth a man's mind in constancy and discretion, that he may spend his life to the welfare and good estate of his country. Thirdly, it causeth a man to end his days honourably, with an undoubted belief of everlasting life.   

Of Understanding. Chap. 66.  
Understanding is an habit of the mind, whereby as with an eye we behold the principles aswell of practise as of contemplation. I say with an eye, because that the same, which the sight is in the body, understanding is within the soul. This virtue is the reward of faith, 
* Manil. 〈◊〉. 4. 〈◊〉. & ●lotin. li. de anim. & idaeis, cap. 6.  the spirit of God, that sun that giveth glorious light unto all the world. In a word, this virtue 
* Calvin. lib. 1. Institut. ca 15.  is as it were the guide & governess of the soul. And yet all men are not endued therewith, for now & then it happeneth, that we know more than we understand. And except we pray fervently unto God, we cannot with all our pains & worldly labours attain unto it. Our eyes are blinded, and must be opened. Christ, I mean, must breath on us, that we may receive the holy Ghost. The consideration of this moved Anaxagoras the Philosopher to affirm, that 
* Cic. Academic. question. lib. 2.  understanding was the cause of the world, and of all order. This likewise moved the Prince of Philosophers to 
* Aristot. lib. 1. de animal. cap. 4.  prove the immortality of the soul by understanding. To be brief, by the help of this virtue the soul seeth God, and examineth the first causes of nature and universal forms.   

Of Prudence. Chap. 67.  
ALl the authority and majesty of a Prince consists in the opinion of prudence; for even as the sick man obeyeth the wise Physician, and the passenger hearkeneth unto the skilful pilot: so in like manner subjects are obedient unto their prudent Prince, & will gladly follow whatsoever he prescribeth unto them. O peerless paragon! O noble Prudence! thou 
a Eccle. 1.  rairest down knowledge and understanding, and bringest to honour, then, that possess thee. Thou defendest our commonwealth from the Spanish yoke. 
b Sophocl. in Antigon.  Thou holdest the supremacy in felicity, and savest us from adversity. Take away this jewel, & our lives will be filled with folly, wickedness, and barbarism. This politicians do very well know; for how is it possible, that a commonwealth should be well ruled, unless the governors thereof do perfectly & prudently understand the number of soldiers, the love of the leaguers, the situation of the country, & the nature of the inhabitants? King Henry the seventh therefore her majesties Grandfather deserveth great commendations, in that he kept a private book for that purpose, & therein registered the force of his realm, & the treasure, which yearly his officers received into the Excheker. As concerning the nature of people, I find that windy places do make men savage, and inconstant, and that in calm countries they become civil & courteous. Also, we see, that they, which dwell near the sea, and far from London, are for the most part more fierce and hardy, than those, which live in the midst of England. Moreover, it behoveth a prudent man to consider, that some kind of people be angry by nature, some be impudent, some fearful, and othersome be given to new-fangled fashions, to drunkenness, and lechery. In like manner, 
a Smith. li. 2. Reipub. Anglican. cap. 26.  the nature of Englishmen is to be courageous, to neglect death, to abide no torment, and therefore 
b Ibid.  in no place shall you see malefactors go more constantly, more assuredly, and with less lamentation to their death, then in England. The nature of Welshmen is kind, haughty, and prodigal of life and blood. The Irish are accounted rude and courageous: which doubtless proceeds of their country's cold climate: for, as the Philosopher saith, 
* Arist. in Probl.  they that live in the North, and in a cold country are commonly called treacherous. To end this chapter of prudence, I think it expedient, that a prudent man yield unto the necessity of the time, and take heed, that ancient laws & customs be not altered, because 
* Bodin. lib. 2. de Repub. cap. 3.  they are the foundations of a commonwealth, whereof if any be changed, the whole building must consequently fall to wrack and destruction.   

Of Sapience or Wisdom. Chap. 68  
Wisdom among the ancient heathen was no other thing, but a certain kind of prudence to manage and handle great causes & matters of policy, 
a Plutarc. in Them. vita.  which profession beginning in Solon, did continued, and was taken up from man to man as a sect of Philosophy. But wisdom among Christians hath obtained a higher title, to wit, a knowledge to expound the word of GOD concerning our salvation redeemed through his Son jesus Christ. This is that Divine virtue, which was ordained from everlasting, before any thing was made: 
b Prou. 3.  before the earth, the seas, the hills, and the rivers were, she was conceived and brought forth. When GOD prepared the heavens, she was present: when he environed the sea with her banks, and laid the foundations of the earth, she was with him, making all things: and she delights to be with the children of men. The chemists write, that one dram of their power of projection will turn a thousand drams of any metal into gold. What then shall the least grain of the celestial powder of wisdom be able to effect? Verily, it will lift whole million of souls out o● Satan's net, and will transport them up into the highest sphere: where for ever resident, they shall enjoy unspeakable pleasures. For this cause the Emperor Charles the fourth went on a time to a college in Prage, to hear Divinity disputations there, and remained standing above four hours. And when his Courtiers, to whom that kind of exercise seemed irksome, told him, that his supper was ready, he answered, that the hearing of those disputations was more pleasant unto him, than all the suppers in the world. What greater testimonies of favour towards wisdom can we wish, them those of the Princes of England, who frankly and freely granted such large charters & privileges unto the 2. Universities of this Realm? Surely I should be too ingrateful, if I do not remember in this place Elizabeth our gracious Sovereign, who so spareth neither care nor means to prefer scholars, that she meriteth the name of the Nurse of Wisdom. Next, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, that now is, deserveth to be had in remembrance, in that he daily purgeth the Church of spots and Schisms, and advanceth all students, every man according to his deserts. Likewise, Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Keeper so tendereth & fostereth the professors of true wisdom, that he is worthily named the reviver and restorer of wisdom: yea, I have heard it sundry times blazed, that England never had the like zealous patron of scholars. There be also other furtherers of wisdom, whom I leave to name, by reason that our books, which continually are published, do royalize and eternize their heroical names. God continue them in their noble minds.  
To finish this discourse, I advise all men both high and low, which have an entrance in them towards God, to countenance the followers of wisdom, and to strike an everlasting league of amity with them. As for worldly wisdom, I wish them not so preciously to esteem it, as they do: for what else are the wise men of this world, save gay politicians, Machiavellians, and niggards, falsely under the colour of wisemen, purloining the poor, and preparing their own selves to be▪ scourged of the Devil, and to be scorched in the fiery flames of hell?   

Of the Ignorance of our times. Chap. 69.  

n Boetius lib. 3. de Consolation philosophiae. metr. 8.  ALas, what ignorance leadeth wretches astray, and bringeth them into a wrong way clean contrary from happiness and knowledge? The Egyptians accounted it a most grievous calamity, to endure the 
e Exo. 10  Darkness which God sent them by Moses but three days. How much more ought we to be afraid, when we remain all our lives time in the night of Ignorance? Many there be, that wish our Colleges to be utterly suppressed, and our schools of learning to be made barns or wooll-houses, which were even to wish us peasants and witals like themselves. But God forbid, that any such ignorant wishes should be fulfilled. Sooner 
z ovid. li. 1. Trist. Eleg. 7.  shall the earth bring forth stars, and the heavens be eared with ploughs: then that barbarism and ignorance should in such sort overflow us. Take the Sun out of the firmament, and the light from the sky: what else would the world seem, save a massy Chaos, or a rude and confused lump? In like manner, if learning be extinguished, would not we become dizarts or cuckoos? Nay, to seek the decay and abolishing of learning, is to prepare a way for Atheism, & consequently, to put a mart or market for the devil. O foolish Libertines, and besotted with too much pleasure! You know, how to prise a fat bullock, how to buy this tenement or that tenement of lands, and having bought it, you know how to marl it, trim it, and stock it; you know right well how to defray your money, to defraud your brethren of that, which God hath allotted unto them. To be short, you know how to wink at injustice, to receive bribes, to fawn, and otherwhiles to pawn your credit for your private commodities: yea, & which is worse, you know holes, crotchets, and quiddities, whereby you may (as you think) redeem, or indeed infringe your pawned credit. And yet notwithstanding for all this, you make yourselves so blind, that you list not to know, where perfect goodness lieth hidden.  
Wherefore in fine repent, (a) 
Prou. 2.  Cause your ears to hearken unto wisdom, and incline your hearts to understanding: for if you call after knowledge, and cry for understanding, if you seek her as silver, and search for her as treasures, then shall you understand the fear of the Lord, and find the knowledge of God.  
The end of the first Book.     

THE SECOND Book of the Golden-grove moralised.  

The first Plant.  

Of a family, and the division thereof. Chap. 1.  
BEcause every Commonwealth is composed of families, 
Arist. lib. 1. Polit.  & the parts of a Family be those, whereof it is immediately compacted: I will first declare, what a Family is, and then lay down the division thereof. A Family is a communion and fellowship of life between the husband & the wife, the parents & children, and between the master and the servant. Now touching the division of a family, I find, that it is divided into four parts, whereof the first is matrimonial, that is, of man and wife, the second is fatherly, to wit, of parents and children: the third part is masterly: namely, of masters & servants: the fourth is, the acquisitive, or getting faculty. All which parts of a family, I mean, God willing, to decipher.   

There be four kinds of matrimony. Chap. 2.  
VEry children know, that there be four kinds of Matrimony: namely, that of honour, of love, of toil, and of grief. The matrimony of honour is said to be tripartite. The first is metaphysical, and supernatural, whereby God and man's nature do mystically meet together. The effect whereof, was in the incarnation of our Saviour Christ. The second degree of the matrimony of honour is, when God & the soul are combined, even by grace and glory. The third is, when God & his Church meet together, and are united in one mystical body.  
The matrimony of love is, when an honest man and an honest woman are linked together by God, for the propagation of mankind.  
The matrimony of toil, & that which is most common in this last rotten world, is, when men choose wives not by the ears, that is, for their good report; but by the fingers, to wit, for their large dowries; not in hope of issue, but in regard of their outward beauty, which fadeth away like the lilies of the field.  
The matrimony of grief is nothing else, but the conjunction of the wicked and the reprobate: this kind of matrimony was of late veeres put in ure and use, by the sect of the Family of love.   

The causes why Matrimony was instituted. Chap. 3.  
GOd having finished the workmanship of the world, created of every sex two, male & female, & last of all he made man after his own image, giving him for a copartner, a woman form of the man's own rib, whom coupling together in matrimony, he blessed, saying: Increase, multiply, and replenish the earth.  
The causes why he instituted matrimony, be five; the first, for the lawful generation of children in his fear, even in the time of innocency, before man had sinned. The second, for the avoiding of unclean fornication. The third cause, for the mutual & reciprocal consolation and succour, which the one might minister unto the other in distresses. The fourth, to be a token or type of the Ecclesiastical marriage between Christ & us. The fifth cause of the institution of Matrimony is, that adversaries might be reconciled by means of it, and made perpetual friends.   

How excellent a thing Matrimony is. Chap. 4.  
AMong all the societies of this life, there is none so natural, as that between man and wife. For (as we see) all other societies are accused of free will and election: but matrimony proceedeth not only of election and free will: but also of necessity. The excellency of it appeareth by four reasons. First, matrimony is ancient, as is manifest by the time and place, where it was instituted, and 
h Arist. li● 3. Topic. cap. 1.  Every good is so much the more excellent, by how much the more ancient it is. Secondly, matrimony was sanctified by GOD, and graced by his son our redeemer jesus Christ his presence, 
* john 2.  at Cana a City in Galilee, where he wrought his first miracle in his humanity by turning water into wine. Thirdly, 
Heb. 13.  marriage, as Saint Paul writeth, is honourable among all: and every honourable thing is more eligible than that, which is not honourable. Fourthly, matrimony is excellent, because two are better than one. Fiftly, matrimony is notable, because it carrieth with it a show of gravity, and hath greater privileges: as in Florence at this day, he that is father of five children, straightway upon the birth of the fifth, is exempted from all impostes, subsidies, and lones. Also, here in England, a married man is not so soon priest into the wars as singlemen or bachelors. In a word, nothing within the round circle of this world is comparable to matrimony. What a wonderful marriage is between the Sun and the earth? the Sun is the male, and with his vegetative heat, quickeneth and nourisheth all earthly things: the earth is the female, and conceiveth trees and Plants.  
If we behold metals, we shall find that gold and silver are married (I mean not in a niggards chest) for if a leaf of gold be put to a leaf of silver, they will be so united, that they can never be severed. What more shall I add to this induction? 
Arist. li. 1. Politicor.  He that shuneth marriage, and avoideth society, is to be esteemed a wicked wretch (as the Pope is) or more than a man, as he whom Homer reprehendeth, saying: that he was tribelesse, lawless, and houseless.   

After what manner the ancients solemnized Matrimony. Chap. 5.  
THe rites of matrimony were divers▪ according to the diversities of Nations. The Grecians accustomed to burn before the door of the new married the axle-tree of that coach, wherein she was brought to her husband's house, letting her to understand, that she was ever after to dwell there.  
Among the Romans 
s L. si a sponsa. C. de d●nat. ante nuptias.  The future couple sent certain pledges one to another, which most commonly they themselves afterwards being present, would confirm with a religious kiss. And when the marriage day was come, the bride was bound to have a chaplet of flowers or herbs upon her head, and to wear a girdle of sheep's wool about her middle, fastened with a true-love's knot, the which her husband and must lose. here-hence rose the Proverb: He hath undone her virgin's girdle: that is, of a maid he hath made her a woman. It is reported of some, that the wife, as soon as she was come to her husband's house, presented to her husband fire in one hand, and water in the other: which gave to understand, that as these two elements were most necessary of all others for conservation of man's life: so there could no society be nearer linked together, then that of the husband and wife.  
The ancient Frenchmen had a ceremony, that, when they would marry, the bridegroom should pair his nails, and send them unto his new wife: which done, they lived together afterwards as man and wife.  
In Scotland the custom was, that the lord of the soil should lie with the bride before her husband. But because this order was not decent nor tolerable among Christians, King Malcolm, the third of that name in the year of our Lord 1095. abolished that wicked custom, and enacted, that every bride thenceforth, should pay to the Lord for ransom of her maidenhead, five shillings.  
Marriages among the Gentlemen of Venice, were for the most part concluded upon by a third person, the bride being never permitted so much as to see her new husband, nor he her, till their nuptial dowry was fully treated of & agreed; which being finished, they were married with great pomp & solemnity.  
Concerning the ancient order of marriages in Turkey, they held it an undecent thing, for the bride to be brought home to her future husband with musical instruments, but they thought it meet, that the married couple should present themselves before God, with all humility and reverence: and after that these ceremonies were ended, they were led to their bedchamber, which was provided for them in a very secret and dark place: the next morning at the dawning of the day, the husband (by Mahomet's law) is bound to ask his wife, whether she can read or no. If she cannot, then must he learn her to read. In like sort, if she can read, and her husband not, then must she teach and instruct him. This was the old manner of marriages among the Turks. Howbeit, at this day, they are grown to such excess of voluptuousness, that they rather resemble beasts than men.   

Of Matrimony in England, at this day solemnized. Chap. 6.  
Matrimony in England is accounted finished, after that it is solemnized in presence of the minister, and two lawful witnesses. Superstitious ceremonies there are none. Only the Priest is bound openly in the Church to ask the banes: to wit, whether any man can allege a reason, wherefore they that are about to be married, may not lawfully come together. Which being done, and no exception made, they then are joined in the holy links of matrimony. Also, in some shires, when the marriage day approacheth, the parents of the betrothed couple, do certain days before the wedding, write letters, to invite all their friends to the marriage, whom they desire to have present. Afterwards, the marriage day being come, the invited guests do assemble together, and at the very instant of the marriage, do cast their presents, (which they bestow upon the new married folks) into a basin, dish, or cup, which standeth upon the Table in the Church, ready prepared for that purpose. But this custom is only put in use amongst them, which stand in need.  
Moreover, it is to be noted, that if the wife be an Inheritrix and landed, she is to let her husband enjoy it during his life and hers: the which afterward descendeth to her eldest son, or in defect of sons, it is equally parted between her daughters. Howbeit, nevertheless, if she die barren without children, the husband loseth all: because lands ever (by the common law of England) follow the succession. But if she once had a child by him, which was heard to cry, the courtesy of our country is such, that the husband possesseth the said lands during his life. If the wife have only movables, as money, plate, cattle, and such like, all belong to her husband.  
To knit up this discourse, 
* Smith. lib. 3. de Republic. Anglic. cap. 8.  If the husband have any lands, either by inheritance descended, or purchased and bought, and chance to die before his wife, she shall have the usufruit of one third part of his lands during her life, as her dowry, whether he hath child by her or no.   

The duties of the husband toward his wife. Chap. 7.  
THe duties of a husband toward his wife are 7. The first, that he 
* 1. Pet. 3  give honour to his wife, as the weaker vessel, for she is partaker of the grace of life. The second, he must patiently brook the hastiness of his wife, for there is nothing in the world more spiteful than a woman, if she be hardly dealt withal, or egged to indignation. Hence is the proverb: Anger thy dog, and he will bite thee. The third duty, 
n Casus lib. 1. Thesaur. Oecono. cap. 4.  The husband in any case must not have carnal copulation with any other but his own wife, for that is very unjust, by reason it dissolveth the girdle of faith and chastity, & is the next way to cause her to hate him: a woman is jealous, and naturally suspicious, and sith her husband breaketh with her, she will not stick to break with him, and privily borrow a night's lodging with her neighbour. The fourth duty, the husband must not injury his wife by word or deed, for a woman is a feeble creature, and not endued with such a noble courage as the man; she is sooner pricked to the heart, or moved to passions, than man: and again, he, that iniurieth his wife, doth as if he should spit into the air, and the same spittle return back upon his own self. The fifth, the husband in disputations with his wife, must sometimes confess himself vanquished by her. The sixth, the husband must provide for his wife, and for her housekeeping, according to his ability. The seventh, the husband must suffer his wife to be merrily disposed before him, otherwise (a woman's nature is such) she will by stealth find out some secret place or other to tattle in, and to disport herself. The eight and chiefest duty is, that the husband have a special regard not to make two beds, for so he may take away all causes of displeasure: also, if either of them chance to jar, by this means they may be soon pacified.   

The duties of the wife towards her husband. Chap. 8.  
But what shall the woman do? shall she do what seemeth good in her own eyes? no: for S. Peter speaketh unto wives in this wise: 
* 1. Pet. 3  Let wives be subject to their husbands: which is as much to say, as they must not contradict them in any point, but rather endeavour to please them by all means. The second duty, the wife must not forsake her husband in adversity, or deride him, as jobs wife did, when she bade him 
* job 2.  curse God and die, but she ought to comfort and cherish him, as a part of her own body. The third, she must esteem the manners of her husband to be the legal rules of her life. The fourth, she must not be too sumptuous & superfluous in her attire, as, decked with frizzled hair, embroidery, precious stones, gaudy raiments, and gold put about, for they are the forerunners of adultery: 
* 1. Pet. 3  But let her have the inward man in her heart, which consisteth in the incorruption of a meek and quiet spirit, that is before God a thing much set by. For even after this manner in time past did the holy women, which trusted in God, attire themselves, and were subject to their husbands. The fifth, she must not be jealous, or mistrust her husband's absence. The sixth duty of a wife is carefully to oversee her household, and to bring up her children and servants in the fear of God. The seventh, she must not discover her husband's imperfections and faults to any, for by disclosing them, either she makes herself a jesting stock, or else she ministereth occasion for knaves to tempt her to villainy. The eight duty of a wife is, that she gibe not, nor flout her husband, but bear with him as long as she may.   

Of Divorcement. Whether the innocent party, after a divorcement made, can marry again during the other party's life. Chap. 9  
MAny men nowadays forgetting the plighted troth of man and wife are so devoid of judgement and understandding, that they make no conscience to prove them separated, 
* Matth. 19  whom God hath joined together. Yea, some proceed further, saying, that a man having taken his wife in adultery, may not only put her away, but also marry another, notwithstanding the first being alive. Which last opinion of theirs, because it seems somewhat probable, I will, as well as I can, discuss. S. Paul saith, that the Lord commandeth the wife 
* 1. Cor. 7  not to depart from her husband: but and if she do, then be willeth her to remain unmarried, or be reconciled unto her husband. In which words might be made a doubt, whether the Apostle meant the guiltless or guilty party. Howbeit, I find a defensive answer, namely, that he meant the guiltless wife, for this commandment (let not the wife depart from her husband) implieth not this sense, to wit, let not the wife be constrained as guilty to depart from her husband, but rather, let not the wife being guiltless be author of divorcement, and so by order of law depart from her guilty husband.  
Further, if it were lawful for the guiltless to marry again during the other party's life, there would be made a way for infinite divorcements; yea, and the commonwealth would be endangered by reason of often dissensions, cavillations, and innovations: whereas otherwise, men knowing, that either they must live singly, or be reconciled, seldom or never should we see divorcements.  
To knit up this doubtful and litigious question, I resolve on this, namely, that we being Christians should consider that the spiritual marriage, which is betwixt Christ and his Church, is now and then polluted by us with spiritual fornication, and that notwithstanding all this, it pleaseth his Divine majesty to be at a new atonement with us, & to comfort us after this manner: 
* jerem. 3  Return, O ye disobedient children, and I will heal your rebellions. For even 
* jere. 20.  as a woman hath rebelled against her husband: so have ye rebelled against me. In like sort it behoveth us to forgive one another, and to imitate our saviour Christ, who mercifully pardoned the woman, whom the Scribes & Pharisees took in adultery, saying unto her: 
* joh. 8.  Go, and fin no more. To be short, we ought to think how troublesome second marriages are like to be, both for the children's sake, and also for the guilty party, who being out of all hope of reconciliation, will fall to despair, and to greater vices, and perhaps never afterwards will become reform.   

Of jealousy. Chap. 10.  
Jealousy is a malady of the mind, engendered of love, which will not admit a corrival or copartner in the thing beloved. To this passion the wild ass is most subject: for in a whole herd of females there is but one male, and he is so jealous, that he will not permit any other to come amongst them: and when the female happeneth to have a male colt, the sire with his teeth will bite off his stones, as fearing he would cover his dam. Among men, the Italians be most jealous, for they, if their wives do but once common, albeit openly with men, do presently suspect them of adultery. The Germans of all nations are less jealous, although their women be very fair. Pope Pius the second, otherwise called Aeneas Silvius in the year of our Lord 1461. being at the baths in Germany, wondered much at the boldness of the Dutch-women, who would even with men step naked into the baths; whereupon he was wont to say, that the Germans were far wiser than the Italians. Our women here in England, 
a Smith. lib. 3. de Republ. Anglic. cap. 8.  although they be in the power of their husbands, yet they be not so straightly kept as in mew, & with a guard, as they be in Italy & Spain, but have almost as much liberty as in France, or in Germany, and they have for the most part all the charge of the house and household, which is the natural occupation and part of a wife. In sum, there is no nation under the cope of heaven less jealous than ours, who tender their wives so kindly and charitably, that 
b Smith. lib. 3. de Republ. Anglic. cap. 8.  at their deaths they make them either sole or chief executrices of their last wills and testiments, and have for the most part the government of the children and their portions.    

The second Plant.  

The duty of Parents towards their children. Chap. 11.  
Parent's must have a careful eye to their children, because thereupon principally dependeth the glory of their house. And that their duties towards them may the more manifestly appear, I will set down what they ought to do. First of all, Parents must teach their children to pray unto God, to rehearse the Creed, and the ten Commandments, and to catechize them in the chiefest points of faith. Secondly, they must beware, that they come not among such fellows as swear, curse, and such like, and to that end they must place discreet tutors over them. Thirdly, parents must break them from their wills, & correct them sharply, when they offend (yet not in their anger) for 
* Prover. 23.  in smiting with the rod, they shall deliver their souls from hell. Fourthly, parents must not permit their children to wear gorgeous attires or new-fangled dresses, but rather declare unto them the vanity thereof. Fiftly, parents must procure them wise and learned teachers, when they are fit to go to school. Sixtly, parents must not mar their children by marrying them, during their minorities, neither cause them against their wills to be assured. Seventhly, parents must see, that their children live in unity, peace, and concord; for if debate and discord be pernicious among all men, how much rather between brethren? Lastly, parents must ordinarily use equality among their children so near as they may, and not show more affection to one then to another, lest thereby they provoke than to anger and desperation.   

Of the duty of childr●●●●wards their parents. Chapt. 12.  
THe first duty of children towards their parents is, they 
* Coloss. c. 3. & l. 1. ff. de obsequi. parent. & patron. praestand.  obey them in all things, for that is well pleasing unto the Lord. Also, they must remember, that the earthly father is the true representer of God the universal father, and therefore 
* Pythag. in aureis carmin.  next after God to be had in reverence. The second duty of children towards their parents is, that they endeavour by all means possible to assuage their parent's anger. Thirdly, 
* l. ff. de agnoscend. & alend. liber. §. 1. & 2. & l. 1. C. de alend. liber.  children must help their parents in their old age, and supply their wants with all necessary compliments.   

Of Brotherly love. Whether a man should prefer his friend before his brother? Chap. 13.  
NOthing is more acceptable unto the Lord, than that brethren should love one another. The which undoubtedly by his sovereign majesty is engraven at our birth, for we see the first occasion of this amity to be bred even from our nativity. Therefore it is the duty of a brother not to be angry or discover the faults of his brother. Further, it is the part of a brother to love his brother above all other, for he may daily get many of this friendly mould, and more, if these fail: but it is no more likely to get a new brother, then to get an eye, which is drawn out, or an hand, which is chopped off. Hence springeth that question, whether a man should prefer his friend before his brother? To this I answer negatively, that he should not; and especially for these two reasons. First, we are bound to follow nature, if she leads us not astray, (for who so ever followeth nature, followeth God, by whom she is directed) therefore we are bound to love our brethren above our friends, seeing that by nature we are chained with our brethren, and whatsoever we bestow on them, we bestow on ourselves. Whereunto soundeth that saying of the Poet: 
a Hesiod. apud Plutarch. de fratern. amore.  Take heed, that thou make not thy friend equal with thy brother. Secondly, the love of brethren is better than the love of friends, for it includeth in it more than the other; as for example, when friends be at variance, we see nothing left betwixt them; but if brethren chance to disagree, the knot notwithstanding of brotherhood in despite of them remains steadfast: moreover, a man being forsaken of all his parasitical friends, is nevertheless of his brother, as it were by a natural instinct received and comforted.  
To be brief, I exhort all brethren to assist one another with mutual love, & not to believe any whispering makebates, whose only drift is to shift for themselves, and to oppose not only friend against friend, but also for their own private good to put brother against brother. This exhortation of mine if brethren will embrace, let them assure themselves, that they shall enjoy the felicity of the celestial Paradise, which is already prepared for them.   

Of disobedient Sons. Chap. 14.  
THe very Turks themselves according to the second commandment contained in their Alcoran, do require such dutiful obedience of children towards their parents, that they expressly forbid any, upon pain of death, to gainsay them either in word or deed. Besides, it is an article of their belief, that God will never forgive them, who are accursed of their parents. Yea, they assure themselves, that no sorrow, nor penitent contrition of mind is ever able to wash or do away the foul burden of the parents curse. Likewise, the 
* Caus. 6. q. 1. Can. 17.  Popish Canonists do condemn them as infamous, which rebel against their parents. What then shall we do, that are reform Christians? shall we suffer the son to abuse the father, to commence suit against him, & approbriously to endamage him? no. God forbid. We will rather 
* L. si filius tuus. C. de patri. potest.  lead him to the magistrate, who shall impose on him, what punishment soever the father demandeth. We will 
* Deuter. 21.  stone him to death for his unnatural disobedience. But suppose he were left unpunished, would he not (think you) be cut off as an unprofitable member by the just judgement of God? would not his days be shortened? Yea, yea; he shall not only die in this world, but also his body in the world to come shall alway be tormented in hot scalding lead, and his soul for ever shall endure the horrible pains of hell.  
We read in our English Chronicles, that the son of Henry the second, king of this land, by the instigation of the French King took arms against his own natural father, betwixt whom divers mighty battles being fought, the victory always inclined to the father, so that the disobedient & rebellious son was enforced to desire peace, which the father mercifully granted, and forgave him his offence. Howbeit notwithstanding, God the avenger of such abominable facts punished him for his disobedience, by causing him to die 6. years before his father. A meet punishment (no doubt) for him, seeing that he could not tarry till after his father's death. Further, we hear, that there was of late days a certain man, that dwelled in a village near to Cambray, who in a great fury threw his own mother out of his house three times in one day, and the third time told her in anger, that he had rather see his house on fire, then that she should abide there one day longer. But mark the end; It fortuned that on the very same day according to his speech, his house was strangely fired, & quite consumed to ashes. An evident sign assuredly of God's displeasure. The examples whereof I would to God might serve for a warning to all children, if not to mollify, yet at least to terrify them from dealing crookedly & perversely with their parents, 
* Exo. 20 Leuit. 11 Deut. 5.  whom God himself commanded to honour, & left here in this world as semblable images of himself.    

The third Plant.  

Of the duty of masters toward their servants. Chap. 15.  
THe duty of Masters toward their servants I comprise in six points. First, I counsel masters not to keep any servants in their houses, that are given to swearing, gaming, whoring, drinking, or to any such notorious crimes. Secondly, I exhort masters to have a special care, that their servants be catechised and taught in the word of God. Thirdly, they must not make them labour on the Sabaoth day. Fourthly, they must see that their servants lie not abroad in the nights. Fiftly, masters must gravely correct their servants according to the quality of their faults, least being let alone, they wax bold, and so fall into worse courses. Lastly, masters must look, that their servants receive their wages or hires at due times.   

Of the Sabaoth day. Whether a master ought to set his servants at work on the Sabaoth day? Chap. 16.  

a Extr. de feriis. C. 1.  THe Sabaoth both in the old & new testament is sanctified and hallowed; and 
b L. 3. C. de feriis.  in it magistrates, townsmen, and all men o● what quality soever they be, must surcease from working, chiefly for four reasons First, that they might remember th● creation of the world, for 
c Exod. 20.  in six days the Lord made heaven and earth, and all, that therein is, and rested the seventh day. Secondly, that they might assemble together, & gratefully thank his divine majesty for his daily blessing powered down upon them. Thirdly, that they might recreate, refresh, and repose themselves, to th'end they might labour the next week more aptly. Fourthly, the Sabaoth is to be observed, by reason it is the seventh day; which number containeth great and hidden mysteries. The sky is governed by seven Planets. The revolution of time is accomplished in seven days, which we call weeks. 
a Gen. 7.  God commanded Noah to take into his ark clean beasts & fowl by sevens. 
b Gen. 41  Pharaoh dreamt that he saw seven fat kine and seven lean. 
* 2. Sam. 21.  David delivered seven of Saul's sons to the Gibeonites to be hanged. 
* Zach. 3.  Christ being termed the first stone of God hath seven eyes. 
* 1. Reg. 19  Seven thousand men did God reserve, that never bowed their knees to Baal. 
* Zach. 4  Zachariah in a vision saw a candlestick of gold, with a bowl upon the top of it, and seven lamps therein, and seven pipes to the lamps. 
* job 1.  job had seven sons. 
* Tob. 12  Seven Angels go forth before God. Neither were 
a 2. Machab. 7.  the seven brethren whom Antiochus put to death, void of a mystery. 
b Apo. 1.  S. john in the Revelation saw seven golden Candlesticks, and in the midst of them the Son of man having in his right hand seven stars. Moreover, 
c Ibid. 8.  he saw the opening of the seventh seal, and the seven Angels, which stood before the Lord, to whom were given seven trumpets. 
* Ibid. 17  The Antichrist is prophesied to sit upon a scarlet coloured beast, which hath seven heads. By which, as all true Christians be persuaded, the Pope and his Cardinals attired in Scarlet, & his seven hilled city of Rome are meant. What more shall I write of the worthiness of this sevenfold number? man's life goeth by sevens, named climacterical years, which 
* In Ciceron. de somnio Scipionis.  Macrobius hath well observed. Sith therefore it hath pleased God so to esteem of this number, let us Christians honour the same, as fearing the scourage of the commander.  
It was ordained by a good and godly act made in the parliament of Scotland in the year of our Lord 1512. being the one and twentieth year of the reign of james the fourth, that no markets, nor fairs should be holden on the Sabaoth day. Which act King james the sixth, that now is, by the consent of his three estates, ratified and approved in the Parliament holden in the year 1579. condemning the breakers of the Sabaoth to forfeit all their movables to the use of the poor within that parish, where they dwelled. It was likewise there enacted, that no handiwork should be used on that Sabaoth, nor any gaming, playing, passing to Taverns, nor wilful remaining from prayer and Sermons, should be in any case exercised under the penalties following: to wit, of every man for his labouring, as often as he was taken in the fact, ten shillings: and of every person for gaming, playing, passing to Taverns, and wilful remaining from prayer and Sermons on the sunday, twenty shillings to be presently paid, and employed to the relief of the poor in their parish. I could wish, that some speedy good order were taken here in England, for the breakers of the Sabaoth. For many nowadays, having been idle all the week before, do of set contumacy labour that day in despite of the Lord & his Sabaoth. Some from morning to evening do nothing else but play at dice or tables, swearing & staring at the least cross of fortune. Others again be delighted with reading of pamphlets, lovebooks, ballads, & such like, never once so devout as to name God, unless shamefully abusing him. Oh how often do they use on that day unseemly speeches? the very Turks, I fear me, go beyond them in devotion. For they duly on their festival days resort to their Churches, never once gazing or looking aside as long as service lasteth. The service being ended, they go home each man to his house, inviting, & humbly beseeching the priests to bear them company: with whom they question touching divine matters, not by carping, nicking, & nipping, but with pure simplicity & fervent care; whereas many of us Christians chose, do openly profane not only holidays, but also the Lords day, & yet they term themselves Christians. Christians, O sergeant Christians, & worse than paynim. Me thinks, if nothing else could move you, yet the daily miraculous punishments inflicted on such profane persons as you be, should be a terrible warning for you.  
At Kinstat a town in France, dwelled a certain covetous woman, about forty years ago, who was so eager in gathering together worldly pelf, that she would neither frequent the church to hear the word of God on sunday herself, nor yet permit any of her family to do it, but alway toiled about pilling and drying of flax, neither would she be dissuaded by her neighbours from such an unseasonable work. One sunday as she was thus busied, fire seemed to fall down among the flax without doing any hurt. The next sunday it took fire indeed, but was soon quenched. For all this, she continued forward in her work even the third Sunday, when the flax again taking fire, could not be extinguished, till it had burnt her, & two of her children to death; for though they were recovered out of the fire alive, yet the next day they all 3. died, & that which was most to be wondered at, a young infant in the Cradle, was taken out of the midst of the flame, without any hurt. Thus God punisheth the breakers of the Sabbath. Famous is that example, which chanced near London in the year of our Lord 1583. on the thirteenth day of januarie, being Sunday, at Paris garden, where there met together (as they were wont) an infinite number of people, to see the bearbaiting, without any regard of that high day. But in the midst of their sports, all the scaffolds and galleries suddenly fell down, in such wise, that two hundred persons were crushed well nigh to death, besides eight that were killed forthwith.  
In the year of our Lord 1589. I being as then but a boy, do remember, that an Alewife making no exception of days, would needs brew upon Saint Marks day: but lo, the marvelous work of God, whiles she was thus labouring, the top of the chimney took fire, and before it could be quenched, her house was quite burnt. Surely, a gentle warning to them that violate and profane forbidden days.  
Notwithstanding, I am not so strait laced, that I would not have any labour done on Sundays and holy days. For I confess, 
r Mac●h. li. 1. ca 4  It is lawful to fight in our country's defence on any day: 
s De consecrat. distinct. 3 Canon. 12 in fin.  It is lawful to enter into the bath: and it is lawful for Physicians and Apothecaries to temper and prepare medicines for the sick, and for cooks to dress meat for our sustenance. It is lawful for us to take pains to hinder our peculiar damages, for 
Mat. 12.  What man is there that hath a sheep, and if it fall on a Sabaoth day into a pit, doth not lift it out? In like manner, it is lawful to work, when there is an inundation or deluge of waters, and also upon urgent necessity, to take up a draft of fish, which for that day being let alone, would have been cast away. More yet would I write, if I feared not to be termed a gaggling sophister, as having already discussed this question in my Commentaries upon Persius. 
In Sat. 5  I will therefore proceed to the next.   

Of the duties of servants towards their Masters. Chap. 17.  
THe first duty of servants towards their masters is, that they be subject unto them (e) and please them in all things, 
Titus 2.  not answering again, nor replying, although otherwhiles they know better what is to be done, than their masters. The second is, that they be honest and faithful unto their masters, and not (as many nowadays do) flatter & cologue with them, thereby thinking to get some booty. The third duty of servants is, that they seek their master's profit more than their own. The fourth, that they reveal not to others their master's secret affairs. The fifth, that they defend their masters, even to the hazarding and losing of their lives. The famous effect whereof, appeared in that courageous servant of Maurice, Duke of Saxony; who of late years, seeing his master suddenly assaulted by certain Turks that lay in ambush, and cast from his horse, covered him with his own body, & valiantly repelled the enemy, until certain horsemen came and saved the Prince, but died himself a little while after, being hurt and wounded in every place of his body. Finally, to fill up this discourse, servants must diligently and honestly guard their masters, and their master's goods: for 
r Pro. 27.  They that keep the fig tree, shall enjoy the fruit thereof: and they that wait upon their Masters, shall come to honour.    

The fourth Plant.  

Of the Acquisitive faculty. Chap. 18.  
NOw having sufficiently disputed of the chiefest parts of a family, I come to the last part, that is, to the acquisitive or possessory faculty, whereof I find two kinds; the one natural, the other artificial. The natural consisteth in breeding of cattle, in manuring of the ground, in hawking, hunting, fishing, & in spoils and pillages both by sea & land. The artificial way of getting, lieth in exchanging, either ware for ware, as, of cloth for silks, of wool for grain: or else of wares for money. And again, those acquisitive Arts be disallowed, which are loathed of men, as the trade of Brokers, huxters, toll-gatherers, bawds, usurers, and ingraters. Of which three last, after my next discourie of money, I will, God willing, entreat.   

Of money, the chiefest part of the Acquisitive faculty. Chap. 19  
MOney (as Pliny writeth) was coined by King Servius of Rome, 
Plin. lib. 33. c. 3.  with the Image of a sheep and an ox. Others say, that it was first invented at the siege of Troy. But I find that money was many years currant before the wars of Troy. 
Gen. 23.  Abraham bought a field of Ephron the Hittite for four hundred silver sickles of money currant among Merchants; Which is of our money, three and thirty pound, six shillings and eight pence. Howbeit, there is no use of coined money in sundry countries at this instant. In the country of 
* Belul the Aethiopian word, in English is Precious, and not Presbyter or Prester, as heretofore it hath been mistaken in print.  Precious john, salt goeth for money. The Indians of Peru never made any account of money, before the Spaniards rob them of their gold. Besides, within these two hundred years, money was very scant here in England: for King Edward the fourth, in the civil wars betwixt him and Henry the sixth, being on a time pursued by the Earl of Warwick, who then was turned to the contrary side, bought a ship in the year of our Lord 1461. for eight score nobles, to sail into Ireland: which price in those times was esteemed wonderful dear. Also, in the year 1514. money coined of leather was rise in this Realm. Of which kind of money myself have seen of late, above ten bushels in an old castle in Wales, stamped, as far as I remember, with the Duke of Lancaster's Image. For in those days, certain Dukes were licenced to coin money. So likewise we read, that county Palatines, as Chester, Durham, and Ely, could then give pardons concerning the pleas of the crown, and send writs in their own names. In the Kingdom of Cathay, money is yet neither of gold nor silver, nor of any other metal, but only of the bark of mulberry trees, which is cut as well into sundry small, as great round pieces, whereon they engrave the names of their country, rating them, as we do ours, according to their greatness & smallness. It is petty treason among them to employ any other money.  
Sir Thomas Moor reporteth, that his feigned Vtopians did make chamberpots, and other vessels, that serve for most vile uses, of gold and silver. Moreover, he saith, that they made great chains, fetters, and gives, wherein they tied their bondmen, of the very same metals: and whosoever among them for any offence was infamous, by his ears hung rings of gold, about his neck was a chain of gold. Thus by all means possible, they procured to have gold and silver among them in reproach and infamy. And if we Christians examine ourselves somewhat more near, we shall find, that money is one of the chiefest causes why so many felonies, murders & treasons be committed, and why the cry of the poor is so often come before the Lord. For this cause Plato the Divine Philosopher saith, that 
h Plato li. 5. in leg.  In a commonwealth well governed, there should not any money be used, because it marreth good manners, and maketh the mind of a man covetous and in satiable.   

Of Bawds. Whether they ought to be suffered. Chap. 20.  
ALthough I have touched this infamous question in another Book of mine, 
In commentar. in Sat. 5. Pers.  yet notwithstanding I judge it not amiss, if I repaint the same with more brevity, in a more familiar tongue. The first that instituted the filthy order of stews, was Venus, who because she alone would not seem to be a whore, (as having lain with Mars, Vulcan, Mercury, Anchises, and sundry others) appointed in Cypress, that women should prostitute themselves for money to all comers. Which custom was renewed by the Popes, who built most stately houses for whores, and ordained, that they for the same should pay yearly great sums of money. There be some men living, that know how Pope Paul the third had above forty thousand courtesans, that paid him an infinite tribute. The report goeth, that Pope Clement the 8. that now is, receiveth of every bawdy house in Rome yearly, a jull, that is, twenty thousand ducats.  
These Panders are to whorehunters, as brokers to thieves. They entice young lasses with gaudy garments, & deceitful promises, to serve every man's turn for gain: which done, they teach these virgins their schoole-lessons, namely, to bring in swaggrers to outswear a man of his money, to feign themselves with child, made of a cushion (for concealment whereof, the bawds must be well bribed,) to caper in men's arms till they have gulled them of their purses, to counterfeit tears with an onion, yea, & to use fine glozing speeches: as, Sir, you mistake your mark, I am none of your wanton gills, you abuse my credit, my mistress calls me. And immediately after, perceiving the lusty wooer to have money in his purse, she begins by degrees to listen, saying: Many men will promise much, but perform little, they bear us in hand, until they have got their pleasures of us, and then away they go, but you lo●ke like an honest man. After this, the bawds seeing their wenches deformed, they give them drugs to raise their colours, and to seem fairer. This is the bawds acquisitive faculty, whereby they live. Some bawds have a dozen damsels, some less, yet of every man they take largely, as 20. shillings a week, or ten pound a month. It is said, that long Meg of Westminster kept always 20. Courtesans in her house, whom by their pictures she sold to all comers. But I return to the extirpation thereof.  
We read, that 
r Socrat. li. 5. hist. Ecclesia. cap. 8.  Theodosius the great, in the year of our Lord 392. utterly chased all stews out of his Empire. For which notable act, his name even at this day is greatly honoured. No less praise deserveth Henry the eight of famous memory, for abolishing & putting down of the stews in London, which then were innumerable. Therein he imitated the good K. josias, 
2. Reg. 23.  who broke down the houses of the Sodomites, that were in the house of the Lord. Finally, no man is ignorant, that the pestilent disease of the French pocks was sent as a punishment to stews.   

Of Usurers. Chap. 21.  

n Couarruuias li. 3. varia. resolution. cap. 1.  HE that receiveth any thing over and above the capital sum that was lent, is an usurer. For which respect I compare him to an aspet for even as he that is stung with an Asp, falleth asleep, as it were with delight, but dieth ere he awakes: so an usurer taketh great pleasure in his interest at the first, but at length he is so overcloyed with money, that he can never enjoy any rest: the cause is his conscience, which like a multitude of furies vexeth his heart, and fortelles him of his everlasting damnation. Hence it is, that the Romans inflicted as great punishment on an usurer, as on a thief: and not without cause, for he that killeth a man, riddeth him out of his torments at once, whereas an usurer is long in punishing and undoing his creditor, causing him by little and little to pine away. Also, an usurer by undoing of one, undoth many, namely, the wife and whole household.  
More Gentlemen here in England have Usurers, Bankers, and Merchants driven to despair, than either wars or sickness. For when a young Puny cometh unto them, desiring to be credited for money or apparel, than one of them counterfeiting themselves forsooth to be coy like women, will burst forth into these terms: The world is hard, and we are all mortal, we may not venture our goods, God knows how we earn our living: wherefore make us assurance, and you shall have ten pounds (worth in silks and velvets.) Well, this passeth on currant, assurance is given with a witness. A little after, if the Gentleman hath not wherewithal to pay as well the interest, as the principal agreed upon, whensoever this reprobate cut-throat demandeth it, then presently as round as a ball, he commenceth his statute-marchant against him, and for ten pounds profit, which was scarce worth five pound in money, he recovereth by relapse ten pound a year.  
O intolerable wickedness! O devilish haberdashers! and worse than those ungodly tenants, who seeing their Landlord's heir coming, said one to another: 
i Mat. 21. Mar. 12.  This is the heir, come, let us kill him, and we shall have his Inheritance: Darest thou, O wretched cormorant, hope to be saved, and expect to be partaker of the heavenly blessings? Art thou a Christian, and wilt suffer thy brother in Christ thus to miscarry through thy entanglements & exactions? No, no: thou art a member of Satan, thou art in the gall of bitterness, 
Act. 8.  and in the bond of iniquity.  

Objection.  
The laws of England do permit usury, to wit, two shillings in the pound, therefore an usurer is not wicked.   

Answer.  
It is one thing to permit usury, and another to allow thereof. By our positive laws is meant, that those men, who cared not, how much they extorted out of poor men's hands for the loan of their money, should be empaled and limited within certain meres and bounds, lest they overflowed reason So that the laws do but mitigate the penalties, and if it were possible, they would restrain men from it.    

Of the particulars wherein Usury is committed. Chap. 22.  
A Man committeth usury six manner of ways. First, 
i Panorm. in cap. Consuluit. dè usuris.  whosoever dareth corn unto his neighbour, with promise, that at the redelivery thereof, he should give him somewhat more, is an usurer. As for example, if he lend to a man five bushels of corn at May, under condition that he give him six bushels at Bartholomew-tide. Secondly, he that forestalleth and intercepteth corn in the market, and that not for any want, but to sell it again dearer than he bought it, thereby to enrich himself with the impoverishing of many. Thirdly 
* L. 1. & 2 C. de pignorat. action.  he committeth usury, that for the loan of his money receiveth a greater gage, than the money valueth, and claimeth the same as forfeit, the money being not repaid him at the prefixed time. Fourthly, he is an usurer, that dareth his money upon condition, that the other buy his necessaries at his shop, or grind at his mill. Fiftly, he is an usurer, that keepeth false balances, and that selleth bad & musty things for good and new. Finally, he that encloseth commons, & turneth tillage into pastures, is an usurer.   

Whether it be lawful for an householder to ingrate and engross corn in the market, to the intent he may sell the same another time at a dearer price? Chap. 23.  
Whosoever he be, that forestalleth corn in the market, and transporteth it home into his garners, there keeping it, until a dearer time fall out, without doubt committeth usury. For every man ought to sell as he bought, and doing otherwise he is an usurer, and must make restitution of the overplus. 
* Panorm. in cap. ad nostram de empt. & vend. & Covarrwi. li. 2 variar. resolute. cap. 3.  The which if he deny, he is eftsoon deprived of all power to make his last will and testament. Besides, there be statute punishments ordained for the repressing of this filthy lucre: as, forfeits to the Clerks of the market, & fines●to be paid to the Prince, if the foresaid party be taken in the manner. In sum, 
b jam. 5.  his cankered gold and silver (which he hath thus received of the poor buyers) and the rust of them shall be a witness against him at the fearful day of judgement, and shall eat up his flesh as it were fire.    

The fifth Plant.  

Of Hospitality. Chap. 24.  
HOspitality is the chiefest point of humanity, which an householder can show, not only unto his friends, but also unto strangers & wayfaring men. For which cause 
* Chryso. Hom. 44 sup. Gen.  he that keepeth a good house, and entertaineth strangers, is said to receive Christ himself. Which likewise another holy father confirmeth, saying: 
* August. lib. contra haeres.  We must tender hospitality without discretion, lest that the person, whom we exclude and shut out of doors, be God himself. This Abraham knew very well, when he accustomed to sit in his tent door of purpose to call in travelers, and to relieve them. Among whom 
* Gen. 18  he entertained on a time three Angels. This also was not unknown to Lot, when as he used to harbour guests, and 
* Gen. 19  compel Angels being under the shape of pilgrims to come into his house. We read, that the harlot Rahab, for her hospitality 
* josu. 6.  was saved with all her household from death at the winning of jericho. Wherefore, O ye that be rich, see that▪ ye keep good hospitality, and relieve the impotent and distressed. To conclude, if we consider more narrowly and pierce more deeply with a sharp eye into the benefits of hospitality, though no other cause could persuade us, yet 
* Luc. 14 Rom. 12 1. Tim 3 Tit. 1. Heb. 13. 2. Pet. 4  the monuments of the new testament might exhort us thereunto.   

Wherein good hospitality consisteth. Chap. 25.  
THey are greatly deceived, who think, that hospitality doth consist in slibber-sauces, in spiced meats, or in diversities. For these are nought else, save fooleries, and fond wasting of goods, whereby the flesh is provoked to lechery, & becometh altogether inflamed, massy, and diseased. Further, experience teacheth, that none are more subject to sicknesses, than they, that gurmaundize and feed on sundry kinds of dishes. The reason is, because that those diversities, which they eat, be repugnant and contrary the one to the other, and breed putrefaction and corrupt humours within their bodies. Whereas chose they, that live on one sort of meat and hardly, do look fair, lusty, & well complexioned, and most commonly attain unto very old age. Good hospitality therefore cons●steth not in gluttonous diversities, but rather in one kind of meat, in clothing the naked, and in giving alms unto the poor.   

Why housekeeping nowadays is decayed. Chap. 26.  
THe causes, why hospitality is nowadays brought to so low a sail, are five. The first is ambition, which moveth Gentlemen, that are of large revenues, to wear gorgeous attires, to trail a costly port after them, to cavalier it abroad, and giving up housekeping at home, to take a chamber in London, where they consume their time in viewing of stage plays, in carousing of healths, & (perhaps) in visiting of courtesans. The second is hatred, which pricketh Gentlemen to fall out with their neighbours, and to enrich the lawyers by commencing of suits and controversies. The third is covetousness, which persuadeth landlords to hoard up substance for the Devil, to enhance incomes, to raise rents (for fear least yeomen keep better hospitality than themselves,) and to convert tillage into pastures. In consideration of which abominable abuse, it was most prudently enacted in the last Parliament, that all lands, which were converted into sheep pastures, or to the fatting or grazing of cattle, (the same having been tillage lands) should be before the first of May in the year of our Lord 1599 last past, restored to tillage by the possessors thereof, and so should continue for ever. It was further enacted in the said Parliament, that every person offending against the premises aforesaid, should forfeit for every acre not restored the sum of twenty shillings yearly, as long as the offence continued. The fourth reason, why hospitality is carried to so low an ebb proceedeth of building; for sooner shall we see a Gentleman build a stately house, then give alms, and cherish the needy. The fifth and last cause of the decay of hospitality is gluttony, which enduceth men to prepare artificial cookeries & divers sorts of meat: whereas one large and wholesome mess of meat could peradventure countervail, yea, and go beyond all their junkets, and dainty delicacies.   

Of Alms, and the forgetfulness thereof in these days. Chap. 27.  
THe poor, being an inferior family in God's church, are recommended by him to our charge, namely, that we should relieve them in their distress, & consider, that whatsoever we do unto them, we do unto Christ himself, who for our sakes left a glorious habitation, and became poor. Besides, we must remember to give alms unto the poor in respect of that holy man's saying: 
* Psal. 34  The poor crieth, and the Lord heareth him, yea, and delivereth him out of all his troubles, Alas, let us ponder with ourselves, wherefore did the Lord give unto many of us such great abundance of wealth in this life above our brethren, if it were not to use them well, and to furnish the needy. The simplest idiot of us all doth very well know, that wealth was not given us to hoard up, no nor to consume the same in superfluous vanities. Why then do we keep our clothes in our presses, our money in our coffers? Why do we misspend our goods in gaudy raiments, in cavaliering shows, in feeding of hounds, in banqueting, in reveling, and in a thousand trumperies beside? oh why do we not weigh in our minds, that whatsoever we spend more than we need, is none of ours, but the poors; & to detain from them, is to pill and poll, yea, and perforce to spoil them. What shall we say, when God will demand an account of our stewardships? Doubtless, except we do out of hand repent, and give alms, we shall be cast as a pray unto the Devil, and with him be tormented in hell for evermore. O fearful doom! The misbelieving Turks are wont secretly to send their servants abroad, & purposely to harken amongst their neighbours, which of them hath most need of victuals, money, and apparel. Yea, & more than that, in their Musaph or Alcoran they have these words: If men knew, how heavenly a thing it were to distribute alms, they would not spare their own flesh, but would even tear the same, and slice it into carbonadoes, to give it unto the poor. The Papists, that are overwhelmed in superstition and idolatry, do hope (although sacrilegiously) to be saved by their almsgiving. Oh what a shameful thing will this be against us at the dreadful day of judgement? Verily, I fear me, it will be easier for them, then for us, to enter into the kingdom of heaven, if speedily we amend not, & be bountiful unto the poor, For 
* Prou. 21  whosoever stoppeth his ears at the cry of the poor, 
Mat. 18.  shall also cry himself, and not be heard. Where nowadays shall we find the woman of Sarepta to entertain Elias? where are Abraham and Lot, to feast the holy Angels? If Eliza were now living, surely he should want his hostess the Sunamite. Nay, which is more, if Christ himself were here, he should neither find Martha to welcome him, no nor Mary to power any sweet ointments upon his head. The members of Christ 
* Prou. 18  make supplication, and pray meekly: but the rich giveth a rough answer. Lazarus beggeth still without doors, & yet for all his begging cannot come by the crumbs of the rich man's table.  
Wherefore extend your bounty unto the poor, O ye that be rich, according to the proportion of your wealth, and as your good conscience shall lead you, so give. Remember that your days be short upon earth, and that you have but a small time to live. Distrust not God's promise, who said, that 
* Luk. 21  whatsoever is given to the poor, is lent to himself, and look, what you lay out, shall be paid you again.  

Objection.  
A man, that hath a great charge of children, cannot well give alms unto the poor: therefore he may be excused.   

Answer.  
Mark what Christ saith: 
* Mat. 20  He that loveth his father and mother above me, is not worthy of me. 
* 1. joh. 3  The love of God is not with them, who will not benefit the poor. The widow of Sarepta preferred not her son before Elias in the time of famine; neither was that lost, which she bestowed on Elias. In a word, no man must despair of God's reward. 
* Ps. 36.  I have been young, (quoth the Prophet David) and now am old; and yet saw I never the righteous forsaken, nor his seed begging their bread publicly with utter shame and discredit.    

Circumstances to be observed in giving of alms. Chap. 28.  
HOwbeit for all this, I am not so indulgent and fond, that I would have men to distribute alms without exception, and without due regard of circumstances. For herein five things are to be respected: whereof the first is, that they give their alms for the Lords sake, and that voluntarily, of their own proper motion. The second, that they argue with them touching their religion, before they give them any thing, to the end, they may understand, whether they be true Protestants, or froward Papists, or Atheists. The third, that they dispute with them concerning their conversation. The 4. that they give their alms unto religious men, and to them that be old, blind, lame, or crazed and sick of body. The fifth & circumstance to be noted, and followed in distributing of alms, is, that men give them not for a bravery, and vainglory, to be praised and extolled of the world, but rather of pure zeal & devotion, not expecting any recompense again.   

Of Fasting. That an householder should observe fasting days. Chap. 39  

* Cas. in Append. thesaur. Oecon.  EVen as learned and wise Physicians, in every flux of the belly occasioned of surfeit and repletion, do for the most part prescribe an exquisite diet, and also a purgation, to wit, of rhubarb or such like, to the end that not only the superfluous substance of the belly may be drawn out, but also that nature may be strengthened by the secret property and virtue of the Medicine: so expert and wise householders ought in time of famine specially to have regard, that they lay down a limited order of fasting unto their families, whereby they may not only purge the rebellious humours of the flesh, but likewise in afterclappes sustain themselves the better from poverty and dearth. Oh, what is it for a man to spare two meals in a week, and bestow the estimate upon the poor? Alas, it is not much out of their way.  
We read that the jews, so oft as they would pacify or ask any benefit of GOD, used most commonly to fast. By fasting 
a Exo. 24  Moses saw God. 
b 3. Reg. 19 & Tertulli. de jejune. adversus Psychi. & Cypr. de jeiunio & tentationib. Christi.  Elias after his fasting was entertained of God. 
c jonas 3.  The Ninivites fasted with repentance, and were pardoned. By fasting 
* Dan. 3.  Daniel revealed Nabuchodonozor's dream.  
But if these examples can work no charity in the adamant and steely hearts of our English Rooks: yet civil policy, me thinks, and her majesties commandment might prevail so much with them, that they observe Frydaies, saturdays, Lent, and Ember days (so near as they may) as fasting days, both for the preservation of meats ordained for their own sustenance, and for the safeguard of their consciences, and for the supplying of their neighbours wants.  

Objection.  
Good meats do nourish blood, and do revive aswell the vital as the animal spirits. As for fish, figs, and such like, they be slimy, windy, and make a man to be ill complexioned. And again fasting is more dangerous, for it weakeneth and enfeebleth the whole body: therefore a man ought not to observe fasts.   

Answer.  
All the commodities, which you bring on the behalf of meats are nothing in comparison of the good, that spring of fasting, for by it men become capable of visions, and of the word of God; by it many sicknesses are allayed. Whereas on the contrary, by flesh the body is inflamed, and tormented with hot burning agues, & with innumerable maladies beside. So that the commodities of fasting do far exceed & downewaigh the discommodities thereof. Yet notwithstanding, I verily believe, that old persons, and choleric folks may be licenced to eat flesh. In like manner women with child, scholars, and they, that by study and care have annoyed their spirits, might be authorized from fasting. In brief, I am persuaded, that 
* Hieron. ad Laet.  fasting is hurtful for them, which have not attained to their perfect growth and strength.    

Of the true fast. Chap. 30.  
Nevertheless, I am of this mind, that those men observe not the true fast, which hypocritically forego a meal or two, of purpose, colourably to hunt for worldly praise, and to be accounted religious in the sight of man: but they rather are the true and allowed fasters, that strongly lean to the everliving God, that shun as the horror of hell all earthly vanities, and that mortify the filthy appetites of the flesh. Albeit the other (I confess) is a coadiutour to that thing, and availeth much for that purpose.  
Whosoever therefore is willing to fast uprightly, and according to the ordinance of GOD, must fast with all the members of his body. First, he must fast with his eyes, and not pry too much into the pompous shows, & dazzling beauty of this world, lest at the sight thereof, as of a Cockatrice, he be wounded to death both of body and soul. Next, he must fast with his ears, that is, he must not consent to the alluring speeches of Seminary Priests, heretics, flatterers, slanderers, and such like, lest Sirenlike they entice him into their snares. Thirdly, he must fast with his tongue, and beware of blasphemies, lies, and ungodly communications.  
Fourthly, he must fast with his mouth, that is, he must take heed that he eat and drink no more, then sufficeth nature, and that he abstain from meats at convenient seasons, whereby as with a wing he may fly into heaven. Fiftly, he must fast with his heart, and refrain from sinful and idle thoughts. Sixtly, he must fast with his feet, and bridle them from being too swift to shed blood, or from trudging to London for process against his brethren.  
The end of the second book.     

THE THIRD book of the Golden-grove moralised.  

The first Plant.  

Of a Commonwealth. Chap. 1.  
A Commonwealth is a society of free men, united together by a general consent, to the end to live well and orderly, not only in regard of justice, but also of commodity, and for the preservation of themselves, as well in peace, as in war. The which is a thing natural, both in respect of parts, to wit, a shire, a parish, and a family, whereof a Commonwealth is the accomplishment: and of men naturally disposed to live in society.  
Nevertheless, there have been many societies, which were not Commonwealths, but certain base habitations in villages, where the weaker yielded service to the stronger. Also, the Arabians at this day, wander up and down, ignorant of living, and do carry about with them their wooden habitations, which they draw upon charets, seeking for prays and spoils from the river Euphrates, along unto the sea Atlantic. But to these and such like, well may I apply that saying of the Philosopher, namely, that 
n Arist. li. 1. Politic cap. 2.  he, which cannot abide to live in company, is either a beast, that is, a monstrous wicked man, or a God, that is, a man surpassing the ordinary sort of virtuous men in perfection.  
The examination whereof, caused all that were free and liberally borne, to be inclined unto society, and to defend the Commonwealth with all their powers: yea, and 
r Accursius ad l. 7. C. de Procurat.  thereunto to bear a greater affection, then to their parents. Although our families be destroyed, yet the Commonwealth standing, we may in time flourish again: but if the Commonwealth be destroyed, both we and our families must likewise come to utter destruction. Let this serve for a watchword to our English Fugitives, who unnaturally have abandoned their native country, and now being become Seminary Priests and unclean spirits, like unto them 
r Apo. 16.  that in the Revelation, issued as frogs out of the Dragon's mouth, do by all shameful acts, and false counsels, suborn their countrymen to conspiracies against their Prince and Commonwealth.   

The division of a Commonwealth. Chap. 2.  
IT was a great controversy among politicians, about the division of a Commonwealth; for some would allow but of two sorts: some contrary appointed four, and others five. 
a Li. 6. de militari. Roman. discipline.  Polybius accounted seven. 
* Li. 2. de Repub. cap. 1.  Bodinus, whose judgement is most of all applauded, approveth only those three special kinds of a Commonwealth, which 
x Li. 4. Policit.  Aristotle hath mentioned. The first, a Monarchy, where the government of the whole Commonwealth, is in one man's hand. This kind regarding the weal public, more than the weal private, is named the sovereign authority, as in England, France, Spain, Denmark, Polonia, and Swethland. The second, an Aristocracy, where the smaller number, and those of the best sort do bear rule; as the Senate of Rome in times past, and the Gentlemen of Venice at this present day. The third kind of a Commonwealth is called a Democracie, where the regiment of a Commonwealth consisteth in the power of all, or else, of the greater part of the people: as in ancient times at Athens, and now at this present, the Cantons of Switzerland.   

Of a Monarchy. Chap. 3.  
AMong all creatures, as well having life, as without life, one always hath pre-eminence above the rest of his kind. 
r Arist. li. 1. Mete●rolog.  This inferior world obeyeth the superior, and is ruled by it, as we see by a certain virtuous influence associated with light heat, and (named by some, the quintessence of the world) which issueth down from the celestial essence, & spreadeth it self through the lump of this huge body, to nourish all things under the Moon. In like manner, we see the sun the principal minister of this celestial virtue, as a monarch among the Planets, illuminating all the world with his glistering beams. We see the Moon as an Empress, predominant over all moist things. We see the fire bearing the sovereignty over the other elements. In musical concents consisting of sounds, we see the treble as it were commanding the base. Among reasonable creatures man only is the chief. Among beasts, the Lion. Among birds, the Eagle. Among fishes, the Whale. Among metals, gold. Among grains, wheat. Among aromatical spices, balm. Among drink, wine. And to conclude, have not the Bees one only King? Is not unity the first of numbers, and when we have cast our accounts, do not we return the same to one total sum? Thus by natural discourses we see, that a monarchy of all other regiments, is the most excellent. 
n Isocrat. in oration. ad Nico.  If we search ancient Fables, we shall find that the gods were ruled by jupiter. What blind Bayard therefore will deny, that 
i Arist. li. 12. metaphies.  all superior and inferior things are much better ordered by the arbitrement of one, then by the advice of many?  
Moreover, there be four forcible reasons, which prove that a Monarchy ought to be preferred before all other sorts of governments. First, 
r justin. ex lib. 1. Trog. Pomp.  from the beginning of countries and nations, the government was in the hands of Kings, who were not extolled to that high degree of majesty by Ambition, but for their modesty, which was known to all men. Likewise, that which is ancient and first▪ 
Ari. li. 3 Topicor. cap. 1.  is more noble than that which is new-fangled and later. Secondly, the image of a monarchy is found in private families. For the authority of a father over his children, may be resembled to a royal government, because the Children are the father's charge: he alone must provide for them, and their offences are by him chastised. With which concurreth that common speech: Every man is a King in his own house. Thirdly, a Monarchy hath continued above a thousand years; whereas the longest Aristocracy and Democracie, have not lasted above six hundred years.  
Our Kingdom of Britain retained a Monarchy, from the time that Brutus first inhabited it, until Cadwallader, who was the last king of the British blood; which was above fourteen hundred years. Then in the year of our Lord 574. the Kingdom was divided among seven of the Nobles, who still continued civil war one upon the other, until Ecbert in the year 800. reduced the seven provinces into one whole Kingdom. Since which time there ruled Princes as monarchs, until now this year of our Lord, one thousand six hundred. Whereby we find, that our Monarchy hath already lasted full eight hundred years. Scotland likewise hath endured in a Monarchy, from the year of our Lord eight hundred and twenty, Dungall then reigning, until this present year. Fourthly, a Monarch carrieth a greater majesty, whereby he seems gracious and amiable in the sight of his subjects, and dreadful to his enemies. To conclude, let us consent, that 
n Plato. lib. 1. de. leg.  a Monarchy is the most excellent regiment of all others, as that which draweth nearest to Gods will, who is the Monarch of all monarchs, King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.  

Objection.  
It is better to be subject unto God alone, then unto man: for he foreseeth all things to come, 
Math. 10.  and without his providence one sparrow shall not fall on the ground. And seeing that he is so careful for these small things, will not he, think you, care for 
r Ibidem.  man, that is of more value than many sparrows? Furthermore, we are Christians, 
n 1. Pet. 2.  chosen of God, and precious as lively stones, and also made a spiritual house, an holy priesthood, to offer up spiritual sacrifices to God by jesus Christ, 
i Math. cap. ult.  with whom the presence of his spirit will always be, until the end of the world. Therefore injury is done unto him, if we allow of any other Monarch, but only him.   

Answer.  
EVen as it hath pleased God of his divine providence to ordain the sun, Moon, and elements, as Emperors over this inferior world: so in like manner, he working by such means and instruments, 
s Exo. 3. Deut. 31.  constituted Moses, josuah, and others, judges over his people, by whom as his instruments, he brought to pass his sacred will, and delivered the Israelites from Egypt, where they were enthralled. And although he defends us with an outstretched arm, and hath illuminated us with the light of his Gospel, yet notwithstanding, he hath appointed Princes, as his vicegerents and instruments here on earth, to see his word plan●ed, heresies rooted out, and offenders by political laws executed.  
monarchs therefore must be obeyed, ʳ as the ministers of God, to take vengeance on the wicked. 
s Rom. 13. Ibid.  There is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordained of God. Wherefore, 
Exod. 23.  Let no man speak evil of the ruler of the Commonwealth.    

That hereditary succession is better than Election. Chap. 4.  

h Lipsius' lib. 2. Politicor. cap. 4.  MAny affect the place of a monarch, not to any good end (they being not good themselves) whom nevertheless the custom or law of Nations hath restrained by a double bridle of election and succession. The latter is that, when majesty cometh of descent, and one Prince is borne of another. The other, when as birthright being set aside, they are chosen by consent of voices.  
Succession without doubt is the better, as by reasons shall appear. First, it is meet that the son possess the Kingdom for the Father's sake. Secondly, the son is brought up to follow his father's steps, especially in defending of religion. Thirdly, 
a Tacitus lib. 2. Histor.  the alteration of matters gives opportunity to strange and great attempts. Fourthly, the son by nature from his father obtaineth a smack of policy, and being always present with him, knoweth the state of the Kingdom better than any other. Fiftly, the successor is wont to administer justice more constantly and sincerely. Whereas the elect Prince must in a manner fawn on his electors and new subjects. Finally, 
s Curtius' lib. 4. histor.  No authority can prosper or endure, which is purchased by canvasing and flatteries, & there is less danger in the acceptation of a Prince, then in the election.   

The duty of a Prince. Chap. 5.  
THere are four chief qualities necessary for a Prince to maintain his reputation. The first is clemency, to forgive trespasses. For as the Sun, when it is highest in the Zodiac, moveth slowest: so the higher a Prince is soared to greatness, the more gracious and meek he ought to be towards his humble subjects. The second, to imprint the laws and ordinances of God in his mind, and to level all his actions to the glory of the king of kings: as well for the health of his own soul, which he ought to hold dearer than his whole kingdom, yea, than all the world: as for good ensample and imitation unto his subjects. The third is liberality, to succour poor scholars and soldiers; for as there is nothing more common than the sun, that communicateth his light to all the celestial bodies, and chiefly to the Moon, so a prince ought to impart part of his revenues to the distressed, and especially above the rest, to students & Soldiers. The fourth, to have courage and virtue to tolerate abuses. For 
z Boetius lib. 3. de consolation. philosoph. metr. 5.  Although his power and authority extend so far, that the country of India quaketh at his commandment: & although the farthest Island in the sea doth serve and obey him: yet if he cannot bridle his own affections, his power is not worthy to be esteemed.   

Of the name of Emperor. Chap. 6.  
THis name Emperor the Romans first invented, not for their Kings, but for their warlike generals. Serranus, Camillus, Fabius Maximus, and Scipio the African, as long as they governed the Roman hosts, were entitled Emperors. But when they finished their wars, they were called by their own proper names. Afterward, when Antony was discomfited by Augustus Caesar, it chanced that the commonwealth came altogether into his hands. Whereupon the Romans desired that he would not assume unto himself the name of King, because it was odious unto them, but that he would use another title, under which they would be his loyal and obedient subjects. Then Augustus being at that time General, and therefore named Emperor, chose this title, to do the Romans pleasure. So that Augustus Caesar was the first, that called himself by the name of Emperor. The cause why they hated the name of King, was by reason that their forefathers in ancient times, having deposed their King Tarquin for his tyrannies and rapes, had forbidden by an edict and solemn oath, the name of King ever after to be used among them. Augustus' being dead, Tiberius succeeded him in the Empire of Rome; then Caligula, Claudius, Nero, and four and thirty more, before the Empire was by Constantine the great, in the year of our Lord 310. transferred to Constantinople, where it continued united until the year of our Lord seven hundred ninety and four. At which time the Empire was parted into the East and West, which lasted in that sort, until the year of our Lord a thousand, four hundred, fifty and three, Constantinople to the great disparagement of all Christian Princes, was taken by the great Turk, called Mahomet the second. Nevertheless, the Empire of the West, or rather of Germany, since that time hath as yet remained with the house of Austria, Rodolph the second now reigning.   

Of the name of King. Chap. 7.  
TOuching the title of King, it is to be noted, that according to the diversity of Nations, so did they diversly nominate their Princes: to wit, among the Egyptians they named them Pharaoes': among the Persians, Arsacides: among the Bythinians, Ptolemies: among the Latins, Siluii: among the Sicilians, Tyrants: among the Argives, Kings: among the Sara●ens, amira's: and now of late among the Persians, Soldans. In the beginning of the world all Princes were termed Tyrants: but when people began to perceive, how great difference was betwixt the one and the other, 
s Plutar. lib. de Repub.  they agreed among themselves, to call the good Prince's Kings, and the wicked Tyrants. Whereby we see, that this title of King is authorized only unto just Princes, and that do well deserve to be so named.  
In this Realm of England, there hath not at any time been used any other general authority, but only the most royal and kingly majesty. 
i Smith. lib. 1. de Repub. Anglican. cap. 9  Neither hath any King of this Realm, taken any investiture at the hands of the Emperor of Rome, or of any other foreign prince, but held his kingdom of God to himself, and by his sword, his people and crown, acknowledging no Prince in earth his superior, and so it is kept and holden at this day.   

Of a Gynecracie, or Woman's reign. Chap. 8.  
WOmen by governing have got no less renown than men, as is evedent by learned Histories. For which cause 
* Plato li. 34. de legumlat.  The Divine Philosopher found great fault with his countrymen the Grecians, because their Noblewomen were not instructed in matters of state & policy. Likewise justinian the Emperor was highly displeased with the Armenians, 
s Novel 21. de Armen.  For that most barbarously they prohibited women from enjoying heritage's, and bearing rule, as though (quoth he,) women were base and dishonoured, and not created of God. 
n justinian. in Novel. 18. cap. 4. § neque illo de c●ter.  In the right of succession the sister's son is equal to the brother's son. Whereby is understood, that women are licenced to govern, aswell as men.  
Moreover, there be two forcible reasons, that conclude women to be most apt for Seignories. First, 
* Galat. 3.  there is neither jew, nor Grecian: there is neither bond nor free: there is neither male, nor female, for they are all one in Christ jesus. The minds, and actions of men and women do depend of the soul, in the which there is no distinction of sex, whereby the soul of a man should be called male, and the soul of a woman female. The sex rather is the instrument or means of generation; and the soul engendereth not a soul, but is alway permanent and the very same. Seeing therefore that a woman's soul is perfect, why should she be debarred by any statute or salique law from reigning? 
* Aristot. li. 1. Polit. ca 3.  The body is but lumpish, and a vassal to the soul, and for that respect not to be respected. Secondly, 
* Senec. in Epistol.  virtue excludeth none, but receiveth all, regarding neither substance nor sex. What should I rip up the examples of sundry nations, 
* Lipsius' li. 1. Polit. cap. 3.  which preferred women before themselves. And for that cause 
* Tacitus li. de morib. Germanor.  they did neither reject their counsels, nor set light by their answers. Semiramis after the death of her husband Ninus, fearing lest the late conquered Aethiopians would revolt and rebel from her Son yet young of years and ignorant of rule; took upon her the principality, and for the time of his nonage, ordered the kingdom so princely, that she passed in feats of arms, in triumphs, conquests, and wealth, all her predecessors. Nicocris defended her Empire against the Medes, (who then sought the Monarchy of the world) and wrought such a miracle in the great river of Euphrates, as all men were astonished at it; for she made it contrary to men's expectation to leave the ancient course, & so to follow her device to and fro, to serve the city most commodiously: insomuch that she did not only surpass all men in wit, but overcame the elements with power. Isis' after the decease of her husband Osiris reigned over Egypt, and took care for so much provision for the common wealth, that she was after her death worshipped as a Goddess. Deborah judged Israel: judith the Bethulians: Lavinia after the death of Aeneas governed Italy: Dido Carthage: Olympias Pyrrhus his daughter ruled over Epire: Aranea was queen of Scythia: Cleopatra of Egypt. Helena after the death of Leo the Emperor reigned in Constantinople over all Asia as Empress. joanna was queen of Navarre, & marrying with Philip Pulcher the French king, made him king of Navarre in the year of our Lord 1243. Margaret ruled over Flaunders in the year of our Lord 1247. And another Princess of that name the only daughter of Valdemare the 3. king of Demmark & Norway governed those kingdoms after her father's death; & in the year of our Lord 1389. she took Albert the king of Swethland captive, & kept him in prison 7. years. joanna was queen of Naples in the year 1415. Leonora Duchess of Aquitaine was married to Henry Duke of Gaunt, and in despite of the French K. brought him Aquitaine & Poiteaux in the year 1552. Queen Mary reigned here in England in the year 1553. What should I write of Elizabeth our gracious Queen, that now is? which by her Divine wisdom brought three admirable things to pass. First, her Majesty reformed religion, that by the Romish Antichrist was in her sister's time bespotted. Secondly, she maintained her country in peace, when all her neighbour Princes were in an uproar. Thirdly, she triumphed over all her foes, both domestical and hostile, traitorous and outlandish. If a man respect her learning, it is miraculous, for she can discourse of matters of state with the best Philosopher; she understandeth sundry kinds of languages, and answereth foreign Ambassadors in their foreign tongues. If a man talk of the administration of justice, all the nations under the heavens cannot show her peer. In sum, her Princely breast is the receiver, or rather the storehouse of all the virtues, aswell moral as intellectual. For which causes England hath just occasion to rejoice, and to vaunt of such a gracious mother. To whom the Monarch of monarchs long continue her highness, and strengthen her (as he hath done hitherto) to his perpetual glory, confusion of all her enemies, and to our everlasting comfort.   

Of Tyrants. Chap. 9  
SIr Thomas Smith termeth him 
a Lib. 1. de Repu. Anglic. cap. 7.  a Tyrant, that by force cometh to the Monarchy against the will of the people, breaketh laws already made at his pleasure, and maketh other without the advise and consent of the people, and regardeth not the wealth of his commons, but the advancement of himself, his faction, & kindred. Also, there be two sorts of Tyrants. 
b Bartol. in tract. de tyramn.  The one in title, the other in exercise. He is in title Tyrant, that without any lawful title usurpeth the government. In exercise, he that hath good title to the principality, and cometh in with the good will of the people, but doth not rule well and orderly, as he should. And so not only they, which behave themselves wickedly towards their subjects, are called Tyrants, as Edward the second of this realm in the year of our Lord 1319. and Alphonsus of Naples, that lawfully came to the crown in the year 1489. but also they are named tyrants, which albeit they behave themselves well, yet they are to be called tyrants, in that they had no title to the principality; as S●eno the King of Denmark, that usurped this realm of England in the year 1017. and Pope Clement the eight, that now is, who about two years ago seized on the Dukedom of Ferraria only by pretence of a gift, which Constantine time out of mind bequeathed to the papacy. Furthermore, there be six tokens to know a tyrant. The first, if he sends abroad pickthanks, tale-bearers, and espies to hearken what men speak of him, as Tiberius the Emperor was wont to do. The second, if he abolisheth the study of learning, and 
* Tacit. in vita Agricolae.  burneth the monuments of most worthy wits in the market place, and in the assembly of the people, lest his subjects should attain to the knowledge of wisdom. As Alaricus king of the Goths did in Italy, in the year 313. and the great Turk in his Empire. The third, if he maintain schisms, divisions, and factions in his kingdom, for fear that men should pry into his doings. As the Popes have done alway from time to time: and of late days the Queen mother in France. The fourth, if he trust strangers more than his own natural subjects; and continually goeth guarded with a strong company: As Vortiger sometime king of this Realm did, when he brought in Hengist and the Saxons, and gave them the countries of Kent and Essex to inhabit. The fifth, if he without cause command his chiefest nobles to be cashiered & branded with ignominy, or to be imprisoned and put to death, for fear lest they should wax too popular and overmighty. Such a one was Francis Sfortia Duke of Milan, that caused Alphonsus' king of Naples villainously at a banquet to murder Earl james son to Nicholas Picinio (whom he had sent Ambassador to the said Alphonsus) for no other cause, then for that he feared his might, & because the Braciques in Italy, & some of his subjects highly esteemed him. The sixth token to know a tyrant, is, if he do away learned and wise men for no other intent, then that fearing they should reprove him, & write against his depraved & ungodly life. As Domitius Nero, that commanded Seneca the Philosopher, and the Poet Lucan to be slain; and Domitian, that banished the Poet lwenal for the same cause. But of this matter I have spoken 
* In Comment in satire. 3. Pers.  in another book.   

Whether it be lawful for subjects to rise against their Prince being a tyrant or an heretic? Chap. 10.  
EVen as the Prince ought to remove the causes of mislike, which his subjects have conceived against him, and to extinguish the flame, that being nourished in one several house would break into the next, and at last into the whole town: so in like manner subjects ought to please their sovereign, and to tolerat all rigour, yea, and to lay down their necks upon the block, rather than to conspire against his power, which he hath from God. It may be, that he is raised as another Nabuchodonozor of the Lord for a scourge to punish the transgressions and enormities of the inhabitants. 
* Plautus  The dishonourable things, which a Prince doth, aught to be accounted honourable. Men must patiently (for they can do no otherwise) bear with an unreasonable deàre year, with unseasonable storms, and with many blemishes and imperfections of nature. Therefore they ought to endure with as constant courages the heresies and tyrannies of their sovereign. But, thou wilt say, subjects must obey only just and upright Princes. To which I answer, that 
a Ephes. 6. & Coloss. 3.  parents are bound to their children with reciprocal and mutual duties. Yet, if parents depart from their duty, and provoke their children to desperation: 
b Ibidem.  it becometh not children to be less obedient to their parents. 
c Calu. li. 4. Instit. cap. 20.  But they are subject both to evil parents, and to such, as do not their duty. Further, if servants must be obedient to their masters, aswell curtevos as cursed, much more ought subjects to obey not only their gentle, but also their cruel Princes.  
This Didacus' Couarruuias an excellent Lawyer confirmeth, saying: 
* 2. part. Decret. cap. 3. §. 4.  If a Prince, (whether by succession or election he was made, it skilleth not) doth exceed the limits of law and reason, he cannot be deposed, nor put to death by any subject; Yea, 
* Soto li. 5. de justitia & ●re. q. 1. artic. 3.  it is heretical to hold that paradox. For 
* Dan. 2. & 4.  God is he, which changeth the times and seasons: he taketh away kings, and setteth up Kings: to the intent, that living men might know, that the most high hath power over the kingdom of men, and giveth it to whomsoever he will, and appointeth over it the most abject among men. Hence is it, that we seldom hear of rebels, that ever prospered, but in the end they were bewrayed and brought to confusion. In the time of Henry the fourth there rebelled at one time against him the Duke of Exeter, with the Dukes of Gloucester, Surrey, Aumarle, & Salisbury: and at another time the Earl of Worcester, the Archbishop of York, & Henry Hotspurre son to the Earl of Northumberland; all which were either slain or beheaded. To come nearer the state of this question, we find, that Leonagildus an ancient king of the Goths in Spain, both a tyrant and an Arrian in the year of our Lord 568. pursued the true Christians, and exiled his own son, because he was of the true religion. Whereupon this young Prince being moved at the persecution of the Christians in his country, did twice raise arms against his Lord and Father. At the first he was taken captive and banished; at the second he was put to death on Easter day. By which example we may note the effects of God's judgements, and rebuke the rashness of this Prince, that rebelled against his sovereign.  
Wherefore, O ye that be subject to cruel Princes, refrain your fury, learn to obey, & beware lest the same chance unto you, which is feigned to have chanced unto the frogs, who being importunate on jupiter to have a king, a beam was given them: the fi●●t fall whereof did somewhat affright them, but when they saw it still lie in the stream, they insulted thereon with great disdain, & prayed for a king of a quicker spirit: them was sent unto them a stork, which tyrannized & daily devoured them. In a word, rebels in taking care to avoid one calamity, do entangle themselves in a whole peck of troubles, as by this fable of the frogs is evident. And oftentimes it happeneth that the remedy is more dangerous than the malady itself; for of one tyrant they make three Hydra's, or else in seeking to shun tyranny, they reduce their government to a troublesome Democracy.   

Of an Aristocracy. Chap. 11.  
THe rule of a certain and prescribed number of noblemen & Gentlemen respecting the benefit of the common wealth, is termed an Aristocracy: & if any ambitiously prefer their private commodity before the public good, and by conspiracies dispose of all matters appertaining to the commonwealth, as it please them, it is named an Oligarchy. For as iron is consumed in time by rust, although it avoideth all inconveniences; so some peculiar damage or other sticketh to every commonwealth according to the nature thereof; as for example, this 
* Aristot. lib. 4. Politicor.  Oligarchy endamageth an Aristocracy; Tyramny is opposite to a Monarchy, & sedition to a Democracy. That Aristocracy is best allowed, where the government is allotted to a few noble & virtuous men, which bestow most in common services, and make laws for the rest, directing their cogitations to no other scope, than the public good of their country. The citizens of Venice do deliver the discussing of their matters, aswell ordinary, as of importance, to the Senate, which are very few in number, as not ignorant, how, few being made privy of their matters, they should be the more privily managed. Nevertheless this kind of commonwealth being compared with a monarchy, will be found imperfect & far inferior. True it is, that silver and tin are good, but yet imperfect metals in comparison of gold, wherein the soverainety and perfection of all metals consist. In like manner an Aristocracy well tempered may be good, but seldom it so falleth out. This Realm of England, when it was divided into provinces, as Mercia, Northumberland, & others, & ruled by the nobles, was soon surprised by the Danes: whereas if it had continued counted, they durst never adventure to set foot in any one place of this realm. Briefly, an Aristocracy disagreeth with the law of nations, which all men held in great estimation, for 
a L. ex hoc genere ff. de justitia, & iure.  all nations had kingdoms distinct, and Kings appointed for them. The Israelites required a king of the Prophet Samuel: for, said they, 
b I. Sam. 8.  We will be like all other nations, and our King shall judge us, and go out before us, and fight our battles.  

Objection.  
Mediocrity in all things is praiseworthy, & extremes dispraised: an Aristocracy is the mediocrity between a Monarchy & a Democracy: therefore it is best.   

Answer.  
The mediocrity between a Monarchy & a Democracy is perfect & praiseworthy, if it could be equally divided, & thereby the virtue drawn out; which is in a manner impossible.    

Of a Democracy, Chap. 12.  
A Democracy of all regiments is the very worst, as being a market where all things are sold, & fashioned by owls, whose sight the night lighteneth, & the day makes dim. What is more preposterous, then to see the multitude (a monster of many heads) void of discretion, deliberating and determining on wise men's deeds, yea, & now & then on their lives? are not they still shuffling the cards and desirous of new commotions? are not they wavering & corrupt? wretched, I say, & miserable is that commonwealth, which wants a head, & where the people reign. 
* Persius' Satyr. 5.  Sooner will a fool be brought to play upon a harp, than the undiscreet multitude be made fit for magistracies. No man is so foolish, that having need of physicians wise & experienced, he will put his body into the hands of rude and raw Empiriques. Likewise 
a Guicciard. lib. 2 hist.  as of a judge incapable & undiscreet can be no expectation of righteous judgements: so in a popular state full of confusion & vanity, there is no hope, but at adventure of deliberation, & resolution wise or reasonable. Which caused Anacharsis the Philosopher, when he saw the Areopagites propounding causes, & the people resolving them, to say, that wise men among the the Athenians moved matters, & fools determined them. How great troubles did the Florentines sustain by this sort of government, until of late it was reduced by the Mediceis into a monarchy? In fine, the multitude compounded of many & divers spirits, of manners, & customs, can never distinguish between good & bad co sell, by reason that 
b Thucid. lib. 3. histor.  whatsoever is moderate, they esteem a kind of slothful cowardice, and whatsoever is circumspectly forewarned, that they hold to be curiosity. But whatsoever is rash & hasty, that is thought by them to be courageously deliberated.  
The Democracy of the Swissers hath 
Objection  continued without troubles two hundred years and upwards: therefore a Democracy well constituted may endure as long as an Aristocracy or Monarchy.  

Answer.  
Of the continuance of the Swissers popular government, I find two causes. The first, they have slain all their noblemen, and they mistrust not one another. The second, the most factious and seditious of them are commonly abroad as mercenary soldiers under the French king and other potentates, and the rest at home more tractable regard not how the world goeth.     

The second Plant.  

The members of a Commonwealth. Chapt. 13.  
ALl the people, which be in every royal commonwealth, are generally either Gentlemen or of the commonalty. Of Gentlemen there be three degrees. Under the first and chiefest is the Prince comprehended. Under the second, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, viscounts, Barons, and Knights of honour. Under the third and last are contained Knights, Graduates of law, Esquires, Masters of Arts, Captains, and they that bear the countenance and port of Gentlemen. Whereunto also might be added a fourth degree of Gentlemen, whom we name Gentlemen of the first head: I mean them, 
r Smith. li. 1. de Repub. Anglic. cap. 20.  to whom Heralds for money do give arms, newly made and invented, the title whereof shall pretend to have been found by the said Heralds, in perusing and viewing of old Registers, where his ancestors in times past had been recorded to bear the same. The Commonalty likewise is divided into Citizens, Artificers, Merchants, and Yeomen.   

Of Noblemen. Chap. 14.  
IF we call to remembrance all things that we have seen, we shall find every one thing in particular to excel the rest of the same kind, in some perfection or other. Let us look up into the Zodiac, and there we shall see the sun to surpass the minour● stars. Among metals, gold, silver, and brass are best. Among stones, the marble, ivory, and loadstone. Among precious stones, the Diamond, the smaragd, and sapphire. Among trees, the Pine, the juniper, the appletree. And so among living things, some exceed others. What marvel therefore is it, if among men, the very same order be observed? In the buying or selling of a horse, we glory & boast of his sire: and shall we not respect, of what stock and parentage a man is descended? 
s Boetius lib. 3. de Consolation. Philosoph. metr. 6.  Everyman, I confess, cometh of Noble seed, that is to say, from God; but afterwards he becometh degenerate and ignoble, by forsaking God his beginning, and by leaning unto wicked vices. For which cause there was a law in Rome termed Prosapia, that is, the law of descent, by the which it was ordained, that when contention did arise in the senate house, for the Consulship, that they which descended from the Torquatians, Decians, and Fabricians, should obtain the place before others.  
Concerning noblemen's privileges, they be many, whereof we will at this present recite only 5. First, a Nobleman cannot be challenged to the combat or lists, by any inferior man. Secondly, a Nobleman is sooner preferred to bear office in the Commonwealth, to sit in commission, & to be an arbitrator betwixt party and party. Thirdly, by the civil law, the testimonies of Noblemen are sooner approved. And whereas inferior gentlemen must personally appear in criminal causes, it is lawful for Noblemen to be absent, so that they substitute an attorney or proctor for them. Fourthly, a Nobleman having committed an heinous offence, as murder or treason, is judged by his peers & equals: 
Smith. li. 2. de Republic. Anglic. cap. 27.  that is, The yeomanrie doth not go upon him, but an inquest of the L. of the Parliament, & they give their voices, not one for all, but each severally, as they do in parliament, beginning at the youngest L. and for judge, one L. sitteth, who is high steward of England for that day. And this punishment is beheading: but if an inferior Gent. offend in this sort, then at the next sessions he hath twelve Godfathers on his life, and is condemned to be hanged. Fiftly, Noblemen and their wives are licenced to wear clothes of gold, but Knights & Esquires are forbidden them.  
To hasten to an end, this honour of ancestry as it doth adorn Noblemen, so doth it greatly disgrace them if they live not virtuously. For thereby they eclipse their genealogy, and become themselves utterly unknown. In consideration of which abuse, a notable law was enacted among the Rhodians, to wit, That those sons, which followed not their father's virtues, but lived wickedly, should be disinherited, & their revenues given to the most virtuous of that race, not admitting any vicious heir whatsoever.   

The properties of a Gentleman. Chap. 15.  
THe means to discern a Gentleman be these. First, he must be affable and courteous in speech and behaviour. Secondly, he must have an adventurous heart to fight, and that but for very just quarrels. Thirdly, he must be endued with mercy to forgive the trespasses of his friends and servants. Fourthly, he must stretch his purse to give liberally unto soldiers, and unto them that have need: for a niggard is not worthy to be called a Gentleman. These be the properties of a Gentleman, which whosoever lacketh, deserveth but the title of a clown, or of a country boor. In brief, it fareth with Gentlemen, as it doth with wine: which ought to have four good qualities, namely, it must not taste of the Cask: next, it must savour of a good soil. Thirdly, it must have a good colour. Last of all, it must savour of the goodness of the grape, and not be sophistically mingled with water and such like.   

That Gentlemen must not greatly respect what the common people speak of them. Chap. 16.  
THe common people ground their actions upon fallible expectations: they are stout when perils be far off, and very irresolute when they approach. Who therefore is so brainsick, as to believe their assertions? What else is glory, than a windy gale, never coming from the heart, but only from the lungs? 
n Boetius li. 3. de Consol. Philo. pros. 6.  They that be praised unworthily, aught to be ashamed of their praise. Admit they be justly praised, what thing more hath it augmented to the conscience of a wise man, that measureth not his good, by the rumour of the common people, but by the truth of the conscience? For which cause the Romans built two temples joining together; the one being dedicated to virtue, & the other to honour: but yet in such sort, that no man could enter into that of honour, except first he passed through the temple of virtue. 
n Ari. li. 4. Ethicor.  Honour (as the Philosopher saith) is a reverence given to another, for a testimony of his virtue. Insomuch as honour is not attributed to virtue by dignity, but rather it is attributed to dignity, by virtue of them that use the dignity.  
Howbeit notwithstanding, 
e Persius' satyr. 1.  I have not such horny heartstrings, that I would not at all have men to be praised; but my meaning is, that Gentlemen should observe a mean and a limitation in their common applauses, and fine soothe. For 
s Cicero. li. 1. Offici.  to be altogether careless (as stoics & Cynics would have every one to be) what men think of them, is not only a mark of arrogancy, but also a token of a loose life. Wherefore gentlemen must endeavour by all means, & without vainglory, to keep a good name, especially among their neighbours, & to bear themselves such men indeed, as they would have all men account them. Whereto acordeth that saying of the Poet: Thou shalt live well, 
Horat. li. 1. Episto. 17.  if thou takest care to be such a one, as thou hearest how the people testify of thee abroad.   

Of Knights of honour. Chap. 17.  
THose I call knights of honour, who, here in England, are named Knights of the Garter, and in France, Knights of the order of saint Michael. The original of the honourable order of the Garter, was first invented after this manner. When K. Edward the third had, by the means of Edward the black Prince his son, taken captives King john of France, and King David of Scotland, and had put them both in ward at London, and also had expelled King Henry the bastard of Spain, restoring the Kingdom to Peter the lawful King, than he, to honour and grace his victories, devised an honourable fellowship, and made choice of the most famous persons for virtue, and honoured them with this order, giving them a garter adorned with gold and precious stones, together with a buckle of gold, to wear only on the left leg. 
* Smith. li. 1. de Republic.  Of which order he and his successors, Kings and Queens of England should be sovereign, and the rest, by certain laws among themselves, 
Anglic. cap. 18.  should be taken as brethren and fellows in that order, to the number of six and twenty. And this briefly touching the invention and author of the honourable order of Knights here in England. Now I will address my pen to write of the honourable order in France.  
King Lewes the eleventh of France, after he had made peace with his peers, whom in the beginning of his reign, he had excluded from his presence, invented at Amboise, in the year of our Lord 1469. a society of honour, consisting of six and thirty Noblemen, and named Saint Michael Patron of them (even as the English knights had devoted themselves to the tuition of Saint George) giving ot each of them a golden chain, of the value of two hundred pound, which they were bound to wear daily, & not to bestow, sell, or gauge the same as long as they lived; & if any one of them chanced to die, forthwith there was an election to dub another in his room, not by voices, but by little scrolls turned together in the form of balls, the which they did cast into a basin, and the Lord chancellor was to reckon them. Then he, that had most balls on his side was admitted to the society, the King speaking these words: The honourable society do accept of thee as their brother, and in regard of their good will to theewards, do bestow this golden chain on thee: God grant thou mayst long wear it. When the King had spoken these words, he gave him a kiss on the right cheek. This is the custom of dubbing knights of the order of Saint Michael.  
Also, there be other orders of knights in Christendom, as, the knights of the golden Fleece, knights, of the bath, knights of the patent devised by the Pope, and knights of the Rhodes. But because the rehearsal of them are not much appertaining to our purpose, I cease to treat further of them.   

Of Citizens. Chap. 18.  

Ari. li. 1. Politic. cap. 2.  HE that first invented a city, was the cause of much good. The which praise some attribute unto eloquent men. Some to Saturn. And others to Orpheus and Amphion. For in the beginning of the world, people lived barbarously like unto bruit beasts: and the nature of man was such, that they not having either the law natural or civil prescribed, rogued up and down dispersed in the world, & possessed nothing, except that, which by force they took away from others, 
* Cicero in Oratio. pro Sesti. & Plato li. 6. de legib.  till there arose some notable men both in wisdom and valour, who knowing, how it was to instruct man, assembled all of them into one place, ordamed a City, and environed them round about with walls.  
Further, Citizens in general are they that live under the same laws and sovereign magistrates. But Citizens particularly are they, that are freemen, & do dwell in Cities and boroughs, or corporated towns, Generally, in the shire they be of no account, save only in the Parliament to make laws. 
Smith. de Repub Anglic.  The ancient Cities appointed four, and each borough two, (whom we call Burgesses of the Parliament) to have voices in it, and to give their consent and dissent in the name of the City or borough, for which they be appointed.   

Whether out landish men ought to be admitted into a City. Chap. 19  

Ari. li. 5 Polit. ca 3.  IT is commonly seen, that sedition often chanceth there, where the inhabitants be not all native borne. This Lycurgus the Lawgiver of the Lacedæmonians rightly noting, 
r Rhodiginus li. 10 lection. antiquer. cap. 5.  instituted, that no stranger should be admitted into his Commonwealth, but at a prefixed time. His reason was, because seldom it is seen, that the home-born Citizens, and the outlandish do agree together. In the year of our Lord 1382. the Londoners made an insurrection, and slew all the jews that inhabited amongst them. The Neapolitans and Sicilians, in the year of our Lord 1168. rose against William their king, because he gave certain offices to Frenchmen, and killed them all in one night. The Citizens of Geneva repining at strangers, which resorted and dwelled among them, conspired together in the year 1556. to expel them; and 
a Beza in Calvin. vita.  if Calvin had not thrust himself between the naked swords to appease the tumult, doubtless there would have been a great slaughter. There is at this present day, a religious law in China and Cathaya, forbidding on pain of death, the access of strangers into the country. What shall I say of the constitutions of Princes, whereby strangers were utterly extruded and excluded from bearing offices in the Commonwealth 
r L. in Ecclesiis. 11 de Epis. & clericis C. statuerunt.  Arcadius and Honorus Empercurs of Rome decreed, that no man out of the parish, where a benefice fell void, should be admitted minister. Likewise, 
x Cap. bonae. 4. §. intelleximus, de postulation. praelat.  Pope Innocent the third was wont to say, that he could not with a safe conscience prefer any strangers to be officers in the kingdom of Hungary. King Charles' the seventh of France in the year of our Lord 1431. proclaimed, that no alien or stranger should be presented to any ecclesiastical living living in his realm.  
For which respects, Princes must have great regard touching the admission of strangers, and especially to their number. For if they exceed the native inhabitanes in number and strength, then through confidence in their own might, they will presently invade and overthrow their too too kind fosterers.   

Of Merchants. Chap. 20.  
FOrasmuch as there be three sorts of Citizens: the first of Gentlemen, who are wont now and then for pleasure to dwell in Cities: the second, of Merchants: and the third of manuaries and Artificers: it is expedient, that I having already declared the properties of Gentlemen, should now consequently discourse some what of Merchants: and then of Artificers. By merchants necessaries are transported from strange countries, and from hence other superfluous things are conveyed to other places, where they traffic so commodiously, that the whole Commonwealth is bettered by them. Every country hath a several grace naturally given unto it, as, Moscow is plentiful of honey, wax, Martin-skinnes, and good hides. The country of Molucca yields cloves, sinnamon, and pepper. In the East India's grow the best olives. Damascus aboundeth with prunes, raisins, pomegranates, and quinces. From France we fetch our wines. From Francoford we have books brought unto us. So that whosoever considereth the general commonwealth of all the world, he shall perceive, that it cannot continue long in perfection, without traffic and diversities.   

Of Artificers. Chap. 21.  

x Ari. li. 1. Politic. cap. 7.  AMongst occupations, those are most artificial, where fortune is least esteemed: those most unseemly, whereby men do pollute their bodies: those most servile, wherein there is most use of bodily strength: and those most vile, wherein virtue is least required. And again, the gains of tolegatherers and usurers are odious: and so are the trades of Butchers, Cooks, Fishmongers, and Hucksters. peddlers likewise & Chandler's are accounted base, for that they buy of Merchants, to the end, they may presently utter the same away. In uttering of which, they cog and cousin the simple buyers: them which nothing is more impious or more hurtful to the conscience. These kind of men 
a Smith. 1. de Republic. Anglic.  have no voyee in the commonwealth, and no account is made of them, but only to be ruled, and not to rule others.   

Of Yeomen, and their oppression. Chap. 22.  
A Yeoman is he that tilleth the ground, getteth his living by selling of corn in markets, and can dispend yearly forty shillings sterling. There is no life more pleasant than a yeoman's life: for where shall a man have better provision to keep his winter with fire enough, then in the country? and where is there a more delightful dwelling, 
Xenoph. in oeconomic.  for goodly waters, gentle winds and shadows, then in the country? This life was so highly regarded in ancient time, that even Emperors and generals of war, have not been ashamed to exercise it. 
c Persius' satyr. 1.  here-hence descended Remus, and Q. Cincinnatus, who, as he was ear-ring his four acres of land, was by a pursuivant called to the City of Rome, & created Dictator. Dioclesian left his Empire at Salona, and became a yeoman. Let a man repair at any time to a yeoman's house, and 
h Horatius Epod. 2. & Cicer. desenect.  there he shall find all manner of victuals, meath, and all of his own, without buying or laying money out of his purse.  
But now a days yeomanry is decayed, hospitality gone to wrack, and husbandry almost quite fallen. The reason is, because Landlords, not contented with such revenues, as their predecessors received, nor yet satisfied, that they live like swinish Epicures, quietly at their ease, doing no good to the Commonwealth, 
Morus lib. 1. Vtopi.  do leave no ground for tillage, but do enclose for pasture many thousand acres of ground within one hedge, the husbandmen are thrust out of their own, or else by deceit, constrained to sell all that they have. And so either by hook or by crook, they must needs depart away poor silly souls, men, women, & children. And not this extremity only do our wicked ahab's show, but also with the loss of Naboths' life do they glut their over-greedy minds. This is the cause, why corn in England is become dearer, than it was wont to be; and yet notwithstanding all this, sheep & wool are nothing better cheap, but rather their price are much enhanced. Thus do our remorseless Puttocks lie lurking for the poor commons, to spoil them of their tenements, 
* job 20.  but they shall not long enjoy them. And why? because they are oppressors of the poor, and not helpers, their bellies are never filled, therefore shall they soon perish in their covetousness.    

The third Plant.  

Of Counsel. Chap. 23.  
Counsel is a sentence, which particularly is given by every man for that purpose assembled. There be five rules to be noted in counsel. The first, to counsel well, wherein is implied, that whatsoever is proposed, should be honest, lawful, and profitable. The second, counsel must not be rash and headlong, but mature, deliberated, and ripe, like unto the bark of an old tree. Thirdly, to proceed according to examples touching things past, as, what shall chance to the Israelites, because they have worshipped the golden calf. Fourthly, to give counsel concerning the present time, & of those things, which are comprehended in the senses. So Christ said unto the disciples of john: 
a Mat. 11  Go, and show john what things ye hear & see. The blind receive their sight, & the halt do walk: the lepers are cleansed, & the deaf hear: the dead are raised up, & the poor receive the Gospel. Fiftly, to foresee things to come, & to forewarn men of them; as, 
b Mat. 22  he, that shall offend, shall be bound hand and foot, and cast into utter darkness, where shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth.   

Of counsellors. Chap. 24.  
Seven things are required in a counsellor; First, the fear of God, for he is the only author of all good counsels. Secondly, experience in matters of policy. Thirdly, learning & knowledge in the lawves. For 
* Cassiod. lib. 8 Epistol. 18  hardly will they be infected with ●●●onious vi●es, whom learning hath purged. Fourthly, mildness. Fiftly, a counsellor must be naturally borne within that state, where he governeth. Sixtly, he must be secret, lest he work to himself the occasion of his own death; as the bishop of Setto did: who because he revealed to the French king, that Cesar Borgia his master brought with him a Bull authentic & ratified from the Pope his father, for a divorcement to the French king, which he dissembled, was by the said Duke eftsoon poisoned. Seventhly, a counsellor (if it be possible) ought to be of noble parentage, for 
* Aristot. li. 3. Polit. ca 8.  they which have more nobility, have more right in a commonwealth, than the ignoble. And every one esteemeth nobility in his country, as a thing very honourable, seeing it is likely, that the best parents should beget the best children: and nobility is the virtue of the stock and race.   

Of Parliaments. Chap. 25.  
PArliaments are right necessary in a commonwealth, & without them the whole estate is mortified and senseless. For even as a man cannot live without a soul: so a commonwealth cannot live without Parliaments. By experience it is found out, that they have saved commonwealths from ruin & decay. Greece had never so long flourished, if the great counsel of the Amphictions, first instituted by Amphiction the son of Deucalion, had not been holden twice a year, in spring time and in Autumn at Delphos in the temple of Apollo, which was seated in the heart of all Greece. The counsel of Nicene hindered the proceedings of the Arrians, and caused the true religion to be planted. The Parliaments of Germany, where the Emperor and the seven electors meet, have preserved the state thereof from the intrusions of the Turks. So likewise the Aggregation of the Genoese, the journey or Diet of the Swissers, the great council of the Vene●ian Gentlemen, the Divan of the Turks, the assembly of the states of Polonia, the 7. counsels of Spain, to wit, the council of Spain, of the low Countries, of the Inquisition, of the Indians, of Italy, of the order of saint john, & of war: the meeting of the states of France, and the parliament of England consisting of the Prince, Baronrie, and commonalty have maintained their commonwealths more securely aswell from hostile as from domestical enemies.  
To hold a Parliament, is, when the Prince communicateth his affairs of importance with his subjects, demandeth subsidies of them, taketh their advice, heareth their molestations, & provideth for them reasonably. 
* Smith. lib. 2. de Republ. Anglic. cap. 2.  The judges in our Parliament of England are the Prince, the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons represented by the Knights and Burgesses of every shire and Borough town. The officers are the speakers, the clarks, and the committees. The author of this Parliament was king Henry the third, induced thereunto (as I suppose) by his Barons, who rebelling against him, made England tributary to Pandolph the legate in the Pope's name. And doubtless the calling and holding of it is the chiefest means of all our welfares. For in times past it appeased civil wars, it delivered the whole realm from the incursions of foreign enemies, and maintained continual wars abroad with the Scots and Frenchmen. In a word, this holding of parliament is the anchor of our whole commonwealth, whereby it is set sure and stayed, as a ship in the water.   

Of judgements. Chap. 26.  
judgement is that, which is decreed by the judge, not altogether dissenting from the tenor of the law. Of judgements some be called civil, some criminal: but because our Civilians have largely treated of them, I will proceed to another division, which makes most for our politic instruction. judgements again are either private or public: Ordinary or extraordinary: Private judgements concern testaments, successions, marriages, contracts, wardships, gardianships, bondages, & prescriptions. Public judgements are of grievous offences against God and man: as, high treason, petty treason, murders, rapes, felonies, riot, bribes, forgeries, and insurrections. Ordinary judgements are those, which are executed by the judge, according to the prescription of the law. 
* Cuiacius in Paratit. ff. de extraord. criminib.  Extraordinary are called when the judge departing somewhat from the rigour of the law, judgeth more mercifully according to his own conscience.  
The common & usual form of judgement, that is exercised here in England is by the great assize, or by a quest of 12. men necessarily of that shire, where the defendant dwelleth. These men the sheriff warneth to appear upon pain of amercements. And appearing (unless exceptions be made against than) they be sworne to tell the truth of that issue or criminal cause, according to their conscience and evidence or writings authentical laid before them. Then these 12. men are shut up in some room hard by, and kept by a bailiff without any kind of sustenance, fire, or candle, until all of them agree upon one verdict about the said issue or criminal cause. This is our common order of judgement. There are likewise other forms, whereby judgement is given, as by the parliament, by combat, and such like, which are absolute, and without appeal; howbeit they be seldom used.   

Of judges and their duty. Chap. 27.  
Judges' must not go astray from the right, but discharge themselves pure & innocent to God, the prince, & the law. 
* L. ●mne. C. add leg. juli. repetund. & l. 1. ff. ad leg. Corn. de sicar.  They must not be corrupted with bribes and extorsion, nor by other men's bra●les hunt for a pray. They must be men for their years, very ripe in prudence, judgement, and experience; for their countenance, severe and grave; for their parentage, (if it be possible) renowned above the residue of the people; for their credit, strong in opinion with the common people. * They must not pronounce sentence against the statutes of the realm, 
jul. Paul. li. 5. sentent. tit. 25. apud Cuiacium.  or against the common law. Neither must they condemn any man upon suspicion: for better it is to suffer the guilty to escape unpunished, then to condemn an innocent. They must neither be too severe, nor too remiss, but they must determine circumspectly, as the matter, and necessities require. Howbeit, in light matters let them be somewhat addicted to lenity, and in weighty affairs to severity being tempered with a meek countenance. And if they would needs remit penalties, forfeits, or capital punishments, let them first satisfy the aggrieved parties.  
judges may err six manner of ways. First, when they be partial towards their friends and kinsmen. Secondly, 
* Sotus li. 3. de justitia & iure.  when they have no power over them, whom they judge. Thirdly, when for hatred they prosecute any man. Fourthly, when they reprieve men for fear to displease some great parsonage. Fiftly, when being greased in the fist with the oil of gold, they wink at enormities, and corruption. Sixtly, when being unlearned they judge rashly & without premeditation.   

Of Bribes, and going to law. Chap. 28.  
Woo be unto you, 
* Ezech. 22.  that have taken gifts to shed blood, or have received usury, and the increase, and that have defrauded your neighbours by extortion. For you respect not what the law decreeth, but what the mind affecteth: you consider not the life of the man, but the bribes of the butcher. When the rich man speaketh, he is attentively heard: but when the poor complaineth, no man giveth ear unto him. Or if percase one of our fineheaded lawyers vouchsafe to take his cause in hand, he followeth it slowly, and in a dozen sheets not having eight lines on every side he layeth down such frivolous and disguised contradictions and replications, that his suits shall hang seven years; yea, and perhaps a dozen years, according to the number of those superfluous sheets, before they be brought to any perfection, & until the poor client become far behind hand. Nowadays the common fee of an attorney is no less than a brace of angels, notwithstanding he speak but once, and that (the Lord knows) very coldly to the right sense of the suit. And if a poor man should proffer him less, he will answer him in this manner: Sir, behold my face and complexion, and you shall find, that it is all of gold, and not of silver. Innumerable are the quirks, quiddities, and starting holes of our English pettifoggers: for sometimes when a definitive sentence is pronounced, they forsooth will invent some apish trick, either to suspend it from execution upon some small cavillation or objection, or else they call it into a new controversy by a writ of error or by a civil petition; or, to conclude, they find out some shift or drift to reverse and revoke the sentence. Thus do they play the sophisters with their silly clients, or rather coneys, whom they have catched and entrapped in their nets. But these disorders would be quickly reform, if men will follow my counsel, which is, To forbear awhile from going to law. Honest and well disposed men might content themselves at home, and not gad every foot to the court of Common pleas, to the Chancery, to the star-chamber. Neighbours, Isay, and kinsfolks ought to regard one another, and to end all doubts and quarrels among themselves: I do not mean by brutish combats and affraies, but by mediations, atonements, and intercessions. Man is by nature human, that is, gentle and courteous: and good usage will in time cause him to relent from his former stubbornness. Many countries have their Courts, leets, or lawdays, where men generally do meet together: there, me thinks, light controversies and jars might assoon be taken up and decided, aswell as in far places. If this advice of mine were observed, we should have fewer lawyers and less controversies.   

Of Magistrates. Chap. 29.  
EVen as in the body of a living creature the organ of seeing is ascribed only to the eyes, & all the other offices do obey them as their guides: so in like manner all offices in the commonwealth are committed unto wise magistrates, as to the eyes of the realm, & the other members must be directed by them. For which consideration I require in a magistrate learning and virtue, without which he is not worthy to be termed the eye of a commonwealth, but rather a blind bayard, as wanting both the eyes of the body & the eyes of the mind. When as we choose a rapier, we choose it not, because the hilt is double-guilt, & the scabbard of velvet and beset with pearls: but because the point of it is sharp to enter well, and the blade strong & stiff. So happeneth it in the election of magistrates, namely, that they be learned & virtuous, rather than handsomely and beautifully proportioned in body. Strength of body is required in a labourer; but policy in a magistrate. This is profitable to a twofold scope, that the wise & feeble may command, and the strong obey. Next, magistrates must consider, why the sword of justice both by the law of God and man is put into their hands; that is to say, they are the ministers of God and the executioners of the law, to take vengeance on the wicked, & not to let offenders in any case wilfully to persever in their errors. In the beginning, every malady is easy to be cured: but if it be let alone for a while, it groweth past remedy. Magistrates therefore must in time provide salves to redress abuses: otherwise they incur the anger of God. They must have lions hearts, that they shrink not in just causes. They must be constant, lest by their friends intercessions they wax partial. Lastly, they must be both grave & civil: grave in commanding, & civil in conversation.   

Of the great cares and troubles of Magistrates. Chap. 30.  
O How greatly are men deceived, that persuade themselves, that magistrates do lead the joyfullest lives. Little know they, how unquiet be their thoughts. They think not of their long watchings, and that their nature is weakened, and through such distemperatures their bodies languish. No man liveth exempt from some sorrow or other. Although ignorant men and freshwater soldiers, to whom war is pleasant, account it felicity to command: yet if they compare in an even balance the weight of such troubles, as daily hap in their magistracies, unto the weakness of pleasure which proceedeth by commanding, they shall perceive, that far greater is the toil of the one, than the toy of the other. How often are they cumbered with complaints? How long in perusing of informations? So that in fine their offices will not permit them any contentation. 
* Cominaeus lib. cap. 13.  Poor men, that weary their bodies to get food for the sustentation of themselves, their wives and children, and do pay subsidies to their Prince, should live in too great discomfort and despair, if great men and magistrates had nothing in this world but pleasure, and they on the contrary side but toils and calamities. But God hath otherwise disposed of the case. For they languish in mind: whereas poor men do but weary their bodies, which easily might be recovered again. The consuming of the vital spirits is in a manner irrecuperable; insomuch as the cares of the one exceed far the labour of the other.   

Whether magistrates may receive presents sent unto them? Chap. 31.  

* Esa. 33  THey that walk in justice, refusing gain of oppression, and shaking their hands from taking of gifts, shall dwell on high, their defence shall be the munitions of rocks, and they shall see GOD in his glory. For 
b Exo. 23 Deut. 16 & Eccl. 20.  gifts do blind the eyes, and pervert the words of the righteous. No magistrates therefore must presume to take gifts, 
* Lib. 6. Decretal. tit. 3. ca 11.  unless they be to be eaten or drunk up within three days at the furthest: & that not of suitors, for they give them, to the intent they may corrupt their authority, and so speed of their own pleas and pursuits. Let them rather imitate Cicero, 
* Cic. lib. 5. ad Atticum, Epist. 10. & 16.  who as long as he was praetor of Cilicia, would neither himself receive, nor permit any of his company to take presents, no, not that benevolence, which by the law julia was due unto him. 
* Plutar●. de Iside.  At Thebes the images of judges were put up without hands: whereby is meant, that they ought not to receive any rewards, that were offered them. There is at this present time a public law among the Swissers, that magistrates under pain of death should not take any thing either directly or undirectly for judging.    

The fourth Plant.  

Of the Education of Gentlemen. Chap. 32.  

* Plato li. 6. de legib.  MAn is by nature a gentle creature: who with his happy nature getting good education, becometh divinely disposed: but if he lack this education, he waxeth the most wicked of all creatures, that are borne upon the earth. Many drops of water (as we see) falling upon the hard marble stone do pierce and make it hollow. And the ground being well tilled and manured beareth goodly corn. So in like manner a man well brought up acknowledgeth his duty towards his Maker, & knoweth how to conquer his own affections. Whereas chose Gentlemen being evil nurtured, can never understand how far the power and ability extendeth, that God hath given them. For they never read it themselves, neither are they taught by them that know it; 
h Comminae. lib. 5.  Nay, few that understand it, are admitted to their presence: and if one be, yet dare he not instruct them in it, for fear of displeasure; or if happily at any time he put them in mind thereof, no man will abide him, or at least he shall be accounted but a fool; peradventure also it may be taken in ill part, and so turn to his harm. Howbeit, the virtuous must not abstain from their godly admonitions, seeing that 
n Cicero li. 3. de Divinati.  they cannot benefit the commonwealth more, than when they teach and instruct young men, especially in those times, wherein they are so corrupted, that they must needs by all well disposed persons, be refrained and restrained of liberty. One saith, I am an heir, borne to a thousand pound land. Another saith; 
Persius' satyr. 3.  I have a fat farm, and a house well furnished. What cause have I to fear? Let the world chance as it will. Another again craketh and breaketh his lungs well-nigh with windy brags, because he is a Knight's eldest son, 
s Persius' ibid.  fetching his pedigree by a thousand lines and branches, from some worthy Lord, and because some near kinsman of his is made Censor, Mayor, justice of peace, or Lieutenant of the Shire, 
* Persius' ibid.  to whom he may say, Good morrow, Cousin.  
Infinite are the fooleries of youth, which by due correction, and diligent exhortation must be rooted out. I will therefore comprehend their education under four lessons.  
The first is instruction, under which are contained four rules. The 1. whereof is, to teach children the fear and love of GOD, and to show them, that they must not glory too much in worldly goods. Secondly, to teach them, how to bridle their tongues, to be modest, and to embrace virtue: for education properly, is nothing else but a bringing up of youth in virtue. Thirdly, to show them the faculty of exercise, which serveth to the maintenance of health and strength, 
z Arist. lib. 8. Politicor. cap. 3 & 4.  by ordering the body with light and gentle exercises. Fourthly, familiarly to declare unto them examples, as well of good men, as of wicked men, that thereby they may learn how the good are rewarded, and the wicked punished.  
The second lesson appertaining to the instruction of youth, is praise, that is, to commend them, when they do well, that thereby they may be encouraged the better to go forwards. For youth is like unto moist and soft clay, and for that respect, is to be egged on to glory in well doing.  
The third is counsel, which must be given by their sage Uncles, or ancient men, concerning their duty towards their parents, elders, and teachers.  
The fourth point of instruction is threatening and correction, which is to be used, when they offend and neglect to follow the advice of their teachers, and when they begin to be heady, stubborn, and self-willed. This the divine Philosopher very well noted, saying: that 
s Plato Dialog. 7 de legib.  a boy, not as yet having fully and absolutely given himself to virtue, is a deceitful, cruel and a most proud beast. Wherefore he must be bound with a schoolmaster as it were with a strong bridle.   

The causes why so few Gentlemen no we adays be virtuously disposed. Chap. 33.  
I Find that there be four causes, why so few Gentlemen in this age, attain to the knowledge of virtue. The first is, the corruption of the whole world: for now are 
s Dan. 9  the abominations of desolation. These be days of vengeance to fulfil allthings that are written. 
Mat. 24  The minds of men are so perverse and barren, 
Luk. 21.  that they will not receive the seed of true wisdom. 
Mar. 13  Their cogitations are too much bend to the pomps and follies of this transitory world. The second cause proceedeth of counterfeit and unsufficient teachers, whose only occupation is covertly to woe young scholars, that come guideless and headless into the University: and 〈◊〉 gotten them into their nets, they afterward let them run at random. But 〈◊〉 judgement, such youths as suffer 〈◊〉 to be snatched up for hawks meat in this or the like manner, do therein imitate sick folks, who refusing the good Physician, by some brainsick man's counsel, do commit themselves to the tuition of such a one, as by ignorance killeth them. The third cause is the niggardize of parents, who continually labour to gather the drossy and unconstant pelf of this world, and in the mean time make no reckoning of their children, but permit them to grow old in folly, which destroyeth them both body and soul. The fourth and last cause, is the indulgence and fond love of the parents, who take their sons from the University, as fruit from a tree, before it is ripe, or rather as pullets without feathers, to place them at the Inns of Court, where, as I have written in my Commentary upon Persius, 
e In sin. satyr. 1.  they gad to stage-plays, & are seduced by flattering conicatchers.   

Whether youths ought to be corrected? Chap. 34.  
A Good housewife knoweth how hard a thing it is, to keep flesh sweet and savoury, unless it be first powdered and put in brine. So likewise, it is impossible for parents to reap any joy of their sons, except they be first corrected. Roses must needs wither, when they be overgrown with briars and thorns: and children that are assailed and overtaken by whole legions of affections, must at last fall, if they be not accordingly succoured. 
Prou. 13.  * He that spareth the rod, spilleth the child. And even as Physicians and Surgeons are very necessary in a City for the healing of diseases and bloody wounds, so are rods expedient for the chastisement of the corruptions of the soul. Whereunto agreeth the proverb: Many times the rod is better for children then bread. This Xenophon considered, when he brought in his youth 
c Xenoph. ●i. 1 Paedi.  Cyrus, complaining and telling his mother, that he was beaten by his master. ● Our Civilias also thought it expedient, 
Lib. 9 & 19 ff. tit. 2.  that boys should be punished. And do we not ourselves see by daily experience, that those parents, who dandle and cocker up their sons, and wink at their follies, be most commonly aggrieved and brought to heaviness? 
Eccle. 30  An untamed horse will be stubborn, and a wanton child will be wilful. In like sort, suffer thy son to have his will for a time, and he will become (do what thou canst) rude, inflexible, and wanton disposed to all manner of vices. Wax, as long as it is soft and clammy, receiveth any impression or seal, but being hardened, it receiveth none. So likewise, chastise thy child, and imprint discipline in his heart, while he is young and towardly, and thou shalt bow him to what instruction thou wilt, but let him have his own scope, and 
n Seneca in Thyest.  he will rather break then bow.  

Objection.  
divers youths will perform more at a beck, than they would otherwise at a blow. Also, it is slavish, as said Socrates, to be beaten: therefore youths ought not to be corrected.   

Answer.  
My meaning is not, that all youths should be corrected; for many there be, that naturally are inclined to live virtuously, and such I would have rather encouraged by praises, then discouraged by threatenings. My question only includeth sturdy and stubborn youths, who being let alone, will become worse. And whereas you say with Socrates, that it is slavish to be beaten: I answer with the same Socrates, that it is slavish to deserve beating. If Socrates his free nature be not found, surely Socrates his slavish nature must be beaten, and that even by Socrates his own confession.    

Of Schoolmasters and their duties. Chap. 35.  
PRinces that in the frontiers of their enemies, keep forts and garrisons, do choose wise and expert Captains to oversee them; otherwise it were better to batter down the Forts, and to remove the garrisons, than it should come into the hands of the enemies. So in like manner parents, which tender the training up of their children, aught to choose out a good schoolmaster, that will not only instruct them in learning, but also inform them in the precepts of good manners. Else, they imitate horsecoursers, whose only delight is, to pamper and fatne their horses, and not to manage them as they should: so that when such jades come to travel, they praunse gallantly at the first, but in the midst of their traveling, their grease melting away, they founder and fall down in the mire. Even so young men having gotten but a taste of learning, become so heady with a fond fantasy of that little which they have, that they tyre and lie down in the midst of their bookish pride. The consideration whereof, hath provoked me principally to require in a schoolmaster, moral and politic Philosophy, thereby to instruct his scholars in awe, obedience, and love. For would it not grieve the Prince to see his subjects rebellious? the Father to find his sons disobedient to his will▪ Withal, a schoolmaster must be endued with these nine qualities. First, he must be well skilled in Grammar, Rhetoric, and Poetry. Secondly, he ought to have discretion to judge of his scholars nature and disposition. Thirdly, courage to hearten and egg forward a toward youth. Fourthly, perseverance not to give over his school upon envy or grudge of some particular person. Fiftly, he must have affability and courtesy, lest his scholars as apes taking example by his froward looks, become rough and disobedient. Sixtly, he must use mediocrity in correcting, that is, he must correct them according to the quality of their faults, and while he is so occupied, he must not revile or nickname them. Seventhly, he must be endued with some majesty of countenance, and strength of body, otherwise he will be contemned, and made a iestingstocke. Eightly, with continence, to abstain from lechery and excess in drinking, apparel, and such like. Ninthly, a schoolmaster must not impose more labours on his scholars, than they can well sustain, lest thereby he cloying them with too much at once, do make them dull, and so daunt them from their books. For it is love that maketh us to take delight, and to profit in our studies. And this is the cause, why plants moderately watered do grow, but being too much moistened, they are choked and drowned.   

That schoolmasters should have large stipends. Chap. 36.  
IN vain do I treat of necessary schoolmasters, unless parents be grateful unto them: 
a Cassiod. lib. 9 Epist. 21.  Stipends do nourish Arts. Wherefore teachers are to be stirred up to benefit the Commonwealth, through the augmenting of their allowances. 
x L. medicos. §. C. de profeso soribus & medicis.  Constantine the Emperor enacted, that schoolmasters should have large salaries paid them: whereby he got him an immortal name. It was also decreed by the council of Lateran, that 
a In cap. de magi. li. 5. tit. 5  prebends should be given to schoolmasters. 
n Concil. Trident. sessio. 5. dereform. c. 1 & sessio. 23. de reforma. c. 18.  The like was done by the council of Trident. It is great pity that every several parish in this realm of England, hath not a good schoolmaster constituted in it, for the training up of youth, and an indifferent living out of the same parish, for his travel. For lack whereof, some careful parents nowadays, are constrained to send their children a hundred miles off, either to Eaten college, Westminster, Winchester, or other like places, where they pay much for their diet and tuition, and peradventure so much, as being spared, might encourage them to kee●● them the longer at the University. But perhaps you will ask me, at what time I would have schoolmasters receive their exhibition? To which I answer: either the one half aforehand, and the other half at the half years end, or else quarterly, or rather 
x Baldus ad leg. 1. de suffrag.  The one half at the half years end, and the remnant at the twelvemonth's end. This is my foundation, which being well laid, I doubt not but to see youths more civil, & better lettered.   

Whether it be better for parents to keep their sons at home with a private schoolmaster, or to send them abroad to the public school. Chap. 37.  
IN my judgement this question is worth the deciding, to wit, whether Gentlemen should maintain their children at the free-school, or rather at their houses, where they themselves may oversee their towardness? They that approve this private teaching, allege three special reasons. First, children are by nature weak, and quickly surprised with infectious diseases, therefore they had rather have them in sight, where they may be tendered and regarded; which is likewise confirmed by that common saying: namely, The master's eye fatneth his horse. Secondly, they will learn modesty and civility at home, whereas if they were abroad, they would become rude, impudent, and vicious. Thirdly, they being in number few, will be more diligently taught and informed; which in a manner is impossible in a common school, by reason of the confusion of so many scholars. Howbeit notwithstanding these reasons, public teaching seemeth to be of most force, and that for four causes. First, because 
h Ari. li. 8 Politic. cap. 1. Xenoph. li. 1. Paed. & Quintilian. li.  the wisest sort of men have preferred the public instruction before the private. Secondly, a child will get wit and experience by conversing with many. Thirdly, when he misseth in his lesson, he may in the common school speedily recover that which is lost, 
2. cap. 1.  by conferring with his mates. Fourthly, if he be by nature melancholic, crabbed, or wicked, he will in a free-school be reform, partly for shame to be beaten in the sight of many, and partly for fear, in seeing offenders punished. These be all the reasons which I can conjecture on the behalf of the public schoolmaster.  
To knit up this question of private and public teaching, this is my resolution, that children from the first time they be put to school, until they be at least thirteen years of age, should be cloistered at home with a private teacher, and then placed in the common school for two or three years space, till they be ready and fit for the University.   

Of Tutors in the University. How to discern a good Tutor. Chap. 38.  
Parent's in any case must not send their sons to the University, before they be at least fourteen years of age: whither being once come, they must curiously hearken (but not of unlearned persons and boys, for they measure men's sufficiency by their own fancy) after a good Tutor, that will not only furnish them with necessaries, but also read himself unto them: otherwise, the parents may one day repent them ●f their sons education. For many Tutors nowadays will not stick to receive a mark or twenty shillings a quarter, for each of their scholars tuition, and yet not vouchsafe once to read themselves unto them, but to substitute young Bachelors of Art, who, albeit some of them can read tolerably, yet notwithstanding they cannot correct and provoke the sluggish, as wanting both discretion to judge, & severity to compel. It is therefore very prudently decreed, although not always executed, by the University, that none should be a Tutor, under a Master of Arts, & yet not every Master, but such a one, that for his integrity of life, and sufficiency of learning, is admitted by the Vicechancelour, the Head of the house, whereof the Tutor & the scholars are, & by the consent of two Doctors, or two Bachelors of divinity, to be a Tutor.  
The qualities of a good Tutor be ten: the first is, that he be godly and virtuously given. The second, that he be well seen in Humanity and Philosophy. The third, it is requisite that he be no less than seven & twenty years of age, and no more than forty, because the one lacks audacity and gravity to command, and the other most commonly is negligent. The fourth, a Tutor must be sober aswell in words as in deeds. The fifth, he must not (as many nowadays do) suffer his pupils to be idle, and to have their own wills. The sixth, he must chastise them severely, if they play at dice, swear, fight, or such like. The seventh, he must (if he may possibly) have them in his sight and chamber. The eight thing required in a Tutor is, that he be famous in the University for his learning, and also well friended, that thereby he may both supply his scholars wants, and look that they be not injuried. The ninth duty of a Tutor is, that he have an especial care and respect to his scholars battles, lest that by permitting them to spend what they please, he incur the displeasure of the parents, and so hazard his credit. The tenth and last duty of a Tutor is, that he keep his scholars in awe and obedience; and not too familiarly insinuate himself unto them, seeing that according to the old adage, too much familiarity breeds contempt. And (in conclusion) whosoever giveth his scholars but an inch, may be assured, that they will (do what he can) take a whole ell.    

The fifth Plant.  

Of Grammar. Chap. 39  
GRammar is an Art that consisteth in speaking & inditing truly. It had the beginning, of noting what is more fit & unfit in communication; which thing men imitating in their speech, in process of time invented this Art. Although before Adam's fall from Paradise, learning was natural, yet nevertheless no man can now of himself come to the knowledge of it, without practise, exercise, and other men's invention. Charondas the lawgiver extolled Grammar above all other Arts: and that justly, for 
ast; Diodor. Sicul. lib. 12. ca 4  by means of it the chiefest things in the world are written; as laws, constitutions, wills, and testaments, and such like, as concern man's life. Whereby we see that 
* Arist. lib. 8. Polit. ca 3.  Grammar is many ways profitable to man's life.  
But alas, the use thereof is in these days not perfectly known. Albeit we have many that profess it, yet for all that, few there be that understand it aright. The reason is, because nowadays they think, that whosoever can prattle in Latin, make verses, or patch a declamation, is a substantial Grammarian (or, as they term him, an Humanitian) which, God wot, they know not what it means. For a 
* Quintil. lib. 1. Institut. Oratori.  Grammarian is he, that can speak the usual tongues elegantly, and expound the mysteries of Poets with their tropes and figures, and that hath some smack in Philosophy, because sundry places in Poets are quoted out of the quintessence of the Mathematics.   

Of Logic. Chap. 40.  
LIke as they, that dig for metals, do strictly and diligently search the veins of the earth, and by earnest noting the nature thereof, attain at last to the perfect knowledge of the mine: so they, that will enjoy learning, aswell for the common good, as for their own profit, must narrowly study this Art of Logic, 
* johan. Grammatic. lib. 1. Prior. Analyt.  which is conversant with us in our daily conferences. And no doubt but having studied it well, they shall find it expedient three manner of ways. 
a Arist. li. 1. Topic. cap. 2.  First, for exercise. Secondly, for disputations. And thirdly, for the knowledge of Philosophy. But thou wilt say, it is obscure, unpleasant, and therefore in no wise profitable. Oh how weak is the connexion of this argument! Admit that it is at first rough and irksome: yet notwithstanding 
b Gell. lib. 16. ca 8  when thou shalt enter farther into it, an insatiable desire of learning it, forthwith will cause thee to embrace it. For without doubt 
c jamblichus Epistol. ad Dexippum.  God himself revealed the knowledge of Logic unto us. And if we neglect this worthy and magnificent gift of his, he will also for our ingratitude withdraw not only this Art, but all other Arts whatsoever from us: though we have both wit and learning together, yet shall they little avail without Logic. What maketh youths to speak so boldly & roundly? Logic. What maketh attorneys to go so fast away with their words and pursuits? Logic. In all Arts therefore Logic is praise worthy. Logic is defined to be an Art, that knitteth well together all discourses form by speeches, and all positions in them, according as they depend one upon another, & are grounded upon good reason. And even as gold by seven fires is tried and purified: so in like manner 
a L. fin. §. mixta muner. ff. de muneribus & honorib.  the truth in despite of errors is by logical disputations found out, and restored to her former liberty. For 
b Zabarella li. 1. de natura logic. cap. 13.  the end of Logic is to discern in philosophy the truth from the false; as if a man should say, knowledge is the end of it. The duties of it are four; namely, to define, to divide, to compose true arguments, and to dissolve them that be false. The parts of Logic are two, to wit, 
* De quibus Aristo. in predicament.  The first intentions, and 
a De quibus Aristo. in lib. de Interpret. Prior. Analyt. Posterior. Topic. & Elench.  the second intentions. Howbeit for all this, the feigned Vtopians are reported 
* Morus lib. 2. utop.  never to have been able to find out the second intentions: by reason that none of them all could see man himself in common, as they term him, though he be, as s●me know, bigger than ever was any Giant, and pointed unto us even with our finger. But I leave the Vtopians to their nullibies.   

Of Rhetoric, and the abuse thereof. Chap. 41.  
Rhetoric is an Art, that teacheth a man to speak finely, smoothly, and eloquently. And whereas Logic formeth speech as it were a bare picture, & having nothing but simple draughts, which serve to furnish it in respect of each part and lineament thereof: 
a Arist. lib. 7. Rhetoric. cap. 1. & 2.  Rhetoric being the offspring of Logic shapeth it not only as a picture well varnished, but also enriched and polished with glorious fields and meadows, and such like glozing shows, that it may become fair to the eye, & pleasant to the ear. Being well applied, 
b Aristoph. in Ra●nis.  there is nothing so sacred to persuade as it. But nowadays it is not much profitable, especially to preachers. For although Rhetorical speeches do delight their auditory; yet notwithstanding, they make not much for the soul's health. 
c Aeschylus in Prometh.  Simple & material speeches are best among friends. Preachers therefore must labour to speak & utter that, which the hearers understand, & not go about the bush with their filing phrases. 
1. Cor. 2  They must not (I say) come with excellency of words to show the testimony of God unto the people. 
* Ibid.  Neither must their preaching consist in the enticing speech of man's wisdom, but in the plain evidence of the spirit and of power. Moses, when God commanded him to go down to the Israelites, would have excused himself, saying, 
* Exod. 4  O my Lord, I am not eloquent, neither at any time have been: but I am slow of speech and slow of tongue. Then the Lord said unto him, Who hath given the mouth to man? or who hath made the dumb, or the deaf, or him that seeth, or the blind? have not I the Lord? Therefore go now, and I will be with thy mouth, and will teach thee, what thou shalt say. Caluine that zealous Preacher had, as many men know, an impediment in his speech, and in his sermons never used any painted or rhetorical terms.  
What shall I write of our common lawyers, who with their glozing speeches do as it were lay an ambush for justice, and 
* Martia. lib. 1. Epigram.  with their hired tongues think it not unhonest to defend the guilty, and to patronize unlawful pleas? Why will not they imitate Anacharsis the Philosopher, who when the scholars of Athens laughed him to scorn, by reason he could not pronounce Greek distinctly, and eloquently, answered them, that a speech was not to be termed bad, as long as it contained good counsels, and as long as honest deeds did follow after his words? Constantine the Emperor deserveth great praise, in that 
* L. 1. & 2. C. de formulis & impetrationis bus actionum sublatis.  he took away the form of making deceitful & fine phrazed libels? In like sort we read, that 
* l. fin. C. de donationibus.  the elegant solemnities of stipulations, and such like trifling words were laid aside. In brief, it was decreed among the Areopagites in Athens, that no Orator should use any proheme or forespeech, and digression, nor persuade them either to mercy or to envy.   

Of Poetry, and of the excellency thereof. Chap. 42.  
When 
* Exod. 1  the children of Israel were enthralled in the land of bondage: then GOD, who is alway the helper of the friendless, raised up Moses his servant, made him ruler of his distressed people, and delivered them with a strong & outstretched arm from their miserable captivity. Whereupon 
* Exo. 15  Moses framed a song of thanksgiving unto the Lord in verse, which I take to be the most ancient of all. So that it is certain, and (as they say) able to be felt with hands, that Poetry came first by inspiration from God. Likewise 
a judic. cap. 5.  Deborasung a Psalm of victory in metre. David also & the Prophets were Poets.  
If we pry into the lives of the heathen, we shall find that Poetry was the chiefest cause of their civility. When 
b Cic. lib. 1. de Legibus.  before they remained scattered lawless, and barbarous, like unto savage beasts, Amphion and Orpheus two Poets of the first ages assembled th●se rude nations, and 
* Hor. de Arte poetica.  exhorted them to listen their ear unto their wholesome counsels, and to lead their lives well and orderly. And as these two Poets, and Linus before them reclaimed the wildest sort of men: so by all likelihood more Poets did the same in other places.  
Further, Poets were the first, that observed the secret operations of nature, and especially the celestial courses, by reason of the perpetual motion of the heavens, searching after the first mover, and from thence proceeding by degrees to consider of the substances separate and abstract. They were the first, that offered oblations, sacrifices, and prayers. They lived chaste, and by their exceeding continence came to receive visions and prophecies. So likewise 
a 1. Sam. 9  Samuel & the Prophets were named Seers.  
Now since Poetry is so sanctified, it will not be amiss, if I anatomize her parts, and compare her with other faculties: which done, I doubt not but she will deserve a more favourable censure even of the Momistes themselves. The Prince of Philosophers writeth, that 
b Aristot. li. 3. Rhetoric.  Rhetoric had her first beginning from Poetry. The chief of the late Philosophers doubted not to prove, that 
c Zabar. lib. 2. de nature. logic.  Poetry was part of Logic, because it is wholly occupied in delivering the use of examples, I do not mean that kind of example, which is used in common conferences; but I mean the manners, affections, and actions of men, which are brought as examples either to be imitated or shunned of the spectators, or readers. In like manner, Poetry is more philosophical and serious than history, because Poetry meddleth with the general consideration of all things: whereas history treateth only of the particular. And not only history, but also Philosophy, Law, and Physic are subject to Poetry, for whatsoever nature or policy, case or medicine they rehearse, that may the Poet, if he please, with his form or imitation make his own.  
But, me thinks, I see a rout of critical Pharisees coming towards me, and discharging whole volleys of cannon shot against my breast, and exclaiming without reason, that I falsely err, for proving Poetry to be derived from Moses. The Gentiles (say they) were the first founders of Poetry, and therefore it ought to be rejected. Well do I deny this argument, demanding of them, whether philosophy be bad, because the paynim brought the knowledge thereof to light? whether Greek letters be evil, because Cadmus invented them? whether the books of Resolution be blameworthy, for that R. P. a fugitive papist wrote them? O monstrous absurdity! What? will they with the foolish Donatists utterly refuse the Sacraments, because the priests are vicious, that administer them? Or will they with the Anabaptists forbid alsuites & going to law, because the lawyers, that commence them, are corrupt? Then farewell quietness, farewell money, yea, farewell religion, & all: for each of them was, is, & will be abused for evermore.  
Othersome there be, that judge poetry unlawful, for that they themselves are not capable thereof. And again there be some, that mean to kill the lion with a straw, and condemn Poetry for the fables that are contained therein. But if I should dash these envious Sycophants with a blur of ink for every offence, which they commit against the truth, they would, I fear me, become blacker than Aethiopian Negroes.  
As for Poetical Fabies and Parables what else should I retort, but that, which one of the ancient Fathers hath written on their behalf? to wit, 
* Lactantius.  Poets do speak that which is most true, and by their mystical fables do decipher profound matters. After which manner David in his Psalms saith, 
* Psa. 80  Thou hast brought forth a vine out of Egypt: thou hast cast out the heathen, and planted it. What is understood by this vine, & the planting thereof, but the children of Israel, whom God by his Divine providence brought out of Egypt, & gave them inheritance in the land of Chanaan? likewise we read of the steward, of the prodigal child, & such like in the new Testament. When Perseus, Dedalus, & Bellerophon are feigned to fly: what else is meant by their flying, but their speedy journeying? what doth the transformation of Halcione into a bird signify? namely, that she, after the death of her husband Ceix, mourned & sorrowed like unto that same bird. When Lycaon is reported to be metamorphozed into a wolf: what other sense is understood by the wolf, then that this king was a tyrant & a ravenous thief? By the painful travel of Ulysses is portrayed the lively picture of man's miseries. Icarus had wings, and therewith mounted up into the air: but so soon as the sun had melted his waxen wings, he fell down into a river, and was drowned. Whereby is included that no man must rashly reach above his pitch. If men would speak & inveigh against niggards, what better instance can they make, then in Danae, Tantalus, and Midas? To blaze prodigality, and such as were given to pleasures, the Poet's painted Actaeon turned into a Hart, who was so much delighted in hunting, that in the end he was eaten up of his dogs; that is, he spent all his goods in feeding of hounds. For an example of whoredom they infer Circe, who was so beautiful, that she ravished and enchanted all such as beheld her. And so we must judge of the rest. jupiter betokeneth the highest God: Phoebus the Sun: Mars war: Themis law: Minerva learning: Venus love: Vulcan fire: Ceres corn: Bacchus wine: Neptune the sea: The Nymphs signify rivers: and by destiny is declared the inevitable will of God. There is no faculty of any account, but hath hard & obscure significations; as for example, natural philosophy comprehendeth the first matter and the first mover. Alchemy containeth dark words: as, Saturn signifieth lead: Mercury quicksilver: Sol gold: Luna silver: Venus copper: jupiter tin: Mars iron; with divers words of Art a hundred times more mystical than these. I will pass over the elixirs, fixations, and such like names of the Chemists. Thus (gentle Reader) mayst thou see, that every Science hath other significations, than the plain names do declare. Why then will Dunces upbraid Poets with their intricated Fables, which none but Oedipus can interpret? Only sons of Art, to whom God hath imparted his blessing, must attain to the right knowledge of the Muses. Hearken what another saith, 
a Zabar. lib. 2. de nature. Logic. cap. 19  The feigned examples of the Poets are fit and convenient for the amendment of manners. To be short, I am verily of this opinion, that 
b Osor. li. 1. Civilis nobilitat.  all Poets are sworn enemies to lies, and do utterly detest falsehood: and among the rest Homer was the searcher and lover of truth and verity. Sundry times have I been conversant with such, as blasphemed Poetry, by calling it mincing and lying Poetry. But it is no marvel, that they thus deride Poetry, sith they stick not in this outworn age to abuse the ministers of GOD, by terming them bookish fellows and Puritans, they themselves not knowing what they mean.  
What more shall I write? Poets at all times have been preferred before all Artists, & highly esteemed of all Princes. Euripides was entertained of Amintas king of Macedon. Sophocles together with Pericles was constituted governor of Athens. Antimenides the Poet was General of an army. Likewise Tyrtaeus the Poet being lame on one leg, was by the oracle of Apollo chosen chieftain of the Lacedæmonians, & got the victory over his enemies. Lysander king of Lacedaemon, in reward of a few verses, gave unto the Poet Antiochus his hat full of silver. The Sicilians having overcome the Athenians, spared many of them for Euripides his sake. And if they heard any verses like unto his, they would have them by heart, and one would present them to another with great joy. 
* Sydn●i. in Apol. Poet.  Alexander the great left his Tutor living Aristotle behind him, but took the works of dead Homer with him, & every night he caused them to be laid under his pillow. And not only Homer was thus honoured, but also for his sake all other mean Poets, insomuch as Chaerilus a simple Poet had for every good verse, which he composed, a Philip noble of gold, amounting to the value of an Angel English. Theocritus the Poet was in estimation with Ptolemy king of Egypt, and with Queen Berenice his wife. Ennius was highly favoured by that noble warrior Scipio: Virgil and Horace were advanced by Augustus the Emperor.  
To come nearer our own time, Hiernus an excellent Poet, and yet of base lineage, when Frotho K. of Denmark died without issue, and the Peers of the realm had determined him to succeed, that best could honour the dead King: among the rest, he knowing that Poetry was the only means to revive the memorial of the dead, made an Epitaph, which publicly repeated, he was by general consent elected King.  
jeffery Chaucer, the English Poet, was in great account with King Richard the second, who gave him in reward of his Poems, the Manor of Newelme in Oxford Shire. Neither will I pass over with silence, the favour of the French Queen Anne, wife to Lewis the twelve of France, extended to Poets. This Queen passing on a time from her lodging towards the King's side, saw in a gallery Allen Chartier a learned Poet, leaning on a tables end fast asleep, which this Princess espying, she stooped down to kiss him, uttering these words in all their hear: We may not of Princely courtesy pass by, and not honour with our kiss the mouth, from whence so many golden poems have issued. Francis the first, French King in the year of our Lord 1532. made those famous Poets, Dampetrus and Macrinus, of his privy Counsel. King Henry the eight, her majesties Father, for a few Psalms of David turned into English meeter by Sternhold, made him Groom of his privy chamber, and rewarded him with many great gifts beside. Moreover, he made Sir Thomas Moor Lord chancellor of this Realm, whose Poetical works are as yet in great regard. Queen Marie for an Epithalamy composed by Verzoza a Spanish Poet, at her marriage with King Philip in Winchester, gave him during his life two hundred crowns pension. Her Majesty that now is, made Doctor Haddon being a Poet, master of the Requests. In former times, Princes themselves were not ashamed to study Poetry. As for example, julius Cesar was a very good Poet. Augustus likewise was a Poet, as by his edict touching Virgil's books appeareth. Evax King of Arbia wrote a book of precious stones in verse. Cornelius Gallus treasurer of Egypt, was a singular good Poet. Neither is our own age altogether to be disprayed. For the old Earl of Surrey composed books in verse. Sir Philip Sidney excelled all our English Poets, in rareness of style and matter. King james the sixth of Scotland, that now reigneth, is a notable Poet, and daily setteth out most learned Poems, to the admiration of all his subjects.  
Gladly I could go forward in this subject, which in my stripling years pleased me beyond all others, were it not I delight to be brief: and that Sir Philip Sidney hath so sufficiently defended it in his Apology of Poetry; that if I should proceed further in the commendation thereof, whatsoever I write would be eclipsed with the glory of his golden eloquence. Wherefore I stay myself in this place, earnestly beseeching all Gentlemen, of what quality soever they be, to advance Poetry, or at least to admire it, and not to be so hasty shamefully to abuse that, which they may honestly and lawfully obtain.  

Objection.  
The reading of Catullus, Propertius, Ovid's loves, and the lascivious rhymes of our English Poets, do discredit the Commonwealth, and are the chief occasions of corruptions, & the spurs of lechery: therefore Poetry is blameworthy.   

Answer.  
In many things not the use, 
n August. lib. 3. de Doctrine. Christian. cap. 12.  but the abuse of him that useth them, must be blamed. The fault is not in the Art of Poetry, but rather in the men that abuse it. Poets themselves may be traitors and felons, and yet Poetry honest and unattainted. Take away the abuse, which is merely accidental, and let the substance of Poetry stand still. Every thing that bringeth pleasure, may bring displeasure. 
i Oui. li. 2 de tristib. Elegi. 1.  Nothing yields profit, but the same may yield disprofit. What is more profitable than fire? yet notwithstanding we may abuse fire, and burn houses, and men in their beds. 
Ibid.  Physic is most commodious for mankind, yet we may abuse it, by administering of poisoned potions. To end this solution, I conclude, that many of our English rhymers and ballet-makers deserve for their bawdy sonnets, and amorous allurements, to be banished, or severely punished: and that Poetry itself ought to be honoured and made much of, as a precious jewel, and a divine gift.    

Of Philosophy. Chap. 43.  
● Philosophy is the knowledge of all good things, both divine and human. 
Cicero li. 3. de Oratore.  It challengeth unto it three things: first, contemplation to know those things, which are subject unto it, as 
c Arist. li. 2. metaphies. text 3.  Natural Philosophy teacheth us the knowledge of the world: Geo o●●trae of the triangle: the Metaphysic of God: and moral Philosophy, of virtue and felicity. Secondly, Philosophy challengeth the execution and practice of precepts. Thirdly, the promotion of a good man; 
Clemens Alexandrinus. li. 2. stromat.  * Which three concurring together in one man, do make him a wise Philosopher. The jews divided Philosophy into four parts: namely, into Historical, Civil, Natural of the contemplation of sacrifices, and into Divine of the speculation of God's word. Of which I will at this time content myself with the natural, and the civil 
r Ari. in initio lib. 1. de coelo.  Natural Philosophy is a science that is seen in bodies, magnitudes, and in their beginnings or ground works, affections, and motions. Or, as others say, 
a Zabarel. lib. de Constitutione naturalis scientiae. cap. 6.  Natural Philosophy is a contemplative science, which declareth the perfect knowledge of natural bodies, as far forth as they have the beginning of motion within them. 
x Pererius lib. 2. Physic. cap. 7.  There be seven parts of it. The first is of the first causes of nature, and of natural bodies. The second of the world. The third, of the mutual transmutation of the elements, and in general, of generation and corruption. The fourth is, of the meteours. The fifth, of the soul, and of living creatures. The sixth, of plants, The seventh, of things perfectly mixed, and of things without life, as, of Minerals and such like.  

n Piccolominaeus in introduct. ad 10. gradus Civilis Philosophiae. cap. 7.  Civil Philosophy is a science compounding man's actions out of the inward motion of Nature, and sprung up from the fullness of a wise mind: insomuch that we may in all degrees of life attain to that which is honest.  
This civil Philosophy is divided into four parts: Ethicke, Politic, Oeconomic, and Monastic. Ethick is the discipline of good manners. Of economic and Politic, I have discoursed before. Monastic is the institution of a private and a solitary life. But of the worthiness of this civil Philosophy, and by how much it goeth before the natural, I have expressed in 
i In Commentar. in satire. 5. Persi.  another book.   

Of the Art Magic. Chap. 44.  
THe ancient Magicians prophesied either by the stars, and then their Art was termed Astrology: or by the flying and entrails of birds, and this they called Augury: by the fire, and that they named pyromancy: or by the lines and wrinkles of the hand, which was termed chiromancy or Palmistry: by the earth, called Geomancy: by the water, and that they termed hydromancy: or by the devil, and this we call conjuring or bewitching. All which superstitious kinds of illusions (I fear me) have been too often used here in England; witness of late years the witches of Warboise: witness figure-casters, & calculatours of nativities: witness also many of our counterfeit Bedlams, who take upon them to tell fortunes and such like. Nowadays among the common people, he is not adjudged any scholar at all, unless he can tell men's Horoscopes, cast out devils, or hath some skill in soothsaying. Little do they know that 
s Plinius in initi. li. 30.  this Art, (if it b●e lawful to call it an Art) is the most deceitful of all Arts, as having neither sure foundations to rest upon, nor doing the students thereof any good: but rather alluring them to throw themselves away unto the devil both body & soul. Woe be unto them that delight therein, for it were better for them that they had never been borne. A man having in his fury killed one, may by the grace of God repent, and be sorry for his offence; but for the conjuror or magician, it is almost impossible that he should be converted, by reason that the Devil is always conversant with him, and is present even at his very elbow, and will not once permit him to ask forgiveness. Experience whereof Doctor Faustus felt, who was at last torn in pieces by the devil. Cornelius Agrippa likewise, a man famous for his great skill in Magic, and as yet fresh in some old men's memory, went continually accompanied with a Devil in the shape of a black dōgge● and when at his death he was urged to repent and cry GOD mercy, he pulled off the collar which was about the dogs neck, and sent him away with these words, Pack hence, thou cursed cur, which hast quite undone me. With that the dog went away, and drowned himself in the river Arar▪ Within a little after Agrippa deceased, whose judgement I leave unto the Lord.  
As touching the deeds of conjurers, I confess, they be wonderful; for 
r Exod. 7.  the charmers of Egypt turned rods into serpents in the sight of Pharaoh. And there is nothing which good men do, but Sorcerers like Apes will assay to do the like. Many of them (among whom I mean Pope Silvester the second, Pope Benedict the ninth, and Pope Alexander the sixth) were cunning in the scriptures, professed holiness of life, and gave pardons and indulgences (as the Pope doth now) unto them that would buy them. But in the end they were pitifully and openly tormented and devoured by the Devil their schoolmaster. Myself have seen about eleven years ago, a counterfeit dumb fellow, that could by signs and tokens foretell divers, things to come. He could signify what misfortunes a man hath suffered, what years he was off, what wife he had married, how many children he had; and which is most strange of all, he would find out any thing which was hidden of purpose. At last it was this young Magician's hap to arrive at a zealous Gentleman's house, who having before heard of his miraculous deeds, eftsoon suspected him and made no more ado, but by violence and threatening enforced him to speak, and to declare his dissimulation procured, as he himself confessed, by the Devil, with whom he had covenated to become dumb, on condition that he might perform such miracles.  
have heard and read of many Conjurers, that wrought wonders, and things almost incredible: yet never have I either heard or read of any that prospered, but at the last, they either came to the gallows or faggot, or else they were prevented, and miserably taken by the Devil. Which is the cause, that wise men have utterly detested this black Art, as being admonished by other men's harms, to beware of it. So that none but malicious, simple, and gross-headed persons, who either for revenge, or for covetousness are so seduced, do enter into league and confederacy with the Devil.  
To knit up this discourse, I advise all persons, and especially old women, to take heed of illusions and charms▪ seeing principally, 
i Exo. 22 Leuit. 19 Deut. 18  they be damnable, and forbidden by the laws of God. Secondarily, 
s Tacitus li. 1. Annal. Vlpianus lib. 7. de office. procons. tit. de mathematic. & Serutus in lib. 4. Encid. ac Canon. 1. caus. 24. q. 5. & can. 17. caus. 6. q. 1.  Magic is infamous & abominable by the laws of man both civil and canon. Finally, men must abstain from sorceries, conjurations, witchcrafts, and such kind of wickedness, for fear of punishment, because, 
c Leuit. 20.  if any saith the Lord, turn after such as work with spirits, and after soothsayers, to go (spiritually) a whoring after them, then will I set my face against that person, and will cut him off from among his people. And in another place: 
n Exo. 22.  Thou must not suffer a witch to live. Look therefore unto yourselves, and be prepared, O simple wretches, lest otherwise the siend finding you unready, will quickly surprise you, and so inveigle your weak and shallow minds.   

Of Physic. Chap. 45.  
MAny confound Physic and Philosophy together, because both of them do alike respect natural bodies. but our 
r L. 1. § medicorum ss●de variis & extra●rd. cognition.  Civilians have distinguished the one from the other. For which cause I will at this time surcease the concordance, and fall to the declaration of the goodness thereof. There is no faculty, save law and Divinity, comparable unto Physic. Insomuch as mighty Potentates have not disdained to exercise it. Gentius the King of Illyria, found out the virtuous qualities of the herb called Gentian. juba King of Mauritania and Lybia, found the herb called Euphorbium. Sabor King of the Medes, Sabrel King of the Arabians, Mithridates King of Pontus, and Auicenna King Corduba, were professed Phisicious. The Angel Raphael caused blind Tobias with the gall of a fish to receive his sight. Luke the Evangelist was a Physician: yea, 
Clemens Alexandrinus li. 1. Paedag. cap. 2. Eccless. 38.  and * GOD himself is called the supreme Physician both of body and soul. Wherefore see that you honour Physic, O ye that be rich, and make much of the Physician for the Lord created him.   

Of Law. Chap. 46.  
THe law is the knowledge of things As well Divine as human, 
L. Institut. tit, de just. & iure. §. jurisprudentia.  and of that which is just and unjust. Of Civilians it is declared tripartite: as it comprehendeth the law of nature, the law of nations, and the civil law. The law of nature is a feeling which every one hath in his conscience, whereby he discerneth between good and evil, as much as is sufficient to deliver him from the cloudy cloak of ignorance, in that he is reprehended by himself. 
a L. justitu. tit. de iure. Natu. Gent. & Civil. §. ius nature.  Hence cometh the conjunction of male and female: the Procreation of children, and education. The law of Nations is a prescription, that all manner of people can claim: as, to resist violence was lawful: to defraud the wily and subtle was no fraud: to hurt a Herald was not tolerable: to pay every man his own was right: and in a manner all contracts were brought in by this law: as buying, selling, hiring, gauging, and infinite others. The Civil law is that, which is squared according to honesty, and is termed every private law, enacted by one peculiar people.  
There is also a Divine law, which is threefold: to wit, the moral law, the ceremonial law, and the judicial law. The moral law is that, which is constituted for all Nations, if they will observe the commandments of GOD, The Ceremonial law was an instruction of infancy given to the jews, to be exercised under the obedience of God, until Christ's coming. The judicial law is that, which was given them for politic government, teaching them certain Maxims of justice, whereby they might live quietly, without molesting one another.   

Of the Common Law in England. Chap. 47.  
AS soon as Brutus came into this Realm, he constituted the Troyans' laws throughout all his dominions. But when divisions and civil broils happened a little after his decease, those laws decayed for a long time, until Malmutius revived them, enlarging them with many profitable more, and were named Malmutius laws: unto which Martia a Queen of this land, added the decrees of her time, and were called martia's laws. Besides these, King Lud is reported to amend them. Then in the succession of time, reigned Saint Edward, a right virtuous Prince, who selected and enacted excellent good laws: but within a while after, the Normans conquered this land, and altered the estate thereof, appointing new laws in their own language, as a people naturally inclined to sophistical and doubtful sense, whereby they wrested the laws to all constructions. Yet notwithstanding, King Edward the third was induced to abrogate many of the Norman laws, and in their stead to invest new and wholesome laws. The method of which, is at this day put in practice among our Sergeants and utter-sarristers.  

Objection.  
That law which is of no antiquity, neither grounded upon any good foundations, nor used in any country but one, cannot be good: such is the common law of England: therefore it is of no effect.   

Answer.  
Our Common law of England (I confess) is of no great antiquity: yet grounded upon the law of Nature, and approved by the universal consent of the Prince, Nobles, & Commons, in a general Parliament. In brief, necessity hath no reason.    

Whether alteration of laws be good in a commonwealth. Chap. 48.  
THere was a law among the Locrensians, that whosoever did intrude himself to make a new law, should come with a halter about his neck: insomuch that if his laws were approved, he went away safe as he came: if reproved, he was presently hanged. So in like manner, when we alter our usual diet, we feel great innovations in our bodies, and do perhaps fall into some sickness or other: but when we be accustomed once unto it, than we recover, & wax more lusty then before we were. Custom (as they say) is another nature. But yet this custom may be reduced into a better. The alteration of laws (I confess) at the first seemeth rough and raw unto our frail and queizy natures. But within a while they be better liked of. Which moved the Divine Philosopher to say: that 
* Plato li. 7. de ●●gibus,  change of laws, excepting those that be bad, is perilous at all times. This caused the Kentishmen to rise against king William the Conqueror of this land, and privily to enclose him round about in the woods, that thereby he might the sooner be compelled to condescend to their petition, which was, that they might be suffered to enjoy their ancient customs and liberties.  
As for the deciding of this question, I think, that some laws may be altered and reduced into better. Howbeit lawmakers must advise themselves well in that behalf, & take great heed therein for where there ariseth small good by innovations of laws, it is an evil thing. Surely, 
* Arist. lib. 2. Politic. ca 6  It is better to bear with the imperfections of laws: because the alteration of them will not do so much benefit, as harm, by using men to disobey.  
And again, who is so dull-spirited, which will not grant, that defects of laws ought now and then to be winked at and dissembled? Upon which occasion 
* Plato li. 1. de Legibus.  all persons under the age of forty were heretofore forbidden to inquire whether laws were well or ill made. Ripeness of years is a great mean to conserve people in their obedience. And for that cause 
* Arist. lib. 1. Ethic. ca 3  young men are thought unfit to deal in matters of state and moral Philosophy.   

Of Divinity. Chap. 49.  
THe ancient Philosophers accounted three kinds of speculative or contemplative Sciences: to wit, 
* Aristot, lib. 11. Metaph. cap. 1.  natural philosophy: the Mathematics: and Divinity, which is the first and chiefest beginning of all things, which is the cement that soddereth the pieces of the building of our estate, and the plank, wherewith our ship is fortified. Take away this beginning, and the world will seem a confused Chaos. Take away this cement, and our building is ruinous. In a word, uncaske the planks of a ship, & it will leak & sink into the sea. Plant ye therefore religion in your kingdoms, and let not the heathen rise up against you at the day of judgement. The Romans, we read, through the bare instinct of nature, did so reverently think of Divinity, that they sent their children into Hetruria to learn it there. And yet many of us Christians presume to injure the ministers God, albeit we know, that 
* Sen. in Epist. 84  nothing is hid from him, and that he is present, and still accompanieth us in the midst of our secret cogitations. God make clean our hearts within us, and cause us to regard his ministers and word better than we do. Otherwise, let us expect for nothing, but fearful alarms, wars, heresies, pestilence, and famine continually without ceasing to annoy and destroy both us and our country.   

Whether two religions may be tolerated in one kingdom? Chap. 50.  
TWo religions cannot be suffered in one kingdom: for diversities cause factions, garboils, and civil wars, which never end but with the subversion of the commonwealth. The tranquillity of all estates consisteth in the union and consent of the inhabitants. Take away this union, and it is but a den for rovers and thieves. The first foundations of kingdoms were built upon the rock of one religion; and the heathen themselves had never established their laws, if they had harboured pluralities of religions. He that displaceth this stone, shaketh all the building. 
* Matt.  No man can serve two masters, for either he must despise the one, or love the other. Neither must Princes halt between two opinions. 
* 3. Reg. 18.  If the Lord be God, follow him, but if Baal be he, then go after him. In religion there is no mediocrity, for a man must either be a Christian, or else, he must be an enemy of Christ, that is, an Antichristian, according to our Saviour Christ's words: 
Luc. 11  He that is not with me, is against me: and he that gathereth not with me, scattereth. 
b Esa. 42  I am the Lord, saith God, this is my name, and my glory will I not give away to another: neither my praise to graven images. Also, it is written, 
e Matt. 4.  Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. But how is it possible to observe this commandment, as long as our Papists believe that 
h Decret. Part. 1. lib. 6. tit. 6. de Electione.  the Pope is no man, but God's vicar, and more expressly, that he is God? Theodosius therefore is highly commended, in that 
i Socrat. li. 5. Eccles. Histor. c. 10  he made war with the. Arrians, and proclaimed one true religion 〈◊〉 be planted throughout all his Empire. in this likewise England may faithfully glory, that being well-nigh drowned in the sea of Popish superstition, she is now saved and restored to the true and Apostolical doctrine: the which God of his goodness maintain from heresies and schisms.   

Of Simony, one of the chiefest overthrows of religion. Chap. 51.  
SImony is a deliberative will either of buying and selling, or else of posting over and exchanging some spiritual thing, or some thing annexed to the spirituality, as advowsons, presentations, and such like. This vice is called after the name of Simon Magus, by reason that he 
* Act. 8.  offered the Apostles money, that they might give him the power, that, on whomsoever he laid his hands, he should receive the holy Ghost. For which his execrable proffer, he had this answer of Peter: 
* Ibid.  Thy money perish with thee, because thou thinkest, that the gift of God may be obtained with money.  
Simony may be committed three manner of wa●es. First, whosoever selleth or buyeth the word of God, is a Simonist. Wherefore the Lord said unto his disciples, 
Mat. 10  Freely you have received, freely give. Secondly, he that giveth, or taketh any thing for a Bishopric, Benefice, Headship, or for a fellows or Scholars room, is guilty of Simony. Thirdly, 
* 13. q. 2 Can. que●sta est nobis. & cap. abo●lendae de sepult.  The Minister that denieth to bury the dead, or say Divine service, committeth Simony.  
Now having declared how many ways Simony is committed, I will show, that it is the utter ruin of the Clergy, and consequently of the whole commonwealth. First, 
* Sotus li. 9 q. 8. art. 1. & Navarr. in manu●al. ca 7.  Simony is condemned with excommunication, the severest censure of the Church: and therefore odious. Secondly, Simony hindereth housekeeping, so that ministers cannot distribute alms. Thirdly, it breedeth the desolation and destruction of the state. For commonly 
* Tacitus lib. 13. Annal.  there ensueth a dissolution of the commonwealth, when the fruits 〈◊〉 revenues thereof are decreased. Fourthly, Simony discourageth parents to send their sons to the University: for what parents be so foolish, as to bestow in maintenance of their sons at least three hundred pound before they attain to perfection, and then to pay again two hundred pound for a benefice, or four hundred pound for a Chauncelorship? surely it is a lamentable case. I had rather, saith one, that my son be a collier than a scholar. For what shall I put my son to school, when he shall pay so much for a living? Better it is for me to leave my son an ingram fool, then to buy him a living through unlawful means. Besides, who is so bluntish, that knoweth not the great & infinite labours of Scholars? that seeth not their eyes weakened, their bodies impaired, & which is worse, their spirits decayed? O stony hearts! O wicked Simonists! Doubtless this abomination portends some great calamity to follow. Lastly, 
* l. q. 1. ca Quisquis.  Simony is an heresy, and for that respect it ought to be rejected from all true Christians.  
To wind this up in a word, I wish all Pastors and patrons of benefices and Chancelourships to look more narrowly unto themselves, and to stand in fear of God, who undoubtedly is offended with their Simony, and will one day 
* Valer. Maxim, lib. 1.  requite the slackness of their punishments with the weight thereof, & will cast them down headlong into the bottomless and tormenting pit of hell, where every sense of their bodies shall abide his peculiar punishment. Their eyes shall have no other objects than Devils and Snakes: their ears shall be afflicted with clamours and howl: their noses with brimstone and filthy smells: their taste with poison and gall: and their feeling shall be vexed continually with boiling lead and fiery flames.    

The sixth Plant.  

Of the alteration of a commonwealth. Chap. 52.  
COmmonwealths, even as mortal men, have their infancy, childhood, stripling age, youth, virility, middle age, and old age: that is, they have their beginning, vegetation, flourishing, alteration, and ends. And like as divers innovations, & maladies do happen to men, according to the constitution of their bodies, or according to their diet and education: so in like manner it falleth out with commonwealths, as being altered either by domestical & civil wars, or else by foreign, or perhaps by both together, or by the death of the noblest inhabitants, or to be brief, by vices, which are suffered to creep in. It is necessary that all things, which are in this world should wax old, and 
* ovid. li. 10. Metamorph.  hasten to the same end, some sooner, others later, according to the will of God their Creator, and by his permission through the influence of the heavenly bodies from which this mutual succession of life and death issueth. Howbeit notwithstanding, I confess that prodigious signs are not the causes of events, but rather foretokens of them. Like as an ivy bush put forth at a vintry, is not the cause of the wine, but a sign that wine is to be sold there: so likewise if we see smoke appearing in a chimney, we know that fire is there, albeit the smoke is not the cause of the fire. 
* Dan. 2.  God only changeth the times and seasons, he discovereth the deep and secret things, and the light is with him.   

The effects of all the Comets, and the chiefest Eclipses, which happened in this last age. Chap. 53.  
FOrasmuch as the alterations of commonwealths are for the most part foreshowed unto us by heavenly signs: I judge it more meet for me to declare those, which chanced within this last age, rather than in any other, especially for that they are nearer to our father's memories, and also more familiar unto us.  
In the year of our Lord 1500. there appeared a Comet in the North, 
Anno 1500.  after the which followed many and strange effects. For the Frenchmen assaulted the kingdom of Naples: & the Tartarians the kingdom of Polonia. Then was a great famine in Swethland, and a cruel plague throughout all Germany; besides civil wars amongst themselves, in taking part with the Bauarians against the Bohemians. Then died Pope Pius the 3. together with the Archbishop of Tre●ires, and divers other famous wights.  
In the year 1506. 
Anno 1506.  appeared another Comet. Whereupon died Prince Philip the father of Charles the fifth and Ferdinand afterward Emperors. Maximilian the Emperor made war with the Frenchmen and Venetians.  
In the year 1514. 
Anno 1514.  was an Eclipse of the sun. About which time George Duke of Saxony invaded and spoiled Frizeland. King Lewis the 12. of France, and Vladislaus king of Hungary & Bohemia departed out of this world.  
In the year 1518. 
Anno 1518.  was seen another Eclipse of the sun. Immediately after the which died the Emperor Maximilian the first. Christian the 2. king of Denmark fought a most bloody battle with the Swethens: & within a while after he was deposed of his kingdom.  
In the year 1527. 
Anno 1527.  appeared a great Comet: the operation whereof the poor● Hungarians felt, as being barbarously▪ to the shame of all Christians, martyred & destroyed by the Turks. The prodigious disease of sweeting was rife here in England. The river Tiber overflowed the city of Rome. The sea also consumed away a great part of the low countries. 
Anno 1533.   
In the year of our Lord 1533. wa● seen another blazing star: whereupon a little while after, king H. the 8. was divorced from his brother's wife. The sect of the Anabaptists begun to rise. Pope Clement the 7. departed out of this life: and Pope Paul the 3. was invested in his room.  
In the year 1539. 
Anno 1539.  chanced an Eclipse of the sun: & presently after appeared a Comet: the effects whereof were many. For there was a great commotion in Gaunt, which the Emperor not without much damage at length appeased, & took away their privileges from them. john the K. of Hungary ended his life. And so did Henry Duke of Saxony. The Duke of Brunswisk was by the young Duke of Saxony and by the Landgrave of Hassia driven out of his country. The English overcame the Scots.  
In the year 1544. 
Anno 1544.  chanced four Eclipses, one of the sun, and three of the Moon. Whereupon the L. high Admiral of England arrived with a fleet of two hundred sail in Scotland, where he spoilt Lieth, and burned Edinburgh. King Henry the eight went himself in person to France wiith a great army, & conquered Boulogne. The Marquis of Brandeburge died in his banishment. And before three years after the fight of the said Eclipses were fully expired, king Henry the eight deceased. Likewise, the French kings son, the Duke of Bauarie, the Queen of Polonia, the Queen of Spain, the Archbishop of Mogunce, & Martin Luther ended their lives.  
In the year 1557. 
Anno 1557.  a blazing star was seen at all times of the night, to wit, the sixth, the seventh, eight, ninth, and tenth of March: when presently after, open war was proclaimed between England and France; and a great army was sent by Q. Mary over to S. Quintaines. The Protestants were persecuted and cruelly dealt withal in this Realm. And Queen Mary, before a twelvemonth came about, departed out of this life.  
In the year 1572. 
Anno 1572.  was seen towards the North a strange star, in bigness surpassing jupiter, and seated above the moon. At which time succeeded the bloody massacre and persecution of the Protestants in France. Many great personages ended their lives; as, King Charles' the ninth of France, Matthew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, and sundry other. Pirates robbed and spoiled many of our merchants on the West seas. The sect of the family of love begun to be discovered at London. Sebastian the king of Portugal, and Mule the king of Morocco were both slain within less than six years after.  
In the year 1581. 
Anno 1581.  appeared a Comet bearding Eastward. Whereupon a little while after, certain companies of Italians & Spaniards sent by the Pope to strengthen the Earl of Desmond in his rebellion, landed on the west coast of Ireland, and there erected their antichrist's banner against her Majesty. Campian and other Seminary priests returned to this Realm, and were attached.  
In the year 1583. 
Anno 1583.  appeared another Comet, the bush whereof streamed southeast. But the effects thereof followed in the death of Edmund Grindal Archbishop of Canterbury, & Thomas Earl of Sussex: and in the apprehending of Arden, Someruile, and other traitors in Warwickshire. Also within a while ensued a great dearth here in England.  
In the year 1596. 
Anno 1596.  appeared a Comet northward. At which time Henry Carew L. Hunsdon, & L. Chamberlain of her majesties household, and Sir Francis Knowles ended their lives. Robert Earl of Essex, and Charles L. high Admiral of England generals of the English fleet burned the Spanish navy, & sacked the town of Cales. Moreover, there continued here in England a great dearth of corn, with strange inundations of waters, Grave Maurice got a famous victory over the Spaniards in the low countries. Alphonsus' Duke of Ferraria departed out of this life. The Pope and the Bastard of Ferraia had divers bicker about the Dukedom. Finally, before the year went about, died Gunilla the Queen mother of Swethland, and Gustaue Duke of Saxony her Nephew. Likewise john marquess of Brandeburge one of the electors, & Anne Queen of Polonia, daughter to Charles Archduke of Austria, being great with child, ended their lives.  
In the beginning of the year 1598. was seen a most fearful Eclipse of the sun, 
Anno 1598.  in the seventeenth degree of Piscis, near to the Dragon's head: the like whereof was seldom heard off at any time before: for the sun was darkened full eleven points, which very near is the whole compass of his body. The effects of it are these following.  
Sigismond Prince of Transyluania, not finding his power sufficient to encounter the Turks, voluntarily resigned his dominion to the Emperor Rodolph the second. The King of Swethland returning into his Realm from Polonia, had divers conflicts and skirmishes with his subjects. William Lord high Treasurer of England deceased. And so did king Philip the second of Spain, albeit after a more strange manner. For it is credibly informed, that this tyrant was eaten up of louse and vermin. A punishment no doubt befitting his usurping life. Rome was again overflown by the river Tiber, whereby fifteen hundred houses perished, and in a manner all the Pope's treasure was lost. Cardinal Albert sent Mendoza Admiral of Arragon, with his rascality, into the Low Countries, where, upon his own confederates of Cleveland, he hath exercised many bloody tragedies. Theodore Duke of Muscouie ended his life. There was a great deluge of waters in Hungary. The Turks had wonderful bad luck upon the seas. The united States of the low Countries sent a huge fleet into Spain, where they had very good success, to the utter undoing of many a Spaniard. What shall I write of the terrible rumours of wars, which were noised throughout all England this last summer? Assuredly these enents were foreshowed unto us by the horrible Eclipse, which appeared now above two two years ago. Since which time I waited continually for some notable effect or other: neither could my mind otherwise presage, but that such things would come to pass, which now (GOD be thanked) are overpast. This after a sort, I communicated at that time to master ja. Pr. an ancient wise gentleman, and a dear kinsman of mine, at whose house, I as then being lately come into my country, after my father's decease, sojourned. God grant us better and happier success in this new year.   

Of the causes of sedition and civil broils. Chap. 54.  
THere be six causes of sedition. The first and chiefest is the contempt of religion. For if men loved God, which they cannot do, except they love their neighbour, doubtless no such effects would follow from their actions. 
a Esay. 2.  The love of religion breaketh swords into mattocks, and spears into scythes, and causeth that 
i Micha. 4.  nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither learn to fight any more. The second cause of sedition is the factions of the subjects, which ever have been, and ever will be the subversion of estates. The third cause is riotous prosperity: for overgreat abundance of wealth, is the provocation of mischiefs, 
x ovid. lib. 1. Metamorph.  and maketh men to become devils. The fourth is, when the Prince overchargeth his subjects with tributes, and when he substituteth niggardly and deceitful Treasurers and Lieutenants to receive the levied money, that will not stick to detain a part thereof for their own private gain. The first cause of Sedition is iniquity: 
a Arist. li. 5. Politic. cap. 1.  as, when that which is due by proportion, is not given to them that be equal; and when the Prince bestoweth honour, which is the hire and guerdon of virtue, upon raw and mean men. This was one of the original causes of the late troubles in France, when the Queen mother, for the establishment of her regency, dubbed simple Gentlemen knights of the honourable order of Saint Michael, first instituted by King Lewis the eleventh, and till that time held in great estimation. The sixth cause of sedition is, when the Prince winketh at the cosonages of magistrates and Lawyers, and permitteth some of the richer sort to enclose commons, and to rake their inferiors out of measure.   

Of Treason. Chap. 55.  
TReason bringeth no less danger and hurt to men, 
Valerius Maxim. lib. 9 ca 6.  than Loyalty doth profit and felicity: for it is far easier to vanquish a known foe, then to subdue a traitor and a privy conspirator. This wicked monster in time of war, worketh more scathe and damage, than all artilleries. Howbeit, he never enjoyeth his promised hire, but is at last cruelly punished. As for example, the great Turk in the year of our Lord 1400. having taken Constantinople through the treason of john justinian a Genua, whom after he had made King according to his promise, caused his head to be chopped off within three days.  
To approach nearer our own time, let us bethink with ourselves the merciful providence of God, in discovering the heinous treasons pretended against our dread sovereign Queen Elizabeth. Of late years, namely, in the year 1588. what befell to Tilney, Savage, Babington, and the rest of their cursed complices? were they not all executed, & brought to confusion? Likewise Doctor Lopouze, the Queen's Physician, who had poisoned sundry Noblemen of this Realm, and by the Spanish King's procurement, went about to poison the Queen herself, had he not in the year 1594. his deserved punishment? Even so the last year one Squire, by the instigation of a Spanish Friar, going about to do away her Majesty, was surprised in his treason, and executed to the terror of all such devilish traitors.  
Be therefore better admonished, ye wavering men, let the example of such as were executed, terrify your minds from rebellious attempts, and suffer not wilfully the devil to tempt and lead you into temptation.   

Of Idleness. Chap. 56.  
O You slothful men, why do you much, range, & turn your backs to virtuous labours, seeing that they, who overcame the delights of this world, have deserved heaven for their rewards? why do you straggle & rogue from house to house? Believe me, there is no occupation in the world, that bringeth with it less profit than yours. 
x Prou. 6.  Go to the emmet, ye slothful sluggards: consider her ways, and learn to be wise. She hath no guide, no teacher, no leader, yet in the summer she provideth her meat, and gathereth together her food in the harvest. Oh why have you forgotten the words of the Lord, namely, 
z Gen. 3  In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat thy bread? Remember what penalties are imposed on runagates and loitering drones. In the primitive Church it was decreed, that all men should live of their own labour, and not unprofitably waste the fruits of the earth. Likewise the (feigned) Syphograuntes or officers of the Vtopians, 
r Moru● li. 2. utop.  took heed, that no man sat idle, but that each one should diligently apply his own craft and occupation. What shall I say of our own constitutions here in England? In the year of our Lord 1572. it was enacted in the parliament, that all persons above the age of fourteen years, which were taken begging and roguing abroad, should be apprehended, whipped, and burnt through the ear with a hot iron, for the first time so found; and the second time to be hanged. For which consideration, look unto yourselves ye careless caitiffs, get you masters, that may instruct you in some occupation or other; which done, labour continually: & that not only for yourselves, but for the relief also of such as are not able to help themselves. In so doing, Satan the enemy of grace, who hitherto like a wily fox hath awaited for you, shall go away in despair, and (as they say) with a flea in his ear.   

Of Diceplay. Chap. 57  
Christians' ought utterly to forbear Diceplay: first, because 
r Cyprian. lib. de Alea.  The devil invented it. Secondly, because it is flat against the commandment of GOD, namely, 
x Exo. 20  Thou shalt not covet any other man's goods. Thirdly, Diceplay is for the most part accompanied with swearing and blaspheming Gods holy name. Fourthly, 
i August. in Epist. 64. ad Maced.  the holy fathers of the church have most vehemently written against it. 
Ambros. lib. 1. Offici. cap. 23.  Fiftly, all sports and recreations must have respect to some profit, either of body or of mind, 
Chrysost. homil. 6. in Matth. P. Marty. Comment. in judic. cap. 14. & Danaeus lib. de Alea.  (otherwise it is but lost, for which we must one day yield an account to God) but Diceplay, as we know, is no exercise for the body; neither is it any pleasure for the mind: for the event of the hazard or main, driveth the player's mind to a furious hope, and sometimes into a fearful quandary: to wit, when he doubteth the recovery of his lost money. Sixtly, we are charged, 
Coloss. 4.  Not to consume our time in wicked and unlawful exercises. Seventhly, men must abstain from Diceplay, that they might show good example to their inferiors. 
Juvenal. satyr. 14.  For * if grave parents delight in wicked Diceplay, their sons will likewise be induced thereunto. Eightly, 
a C. lib. 3. tit. 43. L. Alear. usus. etc. ff. 11. tit. 5.  Diceplay is condemned by the laws and decrees of Princes. By the law Roscia, all such as played at dice were banished from their country. It was also enacted in Rome, that 
s Paedian. in. lib. 2. Divinat. Ciceron.  Dice-players should be amerced in four times so much as they played for. King Edward the fourth of this Realm decreed, that every Diceplayer should be imprisoned two years, and forfeit ten pound. King Henry the seventh enacted, that Dice-players should be imprisoned one day, and that the keeper of the gaming house should be bound to his good be haviour, and be fined a Noble. King Henry the eight ordained, that every one which kept a dicing house, should pay forty shillings, and the players themselves a Noble, for every time so occupied. Ninthly, this kind of play is odious and reproachful, as appeared in Antony, to whom Cicero objected, that he 
x Cicero Philip. 2. Sueton. cap. 71.  not only himself was a dicer but also he fostered such men as were dicers, ⁱ Augustus the Emperor was noted, and ill thought of for his dicing. Lastly, the despair and adversity which Dice-players fall into, and their extraordinary punishments be sufficient means, to reclaim and terrify men from it.  
In the year of our Lord 1550. one Steckman of Holsatia having lost much money at dice, fell into despair, and therewithal killed three of his children, and would have hanged himself, if his wife had not prevented him. Likewise in the year 1553. one Schetrerus playing at dice in an alehouse near to Belisan, a town in Helvetia, blasphemed God. Whereupon the devil came in place, and carried him away. Also, myself have known a wealthy yeoman, that was as great a dicer, as any other in that shire where he dwelled, and (I think) had gotten well-nigh a thousand pound by that his occupation: but what became of him and his wealth? marry, he bathing himself in a river, was suddenly drowned: and his son, to whom his goods after his death did rightly appertain, before 3. years were expired, spent all at dice, and at this day is glad to stand at men's devotion. In sum, do we not commonly see, that dice-players never thrive? and if perhaps one amongst a thousand chance to win, notwithstanding at last he loseth all, & so may put his win in his ere, yea, and which is worse, he hazardeth his soul, which he ought to hold more dear than all the world. But because I have largely confuted this vice in 
c In Commentar. in satire. 3. & 5.  other places, I will proceed to the other cause of the alteration of commonwealths.   

Of superfluity of apparel, another cause Persi. of the alteration of Kingdoms. Chap. 58.  
IN the beginning of the world, men were clothed with pelts and skins of beasts: whereby is to be noted, that they were become as beasts, by transgressing the commandment of God, touching the fruit in Paradise. Apparel was not given to delight men's wanton eyes, but to preserve their bodies from the cold, and to cover their shame. They had no Beaver hats sharp on the top, like unto the spire of a steeple, nor flat crowned hats, resembling rose-cakes. They wore no embroidered shirts, nor garments of cloth of gold. They knew not what meant our Italianated, Frenchified, nor Dutch and Babylonian breeches. They bought no silken stockings, nor gaudy pantofles. Their women could not tell how to frizle and lay out their hair on borders. They daubed not their faces with deceitful drugs, wherewith, hiding the handi-work of God, they might seem to have more beauty, than he hath vouchsafed to give them. They imitated not Hermaphrodites, in wearing of men's doublets. They wore no chains of gold, nor ouches, jewels, bracelets, nor such like. They went not clothed in velvet gowns, nor in chamlet petticoats. They smelled not unto pomanders, Civet, Musk, and such like trumperies. And yet for all that, they far surpassed us in humanity, in kindness, in love, and in virtue. Their only cogitations were bend to deck the inward mind, & not the outward body, which is nothing else, saving a living sepulchre. They knew that if the mind were humble and lowly, the raiment for the body must be even so. Every seed bringeth forth herbs according to his kind: as time seed bringeth forth time, and tore seed tore. Such as the heart is, such is the body; if the heart be proud, the fruit thereof will be ill weeds, and proud attires. But why is the earth & ashes proud? to what end will our fine apparel serve, when death knocketh at out doors, and like a thief in the night surpriseth us unawares? Our young gallants, when they hire a chamber in London, looking daily to be sent for home by their parents, will never trouble themselves with any charges or garnishing it, as otherwise they would do, if they were assured longer to continue in it. And what, I pray you, is the body, but a chamber lent to the soul, wherehence it expecteth continually to be sent for by God our heavenly father, and (as Saint Paul speaketh) to be loosed, and to be with Christ? For what cause do we take such care to apparel the body, seeing within a while after it must putrefy, and return to the dust of the earth, from whence it came? what reason have we to neglect the soul, which never dieth? why do we not follow King Henry the sixth of this Realm, who when the Earl of Warwick asked him wherefore he went so meanly appareled, answered, It behoveth a Prince to excel his subjects in virtue, and not in vesture? Let us call to remembrance the wife of Philo, the jewish Philosopher, who wisely answered one of her gossips, that demanded of her, why she went not (as other matrons) attired in precious garments: Because (quoth she) I think the virtues of my learned husband sufficient ornaments for me. Whereto consenteth that of the Comic: 
Plautus in Mostellar.  z In vain doth a woman go well attired, if she be not also well mannered. But what need I spend time in producing of examples, when our Saviour Christ scorned not to wear a coat without a seam? Which kind of apparel if a man nowadays used here in England, presently, 
a Persius' in fin. satyr. 5.  one of our fine Cavaliers would laugh at him, and prize both him and his apparel, scant worth a hundred farthings. Oh, what a shame is it, that every serving-man in England, nay, every common jack, should flaunt in silks and velvets, and surpass Gentlemen of worship! I have known divers, who would bestow all the money they had in the world, on sumptuous garments; and when I asked them how they would live hereafter, they would answer: A good marriage will one day make amends for all; thereby implying, that they hoped to inveigle and deceive some widow or other. Which pretence of theirs being frustrate, they will be driven to commit burglaries and murders. In respect of which inconveniences, I exhort every man to live according to his vocation, and to observe her majesties decrees and proclamations, whereby Cavaleering grooms, and dunghilled knaves, are straightly prohibited to wear the same suits and apparel as Gentlemen  

Objection.  
God hath created all things which are in this world for man's use: therefore any man may wear cloth of gold, silver, or such like.   

Answer.  
True it is, that God made all things in this world to be used of man; but herein I must distinguish men: some men be noble, some ignoble. There is no reason, why cloth of gold, permitted only to Noblemen, should be equally permitted to earth-creeping grooms. And again, God hath appointed men not sole commanders, but bailiffs of his goods & creatures, with condition, that they give an account of the utmost farthing of the same. And in this regard Noblemen may gorgeously attire themselves, so long as they cloth the needy and distressed members of Christ. But if Noblemen on the contrary, cloth themselves sumptuously, without reserving means to furnish the poor members of Christ, then will the Lord at the great day of judgement, pronounce this fearful doom against them, 
r Mat. 25.  Depart from me, ye cursed, into eternal fire: for I was naked, & ye clothed me not. To knit up this briefly, I say, that God created all things for his own glory, and to take occasion to extol him, but not for our pride, to abuse them.     

The seventh Plant.  

Of the conservation of a commonwealth. Chap. 59  
THere be many means to preserve a commonwealth; but above the rest these ten are of most efficacy. The first, and chiefest is to live uprightly in the fear of God. The second, to make no delay in executing of attainted and condemned persons. The third, to suffer every man to enjoy his own, and not lavishly to spend & rake the private inhabitants goods. The 4. to have a great regard of mischiefs & evils at the first budding, how small soever it be, for 
* Aristot. li. 5. Polit. cap. 8  the corruption, that creepeth in by little & little, is no more perceived, then small expenses be, the often disbursing whereof undoth the substance of a house. And as great rain & horrible storms proceed from vapours and exhalations, that are not seen: so alteration & changes breed in a commonwealth of light and trifling things, which no man would judge to have such an issue. The fifth means is, that Magistrates behave themselves mildly and modestly towards their inferiors. The sixth, that Princes be not partial in their subjects factions. The seventh, the Prince & his Council must not give care to every tale and crafty device: for it may be, that the enemy hath his intelligence in the realm. The eight, to cast out Heretics and schismatics from among the people. The ninth, to muster & train the people once a month in martial affairs. The tenth is, to discard stageplays, usury, extorsion, bribes, and such like abominable vices.   

Of Taxes and Subsidies. Chap. 60.  

* Tacitus lib. 4. Histor.  THe peace and tranquillity of a commonwealth can never be had without soldiers, nor soldiers without maintenance & pay, not pay can be purchased without taxes and subsidies, which are the lawful revenues of the Prince to maintain his Realm. But, thou wilt say, taxes and subsidies be for the common good of the Realm, & not for the Prince's maintenance. To which I answer, that 
* Calvin. lib. 4. Instit. c. 20  the Prince may likewise use taxes and subsidies to his private royalty, which is after a manner conjoined with the honour of the Princely state, that he beareth. How is it possible for a Prince to bear a stately port, unless he hath sufficient revenues? Let therefore all true hearted subjects 
* Mat. 22  give unto Cesar that which is Caesar's: 
* Rom. 31  tribute to whom tribute belongeth: and custom to whom custom. Without this ground we had long since been a prey unto our enemies. The Scots would have swallowed us up. The Spaniards also would have triumphed & cruelly massacred us, as they did the poor Indians. None but wizards and niggards will seek to be exempted from contributions, & shake off the necessary yoke of obedience. Experience layeth down before our eyes the success of them, that grudge and rebelled against their Prince for taxing. The beginnings have been ungodly, and the ends miserable.  
In the year of our Lord 1381. the commons of Kent & Essex, to the number of threescore thousand, rebelled against king Richard the second being their Sovereign: but they were discomfited, and the most part of them sharply punished. Likewise in the year 1484. a great commotion was moved by the commons of the North, by reason of a tax, which was imposed upon them of the tenth penny of all their lands & goods. But their rash attempt was speedily broken, and their ringleaders hanged at York.  
By this we see the miserable issue of all such rash revoltings, and therewithal consider, how detestable they are in the sight of God, Let therefore all subjects patiently endure whatsoever subsidy is levied, and night & day beseech the Lord to grant them peace, whereby their taxes will become shortened.   

Remedies against sedition and privy conspiracies. Chap. 61.  
THe plasters, that are to be applied unto sedition, be divers, according to the causes thereof. Yet notwithstanding, I will epitomize and draw some of them into a breviary. First, the Prince must betimes forethink to allay the seditions, which begin to kindle. For every mischief at first is soon cured, but being let alone, and taking farther root, it gathereth more strength. Secondly, the Prince must by espials know, who slander or speak evil of him. Howbeit, respect must be had, lest the innocent be injuried. Thirdly, the Prince must proclaim rewards to the revealers of conspiracies. Fourthly, the Prince must aforehand remove munitions and artilleries out of the way, & put them in safe custody. In so doing he shall find the seditious the more tractable. Fiftly, the Prince must severely punish the authors of sedition, 
* Cic. ad Brutum.  lest they, that come after, go about to imitate such wickedness. Sixtly, the seditious must be sundered by some policy or other. Seventhly, the seditious must be alured with ambiguous & doubtful promises. Eightly, the Prince must diligently look, that his loyal subjects communicate not with the seditious, for 
* Comi● naeus li. 1 cap. 9  such communing together at such times, and in such sort, is very dangerous, especially for the party, that is like to take the foil. Ninthly, 
Lipsius' li. 6. Polit. cap. ule.  the Prince must * send men of honour and dignity unto the rebels under pretence of reward, to the intent, that their Captains, who desire innovations, may be withdrawn from them.   

Of the felicity of a commonwealth. Chap. 62.  
THe felicity of a commonwealth is, when by some Divine providence from above, there meeteth in one person the right majesty of a Prince, and the mind of a wise Philosopher. For than needeth no compulsion, no rigour, no extremity to bridle the subjects, what is more delightful, then to see the true image of virtue in their visible Prince? then to hear the wise lessons and golden speeches issuing out of such a mouth? Happy, I say, is the Realm, where the Prince imitateth the order of an expert Physician, who when the remedies, which he prepareth to cure the weakness of the inferior members, increase grief in the head, he throweth away all infirmities most light, and with the favour of time, he proceedeth carefully to the cure of that, which necessarily importeth the health of the patient or commonwealth.    

The eight Plant.  

Of wars. Chap. 63.  
BEcause * a Prince ought to be provided against all chances as well of war as of peace: 
justinian. in Prolegomen. Institut.  it will not be amiss, if I write somewhat of warlike affairs. The original whereof in my opinion proceeded from 
* Gen. 10  Nemrod the jolly hunter before the Lord. The Grecians invented first of all the use of armour. And the Almains devised in the year of our Lord 1381. guns being the most terrible engines of all others.  
Now touching the causes and effects of war, doubtless, God seeing that no benefits could fructify, nor threatenings dissuade us from our disobedience, sendeth war, as his fearful instrument to rouse us from sluggishness, & to plague us for our manifold iniquities: according to that dreadful alarm, which long since he sounded against us. 
* Leuitic. 26.  If, quoth he, you will walk in my ordinances, I will send peace in the land: but if you will not obey me, but despise my commandments, I will send a sword upon you, that shall avenge the quarrel of my covenant, and you shall be delivered into the hands of the enemy. This the Spaniards of the Island saint mary's knew & felt this last Summer, being the year of our Lord 1599 insomuch as when two English ships, and one ship of Amsterdame had taken the said Island, and the General had demanded the Spanish Governor, wherefore he yielded so soon? He answered, that the sins of the inhabitants were great, and therefore it was bootless for them to resist.  
As for the discommodities of war, they be infinite: it treadeth under foot the laws of God and man: it maketh the Church to be derided, and placeth tyrants in the throne of justice. In conclusion, war enduceth many malcontents to follow the importunity of the time, and breedeth pestilence and dearth: for victuals spent, dearth must needs ensue. Whereupon sundry infectious diseases spring.   

Whether it be lawful for Christians to make war? Chap. 64.  
ALthough the Marcionists have heretofore doubted, whether Christians might make war? yet notwithstanding, I will by forcible reasons maintain the contrary. First, it is written, that the Israelites should war against their enemies, and 
a Deu. 20  not faint, nor fear, nor be amazed, nor a-dread of them. Secondly, lawful wars are named 
b 2. Paral. 20.  the battles of the Lord. Thirdly, 
c Exo. 15  the Lord himself is a man of war. Fourthly, Saint john Baptist confirmeth the lawfulness of war in these words, which he spoke unto the soldiers: 
e Luc. 3.  Do no violence to any man, neither accuse any falsely, and be content with your wages. Fiftly, Cornelius a Captain was so favoured of God, that 
h Act. 10  he received the holy Ghost. Sixthly, 
i Rom. 13  the Magistrate carrieth not the sword in vain. Seventhly, it is lawful for any man to defend himself. For 
l Cic. pro Milon.  reason teacheth, that it is lawful to repel force offered to our lives and to our persons, with force. To conclude, it is lawful for one people to assault another, so that it it be either to get their own again, or else to punish revolters. Howbeit nevertheless, I counsel war to be practised as a last and desperate medicine, which without very urgent occasion ought never to be applied.   

What wars be most lawful. Chap. 65.  

a Livius lib. 9  THose wars be most just, whereto we are constrained; and with good conscience may we take arms, when there is no safet●● for us, but in arms. To this an anciet Bishop subscribeth, saying, 
b Ambr. li. 3. office.  That fortitude, which defendeth a man's country from foreign enemies, or sustaineth the desolate and oppressed, is perfect justice. Moreover, 
c Calvin. lib. 4. Institut, ca 20.  the holy Ghost by many testimonies of Scripture declareth such wars to be lawful.  
The injury, which is done to Ambassadors, ministereth lawful cause for Princes to take arms in hand. Therefore K. David made war with the Ammonits, for that they villainously misused the messengers, 
* 2. Sam. 10.  which he sent to comfort the young king of Ammon for his father's death. Most just likewise was that war, which king Richard the first of this Realm made with the Infidels for the recovery of the holy land. And surely it is a meritorious and religious deed, that Christian Princes should unite their forces together, and proclaim wars against the Trukes, who to their great shame have now well-nigh conquered all Hungary, & are at the very gates of Germany, and consequently or all Christendom: this peril how long soever it is de●ferred, doubtless is like to happen. Suppose our Christian Princes could do no other good, but keep back the Turks forces from further invasions, would not this be a means to restore and revive the dismembered estate of Christendom? Yea certainly. To that end I constantly aver, that it is lawful to war: provided still, that the determination be not to put to death any, that will be brought to the true knowledge of the Gospel. For it is not with swords, but with words, not with constraint, but with conference, that misbelievers are become converted.   

That before we begin wars, preparation is to be made of sufficient necessaries thereto belonging. Chap. 66.  

a Lipsius' lib. 5. Po● lit. cap. 6.  TO the execution of wars three things are needful: provision, men, and adnice. Under provision I comprehend armour, money, & victuals. Touching armour, I would have an indifferent company of weapons prepared both for horsemen and footmen: as, artillery, powder, bullets, bills, pikes, lances, bows and arrows, plated doublets, jackets of male, and such like. Next, money must be gotten, 
b Demo●th●●. lib. 1. Olynt.  without the which nothing can be done, as it ought to be. And if they fight with silver spears they will conquer all. Money being gotten, it is meet, that victuals be provided, seeing 
* Vegetius lib. 3. de remilit. cap. 26.  through want thereof soldiers will be overcome without stroke. Against other evils there are cures, but there is no striving against hunger. here-hence proceed mutines, despairs, infectious sicknesses, and innumerable kinds of calamities.  
Having forethought of provision, it is also necessary, that men should be mustered and chosen out. For 
* Xenoph. li. 1. Paedt. Cyr.  if there be a mighty host of men in the field, what town or country is not willing to welcome them? In like manner the Captain general must forecast, whether horsemen would serve his turn better than footmen?  
This question being well discussed, the General must take advice with his chief and wisest Lieftenaunts concerning the success of the wars. For 
* Luc. 14  what King going to make war with another King, sitteth not down first, and taketh counsel, whether he be able with ten thousand to meet him, that cometh against him with twenty thousand? or else, while he is yet a-great way off, he sendeth an embassage, and desireth peace?   

The duties of a General. Chap. 67.  
IN a General seven things are required. First, that he be religious and devout: for them if he with josuah say, 
* josu. 10  Sun, stay thou in Gibeon: and thou Moon, in the valley of Aialon: the Sun will abide, and the Moon will stand still, until he be avenged upon his enemies. Secondly, a General must be a man of authority, by reason that 
* Cic. pro lege Manili.  nothing is more available in the ordering of battles, than authority. Thirdly, he ought to be temperate: for how can he govern others, that cannot rule his own affections? Fourthly, he must be well experienced, that he may see how the enemy lieth, what way is best, either to provoke the enemy, or to defend himself. Fiftly, a General must be witty and well spoken, because soldiers minds will be sooner inflamed to fight by sweet exhortations, then by all the trumpets in the world. Sixtly, he must be courageous and valiant, that he may 
* Silius Italicus lib. 1.  give the first onset, when any bickering is at hand, and show the way to others. Lastly, a General ought to be very well seen in Philosophy, & specially in Geometry, otherwise he will never be able either to encamp himself, to find out the enemy, or to conceive the situation of places: as for example, how the champion fields are couched together, how the valleys hang, how broad the marshes be, & how the mountains are lift up.   

Of the choice of Soldiers. Chap. 68  
THere be six notes to discern a good soldier. The first is, that he be an honest man. The second, that he be strong and valiant. The third, that he be constant & patient. The fourth, that (if it be possible) he be a Gentleman borne: the reason is, because most commonly he is more easily trained for the wars, and will scorn to yield himself vanquished to the enemy. The fifth mark of a soldier is, that he be nimble, active, and not of a fat or gross body, lest like a carters jade he founder and fall down. The sixth, a soldier ought to be chosen from seventeen years old to six and forty. But in my opinion elderly soldiers are more apt & fit to go to the wars, then young men, by reason that they are less mutinous, and better able to endure.   

Whether the stranger or the home-born subject aught to be preferred? Chap. 69.  
IF we consider the cause, from whence proceeded the late destruction of Italy, we shall find, that the calling in of the Swissers and Frenchmen to aid it, turned to the desolation of it. Lodowick Sfortia Duke of Milan sent for the Swissers to succour him against the Frenchmen. But how sped he? Mary, he was by his own mercenaries delivered prisoner over to Lewis the twelve, French king. yea, we read, that the greatest misery, which ever happened to the British nation divided, was, when Vortiger mistrusting the peers of his Realm, called in the Saxons to help him, who at last compelled him to deliver the chiefest part of his kingdom unto them. So that at length they drove away at the natural inhabitants of the country. For which cause the native subject is to be esteemed, who standeth not so much upon his valour & pay, as upon his loyalty & reputation. Besides, no man is so barbarous & savage, as to take part with strangers against his own countrymen.   

How the enemy is to be vanquished. Chap. 70.  
WE must observe twelve rules, before we discomfit our enemies. Whereof the first is, that we ask forgiveness of God for our misdeeds, and fervently beseech him to go before our army. The second is, that the Captain General forbid all blasphemies, swearing, dicing, rioting, and such like impious doings. The third, that none but wise men bear office in the camp. The fourth way to overcome the enemy, is to be well provided of necessaries. The fifth, Captains must not envy one another. The sixth, niggardly and corrupt officers must be severely punished. The seventh, our warriors must make no long delay in the enemy's country: especially if the climate thereof be contagious and noisome. The eight means to obtain the victory over our foes is, not to permit any to straggle abroad and rob, lest meeting with ambushes, they be unawares surprised. The ninth, Merchants, on pain of death, must not transport any news, provision, or commodities into the enemy's coast. The tenth, valiant men must be nobly recompensed for their adventurous acts. The eleventh rule, to have a fresh supply always at a beck; and for that purpose, some of the best experienced Captains must be left behind, to conduct the rawest sort, and to train them up in martial discipline. The twelve and last observation is, that all transgressors be rigorously chastised, to the terror and ensample of others.   

The Conclusion, of peace. Chap. 71.  
Jest for treating of Martial affairs, I be either termed a favourer of contention, or else a simple dizart, as having 
h Cicero. lib. 2. de Orator.  never as yet seen the enemy in the face, no not so much as their tents: here voluntarily I resign my crest, I lay down mine ensign. In regard whereof, I demand an olive branch, the only true and undoubted token of peace. The reason that thus moveth me, is our own safety: for if we should do nothing but fight and enter into skirmishes, in the end, 
r Seneca in Hercule fureate.  our fields would remain without village, and the ashes of our burat houses as a grave would cover our dead corpse. Who knoweth not, that peace is the end of war? peace therefore must be established betimes. 
z Aelian. li. de nature. animal. cap. 3.  All things are soldered together through unity, but dissevered through discord. The Realm of France is a lively spectacle hereof, which being of late years hacked by the leaguers, as it were into mammocks, became well-nigh a pray unto the Spanish king. But now being united again, she recovereth her former strength.  
Wherefore, O Soldier, lay down thy Musket and Armour, and say not with the Poet: 
x Homer. lib. 3. Ili●d.  I have as yet long spears, round shields, headpieces, and glistering cuirasses. Oh, seek not to defile thy hands in thy brother's blood. Forgive thine enemy, even as GOD forgiveth thee. Hearken (I pray thee) what the Apostle saith, 
Rom. 12.  If it be possible, as much as in you is, have peace with all men. And again, 
c Colos. 3.  Let the peace of GOD rule in your hearts, to the which ye are called all in one body.  
Finally, to end this discourse, and therewithal my book, I convert my speech unto thee, O Lord of Hosts, humbly from the bottom of my heart desiring thee to save us from the fury of our enemies, and to send us peace in Christ jesus, to whom with thee and the holy ghost, for this which I have written, and for all other benefits received, I yield all praise, honour, and glory. Amen.  
If I have done well, & as the matter required, 
2. Macc. 15.  it is the thing that I would: if I have spoken slenderly and barely, it is that I could.  
FINIS.     

In aureum Magistri Gulielm Vaughanni saltum.  
AVratum vellus vario discrimine jason,  
Medea meritis auxiliante tulit:  
Auriferos Saltus paribus Vaughannus adivit,  
Auspiciis Musa sub duce multa ferens.  
Tota Domus, tota urbs, Respublica tota labore  
Doctior, & coepit ditior esse suo.  
Hinc habet Oeconomus fultos virtute Penates,  
Inque Magistratu plenus habetur honos.  
Quodque magis, Gens quaeque operis loetissima tanti,  
Instructa eximiis legibus, alma viget.  
Quid dabit Authoritanto pro munere gratae  
Post eritas? Laudis praemia nuda placent?  
Si foret haec tantis ●etas ingrata, tacerent  
Nulla tamen laudes saecula sera tuas.  
Mathaeus Gwin, in Medicin. Doctor.   

JAMES PERROT ESQUIRE to his assured loving Cousin, the Author of the Golden-grove.  

THy Golden-grove yields good & golden trees:  
The roots thereof are virtues of the mind;  
The branches are well trained up families:  
The body is the Commonwealth refined.  
Good fruit on such good trees do always grow  
When wisdom reaps, what virtue first did sow.   

In Paradise, (which was a golden grove)  
The tree of life in glorious manner grew;  
Which erst, when Eve did Satan's speech approve,  
Man's life by taste for ever could renew.  
In this thy grove grows no forbidden plant,  
here all is sound without bad juice or want.   

Of every tree in wisdoms Paradise,  
Thy golden Muse (good Cousin) hath some taste;  
Three books are planted by thine exercise,  
Books such, as envies breath shall never blast.  
Thrice blest art thou, to whom in youth befalls,  
To bud, and bring such golden vegetals.    

Idem ad eundem.  
OMnia fortunae sunt sublunaria ventis  
Subdita; nec constant tot monumenta Ducum.  
Sirogites: ubi sunt septem miracula mundi?  
Alterna referent haec cecidisse vice.  
Solatamen fugiunt excusa volumina ventos,  
Sola animi vivo sunt bona digna cedro.  
Crede mihi (Cognate) tuam virtutibus urbem,  
Auratosque lares famalo quetur anus.   

Epigramma 1. 〈…〉 ad. Authorem.  
A Vriferos alii soliti promittere montes,  
Deducunt bardis nania barda modis.  
Aurea tu vero promittens, aurea praestas,  
Ducis & auriferis aurea rura modis.   

Thomas james Master of Arts, and Fellow of New College in Oxford, to Master Vaughan the Author of the Golden-grove moralised.  
WHilst brothers live, as brothers they must love,  
As then one womb, so they one mind must bear.  
This Vaughan shows in this his Golden-grove,  
In this his learned work without compare.  
Two Brothers like two feet so well they go,  
Or like two mariners together row.  
The soil which hath these loving brothers bred,  
Was ever held a soil of great account,  
Here Brute of yore his golden time had led,  
Whose bruit and fame unto the skies did mount:  
Whose noble seed amongst his issue sown,  
Hath made the Britain's through the world well  
Known for great soldiers, & resolved men (known  
Known for their love to learning and the Arts;  
As these two brothers on the worlds Scene,  
Approved of late by their true acted parts:  
The other by his pen deserved the same.  
His pen was silver, but his head of gold,  
That could so much in so few lines contain;  
That in three books could all things so unfold:  
(If all be three, as learned writers sayne)  
Of metals, gold the purest is esteemed;  
Of our late writers, thou as best art deemed.  
The Muse's hire is not well ratified:  
(Such is their fare in these accursed days)  
But of thy Brother be thou gratified,  
he'll pay thee love, as thou dost pay him praise.  
For both your meeds let golden groves abide,  
And after death you golden wreaths betide.   

Ad Magistrum Vaughannum de aureo suo saltu 1. Pr. Epigramma.  
LIs erat in docto, bene nec discussa, Senatu:  
An cives aurum commaculet, vel alat:  
I●●pulit ad stuprum Dana●n iovis aureus imber:  
Impulit A●●onidem per mare Vellus ovis.  
Aurcolum peperit ●ixas in s●ltibus Idae  
Pomum; subiecitteque Atalanta, proco.  
Hanc Saltu aurifero tu litem difcutis aurum,  
Palladi si detur, non maculat, s●d alit.  
FINIS.