The names of the Commenters.  

Beatus Rhenanus.  
Albertus Ruberius.  
Aldus Manurius.  
Fulvius Vrsinus.  
justus Lipsius.  
Raphelengius.  
jacobus Schegkius.  
Valentinus Acidelius.  
janus' Gruterus.    

Velleius Paterculus HIS ROMAN HISTORY:  
In two BOOKS.  
Exactly translated out of the Latin Edition supervised by janus Gruterus. According to the reformations in such parts of him, in which the Latin hath suffered either by time, or negligence in the transcribers of the ablest Commenters upon him.  
And rendered English BY Sr. ROBERT LE GRYS K nt.  
LONDON, Printed by M. F. for R. SWAINE, in Britaines-Burse at the sign of the Bible. MDCXXXII.   

REcensui hunc librum, cui Titulus est, [VELLEIUS PATERCULUS his Roman History, exactly translated out of the Latin, and rendered English: etc.] unâ cum Epistolâ nuncupatoria ad Honoratissimum virum, D num Thomam jermyn, et Praefatione ad Lectorem: qui quidem liber continet folia nonaginta & septem, in quibus omnibus nihil reperio quod non cum publica utilitate Imprimatur, modo intra septem menses proxime sequentes typis mandetur.  
Exaed 〈◊〉 Londinensibus, Maij. 8. 1632. Guillelmus ●ray Episcopo Londinensi Capellanus Domesticus.   

TO THE RIGHT Honourable Sr THOMAS JERMYN Knight, Vice-Chamberlaine of his Majesty's household, Governor of the I'll of jarsey, and one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council.  
SIR,  
WHen I had finished the last (and the same the first) work of this kind, that I ever took in hand, I did not believe there had been any power, besides that transcendent authority, which imposed that task upon me, of force to make me a second time expose myself to the view of the world, and under-lye the censure of this Critical age: For I did not apprehend that yourself, who as well by the rights of nature, as also (but infinitely beyond them) by your so many merits, may with justice claim in me what interest you please, would ever have required at my hands, any thing of that nature, which your own abilities standing in no need of, cannot in your particular be useful to you. But you were pleased, which with me shall ever have the force of a law, to command it: In obedience whereunto I here present you with your grave and sententious Velleius Paterculus, dressed after my fashion in English robes. The benefit that such, as making their acquaintance with him, now that after so many ages he is taught to speak our Islanders language, they shall reap by the familiarity with him, which before they wanted; they must (if friends to equity) wholly and freely acknowledge themselves to have received from you. Since without your injunction, I had never adventured upon a piece of such difficulty, as I, now it is done, do make a question, whether my desire to observe you in all, did not more enable me to go through with it, than any faculty of mine own. nor, when I had brought it to an end, had suffered it to be published: but that I would not permit you to want the honour of a good work, whereof you were the immediate author, I dare with confidence give it that Epithet, for that among so many histories as I have read, I have met with none (and in this I believe every judicious Reader will be of my opinion) that doth in so few, and yet those so elegant words, involve so much strength of wit and understanding. By that which remains of him so full of excellency, I am taught to deplore the loss, which all lovers of knowledge do suffer in the mutilation of so dainty a piece in many places: but especially by that vast Hiatus in the first book, in which all the glorious actions of the Romans from the foundation of the city till the ruin of the Macedonian kingdom by Emilius, during the space of five hundred years, or more, are swallowed up: what is now extant of him, though much short of his native beauty, and the lustre of his original language: I humbly, desire you will accept as an eternal testimony of the respect and devotion of him, who is only sorry that he hath neither occasion nor means in sort more suitable to your worth, to express how much he is  
Your faithful, and perpetually vowed servant RO. LE GRYS.   

To the understanding Reader.  
I Hear once again (if the prefixed Epithets do properly belong to thee do ●ith the ingenuity of a hear● friend salute thee. If thou ●est not such, follow my counsel, ●●d lose no more time upon ●elleius Paterculus, then will ●ve for reading the title: for ●leeve me, if as the French ●ech is, thou hast not thy (En●dment bien far) thou wilt profit but little by him. If the prefixed title be duly thine, let me entreat thee not to censure me upon the first view of the original, before thou have perused the observations of Lipsius, Manutius, Schegkius, Acidelius, Rhenanus, and those others who have commented upon him, and if thou there find that I have been guided by their opinions in the understanding the meaning of my author who was in so many parts mangled, in so many mistaken: t●● worst thou canst say, is, that ● I have erred, I have erred wi●● learned company: if thou find ● the sixty eight chapter of the ●●cond book, that I have passed ov●● these words (Neque enim persona umbram actae rei capit) make I pray thee sense of it thy self if thou canst, and that is more than I am able to do with the help of Lipsius; if thou observest that in some places I ingeminate a word of the same sense with the author that is not found in the Latin, know that as I once said in my translation of Argenis, I never was a Grammar School boy, and therefore thought not myself obliged to a literal and grammatical construction. And that as I do not allow either to myself, or any other translator the liberty of a paraphraster, so I think it not only lawful, but also necessary for him, retaining the sense of the author to fit it the best he can possibly to the Idiom of the language in which he is to render it. To conclude, that I may not make my port bigger than my town, now thou hast it, if thou be pleased I am contented; if not, I shall not like a mercenary play wright stand, with a panting heart behind the curtain harkening how loud the plaudit rattles. For I am not like a horse ignorant of my own strength, but know that where one of those that may disapprove of it, can mend it, there would be ten that would be puzzeled with it. So judge as thou findest reason and  
Farewell.   

Velleius Paterculus HIS ROMAN HISTORY. LIB. I.  

CHAP. I. The founding of diverse Cities, by the returners from Troy, with the murder of Agamemnon revenged by his son Orestes.  
**** being by tempest separated from his Commander Nestor, he founded Metapont. Teucer not admitted to the presence of his father Telamonius, for his negligence or lazines, shown in not revenging his brother's injury, falling with Cyprus, did build, and by the name of his Country styled it, Salamina, Pirrh●s the son of Achilles possessed himself of Epyrus: Philippus of Ephyra in Thesprotia. But the king of kings Agamemnon being driven by foul weather into the I'll of Crete, did there build three Cities: two of which he called by his own Country names; the third, to keep his victory in memory, Micenae, Tegea, and Pergamus; And not long after falling under the treachery of his Wife's son Aegistus (who bore him an hereditary hate) and the villainy of his wife, was slain: Aegistus held the kingdom seven years. Him Orestes, together with his mother having his sister Electra a Woman of a masculine spirit the partner of all his designs, did put to the sword: That this his fact was by the gods approved of, did appear both by his long life and the happiness of his state; for he lived ninety years reigned seventy. He also by his bravery did quit himself of Pyrrhus' the son of Achilles, whom for that he had seized upon the marriage of Hermione the daughter of Menelaus, and Helen who was contracted to him, he slew at Delphos. In these times, when Lydus and Tirrhenus brethren reigned in Lydia, being straightened with famine, they cast lots whether of them should with part of the multitude quit the land. The lot fell upon Tirrhenus; he being come into Italy did both to the place, to the Inhabitants, and to the Sea give a Noble and perpetual name derived from his own. After the death of Orestes, his sons, Penthelus and Tisamenus reigned three years.   

CHAP. 2. The race of Pelops dispossessed of Peloponesus by the Heraclidae. The glorious death of Codrus the Athenian King.  
THen about the eightieth year after the taking of Tro● and the hundreth and twentieth from Hercules his being received among the gods, the offspring of Pelops (who all thi● time having expelled the descendants of Hercules, had held the dominion of Peloponesus) by those of Hercules his race wer● deprived of it. The Commanders in this recovery of thei● estate, were Teminus, Ctesiphontes, and Pristodemas, to whom h● was the great great Grandfather Almost in the same time. Athe● ●eased to be any longer governed by Kings: the last of whom was Codrus the son of Melan●hus, a man not slightly to be pas●ed over. For when the Lacedæmonians did with a sharp war ●resse upon Attica, and the Pythian god had by his Oracle let thē●now [that the Army whose General should happen to be ●ain by the Enemy, should be the conqueror] he divesting him●●lfe of his royal acoutrements ●●d clothed like a peasant, put ●●mself into the Enemy's camp; ●here, as if by acident, raising a intention, he was by those ●hich known him not slain. ●●drus with his death was followed by an eternal glory, the athenians with the ensuing vi●●rie. Who would not admire 〈◊〉 that with such cunning did ●●ke his death as Cowards use to practise for the saving o● their lives. His son Medon wa● the first Governor of Athens (which office they styled Archon.) His posterity were by the Attiques called Medontidae, bu● they and their Successors t●● Char●pe, did still hold that honour in their hands. The Peloponesians also quitting the Country of Attica, did build Mega● in the middle way between Corinth and Athens. About tha● time the navy of Tyre whic● than was most powerful at Se● did upon the uttermost point o● Spain in the farthest end of ou● world possess themselves of a● Island divided from the Continent with a very narrow inlet o● the Sea and therein built th● Town of Gades. And within ● few years by the same men w● Vticu in Africa founded, the Descendants from Orestes being by those of Hercules thrust out, and vexed long aswell with various misfortunes, as with foul weather at Sea, at the end of fifteen years did seat themselves upon the I'll of Lesbos.   

CHAP. 3. Combustions in Greece: planting in Thessaly, and the founding of Corinth by Haletes.  
THen was all Greece shaken with most bitter Contentions. The Achaians being driven out of Laconia did possess thē●selves of the land they now hold. The Pelasgi marched up to Athens and a brave young soldier by name Thessalus, by his nation ● Thesprotian, with a great army of his Countrymen did seize upon the Country, which to this day from him is named Thessalia: the City before that time being called of the Myrmidons. Concerning which name we may with reason wonder at those who writing of the times of the Trojan war do mention that Country by the title of Thessaly: which as others do fault in, the Tragedians do most commonly. To whom that liberty is not to be granted, for that the Poets have not spoken any thing in their own person, but all under their names that lived in those times. And if any of them will maintain that they were named Thessalians from Thessalus the son of Hercules; it were fit he should show some reason why before the time of this later Thessalus they never were so styled. A little before this Haletes the sixth from Hercules and son of Hippotes, founded Corinth, which before was called Ephyra in the Isthmus, making it the enclosure of Peloponnesus; Nor is there any cause why we should wonder that Homer doth mention Corinth, for in the person of a Poet, he both doth name this City, and certain other Colonies of the jonians, as in his days long after the taking of Troy they were called.   

CHAP. 4. Chalcide in Euboea founded by the Athenians, and Cumae in Italy with Naples some while after, & Magnesia in Asia by the Spartans', with many other Colonies of Greeks, both in the Continent and in the Lands.  
THe Athenians in Euboea Chalcida dispossessed the Inhabitants of the Colony of Erethria; the Lacedæmonians in Asia seized upon that of Magnesia. Not long after the Chalcidians being as is before related, descended from the Attickes did under the conduct of Hipocles and Megasthenes their leaders found the city of Cumae in Italy. The course of that their way was directed as some report, by a dove siying before them as others by a tinkling found of brazen pans, such as in the night-sacrifices of Ceres, is usually heard. A part of these men did a long time after build Naples. Both these Cities their excellent and perpetual faithfulness to the Romans, doth render much worthy of the repute they hold, and the delicacy of their situation. But some others have with more diligent care preserved their Country Ceremonies: the neighbourhood of Osca, wrought a change in those of Cumae. What power those Cities have been of in times long since past, the extent and strength of their walls doth even at this day demonstrate. In the age following a great multitude of Grecian youth whose mighty power emboldened them to seek where they might settle, poured themselves upon Asia; for both the jonians under the leading of jones going from Athens, planted themselves upon a most noble part of the Sea coast which to this day is called jonia, and built there these Cities, Ephesus, Miletum, Colophone, Priene, Lebedua, Myunta, Erythra Clazomenae and Phocaea: & also possessed many Lands in the Aegean and Icarian seas, as Samos, Chios, Andrus, Tenus, Pharus, Delos, besides others of less account, And presently the Eolians setting sail from the same Greece, after they had been vexed with extreme long wand'ring, did fasten upon places of no mean account, and built famous Cities, Smyrna, Cymen, Larissa, Myrina, and Mitylene, with other Cities, which are in the Isle of Lesbos.   

CHAP. 5. The time of Homer's flourishing.  
THen also in his full brightness, shined the most noble, and without comparison, the matchless wit of Homer; who both for the greatness of his works, & the clearness of his verses, did alone deserve to be called a Poet. In whom this is most glorious, that neither was there before him any one for him to imitate, nor after him any found that could imitate him. Nor shall we find any other besides Homer and Archilochus, who was the first Author of his own work, that did therein reach to an absolute perfection. He was longer after the Trojan war, of which he wrote, than some suppose: for he flourished almost nine hundred and fifty years since, was borne within these thousand years, for which cause it is not to be wondered at that he often useth that ***, for by this is discerned the difference of times, as well as of men, whom if any man do believe to be borne blind, he is himself deprived of all his senses.   

CHAP. 6. The Assyrian Empire of 1700. years standing from Sardanapalus translated to the Medes by Pharnaces, in the time of Lycurgus the law maker of Sparta.  
IN the succeeding times the Empire of Asia was from the Assyrians, who had held the same for the space of seventeen hundred years, translated to the Medes about seven hundred and seventy years after these things last related: for Pharnaces the Mede, deprived Sardanapalus their King, melted with ease full delicacies▪ and to his own misfortune over-happie (who was the three and thirtieth in descent from Ninus and Semiramis the founders of Babylon, so as still the son had succeeded to the father) both of his Empire and life. In that age the most illustrious of the greeks, Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian descended from the Kings, was the Author of most strict, and withal of the justest Laws; of which so long as Sparta was a diligent observer, it did flourish with all felicity. About this time, and sixty five years before the building of Rome, was Carthage founded by Eliza the Tyrian Lady, whom some have also called Did●, near to the same time Caranus, a man royally borne, and the sixteenth in descent from Hercules, invested himself in the Kingdom of Macedonia, from whom Alexander the great, being the seventeenth of his race, and in his mothers right extracted from Achilles, made it one of his glories that he was also by his father derived from Hercules. Aemilius Sura, in his Annals of the people of Rome, showeth that first the Assyrians being Lords of all nations, held the Empire of the world; then the Medes; after them the Persians, from whom the Macedonians got it, and last of all, not long after Carthage was mastered, Philip and Intiochus, two kings extracted from the Macedons, being overthrown and conquered, the supreme command did devolve to the Romans.   

CHAP. 7. Hesiodus 120 years after Homer. A controversy cleared about the time of the building of Capua.  
Between these times, and that of Nine●, who was the first great Monarch, did pass nineteen hundred ninety and five years. Hesiodus was of this age, and about one hundred and twenty years after Homer. A man both for the clearness of his wit, and dainty smoothness of his verse, worthy of memory infinitely desirous of rest and quiet. And as he was in time, so also was he in esteem the next to a man of so high repute as Homer was: who avoided falling upon that error which Homer had lighted upon and avowded both his country and parents: but his country, because he had been evil used by it, most scornfully, While I am employed about foreign matters, I have lighted upon a Domestic business, & that very erroneous and far from agreeing with the opinions of the most approved Authors. For some there are that affirm that about these times Capua and Nola were founded by the Tuscans, almost eight hundred and thirty years since. To whose opinion I should indeed subscribe: but how far doth Marcus Cato differ from them? who affirmeth that Capua was founded by the Tuscans and after that Nola. That Capua stood entire about two hundred and thirty years before it was taken by the Romans: which if it be so it being since the taking of Capua two hundred and forty years: since it was founded, must be only about five hundred years. Myself (with pardon of Cato's diligence) would say that I can hardly believe that so great a City did grow to that height, flourish, was ruined and raised again, and all in so short a space of time.   

CHAP. 8. The instituting the Olympic games by Iphitus the Elean, 904. years before the Consulship of Vinicius. In the sixth Olympade Rome fonnded by Romulus.  
AFter this the noblest tryal● of mastery in sports, and the most effectual for the exercising the faculties of the mind and the body, the Olympic games were begun: having for their Author Iphitus the Elean. He is reported to have first instituted those games, and a fair with them, nine hundred and four years before thou Marcus Vinicius didst enter upon thy Consulship; Almost one thousand two hundred & fifty years before that, when Atreus did celebrate the funerals of his father Pelops, Hercules at the trials of exercises which were there presented, was in every one of them the Conqueror. At that time the Archontes of Athens did cease to hold their places perpetually, of which the last was Alcmaeon, and began to be created every tenth year: which order did last about seventy years, and then the affairs of the common wealth were committed to Magistrates chosen every year. Of those which were created every tenth year, the first was Charops, the last Eryx. Of the yearly Officers, the first was called Creon. In the sixth Olympiad, two and twenty years after the first that was instituted. Romulus the son of Mars having taken revenge of the wrongs done to his Grandfather, did found the City of Rome upon mount Palatine▪ in the days of the feast, held in honour of the Goddess Palles: from whence to the times of your Consulships, it is seven hundred seventy and two years. Romulus' effected this, being aided by the Legions of his Grandfather Latinus (for I very willingly do subscribe to the opinion of those which have in that sort delivered) whereas otherwise with an unwarlike company of Shepherds, he would scarce have been able to settle his new City, the Veians being so near, and other Etruscans and Sabines; although he had now enlarged it with a Sanctuary between the two Groves: He held about him an hundred elected & called fathers instead of a Counecll, and this was the original of the name of Patricians. The rape of the Sabine virgins, which ***************   

CHAP. 9 The ruin of Perseus' King of Macedon, by Paulus Emilius. His truimph and those of Octavius victorious by sea, and Amicius over Gentius the Illyrian King.  
Here is a vast breach in the History.  
He reached what the Enemy most feared: for by the space of two years, he had fought with the Consuls, with so variable fortune, as for the most part he had the better of them, and had drawn a great part of Greece to ally themselves with him. Nay, even the Rhodians also, who were before that, most faithful to the Romans, expecting the event, did then seem, with a faithfulness to be doubted, more enclinable to the King's part. And King Eumenes stood in that war as a neutral, neither answering his brother's beginnings, nor the fashion which himself had formerly carried. The Senate then, and the people of Rome, did create Lucius Emilius Paulas Consul, who had before triumphed both as Praetor and Consul. A man to be praised as far as virtue can be understood and valued; the son of that Paulus, who at Canna did as unwillingly fight that battle, so ruinous to the Common wealth, as bravely lose his life in it. He in a great battle near Cydna, a City of Macedonia, overthrew Perseus, and having chased him and turned him out of his Camp, with the ruin of all his Army, compelled him, quitting all his hopes to fly out of Macedonia; which he forsaking, fled into the Island of Samothracia, and there as Suppliant, betook himself to the Sanctuary of the Temple. To him Cneius Octavius the Praetor who commanded the fleet, did come, and more with reason than force persuaded him to entrust himself to the fidelity of the Romans. So did Paulus lead in triumph one of the greatest and noblest Kings of that time, the same year in which the triumphs of Octavius, the Praetor of the Navy, and of Anicius carrying Gentius, King of the Illyrians before his Chariot, were so conspicuous. How perpetual a companion of a high and eminent fortune envy is, out of this may be collected, that where no man offered to oppose the triumphs of Octavius, and Anicius, there wanted not some that laboured hard, to hinder that of Paulus, whose glory did so far outgo the others as well by the greatness of king Perseus, by the show of Images, and Statues, as by the quantity of money, that he brought into the Treasury two hundred millions of Sesterces, and in the magnificence of it, did far outstrip all triumphs whatsoever had gone before him.   

CHAP. 10. The proud commanding of Antiochus to have Egypt in quiet by Popilius Laenas the Roman Ambassador. Emilius his loss of both his sons about the time of his triumph.  
AT the same time when Antiochus Epiphanes, who had at Athens begun to set up the Olympic games, being King of Syria did besige in Alexandria the infant King Ptolemy, Marcus Popilius Laena was sent Ambassador to him to command him to desist from his attempt, who delivering his message, and the King answering that he would think of it, made a circle with his staff in the sand about th● King, and charged him to gius him an answer before he wen● out of the same: So did the Roman constancy put an end to the King's Consultations, and the command was obeyed. But Lucius Paulus who had gotten a great and glorious victory, was father of four sons: Two of them, being the eldest, he had given to be adopted, the one to Publius Scipio, son to Publius the African, who of his father's greatness and bravery held nothing but the glory of the name, & a forcible eloquence; the other to Fabius Maximus. The other two being the younger, who had not yet put on the habit accustomed to be worn by més, at the time that he obtained the ●oremétioned victory, he retained to himself. When according to the ancient custom, before he entered the City, he made a relation, before his triumph of his carriage in his affairs (He besought the immortal gods that if any of them did malign his actions, and envy his fortune, that they rather would show their spleen upon him then upon the Common wealth, which words as delivered by an oracle, did ere long draw a great deal of his blood from him. For one of his two sons whom he had retained in his house, with him, he lost a few days before his triumph, and the other within fewer days after it. About this time there was a sharp Censure pronounced by Fulvius Flaccus & Posthumus Albinus For Cnaeus Fulvius brother to th● Censor Fulvius, and also his partner in all things was by the sam● Censors put out of the Senate.   

CHAP. 11. A counterfeit Philip in Macedonia overthrown by Metellus Macedonicus. Metellus his fortunate life and death.  
AFter the defeat and taking of Perseus, who at the end of four years, deceased in a free restraint at Alba, a counterfeit Philip, so termed, by reason of his fiction, in pretending a fabulous descent, when he gave out himself to be Philip, and of the royal blood, being full of extremest boldness, & having with armed hand seized upon Macedon, and usurped the ensigns of majesty: within a short time received for the same his due payment. For the Praetor Quintus Metellus, who for his valour was surnamed the Macedonian gaining a noble victory, overthrew him and the whole Nation: and also defeated the Achaians who were beginning to rebel, in a great and bloody battle. This is that Metellus the Macedonian that built the Galleries which did compass about the two Temples, which were founded without any title of dedication, and are now surrounded with the Galleries of Octavia: and who brought out of Macedon that troop of Horseman's Statues, which stand in the front of the Temples, and are at this day the principal ornament of that place. The cause of the making that company of Statues is reported to be, that Alexander the great did desire of Lysippus a principal Arts-master in those works, that he would make th● Statues of those horsemen o● his which were slain, out of his own troop at the river of Granicke, to the life, and place his own among them. He also was the first, who building an house at Rome of the marble taken out of ancient Monuments, did give a beginning there, either to their magnificence or excess. Hardly canst thou find a man of any Nation, Age, or quality, whose felicity thou mayest compare with the fortune of Metellus: For besides his glorious triumphs, his honours of the highest degrees, and his eminent place in the Common wealth, his life prolonged to old age, his sharp yet guiltless Contentions with his enemies for the Commonwealth's cause: He had four sons, saw them all men grown, left them all behind him alive and full of honours; when he was dead, his four sons took up his bed with his body before the Rostra; one of them a man of Consular degree, and that had been Censor; the second that had also been Consul; the next at the same time Consul; and the last than stood Canditate for the Consulship, which honour he also obtained. This is indeed rather happily to depart this life then to dye.   

CHAP. 12. Corinth rebelling, razed by Mummius, and Carthage by Scipio Emilianus. The death of Cato, the perpetual urger of the racing of Carthage.  
AFter this, as we have before related, when all Achaia was bend to wars, whereof a great part was by the Arms and valour of Metelius Macedonicus reduced, the Corinthians furiously and with foul indignities against the Romans, flying to Arms, Mummius the Consul was appointed to command in that war. And about the same time, (rather for that the Romans were willing to believe whatsoever was reported of the Carthaginians, then for that the reports that were brought them were worthy credit) the Senate resolved, utterly to demolish Carthage. And then it was that Publius Scipio Emilianus, a man wholly resembling in his virtues his Grandfather Publius Africanus, and his father Lucius Paulus and in all endowments, both of war and peace, and as well for his judgement, as Knowledge, the most eminent of his time, who in his life, did never either do, or speak, or think, any thing, but what was praiseworthy, whom we have before delivered to be the son of Paulus, but adopted by Scipio the son of Africanus, when he sought for the Aediles place, was created Consul. That war against Carthage, which had been by other Consuls managed two years before, he followed with greater eagernes. Having before that, in Spain, been honoured with a mural crown, and in Africa, with one given to him, that by siege had mastered any place: and had also in Spain, being challenged, slain an Enemy, of a vast both strength and body, himself being but of ordinary ability and forces. So that City more disliked by the Romans, for the competition of Command, then for any fault it had committed in those times, he razed to the foundations: and rendered that a monument of his valour, which it was before of his Grandfather's clemency. Carthage was destroyed about one hundred seventy seven years since, after it had stood six hundred sixty seven years, in the Consulship of Cnaeus Cornelius Lentulus and Lucius Mummius. This end befell to Carthage the emulator of the Romans greatness and command, with whom our Ancestors began the war, when Claudius and Fuluius were Consuls, two hundred ninety and six years, before thou Marcus Vinicius didst enter the Consulship. So that for the space of one hundred & fifteen years, there was between these two Nations, either wars, or preparations for it or any uncertain peace: & not to be trusted. Neither did Rome who now had mastered the whole world, esteem herself and hope to be in security, if the name of Carthage still resting on foot were in any place extant. So doth the hate grown out of contention, outlive the fear of the concurrent, nor is it at an end when he is conquered: neither yet doth he cease to be maligned, till he cease to have a being.   

CHAP. 13. The difference in disposition, between Scipio and Mummius, the first neat and gentle, the second, ignorant and rude, yet the one called from his victory the African, the other Achaean.  
THree years before Carthage was ruined, Marcus Cato, the perpetual urger of the destruction thereof, when Lucius Censerinus and Marcus Manlius were Consuls, ended his life. In the same year that Carthage fell, Lucius Mummius, eight hundred fifty two years, after it was founded by Haletes the son of Hippotes, did race Corinth to the ground. Both the Commanders were honoured with a s●●name from that of the Nation conquered by them, the one being called the African the other the Acha●an. Neither was any man of those of the first head entitled to a name before Mummius that was acquired by his virtue. The disposition of these Commanders, was much different: their studies also were nothing like. For Scipio was so curious, both an Artsman and an Admirer of the liberal arts and all kind of learning, as he kept both in the wars and at home, Polybius and Panetius men of excellent knowledge, perpetually about him. For never did any man more daintily put away the vacations that he had from business, than this Scipio when he was at leisure, and continually was he employed either in the Art of war, or that of peace, being always in Arms, or at his studies, he either enured his body to labour & dangers, or his mind with profitable studies. Mummius was so clownish, as after the taking of Corinth, when he hired certain men to carry some pictures and, statues the choicest and perfectest works of the greatest Artists, into Italy, he commanded them that had the charge of them, to be told that if they spoiled the, they should make the new. But I do not think (Vinicius) that thou art in doubt whether it had been better for the Common wealth that this art of the Corinthians had still remained in the first rudeness rather then to have been so perfectly understood: or whether this wisdom or that ignorance would have been a more convenient ornament for the Republic.   

CHAP. 14. A Catalogue of all the Roman Colonies, that were planted any where before the coming of Hannibal into Italy.  
NOw since the presentment of diverse things contracted into one, doth more easily make an impression into our eyes and minds than that which is divided into several times; I have determined to distinguish the first part of this work from the last, with no unuseful delivery of things done, compendiously drawn together: And to insert in this place what Colonies, and in what time by decree of the Senate, were after the taking of Rome by the Gauls, carried and planted abroad: for of those which were settled by occasion of the wars, both the causes, and the Authors, and the names of the places themselves, are very glorious. To this end we shall not seem unseasonably to wove in our discourse, the times wherein Cities had their beginning, and the Roman name an increase by the Communication of their privileges. Seven years after Rome was taken by the Gauls, a Colony was planted at Satrium, and the year following, another at Setina. After nine years more, one at Nepe, and then at the end of thirty two years, the Aricynes were received into, and made free of the City. But about six hundred and fifty years since Spurius Posthumius, and Veturius Calvinus being Consuls, the freedom of the City was granted to the Campanians, and part of the Samnites, without power of giving their voices, and the same year a Colony was led to Cales; within three years after, were the Fundanes and Formians received into the City, in the same year that Alexandria was founded. In the next Consul's time, was the freedom of the City granted by Spurius Posthumius, and Philo Publius then Censors, to the Acerranes. Three years after that was a Colony carried to Taracina, and four years more being past, one to Luceria, and the third year after that to Suessa, Aurunca, and Saticula, then within two years, one to Interamnis': from thence for ten years' space, nothing of this nature was done: then were two Colonies placed at Sura and Alba, and two years after, one at Confinium: but when Quintus Fa●ius was Consul the fifth time, and Decius Must the fourth time, in which year Pyrrhus began his reign, Colonies were sent to Sinuessa and Minternae; and four years after to Venusia, within two years after which without liberty of giving their voices, when Marcus Curius and Rufinus Corneli●s were Consuls, the Sabines were made free of the City. This was about three hundred and twenty years since, but the Cossan and Pestum were received almost three hundred years past. In the Consulship of fabius' Dor●●, and Claudi●s Car●●u●: five years being elapsed, Semp●●●ius So●●●us, & App●●s the son of the blind man being Consuls, Colonies were sent to Ariminum, and Beneventum, and also the freedom of voice in election, was granted to the Sabines. But in the beginning of the first Punic war's, Firmum and Catum were planted with Colonies a year after, so was Aesernia, and two and twenty years after that Aesulum, Alfium, and Fregellae; then two years after, and the year following, Torquatus and Sempre●ius Consuls, Brundisium; and at the end of three years more, Spoletum. In which year was the beginning of the celebration of the plays in honour of the Goddesie Flora. After two years Valentia was made a Colony, and upon the coming of Hannibal into Italy, Cremona, and Placentia.   

CHAP. 15. Another Register of such as were planted after that, till the time of Caius Marius his sixth Consulship.  
FRom that time while Hannibal remained in Italy, the Romans were not at leisure to think of founding Colonies. The next ensuing years after his quitting it, when as during the wars▪ soldiers were rather to be provided than discharged; and after the end of it, their forces had need of being cherished, and held united together, more than of being scattered and dispersed. But when Cneius M●●lius Volso & Marcus Fulvius Nobilior were Consuls, a Colony was planted at Bononia, almost two hundred and seventeen years since; and four years after, two others at Pisaurum and Potentia; then three years being passed at Aquileia and Gravisca; and after four years more, one at ●uca. In the same times (although some there are that doubt thereof) there were Colonies sent to Puteoli, Salernum▪ and Buxentum; but to Auxinum in the Picene country almost one hundred eighty seven years since; three years before that Cassius the Censor at the turning from the jupercall to Mount Palatine, erected a Theatre, in the demolishing whereof the strict severity of the City, and the Consuil Capio, did most nobly appear, which their act I should willingly reckon among the bravest arguments of the public inclination in those days. When Cassius Longinus and Sextius Calvinus (who overthrew the Salves by the waters which of his name are called Sextian) almost a hundred fifty and seven years since was one carried to Fabrateria, and a year after these, other were planted at Scylacium, Minervium, Tarentum, Neptunia, and Carthage in Aff●ica, the first (as we have have said before) that was settled by them out of Italy. Of Derto●a there is some doubt. But when Marcus Porcius, and Quintus Marius were Consuls, a Colony was planted in Narbo Marcius in Gallia, about a hundred and fifty years since; and thirty three years after, when Marius was the sixth time Consul, and Valerius Flaccus, another was settled at Ephoredia in the Country of Vagienna. Nor can I commit to memory after that time any Colony that was planted, but of soldiers.   

CHAP. 16. A kind of master roll of excellent men in several professions that flourished about one age: In the Tragic Comic veins; in Philosophy, Oratory, and the like, among the Grecians.  
THough this parcel of my work hath in a sort outgone the proportion that I had designed for it: and that I understand that in this so over speedy a posting, which, like a wheel, an overfall of water, or a down right precipice, doth not give me leave to rest any where; more necessary ones are almost rather to be permitted, than superfluous ones to be entertained: I cannot yet contain myself, but I must observe and mark out a matter which I have often had in agitation in my mind, and whereof the reason hath not hitherto been sufficiently cleared. For who can too much wonder, that the most remarkable spirits in every kind of profession, in the same manner, the same confined space of a little, and strengthened time, and as creatures of a different kind, out of a closed cage or a several division, are never the less distinguished from those of another fort, though kept together in one body. So those wits that were capable of any worthy work to have varied from one another in all resemblances as if they had been of other times and abilities in proficiency. For one age, and that not consisting of many years, did ennoble the Tragic Bu●kin by the means of the divinely spirited men Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. One age and within a very few years did the same honour to the first and ancient Comic vein under Cratinus, Arislophanes, and Eupolis; and inventing the newer strain of Menander, and those that were rather his equals in time than in his works. Philemon and D●philus left behind them pieces not to be imitated. As for the Philosopher's excellencies deduced from the instructions of Socrates (of all whom we have a little before made mention) how small a time did they flourish after the death of Aristotle and Plato? What was there worth regard among the Orators before Isocrates? what after his auditors and their disciples? So were they shut up within a little compass of time, that there was none of them worth the remembering, who might not have seen one another.   

CHAP. 17. The like and about the same time among the Romans.  
NEither did this befall the Greeks more than the Romans; for except thou wilt remember things harsh and unpolished, the invention of Roman tragedies is to be ascribed, and commended in Attius with the times about his days, and the dainty witty conceit of the Latin about the same age, were by Caecilius, Terence, and Afranius rendered worthy of an high esteem. The Historians (if thou wilt add to the number of those before him, L●vius) besides Cato and some others as ancient as obscure: were included within the compass of eighty years: so neither did the plenty of Poets either show itself before that time, or much come after it. But for the Art of Oratory and the ability of pleading in open court with the perfection of Eloquence in prose, excepting the forenamed Cato, (let me speak with favour of Publius Crassus, Scopio, Laelius, the Gracchis, Fannius and Sergius Galba) did so totally glitter under the Prince thereof Tully, that thou canst not observe more than a very few to have been taken with it before him: but none to have admired it who either was not known to him or had the good fortune to know him. Whosoever shall be curious in the searching the times past, shall find, that the same hath been the fate of Grammarians, Potters, Painters, and Carvers. The eminence of all manner of Sciences I find to be circumscribed within the compass of a very short time. But when I seek for the cause that wrought both for curiosity and profit, such a similitude between the wits of that age, and that which preceded it; I find none of the truth of which I may be confident: yet perhaps I have met with some that are probable. Among which these are the principal. Emulation doth nourish the wit, and one while Envy, another while Admiration doth heat the contention, as also nature doth climb to the top of that which is with extremest ardency desired and hardly can he stop that strives to reach to perfection. Again, in nature that which cannot go forward, retires back: and as at first we are on fire to reach them that we esteem before us; so when as we despair of out-going and overtaking them, our desire together with our hope, doth grow faint and old, and what cannot be compassed, ceaseth to be followed, and the pursuer, as a place already possessed, quits it and seeks a new one: and letting that pass, in which we ca● be of no high esteem, we seek● some other subject, to which to bend our endeavours: from whence it follows that a frequent & changing passing from one study to another is the greatest hindrance to the arriving at perfection in any thing.   

CHAP. 18. Of Athens, the sole City of Greece, famous for arts, Thebes excepted by breeding of Pindarus.  
MY admiration now passeth to consider of the times & Cities. One only City of Attica did flourish longer in eloquence, & those kind of works than all Greece beside. So that thou wouldst think, that the bodies of that nation were divided into other Cities, their wits shut up within the walls of Athens alone. Nor do I more wonder at this than that there was no Orator among the Argives, the Thebans or the Lacedæmonians thought worthy of Authority whiles he lived, or of memory after his death; which Cities were barren of those knowledges, except that the eloquence of Pindarus did give a lustre to Thebes: for Alcmon, the Lacedæmonians do with no just title challenge to be theirs.    

Velleius Paterculus His ROMAN HISTORY. The second Book.  

CHAP. I. The declining of the Roman virtue after the ruin of Carthage, the war with Viriatus ended by the cunning of Caepio: & the base conditions made first by Pompeius, & then by Mancinus with the Numantines.  
THe former Scipio laid open the way to the Roman power; the later to their excess and riot: for the fear of Carthage being removed, and the Competitor of the Empire taken out of the way, not by degrees, but by a precipitate course we fell from virtue, and gave ourselves to vices. Our old discipline was quitted, a new one brought in; the City turned from watching to sleep; from Arms to pleasure; from business to idleness. Then did Scipio Nasica build in the Capitol his Galleries; then Metellus his that we before have mentioned: then in the Circus did Cnaus Octavius build his, far the more beautiful. And this public magnificence was followed with private riot. An unlucky & shameful war then ensued in Spain, Viriatus commanding & leading the thiefs, which was managed with so various fortune, as it was oftenest unfortunate to the Romans. But Viriatus being brought to his end, more by the devices of Servilius, Caepio, than by his valour: the war of Numantia much more troublesome was kindled. This City could never arm above ten thousand of her own youth, but either by the fierce bravery of the people, or by the ignorance of our Commanders, or by the favour of fortune: she forced both other leaders, & Pompey himself also, a man of a high repute, to accept of most basely dishonourable conditions (this man was of the Pompeian family, the first Consul.) Nor less foul and detestable were those they extorted from Mancinus Hostilius the Consul. But Pompey escaped unpunished by the favour that was borne him. Mancinus by his humble shamefastness for not refusing it, he brought it to this, that with his hands bound behind him, he was delivered by our Heralds to the Enemy, who denied to receive him, as sometimes the Samnites at Caudium did, affirming that the violation of the public faith was not to be expiated with the blood of one man.   

CHAP. 2. The sedition raised upon the delivery up of Mancinus to the enemy by Tiberius Gracchus: His character and his intendments.  
THe rendering up of Mancinus did raise a most dangerous sedition in the City: For Tiberius Gracchus the son of Tiberius Gracchus (a man most noble and of highest esteem) Grandchild by his daughter to Publius Africanus, who for the time being Questor, when that agreement was made, and besides the Author and contriver of it; One while taking it in the worst part, that any act of his should be disvalued, another while doubting the hazard of the like censure or punishment, being created Tribune of the people, a man otherwise of a life most unblameable, for his judgement most excellent, in his intentions most just; finally, adorned with as great virtues as both nature and industry being in their perfection, the condition of mortal man is capable of: When Publius Mutius Scaevola and Lucius Calphurnius were Consuls, about one hundred sixty two years since, fell off from the best and honestest sort of the City, and promising freedom of the City to all Italy, and withal publishing certain laws for the distributing of lands, while all men coveted to have power in the State, he confounded all things, and brought the Common wealth into a craggy and redoubtable danger, and Octavius his fellow in office, for that he stood for the Common wealth, he deprived of his command. He created Triumvirs for the division of lands, and the leading out of Colonies; himself, his father in law Appius who had been Consul, and his brother Gracchus, who then was but a very youth.   

CHAP. 3. The ruin of Gracchus by Scipio Nasica: the death of Gracchus which was the first blood drawn in Rome in civil contentions.  
THen Publius Scipio Nasica, Grandchild to him that by the Senate was judged the best man in the City, son to him that being Censor built the Galleries in the Capitol, and great Grandchild to Cnaeus Scipio, a man most honourable, uncle to Publius the African, being both a private man, and of the gown, though he were a near kinsman of Tiberius Gracchus, yet preferring his country before his kindred, and thinking whatsoever was not for the welfare of the public in his own particular, was a stranger to him; for these his virtues, in his absence he was first of all men created chief and Sovereign Bishop. When wrapping the skirt of his gown about his left arm from the highest part of the Capitol, standing at the top of the stairs, he exhorted as many as desired the preservation of the State to follow him. Then the Noblemen, the Senate, and both the better part and greater of the Knights, together with so many of the Plebeians as were untainted with these pernicious devices, charged upon Gracchus, standing with his troops, and labouring to draw almost all Italy to a head together: He flying and running down the cliff of the Capitol, was strucken with the frame of a form, and so with an untimely death ended his life, which he might have passed with all glory and honour. This was the beginning of shedding blood in civil contentions in the City of Rome, and of swords used without punishment; from thence grew all right to be trodden under foot by force; And the more powerful and former custom, with the differences between the Citizens, which before were wont to be cured by treaties and conditions, were after decided by the sword. Neither were wars taken in hand for just causes and reasons, but as it were their way of traffic and merchandizing, which to speak truth, is no wonder, for examples do not rest upon the grounds from which they had their first beginning: but having made their way thorough any narrow and straight passage, they afterwards take to themselves a course of free and open liberty, and when once men have swarved from that which is right, they run headlong to all injustice. Nor doth any man think that base and dishonourable to him, which another hath found beneficial.   

CHAP. 4. Aristonicus pretending falsely to the blood Royal of Asia, which left by Attalus his will to the Romans, as after Bythinia was by Nicomedes, he had seized upon, overthrown by Mar. Perperna. And Numantia razed by the same Emilianus who before had done as much for Carthage: His death much suspected, but never questioned.  
IN the mean time, while these passages are on foot in Italy. Aristonicus after the death of King Attalus, by whom Asia was bequeathed as an inheritance to the people of Rome (as inlike sort afterward Bythinia was also left by Nicomedes) false●y pretending himself to be of the blood Royal, possessed himself thereof by force. He by Marcus Perperna, was overthrown & led in triumph: but Manius with the loss of his head, did from Aquilius receive his payment, for that in the beginning of the war he had slain Crassus Muciarus, a man most learned in the laws, as he was in quality of Proconsul upon his departure out of Asia. And Publius Scipio the African, son of Emilius, who had razed Carthage: after so many disasters about Numantia, being created Consul the second time, and sent into Spain, did there make good the fortune and valour of which he had before given proof in Africa; And within a year and three months after his coming thither, having compassed Numantia round about with his works, did levelly it with the ground. Neither did any man of what Nation soever before his time leave his name recommended to perpetual memory, by a more glorious destruction of any places: For by the rasing of Carthage, and Numantia, he freed us of fear from the one, and of scorn and reproach from the other. He when the Tribune Carbo enquired of him what he thought of the kill of Tiberius Gracchus, answered; That if he had in his thoughts to possess himself of the state, he was worthily punished. And when all the assembly cried out, I (said he) that have so often remained unterrified, with the shouts of the armed enemy, how can I be moved with yours, to whom Italy is a stepmother. Being returned to the City, within a while after when Mareus Aquilius and Caius Sempronius were Consuls, an hundred and fifty years since; after his two Consulships, and two Triumphs, when he twice had quitted the Common wealth of her fears, he was in the morning found dead in his bed; so that certain marks of his being strangled, were found upon his neck. Neither was there ever any enquiry made of the cause of a man's death, of so great eminence: and his body was carried out to funeral with his head covered, by whose means the city of Rome had lifted up her head above all the inhabited world. So died he either a natural, as the most part supposed, or a death procured by practice, as many have delivered. How ever, he certainly past his course of life most nobly, and was in glory inferior to no man that before that time had been, except his Grandfather. He departed this life, almost at the end of his six and fiftieth year: whereof if any man make a question let him look back to his former Consulship, to which he was elected in his six and thirtieth year, & he will cease to doubt.   

CHAP. 5. Anlus Brutus, his severity of command in Spain, cause of his victory at Controbia.  
BEfore the destruction of Numantia, the command of Aulus Brutus in Spain was very glorious: who making his way through all the nations of Spain, having taken an infinite number of men and Cities, & reached to those people, which were scarce known, by hearsay, did worthily obtain the surname of the Gallician. And before him but a few years, the government of that Quintus termed the Maudonian was so severe, that when he assaulted a City called Contrabia, five legionary Cohorts being beaten down from a clifty place, he immediately commanded them to give upon the same again. And all his soldiers making their wills as they stood in their ranks, as if they were to run upon certain death: the Constancy of the Commander, not frighted from his purpose, received the soldiers back with victory, whom he had sent to die. Such was the effect of fear mingled with shame, and a hope sprung out of despair. This man by the valour and severity of his action: but Paulus Emilianus, following the example of the former Paulus, by his discipline in Spain, did grow very famous.   

CHAP. 6. The stirs raised by Caius Gracchus, brother to Tiberius, intending the same or worse than his brother had attempted: His character and overthrow by Opimius.  
TEn years then being elapsed, the same fury which had possessed Tiberius Gracchus, did also seize upon his brother Caius, who did aswell resemble him in all his virtues, as in this error, but in his wit and eloquence far more excellent. Who when with all tranquillity of mind, he might have been a principal man in the City, either for revenge of his brother's death or to invest himself in a regal power, taking him for his pattern, and entered upon the Tribuneship, attempting things far greater and more insupportable: granted the freedom of the City to all Italians, did extend it almost to the Alps, divided lands, forbade any Citizen to possess above five hundred acres (which was also provided fo● by the law Licinia) imposed new customs upon Merchandise, filled the Provinces wit● new Colonies, transferred th● power of hearing and determining from the Senate to the o●der of Knights, purposed to d●stribute Corn to the Commo● people; left nothing unstirred, nothing at peace, finally, not any thing that was at quiet in the same estate. And further prorogued his Tribuneship for another year. Him Lucius Opimius then Consul, who when he was Praetor, had razed Fregelae, pursued with force, and together with Fuluius Flaccus a man of Consular quality, and that had triumphed, whom as badly affected as himself, Caius Gracchus had made Triumvir in the room of his brother Tiberius, & his Consort in his royal power, deprived of his life. That alone is reported to have been wickedly done by Opimius; That he set a price and proclaimed that he would in ready gold pay it upon the head (that I may not say of Gracchus) of a Citizen of Rome. Flaccus when upon Mount Aventine he drew on and encouraged his armed troops to fight was with his eldest son there slain. Gracchus as he was flying when now he was at the point of being apprehended by those that Opimius for that purpose had sent, presented his neck to his servant Euporus: who no more faintly slew himself, after he had done, than he did assist and free his lord. That day the faithfulness of Pomponius a Roman Knight to Gracchus, was very notable; who like Coeles making a stand upon the bridge against all the force of the enemy at the last fell upon his sword; As before the body of Tiberius Gracchus, so now also that of Caius with a strange cruelty of the Conqueror, was thrown into the Tiber.   

CHAP. 7. The cruelty of Opimius to a delicate youth, son to Flaccus one of Gracchus his associates, and others of that faction, detested by the Romans who were of his side.  
THis was both in life and death, the fortune of the sons of Tiberius Gracchus, and the Grandchilds of Publius Scipio the African, in the life time of their Mother Cornelia daughter to the African. Men ●hat made ill use of most excellent abilities of spirit, who if ●hey had desired any proportion of honours within the compass of a Civil estate, whatsoever ●hey in a tumultuous manner ●ought to reach the Commonwealth to them if quiet would have presented. To this sharpness was added a transcending villainy: for a youth of excellent beauty not as yet full eighteen years old, and not guilty of his father's faults, the son of Fulvius Flaccus, whom his father had sent as a messenger to propound a treaty, was by Opimius put to death. Whom when a Tuscan soothsayer his friend observed to be dragged weeping to prison, why dost thou not rather (said he) thus: and withal running his head against the stone bridge, at the prison gate, with his brains beaten out, fell down dead. Presently were there cruel inquisitions set on foot against the friends and followers of the Gracchis. But for Opimius a man in other things upright and grave, when he was afterward condemned by the judgement of all the people: the memory of that his cruelty would not suffer him to be with any humanity pitied. The same spite also of a public censure did not unadvisedly ruin within a while after Rutilius and Popilius who when they were Consuls had been most bittterly eager upon the friends of the Gracchis. Let me intermingle with affairs of so great consequence, a thing scarce worth the being known. This is that Opimius from whose Consulship, the wine called Opimian, took its name, and was most highly esteemed, which that it is not now to be met with, the distance of time itself will declare it, being from him to the Consular of thee Marcus Vinicius one hundred fifty and one years. An authority of less power did succeed this act of Opimius, because they sought to satisfy their particular spleens, and the revenge was rather ascribed to private hate than to the vindicating of the public right. In the next ensuing year Porcius and Marcius being Consuls, a Colony was planted at Narbo Marcius.   

CHAP. 8. Caius Cato condemned of extortion for a petty sum. The two Metelli near kinsmen, triumph in one day, as also the two brothers of the Flacci. And Minutius upon the Scordisci.  
LEt now the severity of the City's Censures be recommended to memory: For Caius Cato a man of Consular quality, grandchild of Marcus Cato, and son to the sister of the African, was condemned upon information out of Macedonia of extortion, when the question was but of four thousand Sesterces. Thus did they rather bend their eyes upon the disposition to offend, than the measure of the crime, squaring the fact by the rule of the intention, and weigh what, not how far men did offend.  
About the same time, the brothers of Marcus Metellus did triumph in one day. Now was the fortune less remarkable, as hitherto the sole one of that kind of the sons of Fulvius Flaccus (his I mean, who had taken Capua) in the College of Consuls, whereof the one was given in adoption, and he so received into the family of Acidianus Manlius. For the Censureship of the Metelli, was of Cozen-germans, not of brothers, which happiness had only befallen to the two Scipios. Then did the Cimbri & the Teutones pass over the Rhine who presently aswell by our many losses as by their own became famous. At the same time that Minutius who built the Galleries, which even to this day are highly esteemed, did bravely triumph over the Scordisci.   

CHAP. 9 A register of Romans in that time famous for poesy, History, and other arts of the like kind.  
IN the the same age were Scipio Emilianus, and Laelius, Sergius Galba, the two Gracchis, Caius Fannius, and Cerbo Papirius, famous for eloquence. Neither is Metellus Numidicus, or Severus to be forgotten, but above all Lucius Crassus and Marcus Antonius▪ to whom both in time and abilities succeeded Caius Caesar, Strabo and Publius Sulpicius. For Mucius was more famous for his skill in the law then for any eloquence that he was owner of.  
About the same time were highly prized the ingeniousness for Comedies of Afranius, for Tragedies, of Pacuvius & Attius, who were honoured even to the being paralleled with the Grecian wits, who did not refuse to their works prime rank among themselves. So as indeed it seemed there was in these more daintiness; in them more substantial blood. The name also of Lucilius, was at that time of high esteem, who served on horseback under Publius the African in the war of Numantia; When lugurth also being a young man, and Merius serving under the Command of the same General, did in the same army learn what they afterward should execute in arms of an opposite quallite. The Historiographer Sisenna was then young: but his work of Silla's civil war, he wrote some years after, when he was old. Caelius was more ancient than Sisenna, but Rutilius, Claudius, Quadrigarius and Valerius Antics, were in the same age with him. Yet let us not be ignorant, that in that age was Pompovius notable for his conceit of a harsh style, and for the new Invention of his work praise worthy.   

CHAP. 10. Lepidus Aelius censured for hiring a house at 6●0. sesterces●a mean rate in succeeding times. Domitius victorious over the Arverni, and Fabius, for his, surnamed Allobrogian. The sat of the Domitian family to have but one Son of a Father, yet all arrive at the highest honours.  
ANd here let us observe the famous severity of the Censors, Cassius, Longinus and Caepio who one hundred fifty and seven years since, did call in question, Lepidus Aelius the Augur, for that he had hired a house of six thousand Assis rend. If now any man should dwell in one of that value, he should scarce be acknowledged for a Senator. So easily do men fall from what i● fit, to errors, from errors to crimes, and from crimes to the bottom of all wickedness. In the same tract of time, the victory of Domitius over the Arverni and that of Fabius, of the Allobroges were glorious. To Fabius the Grandchild of Paulus, for that his victory, the surname of the Allobrogian was added; where is to be observed, that in the Domitian family there was a peculiar, and as it was most noble, so was it a felicity bounded within the number of a very few men. As before this Cneus Domitius a young man of a most worthy and clear roundness: there were of the same house but all the sole sons of their Fathers: yet all of them attained Consullships and priesthoods, and almost all of them the honour of Triumphs.   

CHAP. 11. The war of jugurth managed first by Metellus, ended by Caius Marius: His character: 12 Metelli or more, within twelve years, of the Caecilian family either Consuls or triumph.  
THen followed the war with jugurth, managed by Quintus Metellus a man inferior to no one of his time: His Lieutenant was Caius Marius, of whom we spoke before: borne of a family of Knights, rugged and stern, of a course life, as the fittest for the wars, so the worst for peace, knowing no mean, insatiably greedy of glory, in his passions ungoverned, and always unquiet. He by the Customers and others that traded in Africa, accusing Metelius of slowness, as who had drawn the wars out into a length of three years, and the innate pride of the Nobility, with their greedy desire of prolonging their Command: did bring to pass, that when having gotten leave, he was come to Rome, and created Consul: the whole charge of the war, now almost brought to an end by Metellus, as who had twice overthrown jugurth in open field, was committed to him. Yet notwithstanding was the triumph of Metellus, as glorious as well deserved, and for his worth and valour, the surname of Numidian bestowed upon him. As before we remembered the Nobleness of the Domitian, so here we must observe that of the Cecilian family, in which almost within the compass of twelve years, at this time there were above twelve Metelli that either were Consuls or Censors, or did triumph. So that it appears, that as the fortune of Cities and States, so also that of razes or families doth now flourish, now grow old, now perish and come to an end.   

CHAP. 12. Marius by Silla his Questor, had jugurth delivered up from Bocchus: Overthrows the Te●tones with slaughter in two days of 150000 men. And after with his colleague, Catulus, the Cimbres, with the loss of above 10000 s●aine or taken.  
But Caius Marius had associated to him for his treasurer Lucius Silla, the destinies as it were making way for him: and by him whom he had sent to King Bochus, near one hundred and thirty years since received King jugurth delivered to him: and being again chosen Consul at his return to the City, in the Calends of january, and the beginning of his second Consulship, ●ed him in truimph Then a● before we have related when a vast multitude of the Germane Nations, who were called the Cymbres and Teutones, had poured themselves out upon us, & had overthrown Capio & M●●lius the Consul, and before that in Gallia, Carbo and ●elan●s, and turned them out of their army, and slain Scaurus Aurelius the Consul, with others of principal mark & quality: the people of Rome to repel so potent an enemy▪ did think no man more fit to command in chief than Marius. The third year then of his redoubled Consulship was spent in the preparation for the war; in which year Cnaeus Domitius, Tribune of the people, did prefer a law, that the Priests, whom before that their fellows in office did institute, should be created by the people. In his fourth Consulship, he fought with the Teutones beyond the Alps, near the Sextian waters: and having put to the sword in that day and the next, above one hundred and fifty thousand men, he did extirpate the whole Nation. In his fifth on this side the Alps in the fields which are called Raudij, himself being Consul and Quintus Luctatius Catulus Proconsul, in a most fortunate encounter, there were of the enemies slain or taken prisoners, more than one hundred thousand men. With this victory Marius did seem to have deserved of the Common wealth that it should not be sorry that he was borne in it, and with his good service to have made amends for the ills that he was author of: his sixth Consulship was conferred upon him as a reward of his merits: yet notwithstanding let him not be unjustly deprived of the glory of this Consulship, in which he being Consul, did with force of arms, tame the madness of Servilius Glaucia, and Saturni●us Apulcius, whom borne and bend only to do mischief, with their unintermitted honours▪ tearing the Commonwealth in pe●ces, and with the sword and slaughter, disordering, and scattering the assemblies of the people: in the Hostilian Court he punished with death.   

CHAP. 13. Marcus Livius Drusus intending well to the Senate, but mistaken by them.  
AFter this a few years being interposed, Marcus Livius Drusus entered his Tribuneship, a man most noble and excelling both in eloquence and goodness: who with far better intentions than fortune undertook the affairs that presented themselves, who when he endeavoured to restore to the Senate their anciently former honour, and to draw to that order from the Knights the power of judging and determining: for the Knights having by the power of the Gracchian l●●es gotten that authority, when they had raged against many of most eminent mark, and those also most innocent, and also had condemned with the infinite lamentation of the whole City Publius Rutilius of extortion; (A man not of that age alone, but of any whatsoever equal to the most virtuous) did even in those things, which for their behoof he contrived find the Senate opposite to him. They not understanding t●●● if he proposed any thing for the advantage or benefit of the Plebeians, that it was done to the end as with a bait to draw the multitude to his favour, that having obtained petty things and trifles, they might give way to matters of greater import. Finally, such was the fortune of Drusus, that the Senate did better approve the miscarriage of his fellow Tribunes, than his excellent intendments and scorning the honours which were by him presented to them, did with an equal temper brook the injuries of others, envying him that height of glory, and enduring the poor and mean repute of the rest.   

CHAP. 14. The same man by some of their precurement●, murdered with ● knife, in a crowd at his own house.  
THe mind of Drusus then (since his fair intentions succeeded ill) being turned to granting freedom of the City to all Italy, which when he had been labouring for, and returned out of the Market place, attended with the vast and innumerable multitude, which did always follow him, being in the court of his own house, strucken with a knife, which was left sticking in his side, within a few hours breathed his last. But being at the last gasp, looking upon a number that stood about him, and lamented for him, he let fall one word most suitable to the integrity of his conscience, Will ever (sa●d he) [my kinsmen and friends] our Common wealth find a Citizen affected to her good, like myself. This was the end of that most noble young man▪ of whose disposition it should be amiss to forbear giving one argument. When he built his house upon Mount Palatine, in that place, which once was Cicero's, after that Censorinus his, and now belongs to Statilius Sisenna, and the Architect promised him that he would so order it, that having an open prospect abroad, it should be free from all view of any man without, nor should any look into, or supervise it: nay, rather (said he) if thou hast any skill at all, so frame my house, as whatsoever I do in it may be seen by all the world.   

CHAP. 15. Carthage the first Colony planted out of Italy: that plantations out of the native continent, have been pernicious. The death of Drusus cause of the Italian war. Metellus Numidicus banished by Saturninus the Tribune, and recalled by the means of his son.  
I Would reckon among the ● most pernicious points of the laws of Gracchus that he planted Colonies in other countries beyond the bounds of Italy. That error our Ancestors had so carefully avoided (when they observed Carthage to be grown so much more powerful than Tyre, Massilia, than Phocaea, Si●acusa, than Corinth, Cizicum, ●nd Byzantium, than Miletum, which were their original and Mother countries) that out of the provinces, they still recalled the Citizens to Rome to be taxed. The death of Drusius raised the war of Italy, which already and before his death was boiling: For when Lucius Cesar and Publius Rutilius were Consuls, now one hundred and twenty years since when that disease being as by contagion spread from the Aesculans over all Italy (for they had slain the Praetor Servius, and Fonteius the Legate) and having infused itself among the Marsians, was run thorough the whole country, had armed them against the Romans, whose fortune as i● was bitter, so was their caus● most just; for they required t● be members of that City, who●● Empire and command they d●● maintain with their swords. That at all times, and in all wars, they did furnish double the number, both of horse and Foot, that the Romans themselves brought to the field: and yet might not be admitted to the privileges of that City, which by their means and valour was arrived at that height that ●he should loathe and scorn men of both the same blood and Na●ion, as Foreigners and Aliens. That war consumed more ●han three hundred thousand of the youth of Italy. The prin●pall Commanders of the Roman side in that war, were Cnaeus Pompeius, father to Cnaeus Pompeius, the great, Cai●s Marius of whom we spoke ●efore, Lucius Sylla, who the ●eare last passed had been Praetor, and Quintus Metellus, son to him that was surnamed Numidian, who deservedly purchased the surname of Pious For by his piety to his parent, by the authority of the Senate, and with the consent of the whole Common wealth he restored his father to his country, being expelled by Lucius Saturninus the Tribune of the people, because he alone refused to swear the observation of the laws propounded by him. Nor was that Metellus the Numidian more ennobled by his triumphs, or the honours which he had attained, than he was by the cause of his banishment the exile itself, or his return from it.   

CHAP. 16. The Italian Captains in that war, the fortune various, the end advantageous for the Romans.  
OF the Italian party, the most remarkable Captains were, Silo Poppedius, Herius Asinius, justerus Cato, Caius Pontidius, Telusius Pontius, Marius Egnatius, & Papius Mutilius. Nor will I by my bashfulness lessen at all the glory of my own blood and family, so long as I but relate the truth: For not a little honour is due to the memory of Minutius Magius my great Grandfather, who being Nephew to Docius Magius the noblest of all the Campanians, and a man of most unspotted fidelity, did serve the Romans in this war, with so much loyalty, that with a legion which himself had raised among the Hirpines', he took Herculaneum, and in it Titus Didius, and consorted with Lucius Silla, besieged the Pompey's, and forced Cosa. Of whose worth both diverse other, and especially, as well as most clearly Quintus Hortensius in his Annals, hath made relation: And whose deservings the people of Rome did afterward amply, and fully remunerate, both in endowing him (and that not among others, but) singly and by himself with the privileges of the City; and in creating his two son's Praetors, when the old man was not yet past begetting of other children, but had some borne to him after that time. So variable and mischievous was the fortune of that war, that in two years, one after the other, two Roman Consuls were slain by the enemy, Rutilius first, and then Cato Porcius: The armies of the Romans in sundry places were defeated, and they compelled to wear only their Cassocks, and remain a long time in that habit: they chose for the seat of their Empire Corfinium, and called it Italicum. After that by degrees, and incorporating into the City, such as had either not taken arms at all, or quickly laid them down, and made their peace, our forces were repaired, and the common wealth sinking and ready to perish, was restored by Pompey, Sylla and Marius.   

CHAP. 17. The Italians made free of the City, the refusal whereof before was cause of the war: Sylla made Consul.  
THe Italian war being for the greatest part ended except only those relics thereof which remained about Nola, (which settled, the Romans having sheathed their swords, did rather choose to grant the liberty of the City to those which were conquered and depressed, then before when they were sound and entire) Quintus Pompeius entered his Consulship, together with Lucius Cornelius Sylla, a man that neither can be suitably to his merit commended for his carriage before his victory, nor yet in the same proportion dispraised for his actions, after he was Conqueror. He being descended of a noble family, as the sixth from Cornelius Rufinus, who in the war of Pyrrhus was reckoned one of the most eminent Captains of that time, when the honours of his family had been intermitted, did so carry himself for a long time, as it seemed he had no thought of standing for the Consulship. Afterward growing to reputation in the Italian war, and before that in his Lievetenancie under Marius in France, where he had routed some of the enemies most esteemed Captains; he took heart from his good fortune, and requiring the Consulship, was so declared by almost all the voices of the City. Yet was he in the nine and fortieth year of his age, when he attained to that honour.   

CHAP. 18. War with Mithridates committed to Sylla: Mithridates his character and acts: the fidelity of the Rhodians, and perfidiousness of the Muylenians: Sulpitius his character with the charges in his carriage.  
AT that time, Mithridates' King of Pontus, a man (of whom we may neither be silent nor yet speak slightly) in war most eagerly fierce, of notable valour, sometimes in his fortune, always in his courage of the highest rank, in direction a great Captain, in execution a brave soldier, in his hatred to the Romans another Hannibal, having possessed himself of Asia, and out the throats of all the Romans that were in it, whom in one day and hour, by his letters to the Cities, with infinite promises of rewards, he had procured to be massacred. At that time there was not any who either in faithfulness toward the Romans, or in valour against Mithridates did parallel the Rhodians. Their fidelity was by the perfidiousness of them of Mytelene, rendered the more illustrious, who delivered to Mithridates bound and captive Marcus Aquilius, and other Romans with him: although afterwards they were by Pompey restored to their liberty, only in favour of Theophanes. When Mithridates did seem in a fearful manner to threaten Italy: Asia by the lots fell to Sylla for his Province. He being gone out of the City when he stayed before Nola, (for that City did most obstinately continue in arms, & was then beleaguered with the Roman forces, as if it had been sorry for the faithfulness which above all other (Subjects or confederates) it had most religiously observed in the Punic war) Publius Sulpitius Tribune of the people, a man eloquent, eager, by his wealth, favour, friendships, and the vigour of his wits and spirit, made most eminent, having with all secrecy of his intentions procured himself a vast authority with the Common people: As if he were grown to be weary of his virtues, and that his well laid designs were unsuccessful to him: upon a sudden becoming ill disposed & headily rash, decreed all commands, all provinces to Caius Marius, who greedily affected them after he was seventy years old: and preferred a law to the people, by which the command of Sylla should be abrogated, the war of Mithridates decreed to Marius, with other pernicious and baleful laws not to be endured in a free Common wealth. And beside, by certain assasines of his own faction, he caused to be murdered, the son of Quintus Pompeius, than Consul; who also was son in law to Sylla.   

CHAP. 19 Sylla his return to Rome from Nola, and expelling the opposite faction: Marius his danger at Mintura, and Sulpitius his death.  
SYlla then drawing his army together returned to the City, and by force possessed himself thereof, threw out of it the twelve authors of those mischievous novelties, in which number were comprehended Marius with his son, and Publius Sulpitius, and by a law which then was passed, did condemn them to banishment. As for Sulpitius the horsemen that overtook him in the fens of Laurentum slew him, and his head being set up to show over the pleading place, was as a presaging Omen of the proscription that ensued. Marius also after his sixth Consulship, and in the seventieth year of his age, was with a leather thong cast about his neck, dragged naked, and covered all over with mire out of a plot of reeds about the Marsh of Murica, in which, flying from Sylla his Cavalry which pursued him, he had hidden himself, by the command of the Decemvirs to the common prison of Minturna: to make an end of whom, when a common slave of the Town, by birth a Germane, who by chance was taken in the Cymbrian war where Marius commanded in chief, was sent with a sword: he as soon as he knew Marius, with a hideous outcry, discovering his indignation at the hard fortune of so great a personage, casting away his sword, run out of the prison. The Townsmen then being by an enemy taught to have compassion upon one that but a little before was a man of highest eminence, having furnished him with provision, put him aboard a ship, and dismissed him in safety. But he having met with his son about Aenaria, stood for Africa: and in a shed among the ruins of Carthage, passed for a time a life full of necessity: while Marius beholding Carthage, and it on the other side holding him, one of them might in a sort serve for a comfort to the other.   

CHAP. 20. Pompey the Consul slain by the soldiers. Cinna for his sedititious devices, deposed from his Consul's place, his recalling Marius out of exile.  
THis year was the first that ever the Roman soldiers imbrued their hand in the blood of a Consul: for Pompey Sulla's colleague was by the army of Cnaeus Pompeius, slain in a mutiny, but whereof the Commander himself was the Author. Neither was Cinna of better temper than Marius or Snipitius, so that whereas the freedom of the City was so granted to the Italians, that the newly incorporate Citizens should be distributed into eight tribes, left by their power and multitude, the dignity of the ancient Citizens should be abased, and they to whom the courtesy was done, have more Authority than the conferrers thereof. Cinna promised that he would divide them among all the Tribes, with the fame of which benefit he drew a mighty number of them into the City. Out of which being forced by the power of his fellow in office, and of the chief Citizens, when he bend himself for Campania by the authority of Senate, he was deprived of his Consulship, and in his place was subrogated Lucius Cornelius Merula, the high priest of jupiter. This injury was better suited to the person of the man, than fit to serve for a precedent. Cinna then having first corrupted the chief Centurions and Tribunes, and within a while the soldiers also with hope of a donative, was received by the army which lay about Nola. And when they had all sworn obedience to him, he retaining the marks and ensigns of the Consulship, declared war against his country: relying upon the multitude of the new Citizens, of whom he had enroled more than three hundred Cohorts, and had filled up about thirty legions. Yet did that side stand in need of authority and favour: to give it that addition, he recalled out of banishment Caius Marius with his son, and those which were driven into exile with them.   

CHAP. 21. The battle fought near Rome, between Cinna and Pompey, Father to the great Pompey, who after died of the plague.  
But while Cinna makes war upon his Country Cnaeus Pompeius, father to Pompey the great (of whose noble endeavours as we have before delivered, the Republic had made good use in the Marsian war, and especially about the Country of Picenum, and who had taken Asculum, about which Town, when the Armies were dispersed in divers other Countries, seventy and five thousand Roman Citizens, and more than threescore thousand Italians fought in one day) being hopeless of holding the Consulship any longer, did so doubtfully and indifferently carry himself between the factions, that he seemed to direct all his actions to his own ends, and to lie in wait for the time, wavering to and fro, as ready when the fairer hope of power and greatness, presented itself, to render both himself and his army. Yet at the last, in a great and a sharp battle he encountered with Cinna. The issue whereof being fought and determined under the very walls, and the Allies of the Romans both fight in it, and being also spectators thereof: how mischievously baleful it was, can scarce be expressed in words. After this when the pestilence raged in both the Armies as if the sword had not sufficiently wa●ted them, Cnaeus Pompeius departed this life. The rejoicing for whose death was almost a counterpoise for the loss of so many Citizens as either the sword or sickness had deprived of life, and the people of Rome upon his dead body vented the ill will which they ought him in his life. Whether there were two or three families of the Pompey's or no, certain it is that the first of that name Quintus Pompeius was Consul with Cnaeus Servilius, about one hundred sixty eight years since. Cinna and Marius not without bloody skirmishes on both sides, recovered the City. But Cinna entering first, passed a law for the recalling of Marius from exile.   

CHAP. 22. Marius' his return to Rome: the first proscription.  
PResently Marius also to the common plague of his Country men came into the town. Nothing could have been more bloody than that victory: if that of Sylla had not followed it. Neither did they rage with an unrestrained licentiousness, but the noblest and most eminent men of the City, were with sundrey kinds of death removed out of the way. Amongst them the Consul Octavius, a man of a most harmless disposition by the command of Cinna was put to the sword. But Merula who upon the coming of Cinna had disclaimed the Consulship, cutting his veins, and sprinkling the altar with his blood, did call upon the same Gods whom he oft had, as high Priest to jupiter, invoked for the welfare of the Republic, with curses for Cinna and his faction, and in that sort rendered up his spirit, which had so superabundantly deserved well of the common wealth Marcus Antonius a man most eminent, both for his rank in the City, and for eloquence, was by the swords of the soldiers whom for a time he had with the daintiness of his Oratory caused to pause upon the command of Marius and Cinna, cruelly slaughtered. Quintus Catolus who both for his other virtues and by the glory of th● Cymbrian war, wherein he wa● an equal sharer with Marius was of highest repute; when h● was hunted for to be put t● death, shut himself up in a place ●ately pergetted with lime and ●and; & causing fire to be brought ●nto if to give the more force to ●he savour of drawing an air pernicious and deadly, and withal suffocating his own breath, ●ied rather as his enemies wi●hed, then as they intended. Thus ●ll things in the Republic, ran ● headlong course of mischief: ●nd yet did not any man declare himself that he had the daring ● give away the goods of a citizen of Rome to another, ●or any that was so affronted as ● demand them. That also afterwards was added, that Avarice become the motive of cruelty: ●●d the proportion of the fault ●as rated according to the ●orth of the estate: so as he that ●as rich was held a guilty per●●n, and every man was made the price of his own danger. Neither did any thing seem● base, so as it were gainful.   

CHAP. 23 Marius his seaventh Consulship and death, Sylla his acts against Mithridates: his resolution against the Marian's, but after the foreign enemeiss nailed were pared.  
CInna then entered his secon● Consulship, and Marius hi● seventh, to the disgrace of hi● former ones; in the beginning whereof, falling into a fickr●● he deceased: a man in the warre● as superlatively bitter to the enemy, as in peace to his Cou●trey men, and of quiet most impatient. In his room was su●rogated Valerius Flaccus, the author of a most base and unjust ●aw: that Creditors should be mayed but the fourth part of their debt. Of which his fact within too years he received ●he reward which he had ●o well deserved. White Cinna●id ●id thus domineer in Italy. ●he greater part of the Nobility fled to Sylla in Achaia, and from thence into Asia. In the ●ean time, Sylla did in such sort ●ncounter with the General employed by Mithridates against ●im about Athens in Boeotia ●nd Macedonia, as he both recovered Athens, and having be●●owed much labour about the several fortifications, which ●hey had made upon the port of ●iraeus, he put to the sword about too hundred thousand men, and ●●oke prisoners not many fewer ● any man shall impute this time of rebellion to the Athenians he is certainly ignorant both of the truth and all antiquity. For the fidelity of the Athenians to the state of Rome was still so inviolate, that always and in every occasion whatsoever was performed with all sincerity and integrity, they used to say it was done with an Attic faithfulness. But at that time being oppressed with the force of Mithridates his arms, they in a most wretched estate being subject to their enemies, held under with their garrisons, and besieged by their friends, had their hearts without the Rampires, and their bodies within the walls, obeying the necessity which they could not avoid. From thence Sylla passing over into Asia, found Mithridates an humble suppliant and obedient to all hi● commands. Upon whom imposing a fine of money, and part of his ships, he constrained him to quit Asia, and those Provinces which by force he had seized upon: he received back from him all those which were prisoners, did justice upon fugitives and offenders, and enjoined him to be content with his estate descended to him from his Fathers, that is, with the Kingdom of Pontus.   

CHAP. 24. Fimbria his boldness, and end: Laenas the Tribune executes Lucilius the last year's tribune, & banisheth the rest of Sylla his party.  
CAius Flavius Fimbria who being General of the horse before Sylla his coming, had stain Valevius Flaccus a man of Consular quality, and possessing himself of his army, and saluted by the title of General, had as it happened in a battle routed Mithridates: Upon Sylla his passing over, slew himself. A young man he was who what he most unlawfully durst attempt did with courage put in execution. The same year, Publius Lanas, Tribune of the people, did throw down from the Tarpeian rock Sexius Lucilius who had been Tribune of the people, the year before: and when his fellows in office, whom he had cited and appointed a day for their trial, did for fear fly to Sylla: he by proclamation declared them Rebels, forbidding them the use of fire and water. Sylla, then having settled the affairs beyond the Sea, when to him first of any Roman, the Ambassadors of the Parthians had presented themselves: and among them certain of their soothsayers, had upon observation of some marks in his body, foretold that he should pass a most glorious life, and that the memory of him should be long lived, returning into Italy, he at Brundisium landed with only thirty thousand men against forces of his enemies, consisting of above two hundred thousand. Hardly can I esteem any action of Sulla's more noble than that when the faction of Cinna and Marius tyrannised over all Italy, he neither forbore to declare, that he would make war upon them, nor yet quitted the business that he had in hand: And thought that the public enemy of the State was first to be repressed, before he thought of private revenge: and that when the fear of a foreign force was removed, and he had mastered his enemy abroad, he would also take order with those at home. Before coming of Lucius Sylla in a mutiny of the Army, Cinna was by them slain; A man better meriting to have been executed at the pleasure of the Conqueror, then slaughtered by the rage of the soldier, of whom it may be truly said: that he dared give attempt upon those things which no honest man ever durst think; and effected that which was not to be done by any, but those that were of the most dauntless courage: and that in consultation and advice, he was headily rash; in execution, a gallant man. Carbo having no colleague subrogated in Cinna's place, was, for the rest of the whole year the sole Consul.   

CHAP. 25. Sylla his return into Italy: the overthrow of Scipio and Norbanus near Capua, Sylla after the victory, not like Sylla before it.  
THou wouldst have thought that Sylla had not come into Italy to make a part in the war: but to negotiate for and procure a peace. With such quietness and so great care of the provisions and fruits of the earth, of the country, the people, and the Towns, did he lead his army through all Calabria and Apulia, into Campania: and did seek to end the war with just, and equal conditions. But they whose greedy desires were both extremely wicked and unbounded, could not away with peace. In the mean time Sylla his army did daily increase, every one that was of the honestest ●ort, and the most discreet flocking to him. After that not far from Capua he prosperously defeated Scipio and Norbanus the Consuls, of whom Norbanus was overthrown in fight. Scipio forsaken by his army and betrayed by them, was by Sylla dismissed untouched. So unlike was Sylla the soldier to Sylla the Conqueror, that while he overcomes he was more mild than the gentlest spirit: after the victory, more cruel than can be spoken. For both when he was Consul, as we have already told, he dismissed in safety Quintus Sertorius, only disarming him; a firebrand soon after, (of ohs how great a war) with many others whom he had in his power: I think that in the same man there might be seen an instance of a mind double, and most different from itself. After the victory, in the descent from the mountain Tifata, where Sylla had encountered with Caius Norbanus, he rendered thanks to Diana, to whose Deity all that country is consecrated: & also dedicated to the goddess, the Baths for their virtue in curing diseases very famous, with all the fields about them: of which his grateful devotion the brazen table fixed upon a post of the temple, with the inscription thereof doth to this day bear witness and keep the memory in being.   

CHAP. 26. Carbo, and Marius the son, Consuls: Marius beaten at Sacriportum by Sylla, and besieged in Preneste, Murders in Rome, & the brave death of Calphurnia.  
IN the mean while, the Consuls for the time being, Carbo the third time, and Caius Marius son to him that was seven times Consul, who then was six and twenty years old, and one rather of his father's courage, then fitted for that age, having, & that bravely made many attempts, being at last beaten by Sylla about Sacriportum, retired with his army to Preneste, which being by nature fortified, he had before strengthened with a garrison. When, lest there should be any thing wanting to the public calamities; In that City where the emulation was always wont to be about virtuous actions, the contention was now only for the height of mischief: & he thought himself the best man, who did most transcend in villainy. For while they were in arms, and disputing the fortune of the wars at Sacriportum, Damasippus the Praetor in the market place of Hostillius did cause to be murdered, as favourers of Sylla his faction, Domitius Scaevola, who also was the sovereign Bishop, and a most famous sage of all laws both divine and humane: together with Caius Carbo of the Praetorian rank, and brother to the Consul, and Antistius who had been Aedile. Nor let Calpurnia the daughter of Bactia and wife of Antistius, lose the glory of her most noble resolution; who when her husband, as we have related, was slain with a sword, ran herself thorough: how great an addition to her fame and glory; her virtue makes her eminent, her country is unknown.   

CHAP. 27. Pontius Telesinus the Samnite, his bravery and endangering Sylla in fight at the gates of Rome a Menius seeking to escape under ground from Preneste, surprised and slain.  
But Pontius Telesinus, Captain of the Samnites, one both at home and in the wars of an invincible spirit, and of the Roman name, a most irreconcilable enemy: having gathered together about forty thousand of the bravest and the most eager of wars, that were to be found among the youth of his nation. When Carbo and Marius were Consults about forty years since, upon the Kallends of November, did so rudely encounter with Sylla before the gate Collina, as he brought both him and the Common wealth into the extremity of danger: which was not in greater hazard when Hannibal his tents were pitched within three miles of the walls, than that day when Telesinus flying about the ranks of his army, & proclaiming that the Romans last day was come; cried out that the City must be destroyed and razed; adding thereunto that those Wolves, the ruiners of the liberty of Italy, would never fail to be troublesome, except the wood in which they used to harbour, were stubbed up by the roots. At length above an hour within night, both the Romans army got some time to breath, and the enemy fell off; Telesinus was found the next day half a live, and with a speech rather of a conquering, than a dying man, whose head being cut from his shoulders, Sylla commanded to be carried about the walls of Preneste. Then at length the younger Caius Marius despairing of the success of his affairs, attempting to escape by certain Mines which with wonderful Art being cut under ground, did open themselves into several fields, when now he had gotten out of the earth, was by some that were set there for that work, deprived of life. There are some that report, he died by his own hand: some that say, that he and his younger brother Telesinus beleaguered, and attemting to escape with him, finding themselves past all hope, engaged ran together, and with interchanged wounds, dispatched one another. How ever he died, and that to this day, his memory is nothing obscured by so great glory of his father: in what repute Sy●●a did hold that young man, it is easily to be discerned in this; that when he was slain, he assumed the name of fortunate, which indeed he should have withal justice taken upon him, if his victory and his life had ended together. Offella Lucretius commanded in chief at the siege of Marius and Praneste, who having been before of the Marian faction when he was Praetor, fled over to Sylla. The fortune of that day in which the army of the Samnites, and Telesinus was mated, Sylla did honour with a perpetual memorial of play, in the Circus, in which without naming it, the victory of Sylla is glorified.   

CHAP. 28. Divers battles fought and worn by Sylla his Captains, the Servilij, Metellus and Lucullus: the secona proscription.  
A Little before that Sylla fought at Sacriportum, diverse Commanders of his party had in brave and important encounters, routed several armies of the enemies. As the two Servilij at Clusium, Metellus Pius at Faventia, and Marcus Lucullus at Fidentia. The miseries of the civil war did seem to be ended, when by the cruelty of Sylla, they were both renewed and augmented: for he being created Dictator (the assuming of which honour by any man had now by the space of one hundred and twenty years been intermitted, ever since the next year after Hannibal his quitting of Italy, so as it seemed the people of Rome did not so much desire to make use of the Dictatorship, as they stood in fear of the power of so absolute a command which their Ancestors had employed to relieve and settle the State in the greatest exigent) did abuse it with a licentious and unbounded cruelty. He was the first (and would to God he had been the last) that invented and raised a precedent for proscriptions. That in that City, in which an overworn stage-player was censured for saucy abusing of others, in the same there should be an authorising from the State of the massacring of a subject, and he thrive best, who had slain most men, nor the reward for killing an enemy be more full and bounteous, than for murdering a Citizen, and every man be made the paymaster of his own hangman. Neither was this rage bend only against those who had borne arms against him: but many innocent men also fell under it. To which was added, that the goods of those that were proscribed, were set to sale, and their children being disinherited, were also barred and excluded from standing for any honours or offices in the State: and withal, which was of all the most unworthy piece, the sons of Senators, must bear the burdens of that order, and yet lose the rights thereof.   

CHAP. 29. Cnaeus Pompeius his bringing an army to Sylla: His character and the esteem be held with his enemy.  
Upon the coming of Lucius Sylla into Italy, Cnaus Pompeius, the son of that Pompey, of whose most glorious exploits in his Consulship in the Marsian war, we have before made relation, being three and twenty years old, about one hundred years since, undertaking with the means of a private fortune, great matters, and gallantly putting in action what he had so projected; to vindicate and restore the honour of his country, did raise a full and just army in the Picene territory, which was in every place stuffed with the followers and dependants of his father, whose greatness would, to describe it fully, require many volumes, but the proportion of the work I have in hand compels me to deliver it in few words. His mother was called Lucilia, descended of a race of the degree of the Senate, for his shape it was of the best, not such as inlovely youths is counted for dainty, but for the gracefulness and Majesty suited to such a height of greatness which did so attend upon his fortunes to the last period of his life. Of authority and power (that it might for his honour be tendered to him, not seized upon by him) he was most eagerly desirous. In war a most able Captain, in peace a Citizen, (except where he stood in fear of a concurrent equal) full of all modesty, of his friends a most constant observer; oftended, he was not hard to be entreated; once reconciled, he most faithfully kept his word; in receiving satisfaction, no man so easy. His power he never or seldom abused, to commit any insolence: he scarce was discerned to wish any thing, except it should be counted among the highest of his aims, that he thought scorn in a free City, and Lady of so many Nations, where by right all men were of his own rank, to see any one his equal in honour. He from the time that he came to man's estate, being trained up in service under his father, a most able Captain, did so inform his judgement, which of itself was clear & capable of knowledge, with an excellent understanding of the Arts of war, that by Sertorius, Metellus was indeed more commended, but Pompey more cordially redoubted.   

CHAP. 30. Sertorius betrayed at supper by Perperna and slain: Metellus and Pompeius their triumph, before Pompeius was a Senator. The wars with the staves, and Spartacus their Captain.  
IN the end Marcus Perperna, a man of Praetorian quality, and of the proscribed, by his race and descent more noble than his disposition, at Exosca murdered Sertorius, when they were at supper, and by that his basest treachery, procured to the rest of the people of Rome an assured victory, to his own party ruinous destruction, and to himself a most ignominious death. Metellus then and Pompey triumphed for their conquest of both the Spain's. But Pompey in this same triumph being as yet but a Knight of Rome, before the time that he was, or might be elected Consul, entered the City in a triumphal Chariot: who can forbear to wonder at this man? that being by extraordinary commands, raised to the highest type of honour, did yet with impatience brook the Senate and people of Rome their showing that they took into their consideration, and had regard to Caius Caesar when he pretended to a second Consulship. So familiar it is with men ●o allow any thing to themselves, but excuse nothing in o●hers, and to bend their envy ●red by occasions, not as the ●ause, but as their humour and ●he persons direct them. In his Consulship did Pompey restore the power of the Tri●unes, whereof Sylla had only left the shadow or image in use. While the war of Sertorius was on foot, sixty four fugitive slaves breaking out of a fencing school, where they were kept at Capua, led by Spartacus, and getting swords in the City, at the first withdrew themselves to Mount Vesuvius, and presently their multitude daily increasing, with various and grievous calamities they afflicted all Italy, whose number did grow to such an excess, a● in the last battle that they fought, they opposed the Roman army with forty thousand armed men. The glory of ending this war, was due to Marcus Crassus, who was ere long a principal man among all the Romans.   

CHAP. 31. The piraeticall war with amplest authority committed to Pompey, though against the will of the Nobility.  
NOw had the quality of Pompey turned the eyes of the world upon him, and he was in every place and respect, the more fixedly regarded, when being Consul, he had solemnly sworn that his time being expired, he would not accept of, or seek the government of any Province, and had kept his oath. Two years after, A●lus Gabinius the Tribune preferred a law that since the Pirates did now in the manner of a just war, not of the every and surprising attempts, with whole navies affright the world, and had also sacked certain Cities in Italy: that, I say, Cnaeus Pompey should be employed to repress them: and that his command should extend thorough all the Provinces of equal power with the proconsuls, and every way fifty miles from the sea side; by which decree of the Senate, the Empire of almost the whole world was conferred upon one man. Yet was the same also decreed two years before in the Praetorship of Mark Anthony. But sometimes the consideration of the person, as by precedent it doth mischief, so it either augments or lessens the envy that i● borne them: for seldom are th● honours envied of such men whose power is not redoubted; and on the contrary, men do stand in fear of extraordinary greatness in those whom they suppose likely either to quit or retain them at their pleasures, and to have no limits or terms set them but by heir own will. This determination was opposed by the prime of the Nobility: but their prudent advice was overruled and mastered by the violence of others. The esteem of Quintus Catulus, and This modesty also are worthy of memory, who when, in opposing of this law, he had said in the assembly, that Cnaeus Pompeius was indeed a very excellent man, but yet in a free Republic, neither all, nor yet too much was to be committed to the hand of any one man, & then added; But if any thing disastrous betid him: whom have you to substitute in his room? the whole assembly cried out, Thyself Quintus Catulus: He then vanquished by the uniform consent of them all, and so honourable a testification of the whole City concerning himself, departed out of the assembly. Let me here admire both the honesty of the man, and the equity of the people. Him, that he would not any further contend, and of their part, that though dissuading and declaring himself adverse to their desires, they yet would not defraud him of the attestation justly due to him.   

CHAP. 32. That war in short time ended, and the seas cleared of Pirates, who were planted in a Colony within land.  
ABout the same time Cotta did equally divide the power of judging between the two orders of the Senate and Knights; which Caius Gracchus having bereft the Senate of, had transferred to the Knights, and Sylla had after restored to them. And Otho Roscius also by a law of his propounding, rendered again to the Knights their places in the Theatre. But Cnaeus Pompeius having taken with him to assist him in that war, many and worthy men, and appointed guards of ships for all the bays and sea coasts, in a short time with an invincible power did free the world of fear. And having in many encounters and diverse places beaten the Pirates: at length falling upon them about Cilicia with his whole fleet, and totally routing them, that he might with the more celerity make an end of the war, so dilated over the earth, he recollecting the remnants of them, settled them in Cities, apart remoted from the Sea upon certain habitations. There are that carp at this act of his: but though such an Author be reason enough for the fact, yet reason itself doth make any author of great authority. For giving them means to live without rapine, he shut them up far from Sea, so barring them from that way of spoiling others.   

CHAP. 33. Manlius' Tribune of the people, prefers a law to commit the war of Mithridates to Pompey, taking it from Lucullus, who had done great things in it: Lucullus his character, comparative with the disposition of Pompey.  
When the pyratical war was upon the point of concluding, and Lutius Lucullus (who seven years before in his Consulship, had by lot Asia asigned unto him as his province, and had there performed both great and memorable services, had often in many places routed Mithridates, had with a glorious victory freed Cizicum from siege, and had overthrown in Armenia Tigranes the greatest King of those Pirates, and rather would not, then was unable to give the last blow to that war, he (who in all other respects was worthy of praise, and in war invincible) was yet vanquished with the love of money) did still command in that war. Manilius then Tribune of the people, a man always mercenary, and a busy advancer of the power of another, preferred a law, that the war with Mithridates should be committed to Cnaeus Pompeius. The bill did pass, and thereupon was there great and bitter brawling between the Generals, while Pompey objected to Lucullus his base love of gain, and Lucullus to him his unlimited desire of command, and neither of them in that which he imputed to the other, could be charged with belying him: For neither did Pompey after he once had put his hand to the affairs of state in his mind, ever brook any equal, and in those things in which by due right, he should have been the prime, he desired to be the sole man. Nor did ever any man less covet all other things, or more greedily glory than he. In seeking honours without moderation, in enjoying and using them most modest: as who whereas he most desirously entered them, did yet with an equal temper lay them down, and what he desired to assume at his own pleasure, was content to divest himself of it at the will of another. Lucullus on the other side, a man in all other regard of highest excellencies, was the first beginner of the excessive riot of our times in building, feasts and furniture of houses: whom for his forcing out the sea in some places, by masses of earth thrown into it, and letting it into other by undermining of mountains, Pompey the great did not without a smartness of wit, use to call the gowned Xerxes.   

CHAP. 34. Crect conquered and made a Province by Metellus: The Temple of janus shut the secona time, which was done but thrice in all the time of Rome: First by the King, secondly by Metellus, thirdly by Augustus. Cicero his suppressing of Catiline, his conspiracy.  
ABout the same time the Isle of Crect was by Quintus Metellus brought under the command of the people of Rome, which by the leading of Panares and Lasthenes, with twenty four thousand young men of incredible swiftness, unweariable with their arms & travail, and most excellent Archers, had for three whole years vexed the Roman armies. Neither from encroaching upon the glory of this man also, did Cnaeus Pompeius restrain his desires, but endeavoured to claim a part of his victory. But for the triumphs of Lucullus and Metellus both their own singular virtue and the envy of Pompey did with all the best sort of men render them the more favoured. In these times it was, that Marcus Cicero, who was indebted only to himself for all his additions, a man of a most illustrious newness, and as he was noble in his life, so for his understanding of the greatest: whose work it was that we should not be inferior to them in wit, whom with arms we had mastered: being Consul, with his singular virtue, constancy, vigilancy, and carefulness overthrew the conspiracy of Sergius Catiline, Lentulus, Cethegus, & diverse others of both the degrees of Senators & Knights. Catiline by fear of the Consul's command was forced out of the City, Lentulus of Consular quality, and that had been twice Praetor, and Cethegus with others of noble families, by authority of the Senate, and direction from the Consul, were put to death in prison.   

CHAP. 35. Cicero his character: the execution of the conspirators and the death of Catiline in fight.  
THat day of the Senate's sitting, in which these things were acted, did render most gloriously glistering, the virtue of Marcus Cato, which was before in other things conspicuous and clearly shining. He being the great grand child of Marcus Cato, the head of the Portian family, was a man most like to virtue itself, and every way more nearly approaching in his disposition to the Gods than man: who never did just things that he might appear so, but because he could do no other, and to whom that only did seem reasonable which had equity in it, and being clearly free of all humane main vices had always fortune in his own power. He being chosen (as yet a very youth) Tribune of the people, when others did opine that Lentulus and the rest of the Conspirators should be held under guard in the free towns, when, almost one of the last, his suffrage was called for, did with such power both of spirit, and wit, inveigh against the Conspiracy, that with his ardency he rendered the opinions of those who had persuaded the way of lenity, suspected of being privy to the plot: so laid open the dangers hanging over their heads, of the ruin and firing of the City and altering of the State, so magnified the virtue of the Consul, that the whole body of the Senate sided with his opinion, censured them to die whom we spoke of before, and the major part of the order of Senators accompanied Cato by way of honour home to his house. But Catiline did no more faintly put in execution his designs of mischief when they were discovered, than he had before undertaken them; for fight with infinite valour He paid the life to the sword of the soldier, which was due to that of justice.   

CHAP. 36. The birth of August. Caesar, in Cicero his Consulship: An enumeration men, in that age famous for learning.  
NO mean addition of honour to the year of Cicero his Consulship, was the birth of Sacred Augustus, who then was borne now eighty two years since with his greatness to obscure all men of what nation soever. It may almost seem superfluous to reckon up the ages of the men of eminency for their wits of those days: for who knows not that about that time though somewhat differing in years did flourish, Cicero, Hortensius, and indeed Crassus, also Cato Sulpitius & within a while Brutus, Calidius, Coelius, Calvus, and in the next rank to Cicero Caesar, and as a fosterchild of theirs Corvinus with Asinius Polio, and the emulator of Thucydides Sallust, and the Poets Varro, Lucretius and Catullus second to none in verifying of the work which he took in hand. The tallying up of the names of these able wits, who are in a sort still in our eyes, is a kind of folly, among whom in our age are most eminent the prince of Poets Virgilius and Rabirius & Livy who succeeded to Sallust, with Tibullus and Naso most excellent in the manner of their work. For of men of eminency as the admiration is great so is the censure full of difficulty.   

CHAP. 27. Pompey his acts against Mithridates and Tigranes. Tigranes' his yielding himself and estate.  
While these affairs are on foot in the City and in Italy, Cnaeus Pompeius did manage the war of a remarkable nature against Mithridates: who after the departure of Lu●ullus, had raised a brave body of ● new arm. But that King being overthrown, routed and stripped out of all his means, retired himself to Armenia, and Tigranes (his father in law) a king in that time, but that he had before bi● shaken by Lucullus, of all other the most puissant. Pompey therefore pursuing them jointly, entered Armenia, and first Tigranes hi● son, but at odds with his father, presented himself to Pompey, and ere long he himself also in person, and as suppliant rendered himself and his estate, to his disposure, professing tha● there was no other, either Roman, or of any other nation, besides Cnaeus Pompeius, to whos● consortship he would adjoyn●● himself. And therefore that any fortune either prosperous or adverse which he should allot him he should repute easy to be suffered. That it was not dishonour to be conquered by him whom it were a crime to overcome. Neither was it inglorious to Pompey that he submitted himself to him whom fortune had raised above all other men. The royal estate was by him reserved for the king, but for him fined in a mighty sum of money, which Pompey, as he always ased to do, did deliver into the power of the Questor, and so was it accounted for, to the public Treasury. Syria and other provinces which he had seized upon, being rerest him, were part restored to the people of Rome, part then appropriated to them, as Syria, which was then first made tributary to Rome. Armenia was appointed for the bounds of the King's Empire.   

CHAP. 38, 39 A catalogue of all the Roman Provinces: when and by whom they were made so.  
IT doth not seem to hold any great discrepance from th● rule of my intended work, i● few words to deliver cursorily what countries and by what Commanders mastered, hav● been reduced into the form o● Provinces, and submitted to th● payment of tribute, which we have noted, that the more easily of the whole together there ma● be a view taken in the severa● parts. Claudius' being Consu●● did first pass an army over into Sicily, and almost fifty two years after Claudius Marcell● having taken Siracusa made it province. Regulus first entered A●rica about the ninth year of the ●●rst Punic war, but two hundred and four years after ●●ipso Emilianus racing of Car●●age, about one hundred eighty ●●d two years since reduced it ●●to a Province: Upon Sardinia between the first and second ●●●ique war, by the conduct ● Titus Manlius the yoke of ●●r command was settled. A vast proof of a warlike City it is, ●at once only under the Kings, ●e second time in the Consulship of this Titus Manlius, and ●●e third in the principality of ●ugustus, the Temple of the bi●onted, janus being shut up did ●ure us of an universal peace. ● Spain about the beginning of ●●e second Punic war, Cnaeus●●d ●●d Publius Scipio led our armies ●●out two hundred and fifty years since. After that it bein● with various fortune possessed and often by parcels lost, by th● command of Augustus it wa● made tributary. Macedonia b● Paulus, Achaia by Mummiu● Aetolia by Fulvius Nobilior we●● subdued, Asia by Publius Scip●● brother to the African, was take● from Antiochus, but by favo●● of the Senate and people o● Rome, being a while enjoyed b● the kings of the family of Att●lus, in the end Marcus Perpern● having taken Aristonicus prisoner, made it subject to Tribute The glory of having conquer● Cyprus is not to be ascribed ● any. For by a decree of the S●nate, the administration of Ca●● and the King's death which ● by the impulsion of a guilt● Conscience did procure to hi●selfe, it became a tributary P●●●ince. Creta by the direction of Metellus was amerced at the expiration of her most ancient liberty. Syria and Pontus remain ●●e monuments of Cnaeus Pompe● his valour.   

CHAP. 39  
THe Gauls (first entered with an army by Fabius●●e ●●e nephew Paulus, who was ●●lled the Allobrogian,) with our ●reat loss we often both cove●●d and lost. But the most clear●● glorious workmanship of ●●ius Caesar is to be now view●● in them: by whose command ●●d fortune they utterly broken ●●e brought to almost the same ●●at the whole world is, to contribute a dull and servile pension. ● the same manner Servilius ●●●uricus subjugated Cilicia, and ●●●lso Manlius Gasto-gracia when it had revolted after the warre● with Antio●hus Bythinia, as we● have already said, was by the las● testament of Nicomedes left a●● inheritance to the people o● Rome. Sacred Augustus, besides all the Spain's and other nation's with the titles of whom hi● marketplace is adorned, rendering in almost the same fashion Egypt tributary, did bring to the Exchequer as large a revenue as his father had done from Gallia. But Tiberius Caesar whe● had enforced out of Spain, a direct confession of their subjection did also wring the like o●● of the Illyrians and Dalmatian● He also did add new provinces t● our Empire Rhaetia the Vindilicians & the Noricians with Pa●nonia and the Scordisci. But le● us return unto our forme● course.   

CHAP. 40. Pompey his Conquests in Asia, his civil return to Rome, and his triumph.  
In the next place succeeded the war that Cn. Pomp. managed, wherein whether the glory or the labour were the greater, doth rest uncertain. Media, Albanis, and Hiberia were victoriously passed through, & from thence winding in his course, he turned upon those Nations which inhabit on the right hand, and the innermost part of Pontus, the Colchians, Heniochians with the Achaeans. And by the fortune of Pompey, and the trains of his son Pharnaches, in the end Mi●hridates himself was ruined, ●he last of all the Kings, of such power and absoluteness besides the Parthians. And now Pompey conqueror of all nations that he had reached, and greater than either himself or any of his Countrymen did wish, and in every respect praised beyond the condition of a mortal man, returns into Italy: whose coming back opinion did render very gracious. For many did affirm that he would not come home, but with his army, & by that means to determine at his own pleasure what proportion the public liberty should hold. The more men had apprehended this fear, so much the more with honour, was the fair and civil return of so great a Commander. For cashiering his army at Brundisium and retaining nothing but the name of General with his private followers, whom it was always his custom to converse withal (when out of business) he returned into the City: And there in most magnificent manner did two whole days together triumph of so many Kings, bringing into the treasury a far greater mass of money of his spoils, than any had done before him, but one Paulus. In the absence of Cnaeus Pompeius, Titus Ampius and Titus Labienus, Tribunes of the people, preferred and passed a law, that in the games in the Circus he should wear a crown of gold, and all his triumphal ornaments, and at the stageplayss only the ordinary young men's gown and a golden crown: That yet only once (and so much indeed was more then enough) he made use o. This man's greatness Fortune did raise with so vast additions, as he first triumphed of Africa, the second time of Europe, and the third of Asia: and of how many parts the world doth consist, so many monuments did she make them of his glory. Never did the highest eminencies want envic. Both Lucullus therefore (but yet remembering the wrong done him) and Metellus the Cretan, not complaining without cause, (For Pompey had drawn from him the ornaments of his triumph, his captived Captains) and with them part of the Noblemen did oppose, and would not give way that the rewards promised by Pompey either to the Cities or to well deservers, should be paid by his direction.   

CHAP. 41. Caius Caesar his Consulship: His character.  
THen followed the consulship of Caius Caesar, who, as I am writing, lays his hand upon me, & whatsoever haste I have, constrains me to pause upon him. He being extracted of the most noble julian family, and (which with all of greatest antiquity is held for certain) deriving his descent from Aluchises and Venus: Of person the most lovely of all the Citizens of Rome; in vivacity of spirit, most sharp; in bounty most profusely liberal; of courage above either the nature or the belief of any man; In greatness of his designs, celerity in execution, patience in dangers, most nearly resembling that great Alexander (but him sober and not transported withanger) Finally a man that used both sleep and meat to live, and not for voluptuousness, when he was in blood most nearly tied to Caius Marius and also son in law to Cinna, whose daughter he could by no means be compelled to repudiate, at that time that Marcus Piso a man of Consular quality, had, to gain Sylla his favour put away Annia who once had been Cinna's wife, and to whom himself had been married eighteen years, when Sylla was master of all: the instruments of Sylla and the upholders of the faction rather than he himself seekking for his life, changing his garments, and disguising himself in a habit not suited to his fortune, by night slipped out of the City. And when afterward he being yet a very youth was taken by the Pirates, he so carried himself all the time that he was detained by them, that he was of them both respected and feared; Neither did he ever in all that time, either by day or night (for why should that which is most worthy observation be omitted, if it cannot be with any flourishing phrase delivered) put off his shoes or ungirt himself, for this reason, lest, if he should in any thing change his fashion, he might be suspected by them who only with their eyes held a guard upon him.   

CHAP. 42. Caesar's taking the pirates that held him prisoner, & nailing them upon the cross.  
IT would be too long to tell how much and how often he showed his daring; with how great power of his, the authority of the people of Rome, upon his motion refused to second the intentions of him, that then had Asia in his possession. This one thing let me relate to serve for instance of the greatness to which he was ere long to rise. The night following that day in which he was by the common purse of the Cities ransomed (yet so as he made the pirates give hostages to the Cities) he both being a private man, and doing it on the sudden in a disordered manner, setting out a fleet he sailed to the place where the pirates were: and part of their Navy he forced to fly, part he sunk, some ships & with them many prisoners he took. And glad of this his victory gotten, by night returned to his friends, when clapping them in prison whom he had taken, he went into Bythinia to the Proconsul junius (who then governed that part of Asia) desiring that he might have power to punish them as they deserved, which when he refused, and said that he would sell them for slaves, (for a dull cowardice is ever waited on by envy) he with incredible speed returning to the sea side, before any letters of direction could be brought from die Proconsul, nailed upon the cross every one of them whom he had taken.   

CHAP. 43. Caesar his return into Italy, to stand for the high place of high priest, carrying it from Catulus, reestablishing the statues of Marina, and restoring the children of such as had been proscribed.  
HE also making haste into Italy to enter upon the Priesthood (for when he was absent he was by Marius and Cinna though he then was almost a child created the high Priest of jupiter in the room of Cotta, a man of Consular quality, though afterward when Sylla was Conqueror who made void all that they had done he had lost that place) that he might not be discovered by the pirates (who then filled all those Seas, and were not without cause bitterly enraged against him) he went aboard a ship of four oars, & with two friends and ten servants, crossed over the broadest part of the Hadriatique gulf: And when in that course he kenned, as he thought, the Pirate's ships, stripping himself out of his clothes, and tying his dagger to his thigh, he prepared himself to either fortune. But within a while perceived, that his sight was mistaken, and that they were certain trees, which in a long row appeared like the Masts of ships. The rest of his actions in the City, with his most noble accusation of Dolabella, and the favour of the people showed him in a larger measure than is usually afforded to delinquents and his most glorious yet civil competitions with Quintus Catulus & other men of principal quality; and the carrying the question against Quintus Catulus, who by the confession of all men was the prime man of the Senate, in their concurrency for the place of the Sovereign Bishop, his reestablishing, when he was Aedile, the Images of Caius Marius when all the Nobility opposed it, restoring to their honours the Children of those that had been proscribed; His Praetorship and Questorship passed in Spain with admirable bravery and industry, when he was Questor unde● Vetus Antistius the grandfather of this Vetus, a man of quality Consular, and high priest, father of two of the same rank of Consul, and high priest, and as good a man as can be expected of any humane innocency, these things (I say) the more they are known, the less they need my pen.   

CHAP. 44. The confederacy between Pompey, Caesar, and Crassus for establishment of their power in Rome, confirmed by alliance, Pompey marrying Caesar's daughter julia: Caesar's Consulship and d●vision of lands in Campania.  
WHile he therefore was Consul, there was contracted between him, Cnaeus Pompeius, and Marcus Crassus, a society for the instauration of their power; which was to the City to the whole world, and though in different times no less to themselves ruinous and baleful. This device Pompey was induced to pursue, to the end that at length his Constitutions made in the Provinces beyond the Seas (to which as we before have delivered, many were opposite) might be by Caesar confirmed. By Caesar this course was taken, for that he saw that he should, by giving way to Pompey his glory, increase his own, and that the envy of their common greatnrsse being confined to him alone, he should fortify his own strength. And by Crassus, that the principality and prime place, which otherwise alone and by himself he could not, he thus might hold supported by the authority of Pompey, and forces of Caesar. There was also an alliance agreed upon between Pompey and Caesar; for Pompey the great took to wife the daughter of Caius Caesar: while he was Consul, Caesar passed a law, that the lands in Campania should be divided among the Plebeians. So were planted thereabout twenty thousand Citizens: and that country restored to their freedom about one hundred fifty and two years, after that Capua in the Punic war was by the Romans reduced into the form of a government under a Perfect. Bibulus the fellow Consul to Caesar, while he rather had will than power to cross Caesar in his designs, did for the most part of the year keep himself in his house: whereby thinking to augment the envy bend upon him, he increased his power. Then were the Gallias decreed to Caesar's government for five years.   

CHAP. 45. Publius Clodius his character and his banishment of Cicero, with his glorious repealing: Cato his bringing a vast treasure out of Cyprus.  
AT the same time Publius Clodius, a man nobly borne, eloquent, and bold, who neither for his words nor actions did ever know any limits, but those of his own will, the smartest executioner of mischievous intendments, being also infamous for whoring of his sister, & accused of incest for committing of adultery in the midst of the most religiously sacred Ceremonies of the people of Rome: when there was bitter hatred between him & Marcus Cicero (For what friendships could there be between spirits so directly opposite) and had of a Patrician rendered himself Plebeian, being created Tribune of the people, passed a law, that whosever had killed a Roman Citizen uncondemned, should be interdicted the use of fire and water. ●n which words though Cicero were not named, yet he alone was leveled at: So that man who had deserved infinitely of he common wealth for preserving his country from ruin, was rewarded with the calamity of ●eing exiled. Neither were Caesar and Pompey free from being suspected of lending their ●ands to the oppressing of Ci●●ro. And Cicero himself did ●eeme to have procured it to his twne mischief, by refusing to ●ee one of the twenty men appointed for the distributing the ●●nds in Campania. He was within two years, by the tardy care of Pompeius with a most desired return, to the wishes of Italy, and upon a decree of the Senate, assisted by the virtue and act of Anniu● Milo Tribune of the people, restored to his honours and hi● country. Nor was there any, after the banishment and the repeal of the Numidian, that was either expelled with more envy, or recalled with more gladness; whose house being maliciously razed by Clodius, was so beautifully re-edified by the Senate. The same Publius Clodi●● in the Senate, under the title o● a most honourable employment sequestered Marcus Cato from the Republic, for he passe● a law, that he should be sen● Questor with Praetorian powe● with a Questor also under hi● ●nto Cyprus, to deprive the King Ptolemy of his estate, who ●y all foulness of life had well merited that disgrace: But he ●pon the coming of Cato laid ●iolent hands upon himself: whereby Cato returned to Rome ● sum of treasure, far beyond what was hoped for, whose integrity it were a crime ●o commend: his insolence might be almost blamed, for that ●he City being emptied, and ●he Senate with the Consul's ●one to meet him, when he ●ame up the Tiber by ship, he ●id not set his foot on shore till ●e came where the money was to ●e landed.   

CHAP. 46. Caesar's acts in Gaul and Britain Crassus' Consul with Pompey, ●●pointed to the Parthian war: H●● character & defeat.  
When after these passages ● Caesa● had in Gallia performed stupendious acts, hardly to b● expressed in many volumes, an● not satisfied with very many ● most happy victories, not wi●● innumerable thousands of the ●nemies slain & taken prisoners had also passed his army over i● to Britain, seeking as it were a● other world to be subject to o● Empire & his own, an invincib●● pair of Consuls Cn. Pompeius' ● M. Crassus entered their seco●● Consulship, which neither w● sincerely sought nor laudably administered by them. To Caesar● by a law which Pompey preferred ● the people, the command of ● province was prorogued for t●● ●ime of the former grant. To ●r●●ssus who was then in his mind lotting of the Parthian war Syria was decreed. This man in other ●hings most upright & free from ● voluptuousness, did yet neither ●now any mean, nor set any bound ●o his covetous desire of money or ●ory. Him, as he was departing ●or Syria, the Tribune's of the people with ill boding presages labour ●ut in vain to retain: whose exe●ations if they had been of efficable against his life only, the loss ●f the General, so the army had ●eene safe, would have been ● gain to the Common weath. When Crassus had passed over ●uphrates, and was marching ●owards Seleucia, the King Oro●● whirling about him with in●●it forces of horse, slew him together with the greater part ●f his army. The remainder of the legions Caius Crassus' wh● than was Questor (and not lon● after the author of a most execrble fact) preserved, & did in su●● sort keep Syria in the power ● the people of Rome, as with ● happy change of the event he overthrew & routed the Parthian when they entered it with force●   

CHAP. 47. Continuation of Caesar's acts ● Gaul, about Alexia: Iu●● and her son by Pompey dea● whose life only hindered a ci●● war. Clodius slain by Mi●●  
IN those times, those whic● we have before spoken of, an● the succeeding days, abo●● four hundred thousand en●mies were slain, and more ●●ken prisoners by Caius Caesar● he fought oftentimes in set and orderly battle, often in troops, and often upon sallies and sudden attempts, twice he entered Brittany: finally, in nine whole years scarce any one did pass him, wherein he did not most justly deserve a triumph. But about Alexia, he did so great things as ●re scarce within compass of ●ny mortal to dare attempt, and almost only in the power of a God to perform them. And ●ow had Caesar been almost se●en years in Gallia, when Iulia●he ●he wife of Pompey, & the interposed pledge of the concord; which by the envy of Pompey was ill cemented between Cnae●s Pompeius & Caius Caesar, departed this life. And fortune removing all bars from between ●he Captains preordained to so great a trial, within a short while after the little son of Pompey borne of julia also died. Then the canvasing for voices, raging with the sword and the slaughter of the Citizens, whereof there was neither means not end to be discerned: the third Consulship was bestowed upon Cnaeus Pompeius alone, by the approbation even of those who had before used to be adverse to his honour, with the glory of which dignity, as a testimony of the noble men's being reconciled to him, he was totally estranged from Caius Caesar. But the whole power of that his Consulship he spent in repressing the enormities of plotting and procuring voices at elections. At that time Publius Clodius by Milo who then stood candidate for the Consulship (a precedent of no good use in itself, yet beneficial being done for the public) was upon a meeting and brawls, rising between them slain upon the place. Milo called in question for it, was condemned not more for the dislike of the fact, than because such was Pompey's pleasure, whom yet Cato by his suffrage delivered publicly did acquit, which if he had pronounced somewhat sooner, there would not have wanted those that would have followed that pattern, and have proved that a Citizen was slain then whom there had none lived more pernicious to the Common wealth, nor more infestious to honest men.   

CHAP. 48. Civil war beginning between Caesar and Pompey: Peace treated of, hindered by Curio: His character.  
THen within a little space of time, the exordiums of the civil war began to kindle, when every one that stood most for the right, were of opinion that both Caesar and Pompey should east off their armies. For Pompey in his second Consulship, had proeured the Sp●●●●● to be appointed to him, and th●● for three years' space himself being from thence absent, and sitting at the helm of affairs in the City, might by his Lieutenants Afranius and Petraus whereof the one had been Consul, the other Praetor, govern●● the same. And those that opined that Caesar should dismiss his army, he sided with; but such as thought himself also should do the same, he opposed: who if two years before that they fell to arms, he had died in Campania, being oppressed with a grievous sickness, when he had finished all those his intendments of his Theatre, and the other works which he made about it, (At what time ●ll Italy did decree public supplications for his recovery, and that the first that ever were for any private Citizen) Fortune might have saved her labour in reviving him, and the greatness which he had held among the living, he had carried with him are in paired to the lower world. But neither did any other man furnish the civil war, nor those so many mischiefs, which for twenty years together did succeed to it, with a greater or a more furious firebrand than Caius Curio, a Tribune of the people, a man noble, eloquent, bold, and of his own and other men's also, both fortune and honour profusely lavish: a man most wittily wicked, and to the mischief of the common wealth, a dainty speaker; whose mind, pleasure and lusts, neither any wealth, nor any desires would satisfy. This man was at first for Pompey, that is, as it then was accounted, for the Common wealth; and presently in show against both Caesar and Pompey, but in his heart for Caesar. Whether that for mere good will, or for a bribe of a hundred thousand Sesterces as we have received it, we leave uncertain▪ At the last those most healthful conditions of the then springing peace (which Caesar with a mind replete with all justice did require, and Pompey not unwillingly did admit) he broke and scattered in pieces. Cicero above all things labouring and carting from the public quiet: the order of those things as well as hose that went before, is both delivered in the complete writings of others, and shall, I hope, be expressed also in these of mine.   

CHAP. 49. Catulus, two Luculli, Metellus and Hortensiu● dead are the war: conditions of reason tendered by Caesar, refused by the other. The war begun.  
NOw let us restore to our intended work its own form; yet first let me congratulate with Quintus Catulus, the 2 Luculli, Metellus and Hortensius, who when without envy they had flourished in the Common wealth, and been eminent without danger, did exchange this life before the beginning of the civil wars, with a quiet, or at least with a death not hastened before the due time. When Lentulus and Marcellus were Consuls, seven hundred and three years after the building of the City, and the eighty and eight year before thou Marcus Vimcius didst enter thy Consulship, the civil war began to flame. The cause of the one Captain did seem the better, but that of the other the firmer. The authority of the Senate did put arms into Pompey's hand, into Caesar's the confidence of his soldiers. The Consuls and the Senate did yield the Sovereign command of all to the respect of the cause, not to Pompey's person. Nothing was left unattempted by Caesar, that might conduce to the preservation of peace, nor any thing accepted by the Pompeious: when one of the Consuls was more furious than reason; but Lentulus if the Republic were safe, could by no means be preserved from ruin. And Marcus Cato maintained that death was to be preferred before the admission of any conditions offered to the state by a private Citizen. A man indeed grave, and of the antique stamp, might more commend Pompey's part; but a prudent would follow that of Caesar: reputing things on that side more glorious, on this more dreadful. Thus in the end all Caesar's requests being with scorn rejected, they decreed: That contented with one only legion to retain the title of the Province, he should come a private man into the City, and in demanding the Consulship, submit himself to the suffrages of Rome.   

CHAP. 50. Pompey quits the city and Italy: Caesar takes Domitius at Corfinium, and dismisses him: comes to Rome, thence passes into Spain, & masters Afranius and Petreius.  
Caesar perceiving that they must come to arms, passed over Rubicon; Cnaeus Pompeius, the Consuls, the greater part of the Senate quitting the City, and afterward Italy, put over sea to Dyrrhachium. But Caesar having in his power Domitius, and the legions which were with him at Corfinium, dismissing without delay their Commander, and others that had a mind to go to Pompey, followed him to Brundisium; so that it appeared, that he had rather while all things stood entire and unhurt, make an end of the war by treaty, than oppress those that fled from him. When he found the Consuls were passed over the Sea, he returned to the City, & there in the Senate, and in a full assembly rendered an account of his intentions, and his most miserable necessity, who was by the injurious arms of other men compelled to draw his sword. Then he resolved to go for Spain: but the haste of his journey, Massilia did a while retard, with a faithfulness more entire than wisdom in Counsel, unseasonably taking upon them to judge of the principal forces of the side: which they only ought to take in their hand, who have power to compel such as will not obey. The army then which was commanded by Afranius of Consular, and Patreius of Praetorian quality, being mated with his coming, his vigour and his glory rendered itself to him. Both the Lieutenants, and as many of every condition as would not follow them, were dismissed and sent to Pompey.   

CHAP. 51. Caesar goes into Greece after Pompey, and besieges him in his camp. The boldness of Balbus in going into the enemy's army. Caesar shrewdly shaken in one encounter.  
THe next year when Dyrrhachium, and the country near about it, were possessed by Pompey's camp, who having sent for out of all the provinces beyond the seas, the legions, the auxiliaries both of horse and foot; the forces of the Kings, the Tetrarches, and also of the princes, had gathered together a mighty army, and held, as he supposed, the seas so guarded with his fleets, that Caesar could not put over his legions; Caesar using his own, both celerity and fortune removed all obstacles that were in his way, both of passing when he pleased, and that his army might be drawn down to his fleet, and also at the first came and encamped close by Pompey, and within a while besieged him in his trenches, and compassed him in with his works. Yet did the besiegers suffer more by want of necessaries than they that were besieged. Then did Balbus Cornelius (with a rashness beyond belief of any man,) go into the enemy's quarter, and diverse times confer with the Consul Lentulus, who was in doubt what price he should set himself at, and by that addition make himself a way, by which not as borne for his own country of Spain, but yet a Spaniard, he reached to triumph, and the high Priesthood, and of a private man, might be raised to be of Consular quality. The fortune after this of their encounters was various, but one fare more prosperous to the Pompeians, in which the soldiers of Caesar were shrewdly beaten.   

CHAP. 52. The battle of Pharsalia deciding the question, and Caesar's clemency to the vanquished.  
THen Caesar with his army drew to Thessaly the place that was predestined for his victory: Pompey though divers advised him to take a far differing course (of whom some persuaded him to pass over into Italy, (nor by Hercules could he have done any thing more beneficial for his party) others tha● he should draw the war out a● length, which by the dignity o● his side would daily be made more advantageous for him) following the eagernes of his own mind, pursued his enemy. As fo● the battle of Pharsalia and th●● most bloody day, to the name o● Rome: the blood that on both ●ides was there shed, and the two heads of the Commonwealth dashed together, the one eye of the Empire put out, so many and such men of the Pompeian party as there did lose their lives this manner of writing is not capable of. That yet is to be observed, that assoon as Caius Caesar saw the Pompeian faction declined, he bent himself to nothing either more readily or more desirously then (that I may use both a phrase & fashion military) to cast and dismise them freely into every? quarter. Oh the immortal gods what a reward of this his disposition did so gentle a man reap afterward at Brutus his hand. Nothing was more miraculous, more magnificent, more noble than that victory, when their Country wanted not any Citizen but those that died in the battle: yet did the obstinacy of some disgrace the beauty o● his clemency, when the Conqueror did now more willingly give them life than they received it.   

CHAP. 53. Pompey flying into Egypt is murdered by order of the boy, King Ptolemy, in his eight and fiftieth year.  
POmpey flying from the battle with the two Lentul● who had been Consuls, his son Sextus and Favonius of Praetorian quality, fortune did gather to him such consorts as the Conquerors afforded him: Of them part persuading him to retire to the Parthians, others into Africa where he had King juba a most faithful partisan of his; he resolved to stand for Egypt. Remembering the favours which at Alexandria he had conferred upon the father of that Ptolemy who then (more a boy then a young man) there reigned: But who when he sees a man in adversity retains the memory of any former benefit? who doth think any thanks due to men in calamity? or when fortune changeth doth not also change ●is faith? From the King therefore ●here were some scent that should receive Pompeius●omming ●omming to him (who had a little before at Mitylene taken aboard his ship, his wife Cornelia●or ●or a companion to him in his ●light) by the advice of Theode●us and Achillas: and persuade him to go out of the ship of burden in which he came, into that in which they came to meet him. Which when he had done, the prime man of all that were called Romans by the command and direction of an Egyptian slave, when Caius Caesar & Publius Servilius were Consuls, wa● butchered. This was the end after three Consulships, as many Triumphs, and the whole inhabitable world conquered, of a most pious and most excellent man, who had been raised to that pitch beyond which there was no further height, being ther● in the seventieth & second year, one only day before his birthday, in whom fortune did seem so far to differ from herself, that for him who of late wanted earth for him to conquer, there now wanted for his sepulture: can I call them but overbusy who in the age of so great a man, and one almost of our own time have mistaken five whole years? when from the Consulship of Caius Atilius and Quintus Ser●ilius the account of the years was so easy to be computed, which I have added, not to except against others, but that no exception may be taken against me.   

CHAP. 54. Their attempting as much upon Caesar deservedly punished. The war revived in Africa by juba and Scipio, to whom Cato join: his forces.  
NEither was the fidelity of the King, and those by whose direction he was governed greater toward Caesar then that they had showed to Pompey. Who when they first had attempted upon him by treachery and after that had the boldness with open war to provoke him, did with a well deserved punishment make satisfaction to both these great Commanders, whereof the one only was surviving, Pompey that now was not in any place corporally, was yet every where under the name of juba, for the favour of his party had raised up a mighty war in Africa. In which King juba, and Scipio, a man of Consular rank, two years before Pompey was slain, by him made his father in law, did command: whose forces Marcus Cato had much augmented, bringing with infinite difficulty both for want of necessaries and for the passages of places in the journey, his Legions to them. This man when the Command in chief was presented to him by the soldiers, did yet rather choose to obey him that was of more honourable quality.   

CHAP. 55. Caesar follows into Africa, wher● Curio of his party had been slain and there was victorious, as after with much a do in Spain against Cnaeus Pompeius the son of Pompey the great.  
THe care of keeping my credit in my promise of brevity doth put me in mind how cursorily all these passages are to be handled. Caesar then following his good fortune passed into Africa which the army's o● the Pompeians possessed, having slain Curio the General than o● the julian faction. At first with variable success within a whil● he there also was fortunate i● fight, and the enemy's force were defeated. Neither was the● the clemency of Caesar to the● that were conquered unsuitable to that which he had shown before. But the war of Spain of greater difficulty did entertain Caesar though victorious in that of Africa, (for Pharmaces overthrown by him was scarce to be counted an addition to his glory) which mighty and full of terror Cnaeus Pompeius' son of Pompey the great, a young man, and of infinite spirit in matter of war, had raised, aids flocking to him on every side from all parts of the world of those that were yet still the followers of the greatness of his father's name. The fortunes of Caesar did accompany him into Spain, yet ●id he never fight any battle ●ore cruel or fuller of danger, ●o as when the event was more ●hen doubtful, he alighted from ●is horse, and standing firm, in the head of his shrinking army having first expostulated with fortune for reserving him to such an end, he professed to his soldiers that he would not move one step back, and that therefore they should consider what a General and in what place they were to abandon, and by that means with shame more than with courage, the fight was renewed with more bravery o● the Captain then the soldier.   

CHAP. 56. Pompeius' slain after (Labienus and Varus in) the fight. Caesar returns to Rome, pardons all his enemies, triumphs five times, and within five months, is slain by Brutus and Cassius.  
CNaeus Pompeius being found sore wounded in a wild desert was there slain: Labienus and Varus died in the fight. Caesar being absolute victor of all his enemies, returning to the City (which no mortal man could believe) granted a general pardon to all that had borne arms against him, and with most magnificent shows of fencers at the sharp, representations of Sea fights, of horse and foot, with fight of Elephants, and feasts many days together, did give it full content. He entrd in five Triumphs; the setting out of that of Ca●●a was of Lemon wood; that of Pontus, of Brasile; that of Africa, of Ivory; that of Alexandria of Tortoises; and that of Spain, of Silver polished. The money brought in of the spoils was somewhat more than sixe-hundred Millions of Sesterces. Yet could not this man, so great, and who with so much clemency to all men had carried himself in his victory, enjoy himself in perfect quiet, above five months. For having made his return to the City in the month of October, in the Ides of March following by conspiracy, of which Brutu & Cassius were the Authors, one of whom by promising him the Consulship, he had not obliged, and on the other side, by putting him off he had offended Cassius: they having also joined to their design complices in the murder, the nearest of all his friends and who by the support of his party were raised to the highest honours, Decius Brutus, & Ca●us Trobonius, with other men of noble quality, he was slain. To whom indeed Marcus Antonius, a man that was most ready to dare any thing, had procured much dislike being his fellow Consul, by putting upon his head a Royal diadem, as in the Lupercalian games he sat in the pleading place, which Caesar refused, but so as it appeared he was not offended with it.   

CHAP. 57 Hirtius his advice to Caesar of holaing by force what he had got by his sword rejected, and the presages of his death despised.  
Experience makes it appeáre that the advice of Pansa and Hirtius was to be commended, who always had persuaded Caesar, that the command which by force he had obtained, he should in the same sort retain. To whom he replying, that he had rather dye then live in fear while he expects to find the same gentleness in his own case which he had showed to others; he was seized upon by those ingrateful men: when indeed the immortal gods had given him very many presages, and tokens of the future danger; for both the Soothsayers had fore warned him, that he should most carefully take heed of the Ides of March; and his wise Calphurnia, aftrighted with a vision in the night, had earnestly entreated him, that day not to go out of his house: And besides certain writings which were delivered to him, discovering the whole plot of the conspiracy, he did not presently read. But truly the force of the destinies is unresistable, the fortune whereof while he resolved to change, he spoilt the intendments thereof.   

CHAP. 58. The killers of Caesar ingrateful, Dolabella gives them his sons as hostages for their safety in coming down from the Capitol which they had seized.  
THe year that they executed this horrid fact, Brutus and Caius Cassius were Praetors, Decius Brutus was designed Consul, who guarded with a troop of fencers belonging to Decius Brutus seized upon the Capitol where Marcus Anton●s then being Consul (whom as Cassius opined that he should together with Caesar be together slain, and Caesar's last will be suppressed, Brutus opposed it: affirming that besides the Tyrants (for so considering their action it was expedient to term him) there was no other blood to be drawn) convoking the Senate, when now also D●labell●, whom Caesar had appointed to substitute Consul in his own place, had taken the Rods and ensigns of a Consul, as a Mediator for peace had delivered his children for hostages into the Capitol, did give his faith to the killers of Caesar for their safety in coming down from the Capitol. There was in imitation of that famous decree of the Athenians a proposition of a general oblivion of things passed presented by Cicero, and passed with approbation of the Senate.   

CHAP. 59 By motion of Cicero, a law of forgetting things past is enacted, Caesar's will adopting Octavius, opened. His descent, the character of his father, and his coming to Rome.  
AFter which was Caesar's will opened, in which he did adopt Caius Octavius the grandchild of his sister julia. Of whose original though others have prevented me, I yet hold it fit to say somewhat. Caius Octavius was, as not of a Patrician, so yet, of a family of the rank of Knights very nobly esteemed. He being created Praetor among others of the noblest quality, a man grave, pious, harmless and rich, where in the first place that dignity had procured him in marriage Attia the daughter of julia, by means of that honour was awarded Macedonia for his province. And in that being styled Imperator (or sovereign commander) when he came back to stand for the Consulship, departed this life. Leaving his son not yet a man, whom Caius Caesar his great uncle, when he was brought up with Philippus his father in law, loved as his own. And when he was but eighteen years old, he coming to him, in the Spanish war, he ever after kept in his company, never making him comrade to any but himself, nor to be carried in any litter but his own, and did confer the honour of the high priesthood upon him a Child. The civil wars then being quieted to inform the disposition of that singular youngman, in the liberal sciences he sent him to Apollonia to study, intending ere long to have him his fellow soldier in the war against the Geteses, and then against the Parthians. To whom when the news was brought of the death of his Uncle, and presently the Centurions of the Legions about him made offer to him of the assistance of themselves and their soldiers, which Salvidienus and Agrippa thought was not to be slighted, he making hast to come to the City, did at Brundisium receive full advertisement of the whole course both of the slaughter and of the will. Whom, when he came to Rome, a vast multitude of his friends did meet him: and the globe of the sun was seen over his head, equally bend round like a bow, & of those colours as it were placing a crown upon the head of him that was shortly to be a man of such eminency.   

CHAP. 60. Octavius takes upon him as Caesar's heir: Division between him and Marcus Antonius.  
ATtia and his father in law Philippus were not of the mind that he should assume the name of a fortune so envied as that of Caesar: but approved of that of the contriver of profitable fortunes for the world, the preserver of the Roman name. But his celestial spirit scorned humane advices, and did rather choose with danger to aim at the highest, then with safety to reach poor things & ignoble: & was more willing to believe concerning himself; his Uncle, and Caesar then his stepfather: Affirming that it was a wickedness for him to think himself unworthy of that name, whereof Caesar was esteemed worthy. Him did Antonius presently entertain with much pride (yet was not that contempt in him, but fear) and having hardly admitted him into Pompey's gardens, afforded him audience. Ere long as if he had been endangered by some treachery of his, he basely raised a slander of him, in which his vain falsehood was shamefully discovered. In the end the madness of Antonius and Dolabella reaching at a most impious sovereignty, did openly break out. Seven hundred millions of Sesterces, by Caesar deposited for the Temple of Opens, Antonius had seized upon: the decrees of Caesar changed, and false ones inserted in his corrupted Commentaries, And all things set at a certain price, while the Consul made open sale of the Commonwealth. He also resolved to possess himself of Gallia, the province that was designed for Decius Brutus: Dolabella had marked out for himself the provinces beyond the Seas. Between men that naturally had no resemblance, and desired things different, hatred began to grow, and by that the young Caius Caesar was aimed at, in the daily treacheries of Autonius.   

CHAP. 61. Antonius' his tyranny bravely repressed by Octavius, who beating him at Mutina, forces hi● shamefully out of Italy.  
THe City oppressed by the Sovereignty of Antonius, grew dully languishing. Indignation and grief all men were furnished with: but with power to resist, not any. When Caius Caesar now entered the ninteenth year of his age, daring wonders, but attaining things beyond it, upon his own private advice, showed greater courage in the cause of the Commonwealth, than the whole Senate. And first from Calatia, next from Casilinum drew to him his father's old soldiers, whose example▪ others having followed, in short time they grew to the proportion of a full army. When Antonius went to meet the army, which out of the Provinces beyond the seas, he had commanded to come to Brundisium: the two legions called Martial, and the fourth, knowing both the pleasure of the Senate, and the excellent spirit of that brave young man, plucking up their ensigns, went and rendered themselves to Caesar. The Senate then honoured him with a statue on horseback, which to this day standing in the pleading place doth with the inscription point out his age (an honour that by the space of three hundred years, had befallen to no man besides Lucius Sylla, Cnaeus Pompeius and Caius Caesar) and creating him Propraetor together with the Consuls Hirtius and Pansa, appointed him to make war upon Antonius. By him being now in his twentieth year, the business was most bravely managed about Mutina, and Decius Brutus who was besieged, being relieved, Antonius with a base flight, and naked, was compelled to quit Italy: one of the Consuls being slain, and the other within a few days dying of his wounds.   

CHAP. 62. The fear of Antonius being removed, the affections to the Pompeian party declare themselves. Brutus and Cassius being fled out of Italy, have provinces and command decreed to them, Caesar's soldiers not so ingrateful to him as the Senate.  
BEfore Anthony was routed, all things honourable were by the Senate decreed for Caesar and his army: Cicero being chiefly the author of it; but as their fears ceased, their inclination showed itself, and the faction of the Pompeians recovered heart. Brutus and Cassius had the provinces decreed to them, which they before, without any order of the Senate, had seized upon: those armies whatsoever which had adjoined themselves to them were commended: and all commands i● the provinces beyond the sea were committed to their disposure. For Marcus Brutus and Caius Cassius, redoubting one while the forces of Antonius▪ another pretending that they feared, to the end they might cast more envy upon him; had by their Proclamations declared, That they would be content to live if it were in perpetual exile, so as the Common wealth might be settled in peace: neither would they minister occasion of a civil war. That the 〈◊〉 had honour in abundance out o● the conscience of their fact, who being departed from the City and out of Italy, with a settled and equal mind, without public commission, had possessed themselves of provinces and armies, and declaring that it was the Republic wheresoever they were, they had also received the treasures, which cut of the Transmarine provinces was carried by the Quaestors to Rome from those that were willing to deliver it to them. All which things were included in the decree of the Senate, and by it approved of. And to Decius Brutus, because he lived by the favour of another, was a triumph decreed: the bodies, of Hirtius and Pansa were honoured with a public funeral. Of Caesar there was no mention at all, and the Ambassadors that were sent to his army, were commanded to deliver their charge to the soldiers, but not in his presence. Yet was not the army so ingrateful as the Senate; for when Caesar did bear dissembling that injury, the soldiers denied that they would hear any direction in the absence of their General; it was at that time that Cicero swayed with an inbred love of the Pompeian party, opined that Caesar was to be praised and elevated, when he spoke in one sense, and meant to be understood in another.   

CHAP. 63. Antonius passing over the Alps to Lepidus, draws his army from him, leaving him only the title of General. Plancus his juggling, and Pollio his sincerity.  
IN the mean time Antonius in his flight having passed the Alps, at first in their parleys being rejected by Lepidus, who was surreptitiously created high priest in the room of Caius Caesar, and had Spain assigned to him for his province, but as yet ●arried in Gallia: ere long coming after in sight of the soldiers, when both all the Generals were abler than Lepidus, and Antonius then many of them, so long as he was sober, by ●he back side of the Camp the ●ampire being thrown down, ●ee was by the soldiers admitted, who in the name of the command did indeed give the precedence to Lepidus, when all ●he power was in his own ●ands. When Antonius entered ●he quarter, Inventius Laterensis, ● man both in life and death ●he same, when he had most earnestly dissuaded Lepidus●rom ●rom joining himself with Antonius, who was declared an enemy of the state: his advice being rejected, ran himself thorough with his sword. Then Plancus with uncertain fidelity (that is, with his own) having a long time disputed with himself, and scarce yielding to his own opinion, and one while an assistant of Decius Brutus his fellow in office, as designed Consul with him, setting also himself to sale by his letters to the Senate, and presently the betrayer of hi● Companion; and Asinius Polli●● that stood firm to his first intentions, faithful to the Iulia● faction, averse from the Pompeian, did both of them deliver up their armies to Marcus Antonius.   

CHAP. 64. Decius Brutus one of Caesar's killers, slain by command of Antotonius: And Cicero's orations against Antonius, the cause of his being proscribed and slain.  
Decius' Brutus being first forsaken by Plancus, and afterwards attempted by his treacheries, his army by degrees falling off from him in his flight, and in the house of a Nobleman, with whom he had a league of hospitality (his name Cornelius) by those that Antonius had sent for that purpose, had his throat cut: and so made a most just satisfaction, and a speedy, with his punishment to Caius Caesar that had of him deserved the best offices, of whom he was the murderer when he had been the inwardest of all his friends, and of the fortune whereof he had reaped the fruit, was content to tranferre the envy upon the author thereof; holding it just for him to retain what he had received from Caesar, and that Caesar who gave it should be destroyed▪ It was at this time that Marcus Tullius with continual declamations against him, did sear into the memory of Antonius eternal brands of hatred to him: yet he with most glorious and heavenly eloquence, but the Tribune Canutius with a perpetuated rage did fly out upon Antonius: both of them with their deaths paid for their vindicating the Common liberty: but with the Tribunes blood the proscription began, with the death of Cicero, Antonius being then in a sort glutted, it ended.   

CHAP. 65. The instituting the Triumvirate between Octavius, Antonius, and Lepdius. Ventidius, who had once a Captive been led in triumph, that year in Consular robes, who had been formerly honoured with Praetorian, and afterward triumphed.  
Lepidus' was then by the Senate declared an enemy to the state, as before Antonius had been. Afterwards there began an intercourse of letters between Caesar, Antonius and Lepidus: and overtures made of agreement when both Antonius did now and then put Caesar in mind how infestious the Pompeian party was to him, to what a height it was grown, and also with how great care and industry of Cicero, Brutus and Cassius were advanced: and withal professed that he would join his forces with Brutus and Cassius, who were now seventeen legions strong, if Caesar did scorn his consortship; adding withal, that Caesar was more engaged in the revenge of his father, than himself of his friend. Then was there a society of their power agreed upon between them, and, their armies persuading and entreating it, affinity concluded between Caesar and Antonius, the daughter in law of Antonius being betrothed to Caesar. Caesar then entered his Consulship (with Quintus Pedius his colleague) the day before he was twenty years old, and the tenth of the Kalends of October, seven hundred and nine years after the building of the City, and seventy two years before thou Marcus Vinicius wert created Consul. This year saw Ventidius in that City, into which he once had among the captive Picentines been led in triumph, coupling the young man's gown with the Consular robes, and the Praetors. The same man also did here afterward triumph.   

CHAP 66. The third proscription, in which Caesar overruled by his two companions: the death of Cicero & his Eulogium.  
Antonius' then full of rage, & equally with him Lepidus, both of whom as we have said before had been adjudged enemies to the State, when each of them did more willingly hear what they had suffered, than what they had merited: Caesar opposing it, but in vain, having two against him: the proscription, a mischief after Sylla his pattern, was set on foot. Not any thing was there in that time so unworthy as that either Caesar should be compelled to proscribe any man, or that Antonius should proscribe Cicero: And by the villainy of him (It is the common saying or the people) his head was cut off; No man protecting and keeping him safe, who for so many years together had defended both the public safety of the State, and that also of many private Citizens. Yet hast thou done nothing to purpose (Marcus Antonius) for indignation which my breast is not able to keep from breaking out, doth force me to quit the form of my intended work; thou dost (ay say) nothing to purpose, in telling out the reward for the cutting of that most celestial and noblest head, or with authorising the slaughter of him, that was once the preserver of the Republic, and of a Consul so famous procuring the death. Thou hast indeed deprived Marcus Cicero of the light of the sun, which made him full of cares, shortened his old age, and bereavest him of life to be valued under thy principality at far lower price than death, in thy Triumvirate. But his fame and the glory of his actions, and speeches, thou art so far from taking from him that thou hast increased it. It lives, and shall live in the memory of all future ages. And while this body of things existent in nature, which whether by chance, or by providence, or how ever is settled, shall stand, which he almost: solely with the spirit of a Roman apprehended with his understanding, did comprehend, and with his eloquence did illuminate, it shall carry with it the praise of a Cicero, as the companion of that age: and all posterity shall both admire his writings against thee, as well as with execrations detest thy fact; for sooner shall mankind fail in the earth, than the glory of him, and the horror of thee.   

CHAP. 67. The carriage of wives, freedmen, servants, and children towards those that were proscribed: the foulness of the proscription of their nearest friends.  
THe calamity of those times, so impossible it is for any man in words to express, as it is hard for any sufficiently to lament it. This yet is to be observed, that toward those which were proscribed, there was found of some wives, a singular faithfulness, in freedmen an indifferent one, in slaves now and then some: but in their children none all. So troublesome to men is any delay of their hopes, howsoever conceived. And that there might be nothing sacred left, which might not serve to reward or provoke man to mischief, Antonius proscribed his Uncle Lucius Caesar, and Lepidus his brother Paulus. Neither was Plancus refused the favour of obtaining that his brother Plancus Plotius should be proscribed. From whence it was that among the jests of the soldiers, as they followed the triumphal Chariot of Lepidus and Plancus, and among the curses of the Citizens these words were used; The Consul's triumph over the Germans (id est, the brothers) and not of the Gauls.   

CHAP. 68 Marcus Caelius his character, attempts, and end, with that of Milo the exile, for killing Clodius. Caesar's moderation in punishing such as had abused him.  
LEt this which treats of a thing past, be referred to a proper place: neither is the person, of whom we are to speak, fit to be veiled in darkness and shadows: while Caesar in the battle of Pharsalia, and in Africa disputes with his sword, the main of the business; Marcus Caelius a man most nearly resembling Curio in eloquence and boldness, but in either of them beyond him, and no less than he wittily mischievous, when in no moderate course he could subsist, his private fortunes being much narrower than his mind, in his Praetorship made himself the Author of new laws: neither could he by the authority of the Senate and the Consuls be deterred from his design. And sending for Ainnus Milo (who being refused, his repeal from exile, was an enemy to the julian party,) stirred up a sedition in the City: and not now covertly beginning a war, was first sequestered from all charge in the Common wealth, and not long after by the forces of the Consuls, and by the order of the Senate, in the Thurians country was ruined. The fortune of Milo was suitable to his intendments, who assaulting Compsa of the Hirpines', was strooken with a stone, and so made satisfaction both to Publius Clodius, whom he had slain, and to his country which he invaded. A man thou mayest say rash beyond the name of valiant. Now to take somewhat of many that may be omitted, let it yet be observed that Merulus Effordius and Flavius Caesetius Tribune of the people, having used immoderate licentiousness against Caius Caesar, while they charge him with aiming at the Crown, had wellnear felt upon themselves the weight of the sceptre. Yet to this height only did the anger of the often provoked Prince rise, that contenting himself with a censoriall censure, rather than with a punishment corporal, like a Dictator, he sequestered them from their places, and the public affairs, and professed that it was to him the greatest misery that either he must go beyond the bounds of his own nature, or suffer his honour to be impaired. But let us return to our course.   

CHAP. 69. The death of Trebonius another of the killers of Caesar, by Dolabella at Smyrna, who besieged by Cassius in Laodicaea, made his servant cut off his head.  
NOw both had Dolabella in Asia slain Caius Trebonius, a man of Consular rank at Smirna (to whom he succeeded) having overreached him with a trick, who had been most ingrateful to Caesar's merits, by whom he had been raised to the degree of Consul, and yet had a share in his murder: and Caius Cassius having received from Staius Murcus and Crispus Maruns men of the Praetorian rank, the brave legions which they commanded in Syria, besieged and took Laodicaea, and therein Dolabella, who had put himself into it; (yet so as Dolabella did not time●ously present his neck to the edge of his servants sword) and with that one draught made himself master often legions. And Marcus Brutus had wrung from Caius Antonius the brother to Marcus Antonius in Macedonia, and from Vatinius at Dyrrhachium their legions which were willing to change their Commander. But A●tonius he mastered by force, Vatinius by his reputation, Brutus being thought worthy to be preferred before any other General whatsoever, and Vatinus inferior to none that had a name. In whom the deformity of his body did strive for the superiority with the baseness of his mind: so as it seemed it was bestowed in a lodging of all others the most worthiest of it. Yet was he seven legions strong. Then by the law Pedia, which Pedius fellow, Consul to Caesar preferred, all they who were th● killers of Caesar, the elder being condemned were interdicted the use of fire and water, at which time Capito my father's brother of the Senators order, did subscribe upon Agrippa's motion against Caius Cassius.   

CHAP. 70. Cassius takes Rhodes, Brutus conquers Lycia, they pass into Macedonia, the battle of Philippi, where Cassius being beaten, dies by the hand of his servant, and few days after, Brutus totally routed runs upon his sword.  
While these passages are on foot in Italy, Cassius with a sharp and very fortunate war had (an action of mighty import) taken Rhodes, and Brutus had conquered the Lycians: from whence they had passed their armies over into Macedonia: when Cassius in every thing running a contrary course to the nature of Brutus, had in the end also mastered his clemency. Neither do I find, any upon whom a more indulgent fortune did once attend; or whom, as if she had been tried, she did with more speed abandon, than Brutus and Cassius. Caesar then and Antonius, passing their armies into Macedonia, near the City of Philippi, came to fight a battle with Marcus Brutus & Cassius. The wing that Brutus commanded, having beaten their opposites, did take Caesar's camp; For he himself, though extremely sick, did yet discharge all the duties of a General, and was also earnestly entreated by his Physician Artorius, that he should not tarry in his quarter, he being frighted in his sleep with a manifest threatening of danger toward him. The wing in which Cassius commanded, was on the other side forced to fall off, and shrewdly plagued, had retired to a higher ground. Cassius then by his own fortune guessing at the success of his comfort, when he had sent one whom he had called out, for that purpose, and commanded him to bring him word what the number & force of those men was which were coming toward him: he returning an account thereof somewhat slowly & they being now near him, and upon their full speed, and for the dust neither their faces nor their ensigns could be discerned, believing that they were enemies that were rushing upon him, he wrapped his coat about his head, and fearless yielded his neck to his freed man. The head of Cassius was but fallen to the ground, when he that was sent came and brought word, that Brutus was Victor, who seeing his General lying dead, I will, said he, follow him, whom my dulness hath slain, and with that fell upon his sword. A few days after Brutus fought another battle, and in that being overthrown, when he had fled to a knolle by night he entreated Strato the Aegeatian his nearest friend to lend him a hand in his death: & lifting his left arm up to his head when he held the hilts in his right hand, he guided the point to his left pap where the heart doth pant, and pressing on the same, with one blow ended his life.   

CHAP. 71. Messalla and Corvinus saved by Caesar: eminent Romans slain in that fight.  
PResently Mesalla a most noble young man, and next in authority to Brutus and Cassius in that army, when there were some that did desire to choose him for their General, did rather make election of being preserved by the favour of Caesar, then to commit himself any more to the hazard of arms. Neither was there in that victory to Caesar, any thing more pleasing, then that he could by it save save Corvinus, nor at any time an instance more clear of a man grateful and pious, then Corvinus was ever after to Caesar. Nor was there ever any civil war more polluted with the blood of men of the noblest quality. Therein died the son of C●to: In the same also fell Lucullus and Hortensius the sons of two Citizens most eminent. For V●ro when he was amidest the scorns of Antonius to be put to death, he with a free liberty did prophecy truly, and of him that which was worthy to befall him. Drusus Livius the father of julia Augusta, and Varus Quintilius not so much as making trial of the enemy's courtesy, the one of them slew himself in his tent, and the other when he had put on the marks of his honours and offices, by the hand of his freed man whom he compelled to do it, had his throat cut.   

CHAP. 72. The parallel of Brutus and Cassius, Cnaeus Domitius with a Navy retires into Sicily to Sextus Pompeius' son to Pompey the great.  
THis end was fortune pleased to appoint to the faction of Marcus Brutus, when he was thirty seven years old; His mind being depraved in that day which with his rashness of his fact, did blot out all his other virtues. As for Cassius he was as much a better Captain than Brutus, as Brutus was a better man than he: of whom thou wouldst rather love Brutus for a friend, and more redoubt Cassius if thy enemy: in the one there was more violence, in the other more virtue. Who if they had been Conquerors, as much as it was better to have Caesar for our Prince then Antonius so much had it been to have had Brutus then Cassius: Cnaeus D●mitius the father of Lucius D●mitius a man whom we of late have seen, and one of a most noble and eminent sincerity, the grandfather of this Lucius D●mitius, an excellent young man, being possessed of a fleet, did then with a great train of such as would follow his advice, contented to make himself the party, commit himself to fortune. Staius Marcus to whose charge the Navy and the guard of the Sea was entrusted, with his fleet, and that part of the army which was under his Command, went over to Sextus Pompeius the son of Pompey the great, who returning out of Spain had now possessed himself of Sicilia; & both out of Ita●y and from diverse other parts of ●he world so many as fortune ●ad withdrawn and freed from ●he present danger, together with many who had been proscribed, flocked to him. To them which possessed no certain state ●ny general was convenient enough; and when fortune left them no liberty of election, but only showed them a retreat to fly to, and when they sought to escape from a baleful tempest, any road was a harbour for them.   

CHAP. 73. Sextus Pompeius his character a● he maintains himself and hi● army in Sicily by Piracy.  
THis young man was in learning ignorant, in his speech barbarous, in his courage daring of body able, in his resolutions speedy, for fidelity most unlike his father, the freedman o● his freedman, and servant of hi● slaves, envious to those of any worth, that he might be subject to the basest men: whom the Senate, as then almost wholly consisting of the Pompeias' faction, after Antonius his flight from Mutina, had recalled out of Spain (where Asinius Pollio of Praetorian quality, made a very brave war upon him) had restored him to his father's estate and given him the command of the Sea coast. He then as we before have said, having seized upon Sicily, did enrol in his army slaves and fugitives, and so made up a great body of legions. And by Menes and Menecrates, his father's freedmen, whom he had made his Admiral's infesting the seas, made use of spoiling, and robberies to maintain himself & his army: nor was he ashamed to make with piratical villainies, those seas, unsafe & troublesome, which by the arms and conduct of his father, had been cleared and freed from Pirates.   

CHAP. 74. Antonius after the defeat of Brutus, stays in these parts: Caesar, returning into Italy, finds at troubled by Lucius Antonius, Marcus his brother, and Fulvia, the wife of Marcus Lucius, forced in Perusia, dismissed unhurt, and Perusia burnt by one of their own, who set it on fire, by name Macedonicus.  
THe party of Brutus and Cassius being ruined, Antonius to take possession of the Provinces beyond the sea, tarired there, and Caesar returning into Italy found it much more troublesome than he hoped to have done. For Lucius Antonius the Consul, sharer with his brother in his vices, but wanting the virtues which were sometimes found in him: one while with complaining of Caesar to the old soldiers, another provoking them to arms that had justly in the division of lands, and appointing of inhabitants to them, lost those lands which they held before, had raised a great army. On the other side, Fulvia the wife of Antonius who had nothing feminine about her, but her body, did fill all things with arms and garboil. She for the seat of the war, made choice of Praeneste; Antonius being chased from every place, by the forces of Caesar, had retired himself to Perusia; Caesar following his own fortune and virtue assaulted and carried Perusia. Antonius he dismissed without harm: the Perusians, more by the rage of the soldiers then by the will or direction of the General were cruelly handled. The Town was burnt, the beginning of the fire was caused by the principal man thereof, Macedonicus, who setting fire of his own house, and his goods, ran himself through with his sword, and threw himself into the flame.   

CHAP. 75. Another war raised in Campania, by Tiberius Claudius Nero, Father to Tiberius Caesar, and husband of Livia, after wife of Augustus. Her character.  
AT the same time, there was on foot in Campania, a furious war, which Tiberius Claudius Nero, of the Praetorian rank, and the high priest, a man of a great spirit, and of infinite learning, the father of Tiberius Caesar (openly avowing himself the patron of those which had lost their lands) had raised: But that also by the coming of Caesar was buried and determined. Who can sufficiently admire these charges of fortune? who these uncertain accidents of humane Condition? who would either hope or fear things distering from the present, or contrary to that which was expected? Livia the daughter of Drusus Claudianus, a most noble and most valiant man, by her descent, her goodness her, her beauty of all the dames of Rome, the most eminent: whom we since have seen the wife of Augustus, and when he was translated to the gods, have also seen her high priest and Flamen to him. Then flying from the sword of Caesar (that afterward was her own Caesar) whose son of two years old, this our Tiberius Caesar the restorer of the Roman Empire, and who was predestinated to be in the end the son of Caesar also, she carrying in her bosom with one only attendant that her flight might the better concealed, by unfrequented ways to avoid the arms of the soldiers got to the sea side, and with her husband Nero passed over into Sicily.   

CHAP. 76. Caius Velleius grandfather of the Author, not able to follow Antonius in his flight, kills himself. Fulvia and Plancus permitted to retire to Antonius. Pollio with Domitius join a fleet to Antonius his forces, Antonius returns into Italy: Peace as made between them at Brund●●sum. Salvidienus his treachery discovered.  
THe testimony that I would give to a stranger, I must not defraud my grandfather of. For Caius Ve●●eiu●, who was by Cna●u● Pompeius chosen into a very honourable place among those three hundred and sixty ●udges, and both to him, to Marcus Brutu●, and to Tiro the Perfect of their workmen, a man inferior to none: oppressed with age, and infirm of body upon the departure of Nero from Naples, whose part for the singular friendship between them he in all he was able assisted; when he could not bear him company, with his sword in Campania, he ran himself through. Caesar then permitted Fulvia freely without any wrong to depart out of Italy, and Plancus to bear the woman company in her flight. For Assinius Pollio with seven legions having long retained Venutia in the devotion of Antonius, and done great and brave things about Altinum and other Cities in that Country, going to Antenius in his way having with his persuasions, and giving him his faith for assurance, prevailed with Domitius of whom we have before spoken, that escaping our of Brutus his camp, and after his death having made himself Admiral of a Fleet of his own, he drew him to Antonius. By which fact whosoever will judge equally may know that Pollio did not confer a meaner benefit upon Antonius then Antonius did afterward upon Pollio. The return then of Antonius into Italy, and the preparations of Caesar against him presented indeed a fear of war, but quickly was there a peace concluded between them at Brundisium. At which time the villainous devices of Rufus Salvidinus came to light, who being borne of obscurest parentage, did prize at a low rate his being raised to the highest honours, and that next after Cneus Pompeius and Caesar himself of the Order of KNIGHTS, was created Consul, except he might rise to that height from whence he might see both Caesar and the Common wealth beneath himself.   

CHAP. 77. Peace at Misendun, made with Sextus Pompeius, by which all that were proscribed were freed. Staius Marcus but to death by Sextus Pompeius, upon the false imputations of his Admiral: Maenas and Menecrates.  
THen, the unanimous voice of the people complaining, whom a sharp famine did press, the sea not being free; there was a peace concluded also with Sextus Pompeius, at Misenum. Who not incongruously when he entertained Caesar and Antonius at supper aboard his ship, told them that he would feast them in his keel, alluding to the name of the place where his father's house stood (as then possessed by Antonius,) By the Articles of this peace it was agreed that Sicilia and Achaia should be allotted to Pompeius in which notwithstanding his unquiet mind could not settle. That only one thing he by his coming brought of benefit to his country, that for all that were, proscribed and as many others as for several causes had fled to him, he did contract they should be safe and peaceably returned to their Country. Which article besides others of the most eminent men did restore to the Republic both Nero Claudius, Marcus Silanus, Sentius Sturninus, Arantius and Titius. But Staius Murcus who by his coming to him, and that of a Fleet royal had doubled his forces, being charged with forged crimes, because that Menas and Menecrates were not pleased to have a man of that sort their fellow in office, Pompeius had put to death in Sicily.   

CHAP. 78. Antonius marries Octavia, Caesar's sister. Labienus leading the Parthians with Pacorus, the son of Parthia, by Ventidius slain: Caesar leads his army into Illyria & Dalmatia. Sharp justice done by Domitius in Spain upon a runaway Centurion.  
ABout this time it was that Marcus Antonius took to wife Octavia the sister of Caesar. Pompey was returned into Sicily; Antonius into the provinces beyond the seas, which Labienus retiring from the camp of Brutus to the Parthians, and leading their army into Syria, having slain Antonius his Lieutenant had extremely shaken. But he by the valour and conduct of Ventidius, together with the forces of the Parthians, and the King's son Pacorus, that noblest young man was utterly ruined. In the Interim of these times, lest idleness the most capital foe to discipline should corrupt the soldier, Caesar with frequent expeditions into Illyricum and Dalmatia, by patience in dangers and practice of the Art of war, made his army able to endure. Then also it was that Ca●v●●●s Domitius, who in his Consulship had Spain for his Province, was the author of an example of greatest consequence, and one comparable to those of ancient times; for he commanded to be slain with a club a Centurion of the first rank, by name Vibilliu●, for base and cowardly running away from the fight.   

CHAP. 79. War resolved upon with Sextus Pompeius: Caesar maries Livia, wife of Tiberius Nero, her husband surrendering her. The character of Marcus Agrippa: part of the fleet lost by tempest: Pompey ruined, flies to Antonius, and is by his command shire.  
Pompeies' fleet, and the report and fame of him, growing every day greater, Caesar determined to go thorough with that war. And committing the care of building of ships, of pressing soldiers and mariners, and of excercising them, and training them for the sea service to Marcus Agrippa, a man of most excellent parts, unconquerable by labour, watching or danger one that knew (no man better) how to obey, but that only referred to one sole man: ambitious indeed of commanding others, in all things hating delays, and coupling the execution with his resolving. He having built in the Lakes of Avernus and Lucrinum, a most gallant fleet, with daily excercising, made both the soldier and the Sailor absolutely perfect in both the arts of soldiery, and sea service. With this fleet Ceasar (having first upon the resignation of Nero, to whom she had before been married, taken Livia to wife, with all the ceremonies usual in the common wealth) began the war upon Sicily & Pompeius. But him that was invincible to all humane force, fortune did at that time grievously afflict: for about Velia & the Promontory of Palinurus, a storm at the South falling upon him, did miserably tear and scatter far the greater part of his whole fleet. That caused some delay in that war, which afterward was managed with doubtful and sometimes variable fortune. For both the fleet in the same place was torn with a tempest, and as near Mylae, under the leading of Agrippa, the success was prosperous; so by the unexpected coming in of a fleet, even in the sight of Caesar himself, not far from Tauromenium, there was a great blow received by him. Neither was the danger very far from his own person: and the legions which were with Cornisicius, Caesar's Lieutenant being landed, were almost defeated by Pompeius. But the doubtful fortune of that time was by a seasonable valour corrected: for they having opened at large the squadrons of the fleets of both sides. Pompeius' being stripped of almost all his ships, fled into Asia, and by the command of Marcus Antonius, whose assistance he craved, while he was troublesome with a fashion, between a Commander, and a suppliant, and one while would stand upon his greatness, another even beg his life; he had his throat cut by Titius. Against whom the hatred which by that misdeed he had procured himself, did so long endure, that some time after he presenting plays in Pompey his Theatre, was by the curses of the people driven from the spectacle, which himself was bestowed, and was at the change of.   

CHAP. 80. Lepidus called to the war with Sextus Pompeius: Pompeius turnea out of all by Caesar his strange daring.  
WHen Caesar made that war against Pompey, he had sent for Lepidus out of Africa with twelve legions, but half complete. He the vainest of all men living, and who had not with any virtue of his own merited so long an indulgence of fortune, had joined to his own troops the soldiers of Pompey, because he was nearer to them, who followed not his, but Caesar's fortune. And now puffed up with the number of above twenty legions, his madness grew to that height, that being an useless companion in the victory of another, as long as he stayed there suspecting Caesar's designs; and ever differing from that which gave satisfaction to others, he construed the whole victory as his own, and took the boldness upon him to enjoin Caesar to get him out of Sicily. Not the Scipios or any other of the ancient Roman Captains did ever dare, and execute a braver thing than Caesar at that time did. For when he was both disarmed, and in his cloak carrying nothing but his name about him, he entered into Lepidus his camp, and avoiding those darts which by order of that most mischievous man, were thrown at him, his cloak being thrust thorough with a pike, he durst seize the Eagle of the legion. Then mightest thou know what difference there was between the Generals. Those which were armed followed him that was disarmed: and Lepidus in the tenth year, after he had attained to a potenty most unsuitable to his life, being abandoned both by fortune and his soldiers, wrapped in a mourning garment, and concealed in the drag of the multitude that flocked about Caesar, he fell prostrate at his knees. His life and his private estate were granted him: his honour which he could not support, he was bereft of.   

CHAP. 81. A mutiny among the soldiers, appeased by the seventy, and as well by the bounty of Caesar.  
A S●dden mutiny of the soldiers then risen, who by often considering their own strength, were fallen from regarding the discipline of the war: and what they thought themselves able to enforce, would not deign to have by request, was partly by the severity, partly by the bounty of the Prince repressed. And upon them was at the same time bestowed a fair addition of the Colony in Campania: the rents thereof did belong to the State, instead of which there was appropriated to the common treasury, a much larger revenue of twelve hundred thousand Sesterces out of the Island of Crete, & the water work promised, which at this day is both a singular one, conducing to the health of the City, and an ornament fitted for delicacy and pleasure. Agrippa in this did deserve, and had conferred upon him the honour of a Naval Crown, which before him was never bestowed upon any Roman. After this Caesar returning a Conqueror to the City, did declare that he did design for the public use diverse houses which his factors had by several purchases drawn into one, ●hat he might be seated more at ●arge; And promised that he would build the Temple of Apollo, and the galleries about ●t, which also he afterward with singular magnificence performed.   

CHAP. 82. Antonius with thirteen legions, enters Parthia, but with much ado, and great loss, goes off. He resolves upon a war with Caesar.  
THat summer in which Caesar was so happy in Sicily against Lepidus fortune, also fought successful on Caesar part, and the republics in the East. For Marcus Antonius passing through Armenia, and then Media, to invade the Parthians, was encountered by their King. And that at the first having lost two legions, with the Lieutenant Statianus, and their baggage and his Engines, presently fell into those dangers with extreme hazard of hi● whole army, as out of them he despaired ever to be delivered. And having lost not less than the fourth part of his forces, he was preserved by the advice and faithfulness of a certain man, but a Roman; who being taken prisoner in the defeat of Crassus his army, had changed his fortune, but not his disposition: and coming in the night to the Roman guards, forewarned him that he should not go● the way that he intended, but pass another through the woods. Marcus Antonius his doing so, was the preservation of the legions; of which yet, as we said before, at least a fourth part of his whole army; and of the followers of the camp, and slaves were lost, and of his baggage scarce any at all was left him. Yet this his flight because he came off alive, Antonius called a victory; who the third summer after returning into Armenia, overreaching Artavasdes the King thereof, with a trick bound him in chains: but, that he might not want of his due honour, with golden ones. The fire then both of his love to Cleopatra, and the greatness of his vice (which are ever fomented by wealth, liberty, and flatteries) increasing, he determined to make war upon his own country: when he had before that commanded himself to be styled a new Bacchus; when with a Garland of Ivy crowned with a crown of gold, with the Thirsus in his hand, & buskins buckled on his legs, in a Chariot like Liber pater, he had ridden about Alexandria.   

CHAP. 83. Plancus falls off from Antonius to Caesar. His character and carriage after his revolt.  
While these preparations for war are one foot, Plancus, not out of judgement to make election of the better part, neither out of love of Caesar, or the State (for to all these he was perpetually adverse) but infected (as with a disease) with treachery, when he had been the basest flatterer of the Queen, and an observer, beneath the degree of her slaves, when he had been Antonius his Register, and both the author and minister of the fithiest actions, when he had to all men, and in every thing been mercenary, wsten naked and died of a sea-blew colour, with his head crowned with reeds, and dragging a long tail behind him, he had crept upon his knees, and danced as Glaccus: being checked by Antonius at a banquet for his manifest extortions, fled unto Caesar. And afterward iputing the clemency of the conqueror to his own virtue, used to say that Caesar when he had pardoned, had well tried it; Titius did within a while imitate him who was his Uncle▪ Wittily did Caponius, a man of Praetorian rank, who to his children was a father, most precise careful of their breeding, the father in law of Silius, answer Plancus, when in the Senate he imputed many, and those vile things to Antonius from whom he was lately fled: upon my faith (said he) Antonius did many foul things the day before thou leftest him.   

CHAP. 84. The sea preparation at Actium, with the order of the Navies.  
When Caesar then, and Messalla Corvin●s were Consuls, the victory at Actium was gained: where long before they came to fight, the advantage of the day, and the success thereof was apparent on the julian side. On this part both the soldier and the Commander were full of vigour and spirit; on that all things languished: on this were Kings most firm to the cause; on that with their wants much disaffected. There were ships great indeed, but that could not move with any competent speed Here were others of a more dreadful aspect: From this side not one fled to Antonius: from that to Caesar daily some went over: Finally, in the sight of Antoniu●, and as it were at his very beard, by Marcus Agrippa was Leucas assaulted and carried. Patros' taken, Corinth seized upon, and twice before the last and general trial, his fleet was beaten. The King Amintas followed the better and more commodious course; for Dellius, in this war also firm to his old fashion, as he had before from Dolabella, turned to Caesar: and Cnaeus Demitius a most eminent man, (who only of all that sided with Antonius did never though with his great and most desperate hazard salute Cleopatra by the title of Queen, but only by her name) came over to Caesar.   

CHAP. 85. Caesar's victory, and the flight of Antonius after Cleopatra: the rendering of the land forces to Caesar.  
AT length the day of the main trial came on, in which Caesar and Antonius drawing out both their Navies, fought, the one for the preservation of the world, the other for the ruin thereof. The right wing of the julian Navy was governed by Marcus Latius, the last by Arruntius, the command in chief of the whole sea fight rested upon Agrippa: Caesar designing to himself the place to which fortune should call him, was in every part present. Antonius' his fleet was commanded by Publicola and Sosius. As for the forces at land, those of Caesar's part were commanded by Taurus, and Antony's by Candius: when the fight began there was on the one side all things necessary: the General, Saylors, or Rowers and soldiers: on the other nothing but the soldiers. Cleopatra began first of all to fly, and Antonius did choose rather to bear the Queen company in her flight, than his soldiers in fight for him. And being General, who ought to punish runaways severely, did himself run away from his own soldiers. Their constancy in fight most bravely, even when they had lost their head that should have directed them, did long continue, and when they dispaired of victory, they fought to dye. But Caesar desiring to reduce them to quiet thoughts by words, whom he might have ruined with the sword, calling to them, and showing them that Antonius was fled: asked them for whom and with whom they would now fight. But they, when they had fought a long time for their General that was absent, with much a do, and hardly laying down their arms yielded the victory: and Caesar did more readily promise them pardon and life, than they could be persuaded to crave it. And by all men it was acknowledged that the soldiers had done the duty of the bravest General, and the General behaved himself as the most cowardly soldier. So that thou mayest make a doubt whether he would have governed the victory by his own, or Cleopatra's discretion, that was by her pleasure directed in his flight.   

CHAP. 86. Caesar's clemency after the victory: Pollio his fair respect to Caesar as his Prince; to Antonius as his benefactor.  
THe same course also was taken by the army at land, after Canidius with an inconsiderate flight, had whirled after Antonius: who is he that in the cursitory way of this so contracted a work, dares take upon him to express what that day did beneficial for the whole world, out of what, and into what an estate the fortune of the Common wealth did remove. But the victory was used with all clemency, very few were they who were put to death, and those indeed which durst not so much as crave their lives. Out of which lenity of the General, it may well be collected what he would have made the effect of his victory, either in the beginning of his Triumvirate, or in the Philippian fields if it had been in his own power ******* at length with much wrestling for it, the clemency of Caesar preserved him. Let me not overpass the memorable both fact, and deed of Asinius Pollio. For when after the peace of Brundisium, he had still remained in Italy, and had neither seen the Queen, nor after the mind of Antonius, was by her love enfeebled, had meddled with his faction, Caesar requiring him to go with him to the battle of Actium, My merits (said he) towards Antonius are greater, but his favours to me better known. I therefore will withdraw myself from your hazards, and rest here a prey for the Conqueror.   

CHAP. 87. Antonius' his death at Alexandria, & presently after Cleopatra's. None put to death by Caesar after the victory.  
THe next year Caesar pursuing the Queen and Antonius to Alexandria, did put the last hand to the civil war: Antonius did, and that not timerously, kill himself. So as by his death he did seem to wipe of many spots of his former faintness. But Cleopatra abusing her guardians, having an Aspic brought into her did by the biing thereof, free from all womanish fear, put an end to her life. A thing it was, worthy of both the fortune and the clemency of Caesar, that of all those which had borne arms against him there was not any one that by him, or upon his command was put to death. ●ecius Brutus was by the cruelty of Antonius slaughtered: Sextus Pompeius being defeated by Caesar, by Antonius likewise (when he had given him his faith to preserve for him his honours also entire) was deprived of life. Brutus and Cassius before that they had made trial how the Conqueror would be inclined toward them, with a voluntary death ended, their days. Canidius died more cowardly than did suit with the profession of which he had ever been. The last of the Murderers of Caesar, Parmensis Cassius received his payment by death, as Tribenius before had done.   

CHAP. 88 Lepidus' son to the Triumvir conspiring against Caesar's life, without trouble or noise oppressed by Caius Marcellus provost of the City. Marcellus his Character.  
While Caesar was putting an end to the Actium and Alexandrian war, Marcus Lepidus, a young man, of a better shape than disposition of mind, son to that Lepidus who had been the Triumvir in the settling the state, and of junia the sister of Brutus, entered into a conspiracy of kill Caesar, upon his first return to the City. Then Marcus Marcellus, Captain of the Guard of the City, borne of a noble family, and order of the Knights: A man whensoever the affairs required vigilance, that never slept, provident, and who knew how to drive a business to the head: but when once the affairs gave him any time of remission, melting in ease and daintiness more than women would desire, not less dear to Caesar then Agrippa, but these preferred: For he lived almost contented with narrow studs of purple upon his gown, neither was he unable to reach greater matters, but did not desire them: He with infinite stillness and cunning scented out the devices of that rash headed young man, and with wonderful speed, without all trouble of men or affairs herein, having ruined Lepidus, did extinguish a fearful origiginall of a new civil war, and which was likely to have sprung up again. So her received his due punishment, for his ill contrived plots. Let Servilia the wife of Lepidus be matched with Antistius his before mentioned Calphurnia, who throwing herself alive into the funeral flame, received in recompense of her untimely end, the never dying memory of her brave action.   

CHAP. 89. Caesar his return to Rome, his triumph and the model of his government.  
But of Caesar's return into Italy, and to the City, how he was met, with what applause of all men, of all ages, and all degrees he was received; what the magnificence of his triumphs was, what that of his bounties, not a full and just volume, much less this so concise a work, is able to make a fit and just relation. Nothing from thence forth could men desire of the gods, nothing could the gods bestow upon men, nothing be craved in prayer, nor any thing in a perfect felicity be found, which Augustus, after his return to the City, did not endow the republic, the people of Rome, and in sum, the whole world with all. The civil wars that had lasted now twenty years were ended, foreign wars buried, peace repealed, the rage of arms quieted in eurey part, to the laws their power, to the seats of justice their authority, and to the Senate their majesty restored, the command of the Magistrates restored to the ancient measure, only two Praeton more added to the former eight, and the first most ancient form of the Common wealth revived. Husbandry returned into the Country, to things sacred their due honour, to men security, to every man a certainty of enjoying his own. Some laws commodiously amended, others with the public good enacted Senators chosen without harshness, though not without strictness, men of principal quality and who had borne offices of honour and triumphed, by the persuasion of the prince drawn to the City for the ornament of the common wealth. Consul he was only eleven times, which that it might not be continued upon him, Caesar having often pressed and stood against it with much ado obtained. For the Dictatorship, as the people had obstinately urged it upon him, he as constantly rejected. The war made under his command, and by victories, peace established through the world, and so many works perfected, both at home and out of Italy, would require an Historian that upon that sole work should bestow the whole term of his life. We remembering what we have professed, will present to your eyes and mind the whole picture of his government.   

CHAP. 90. Dalmatia and Spain by Caesar and (employed by his command) Agrippa, after ages of trouble brought to a perfect peace.  
THe Civil war, as we have said, thus interred, and the members of the Common wealth, now knitting together, and he taking care of such things as so long a course of war had rend in sunder, Dalmatia which for two hundred and twenty years had been rebellious, was brought quietly to a plain confession of subjection to our Empire. The Alps famous both for wild beasts and diverse nations subdued, all the Spain's one while by himself in preson, another by the ministration of Agrippa, whom the favour of the Prince had raised to the third Consulship, & after to the Consortship with him of the Tribunicial power, with a sharp and variable war at last was settled. Into which provinces when at the beginning Scipio and Sempronius Longus being Consuls our armies were sent, and after in the first year of the second Punic war, again under the Command of Cnaeus Scipio uncle to the African, about one hundred and fifty years since: the war was there so bloody & so doubtful, as our Armies and Generals being lost, we often went away with dishonour, and sometimes not without danger to the Roman Empire. For those provinces made an end of the Scipios they also with a dishonourable war of twenty years, Viriatus being general of that side held our Ancestors play. In them made was the base stipulation of Quintus Pompeius, and that more base of Mancinus, which the Senate with the ignominy of the General yielded up to the enemy, did cancel; the same also consumed us, so many Generals of Consular quality, so many of Praetorian, and in our father's days, did with her arms raise Sertorious to that height that in five whole years it could not be judged whether the Romans or the Spaniards were the braver warriors, nor which people of them two, should obey the other. These provinces then so large, so populous, so stout, almost fifty years since, Caesar Augustus reduced to such tranquillity, as they who never were before free from most furious wars, were under Caius Antistius, and after that under Publius Silius the Lieutenant and others, free from so much as robberies.   

CHAP. 91. The ensigns lost at Crassus his defeat returned to Caesar by the Parthian Conspiracies of Caepio and Muraena, as also of Egnatius against him discovered and punished.  
While the west was thus quieted from the East, the Roman ensigns which upon the overthrow of Crassus, Orodes and at the repulsing of Antonius his son Pharnaces had taken, were rendered and sent back to Augustus. Which by the propounding of Plancus and the universal consent of the Senate and people of Rome bestowed upon him the surname of Parthian. Yet were there not wanting some that could hate even his happiest state of things. For Lucius Muraena, and Fannius Caepio, of far differing dispositions (for Muraena without this guiltiness might have passed for a good man: but Caepio even before he was tainted with this crime, the worst that might be) having conspired together about the kill of Caesar, seized upon by public authority, what by violence they would have acted they by justice suffered. Neither long after was it that Egnati●● Rufus a man in every respect more like a Fencer, than a Senator, having in his Edileship gotten the favour of the people (which he had daily increased by quenching of fires with his own private family) so highly as they were content to join, for his sake, the office of Praetor, to take of Aedile, and presently also was bold to stand for the Consulship: being overwhelmed with the guilt of all manner of foulness and wickedness, having drawn into his design others that were likest to himself, determined to kill Caesar. That since he could not subsist if Caesar were safe, at least he might yet dye when he were taken away. For such is the disposition of men, that every one had rather sink with the public ruin, then be oppressed with his own, and though he suffer the same yet be less remarked. Nor was this man more fortunate in being concealed, than those that went before him, and being clapped in prison, he died a death, of which his life was most worthy.   

CHAP. 92. A brave act of Sentius Saturninus punishing the Customers, fraud, and stopping Egnatius in his demand of the Consulship.  
LEt not a brave fact of an excellent man be defrauded of a due remembrance, Caius Sentius Saturninus, who about that time was Consul. Caesar was then absent about ordering the affairs of Asia, and the East carrying about with his person, the benefits of his peace. When Sentius (as it fell out being at that time both sole Consul and Caesar absent) had both done other things with the strictness of former times, and with admirable constancy: had after the old fashion and severity of the Consuls, discovered the frauds of the farmours of Customs, punished their avarice, and brought the revenues of the state into the public treasury. And also sitting principal Consul at the assembly for elections, those that stood for the quaestorship, if he judged them unworthy of it, he forbade to declare themselves: threatening them when they remained firm to their intentions, that he would by his Consular power punish them, and Egntaius who flourishing in the favour of the people did hope to couple the Consulship, to the Praetorship as he before had done that to the Edileship, he forbade to profess himself for a Candidate, and when he prevailed not with him, he swore that though the people by their suffrages did choose him, yet that he would not declare him for elected. Which fact of his I should reckon worthy to be compared with any of the ancient Consuls whatsoever, but that we do more willingly commend the things that we hear of then those that we see, that we wait upon the present with envy, but things passed with reverence, and do believe that those do overload us, these instruct us.   

CHAP. 93. The death of M. Marcellus son to Octavia, Caesar's sister. Agrippa returned to Rome, marries julia Caesar's daughter, late wife to Marcellus.  
ALmost three years, before the villainy of Egnatius broke out, and about the time of Muraena's and Caepio's conspiracy, now fifty years since Marcus Marcellus the son of Octavia, Augustus his sister whom all men did so reekon, for his successor in his power, if aught should happen to Caesar, as they thought it could not yet descend upon him securely by reason of Marcus Agrippa his greatness, (having when he was Aedile presented most magnificient shows to the people) departed this life, a very young man, and truly as they say of free and open virtues, of a cheerful disposition, and wit, and capable of the fortune for which he was bred. After whose decease, Agrippa, who under colour of important service of the state was gone into Asia, but as report speaks it, for some secret distates with Marcellus had withdrawn himself, from the present time returning thence took to wife julia the daughter of Augustus who had before been married to Marcellus. A woman whose womb was neither fortunate for herself nor for the Common wealth.   

CHAP. 94. Tiberius Caesar son to Livia, called to affairs: His character sent into the East, quiets Armenia and receives pledges of the Parthian.  
AT this time Tiberius Claudius Nero, who when he was three years old, as we before have said, Livia the daughter of Drusus Claudius (Nero to whom she had before been married affiancing her) had married Augustus: Being trained up in the discipline of heavenly knowledge, a young man admirably furnished by his Nobility, shape, stature, the best kinds of learning, and an infinite wit: Who from the beginning might hope for any greatness that he since hath arrived at, and at the first view appeared a Prince, being Quaestor at the nineteenth year of his age, began to deal in affairs of state. And did at Ostia and in the City by the direction of his father in law, so order the businesses of a pressing dearth and want of corn that by what he then did it clearly appeared how great a man for employments he would one day prove. Neither long after being sent by the same his father in law, to survey and put in order the Oriental provinces, he having in that expedition given many singular proofs of all kinds of virtues; with his Legions entered Armenia. And having brought it under the command of the people of Rome, did deliver the Crown thereof to Artavasdes, with the fame of which so great name of his the King of the Parthians also affrighted, sent his son to Caesar for Hostages.   

CHAP. 95. Tiberius' returned with his brother Drusus, sent against the Rhaetians and Vindelicians, with fortunate event.  
When Nero was returned, Caesar determined to make experience of him in a war of no mean consequence giving him for an assistant his brother Drusus Claudius, of whom Livia was delivered in Caesar's house. They both dividing their charge invaded the Rhaetians and the Vindelicians, and forcing many Cities and Castles, as also by some happy success in open fights, with much loss of the blood of the conquered nations, and more danger than damage of the Roman army; did master them that were most strongly seated, the access to them extremely difficult, in number multitudinous, and in the fierce bravery of their courage redoubtable, before which time the Censorship of Plancus and Paulus being transpassed in wrangling and brawls was neither honourable to them, nor useful to the state, when the one wanted the respect and vigour that should be in a Censor, and the others course of life would not agree with that title. For Paulus was not able to fill the room, and Plancus could reprehend nothing in young men, or hear objected to them which he must not be enforced to acknowledge to be in himself.   

CHAP. 96. Agrippa surrenders his wife julia to Tiberius. The Pannonian war ended by Tiberius, who entered the City for it in an ovant triumph.  
AGrippa, within a while after who had by many deservings enable his late raising, and had brought it so far as he was both the father in law of Nero (whose children his Nephews, sacred Augustus giving them the names of Caius and Lucius had adopted) did now tie Nero in stricter and nearer bonds to Caesar for his daughter julia, which had been married to Agrippa, Nero took to wife. Then followed the Pannonian war, which being begun by Agrippa and Marcus Vinicius thy grandfather, than Consuls, and which being great, cruel, and also nearly hanging over Italy, was by Nero ended. The Natives of the Pannonians and Dalmatians, the situations of the Countries and rivers, the number and equipage of their forces, the most glorious, and many victories of so great a General in that war we will in some other place describe. Let this work now keep its own form. Nero having obtained this victory entered the City in Ovant triumph.   

CHAP. 97. Marcus Lollius receives a blow, & loseth the Eagle of the legion in Germany. That war committed to Drusus, by him happily managed: his character: his death. The rest finished by Tiberius.  
But while in this part of the Empire all things succeed most prosperously; a blow received in Germany under the Lieutenant Marcus Lollius, (a man in every thing more greedily desiring money than to do bravely: and with the wariest dissembling of his vices, most vicious, together with the loss of the Eagle of the fifth legion) did call Caesar from the City into Gallia. The care and burden then of the Germane war was transferred to Drusus Claudius, Nero's brother; a young man of so many so eminent virtues, as either the nature of mortal man is capable of, or industry can acquire, whose disposition whether it were more able for affairs of the war, or the acts of peace it is uncertain. Certainly his gentleness and sweetness in his conversation, and his respect to his friends fair, and like himself is said to be inimitable: As for the beauty of his person, it was in the next rank to his brothers. But him now the Conqueror of a great part of Germany, and having drawn very much blood of that people in many places; the injustice of the destinies when he was Consul in the thirtieth year of his age, ravished from us. The charge then of that war was delivered to Nero, which he underwent with both his own virtue and fortune. And having past victorious thorough all the parts of Germany without any damage of the army committed to him which ever was the care of that General, he so mastered it, as he almost brought it into the form of a tributary Province. Than was a second triumph with a second Consulship presented to him.   

CHAP. 98. War in Thracia ended by Lucius Piso: a brief character of him.  
While these things of which we have treated do pass in Pannonia and Germany, a bitter war risen in Thracia; all the Nations of that country flying to arms, was by the virtue of Lucius Piso, whom even at this day we see still a most diligent and most mild guardian of the Cities quiet, suppressed: for being Caesar's Lieutenant, he made war with them three years together, and partly in fight, partly by forcing of places, he brought those most fierce Nations with their extreme loss and destruction into their former fashion of living in peace: and by his actions restored to Asia their security, and to Macedonia their quiet. Of whom all men must both think and say that his conditions were most equally tempered between smartness and lenity, nor that easily can be found any man who either was more fervently in love with ease and quiet; or did more ably bear the weight of affairs, and that did take more care for that which was to be done, without any ostentation of doing it himself.   

CHAP. 99 Tiberius out of respect to Caius and Lucius nephews to Octavius, quits all his greatness in Rome, and retires to study at Rhodes.  
WIthin a little while after, having past two Consulships, and as often triumphed, and in the Consortship of the tribunitial power made equal to Augustus, of all the City except one (and that because he would have it so) the most eminent, the greatest of Captains, and both by his fame and by his fortune the most illustrious, and indeed the second eye and head of the State: with a strange, a wondrous, and an unspeakable piety (whereof the reasons within a while were discovered) when Caius Caesar had now put on his virile robe, and Lucius also began to be ripe for the conversation of men; Lest his glittering should hinder the beginnings of those rising young men, he concealing the cause of that his resolution, did crave leave of him that was both his wife's father, and his mother's husband, that he might take some rest from his continued labours. What the carriage of the City in that time and occasion was, what the thoughts of particular men, what tears were shed by those that took their leaves of a man of that greatness, how his country did almost lay hold upon him to stay him; we hold best to reserve the narration for a full and complete work; That yet in this our running strain, we must speak that he so past his seven years at Rhodes, as all both proconsuls and Lieutenants, passing into the provinces beyond the seas, and coming to visit him did ever stoop their fasces to him a private man (if such a Majesty may be termed private,) and confessed that his retirement was more full of honour than their Command.   

CHAP. 100 The Parthian falls off from his league with Rome, & Germany also rebels. julia her foul life punished in her with exile, in but favourites with death.  
THe whole world did feel that Nero had quieted the tuition of the City: For both the Parthian falling off from the friendship of Rome, laid hold of Armenia: and Germany perceiving the eye of him that had mastered her, not beat upon her, rebelled against us. But in the City the same year that sacred Augustus, now thirty years past, when himself and Gallus Caninius were Consuls, had with most magnificent shows of Fencers at the sharp, and representation of Sea-fights, dedicated Mars his Temple, and satisfied both the eyes and minds of the people of Rome; a storm and mischief, foul to be related, and horrid to be remembered broke out in his own house. For julia his daughter totaly forgetting the greatness of both her father and her husband, did leave nothing unassaied either in riot or lusts, that a woman might or do or suffer filthily; And measured the greatness of her fortune by her liberty of sinning, accounting all lawful that she had a mind to. julius Antonius a singular instance of Caesar's clemency, being then the polluter of his house, was also the revenger himself of the villainy committed by him: whom, when his father was vanquished, he had not only estated in a full security of his life, but had also conferred upon him the Priesthood, Praetorship, the Consulship, provinces and honours, and more had in the strictest bonds of affinity received him into his bosom by the honour of marrying him to his sister's daughter. And Quintus Crispinus vailing his crime with the austerity of a sour brow, Appius Claudius, Sempronius Gracchus, Scipio, with other of lesser note, and of both the orders of Knights and Senators, as if they had but corrupted the wife of any private man, when they had defiled the daughter of Augustus, and the wife of Nero, suffered according to law. julia being banished into an Island, was removed out of the eye of her father and her country, whom yet her mother Scribonia accompanied, & remained with her as her fellow exile, though voluntary.   

CHAP. 101. Caius Caesar sent into the East-parlies with the Parthian in an Island in the midst of Euphrates: Feasts, and is feasted by him.  
WIthin a little time after this when Caius Caesar, having before had the charge of quieting other provinces, was sent into Syria, first visiting Tiberius' Nero, to whom as his superior he yielded all respect, he there in such various fashion carried himself, as there was not wanting occasion and reason to praise him very highly, nor yet some cause to discommend him. He came to an interview with the Parthian King, a most stately young man in an Island which the river Euphrates compassed about, their number on both sides being equal. Which show being very brave and memorable of the Roman army standing on this, the Parthian on that side, when the two most eminent chiefs of Empires, and men in the world did meet together, it was my chance to see in the beginning of my soldiership, being then a Tribune o● the soldiers: which place having held before under Marcus Vinitius thy father, and unde● Publius Sillius in Thracia and Macedonia and since in Achaia, Asia, and all the Eastern provinces with the mouth, and both the sides of the Pontic sea. 〈◊〉 now do enjoy no unpleasing remembrance of so many affairs, places ● Nations, and Cities. The Parthian first feasted with us on our side. And afterward Caius was entertained by the King on the enemy's shore.   

CHAP. 102. Marcus Lollius sent by Augustus, supervisor to young Caius; discovered in his treacheries, kills himself. Caius wounded by Abduus at a treaty: enfeebled both in mind and body, and upon his return dies at Limira; his brother being before dead at Massilia.  
AT which time the treacherous devices (and such as were to be found only in a crafty and mischievous soul) of Marcus Lollius, who was appointed by Augustus as the Moderator of his son's youth, being first discovered by the Parthian, were afterward by Caesar's displeasure made known. His death which within a few days afterward followed, whether it were accidental or voluntary, I cannot tell. But as much as men rejoiced at his death, so much did the City grievously lament within a little after the loss of Censorinus, who died in the same parts: a man that seemed borne to purchase the good will of all man kind. Caius then entering Armenia, at the first beginning carried his business fortunately enough: but within a while coming to a party; in which he in considerately had engaged himself, he near Artagena was sore wounded by one Abdius. Upon which hurt as his body was the weaker, so his mind began to be less able for affairs of State. Nor was there wanting the conversation of men, that fed his vices with their assentation (for flattery doth perpetually attend upon the greatest fortunes.) By which means he was brought to that pass, that in the uttermost and remotest corner of the world, he would rather have drawn out his days to old age, than return to Rome. Having long struggled against it, and unwillingly returning toward Italy, he in a City of Lycia called Limira, died of sickness, when his brother Caesar now almost three years before being bound for Spain, was dead at Massilia.   

CHAP. 103. Tiberius Caesar adopted by Augustus.  
But fortune which had taken away the hope of a mighty name, did now at length restore to the Republic her own guards and safety: for when Publius Vinicius thy father was Consul, before the death of these two brothers, Tiberius Nero returning from Rhodes, had filled his country with incredible joy. Neither did Augustus Caesar long demur upon it, for it was not to be enquired who was to be chosen, but he was to be chosen that was most eminent; what therefore after the death of Lucius, when Caius was yet living, he would have done, but was hindered the rain by Nero his stiffness in refusing it, after the decease of both the young men, he put in execution. That he both took him into the fellowship of the tribunitial power with himself, and being Consul with Elius Catus Sentius, the fifth of the Kalends of july, seven hundred fifty and four years after the building of the City, now twenty and seven years since he adopted him for his son. The rejoicing of that day, the concourse of the Citizens, the prayers of those which did almost with their hands lay hold upon the gods, and the hope of perpetual tranquillity, and the eternity of the Roman empire, we can scarce fully express in that complete work which we do intend: let us not then go about to do it to the life in this. One only thing I am content now to deliver: that, than there appeared clearly to fathers, a hope of enjoying their children, to husbands their wives, to owners of their patrimony, to all men of safety, quiet, peace and tranquillity: so that neither could any hope expect more, nor be more happily answered.   

CHAP. 104. Agrippa also the son of julia adopted by Augustus the same day. Tiberius' sent to command in the Germane war; by the soldiers received with all joy.  
THe same day also was adopted Marcus Agrippa, the son of julia, whom she bore after the death of Agrippa: but in the adoption of Nero, this was added by Caesar himself, that he did it for the Common wealth's sake. Not long did his country hold him in the City, the Protector and guardian of the Empire; but presently sent him into Germany: where three years before under Marcus Vinicius thy Grandfather, a most worthy man, a furious war had broken out, and by him was happily managed, in some places invading, in others standing upon the defensive: and for that respect were decreed to him triumphal ornaments, with a right glorious inscription upon the works; that time made me, who before had been Tribune military, the soldier of Tiberius Caesar: for being presently after his adoption sent with him in quality of General of the horse into Germany, the successor of my father's places. I was for nine whole years (either General, as I said, or his Lieutenant) the spectator of his heavenly actions, and, as far as the meanest of my faculties could reach, an assister of them. Neither doth the condition of mortal man afford in my opinion any thing like that fight which I then enjoyed; when in the noblest part of Italy and all the tract of the Gallian Provinces, every man seeing their old General, and who by his merits and virtues was truly Caesar before he was so by name, did rather congratulate with themselves than with him for his advancement. But the tears of the soldiers by their Joy wrung out their cheerfulness, and their new fashioned exultations in saluting him, their striving to kiss his hand, and not forbearing presently to add, We see thee General, we have thee again in safety. And then; I was with thee in Armenia, I in Rhaetia, I was rewarded by thee in Vindelicia, I in Pannonia, I in Germany: can neither be expressed in words, nor hardly be thought to deserve the being believed.   

CHAP. 105. Divers Nations of Germany mastered by him: He returns to Rome, leaving the remnant of the war to the charge of Sentius Saturninus: his character.  
HEe then presently entering Germany, subduing the Canine fates, the Atteari, the Bructeri, & reducing the people of the Cherusci, and passing over the river (which within a while was ennobled by our loss there received) of Visurgis; having pierced into the heart of the country, when Caesar had freed all parts of a sharp and most dangerous war, the rest which was of less hazard, he committed to Sentius Saturninus, who had been his father's Lieutenant in Germany. A man of manifold virtues, industrious active, provident and in all military duties as well framed 1 to endure them, as to understand them: yet one, that when his affairs did give him room to take his ease, that did with delicacy and freeness abuse it. But notwithstanding even that in such sort, as thou wouldst rather term him magnificent, and jovial, than riotous and lazy: of whose brave and noble Consulship, we have before treated. The summer expeditions of that year being prolonged even till December, did eonduce profitably in the highest degree to the victory. Caesar's piety did hale him▪ when the Alps were almost barricadoed up with snow, into the City for the safety of the Empire: but in the beginning of the spring, the same returned him into Germany, in whose middle marches he had at his going away by the river julia, about the head thereof, placed his winter garrisons.   

CHAP. 106. All Germany the next year subdued by Tiberius, both with land and sea forces.  
OH the good gods, what works able to fill the greatest volumes, did we the next summer under the command of Tiberius Caesar. All Germany passed thorough and surveied by our armies, Nations conquered which were by name almost unknown, the people of the Cauchi reduced to subjection, all their youth infinite in number, of a prodigious vastness of body, and by the situation of their places most free from danger; rendering up their arms, and impaled with the squadrons of our glittering and armed soldiery, together with their Commanders, fell prostrate before the Tribunal of our General. The Longobards overcome, a people also of Germany more fierce than fierceness itself: Finaly, what never was before by any hope conceived, much less at any time attempted, The Roman army was with flying colours led four hundred miles, from the Rhine to the river of Elbe, which runs by the confines of the Senones & the Hermondurians▪ and in the same place the Roman fleet (with an admirable felicity, and care of the General, and a due observing withal of the times) having sailed thorough the Ocean, by an unheard of, and till then an unknown sea, passing up the river of Elbe with the conquest of many Nations, and infinite provision of all things joined with Caesar and his army.   

CHAP. 107. A passage of an old Barbarian desiring to see Tiberius, after which he returns to the city.  
I Cannot forbear but among the greatness of these occurrents, I must insert this, such as it is: when we had possessed the hithermost bank of the foresaid river, and that of the other side did glister with the armed youth of the enemy, who at every motion of our navy was in much disorder: one of the Barbarians, ancient in years, comely of personage, and of quality, as much as might by his habit be conjectured, of the best sort; getting aboard a hollow piece of timber (after which fashion their boats are made) and guiding that vessel alone, without other help he came into the midst of the river, and enquired if it might be free for him without danger to land on that bank where we stood in arms, and to see Caesar. The leave that he desired being given him, he rowed to land, and when he had a long time beheld Caesar: Our young men (said he) are mad, who while they do adore your deity when it is absent, do rather choose, when you are present to stand in fear of your arms, then to trust your fidelity, but I by thy favour and permission, Caesar, have now seen the gods, of which I before had but heard. Neither have I found or wished in my life a day to me more fortunate than this: having then gotten leave to kiss his hand, returning to his boat, and without ceasing his eye fixed upon Caesar, he passed over to the bank where his own people stood. Caesar then victorious over all the nations which he had reached, with his army safe, and unempaired, and only once by a stratagem of the enemies with their extreme loss attempted brought his legions back to their winter stations, and with the same speed that he had used the year before, returned to the city.   

CHAP. 108. Maroboduus, king of the Marcemanni, has character and seat of his kingdom.  
THere was now nothing in Germany that might be conquered but only the Nation of the Marcomannes, which under the conduct of Maroboduus, quitting their own habitations, had set down upon those lands which are surrounded with the Hercinian wood. No making haste can excuse the forbearing to make mention of this man. Maroboduus then, by his birth noble, of body able, of courage stout, rather accounted a Barbarian, for his country's sake, then for his understanding, had possessed himself of a principality among his countrymen, not in a tumult, by chance, or changeable and only settled at the pleasure of those that did underlie it: but aiming in his mind at a stable command, and a regal power, he determined, drawing fair from the Romans all his nation, to go thither, where while he fled from very powerful arms he might make his own the most potent. Seizing therefore upon the places of which we spoke before, he either by war made all his neighbours yield to him, or by treaties made them one body with him▪   

CHAP. 109. His policy and form of government preparing for a war with the Romans. Tiberius' his intention to invade first.  
HIs body carefully guarded, his Empire with perpetual exercising almost brought to the Roman discipline, he in short time raised to an eminent height, and even to our Empire fearful. And towards the Romans he so carried himself, that as he did not provoke them with war, so he made it appear, that if he were injured he would want neither will nor means to resist. His Ambassadors whom he sent to Caesar, did sometimes commend him to him, as a suppliant, sometimes treated for him as an equal. What nations or men whatsoever would fall from us, found with him a certain retreat, and perfectly dissembling it he was in sum the emulator of the Empire. And his army which he had raised to seventy thousand foot, and four thousand horse, with continual employing it against his borderers, he fitted for a greater business then that he had then in hand. And so much the more was he to be redoubted, for that when he had Germany before him, and upon his left hand; Pannonia upon his right hand; the Noricitans at the back of his inhabiants, as being ready at any time to fall upon any of them, he was equally feared of all; Nor did he suffer Italy itself to rest secure and fearless of his growing greatness, it being but two hundred miles from the tops of the Alps the borders of Italy, to his frontier. This man, and that country Tiberius Caesar resolved the next summer to attack several ways: and commanded Sentius Saturninus, that by the country of the Cattis cutting a way through the Hercinian forest, he should lead the legions into Boiohaemum (so is the country called which Maroboduus possessed) himself began to draw the army which served in Illyria against the Marcomanni by Carnuntum a place that of the kingdom of Noricia is on that side next to them.   

CHAP. 110. That resolution hindered by the rebellion of Dalmatia, and all their neighbours to the number of eight hundred thousand men of war.  
FOrtune doth sometimes break off, and hinder the determinations of men. Caesar had now prepared his winter stations upon the Danubius, and drawing his army towards them, was not above five days journey from the nearest of the enemy, had commanded Saturninus, who almost equally distant from him to march on within a few days to join his Legions with Caesar in the forenamed place, when all Pannonia distanced with the benefits of a long peace, and Dalmatia grown in strength, having drawn into their society all the nations about them as was among them, agreed flew to arms. Then were things necessary preferred before matter of glory. Nor was it thought safe to leave Italy naked the enemy being so near & the army shut up in the remotest parts of Germany. The whole number of the people and Nations which had rebelled, was full eight hundred thousand men. Two hundred thousand foot and nine thousand horse, they had selected, of which vast multitude under the command of most brave and most understanding Captains they had decreed that part should stand for Italy, which confined at the confluence of Nauportium and Tergestis; part had broken into Macedonia, part was left at home for the guard of their own. The principal command was in Baro and Pinetus their Generals. But in all the Pannonians, there was not only an ordinary exercising of their minds, and in discipline, but also an acquaintance with the Roman language, and in many of them knowledge of learning. No Nation certainly therefore did ever so suddenly couple the determination of making war with the war itself, and put in execution what they had resolved to do. The Roman Citizens were oppressed with it, the Merchants butchered, a great number of Ensigne-bearers s; laughtered in that part of the Country which was furthest from the General; all Macedonia seized upon by their forces, all things, and in every place wasted with the sword and with fire. How great was the fear of this war when it did shake and terrify the constant, and the mind settled by experience in so great wars of Augustus Caesar.   

CHAP. 111. Preparation to resist them, made by Augustus, and Tiberius the General.  
LEvies therefore were made, all the old soldiers were from every quarter recalled, and both men and women that were within the tax of freedmen compelled to find a soldier. This word of the Prince himself was heard in the Senate; That except they took good heed, within ten days the enemy might be before the walls of Rome. In vain had we made all this preparation except there had been one to govern it. The republic therefore as it did desire a guard of forces, so did it also crave of Augustus, Tiberius for General. Our meanness had also in this war a place of honourable employment. For my charge of horse being expired, and myself designed Questor, when I as yet was not a Senator, I was made equal to Senators, and those which were appointed Tribunes of the people: and brought a part of the army delivered me by Augustus to his son. In my Quaestorship then not making use of the lot of my Province, and being sent a messenger, from the one of them to the other, what armies of the enemies did we not see in the first year? with how brave opportunities by the prudence of our General, did we by piecemeal catch some parts of their forces, which altogether were madly enraged? with how great temper and with all commodity did we see things done by the authority of the prince? with how vast works was the enemy so blocked up with the guards of our army, that he might not break out any way? and being needy of means and raging within himself, his forces might decay and languish?   

CHAP. 112. Messalinus his brave actions who with a half complete Legion in Illiricum, quenched the rebellion and routed above 20000. of the enemy. Tiberius had every where the better of the war: Caecina and Silvanus with five legions endangered, by the valour of the soldier freed. Agrippa the adopted lost the favour of Augustus by his want of temper.  
THe act of Messalinus so fortunate in the event, so brave in the attempt, must be commended to memory, who being a man more noble in his disposition then in his extraction, and that most worthily had Corvinus for his father, and left his surname to his brother Cotta, being governor of Illyrium, with the twentieth Legion that was but half the just number, having subdued the rebels, when he was compassed about with above twenty thousand of the enemy's forces, overthrew and routed them, and for that action was honoured with triumphal ornaments. So were the enemies delighted with their numbers, such was their confidence of their strength, that wheresoever Caesar was, they did trust in themselves nothing at all. Part of them being opposed to the General himself, and macerated at our pleasure, as well as with our profit, brought to a starving famine, when they neither dared make head against him that pressed them nor yet fight with them that offered it, and did draw themselves into battaglias, seizing upon the Mount Claudius with the strength, of the place defended themselves. But an other part which marched against our army which Aulus Caecina, and Silvanus Plautius of Consular quality, brought out of the Provinces beyond the Sea, having compassed in our five legions with their aids and the King's horsemen (for Rheme●alus the King of Thrace, with a great power of Thracians drew to our aid in that war) did almost power a ruinous destruction upon them all. The King's horse were routed, the wings beaten, the Cohorts turned their backs: and even about the ensigns of the legions, was fear and trembling. But the Roman virtue did at that time challenge more glory for the soldiers, than it left for the Commanders: who bursting with exceeding love of their General did fall upon the enemy before by any intelligence they knew where the Enemy was. Now therefore matters being doubtful the Legions encouraging themselves, some Tribunes of the soldiers being slain by the enemy, the Campmaster killed, the Com●●●ders of the Cohorts slain, the Centurions not unbloudied, of whom the first rank were lost, they charged the Enemy. And not contented, withstanding their fury they broke through their, battle & so beyond all hope recovered the victory. Almost at this same time Agrippa, who that day that Tiberius, was so, by his own grandfather was adopted, and had now two years before begun to demonstrate what manner of man he was, with a strange depravedness of his mind & wit, bend to headlong courses did estrange the mind of his father, who was also his grandfather, from him. And ere long his vices daily growing more foul made an end fit for his madness.   

CHAP. 113. Tiberius' finding his army's bulk too great, disperses it. He goeth back to Siscia.  
REceive now Marcus Vinicius the description of a Captain in war as great as thou at this day seest him a prince in peace. The armies being joined together, both those which were before with Caesar and those which came to him, and ten legions being drawn into one Camp, with above seventy Cohorts, fourteen wings, & above ten thousand old soldiers, and besides these, a great number of Voluntaries and a strong body of the King's Cavalry: finally so great an army as since the Civil wars had not in any place been drawn together, all men were in that respect glad thereof, reposing their principal confidence of the victory in their number. But the excellent General who well understood what he went about, and preferred things profitable before such as showed fair, (whom I ever observed in all his wars to follow those courses which were indeed approvable, rather than such as were by most commended,) for a few days sat still to refresh his army tired with their journey. And perceiving it greater than could be well ordered, and that it was not easily to be governed, determined to dismiss it. And passing with a long and very laborious journey, the difficulty whereof can hardly be expressed he so directed it, that neither any durst attack them in gross, nor all of them for fear of those which were next them, make any attempt upon any part of his men that departed from him, returned them to the quarters from whence they came. Himself in the beginning of a most sharp winter, coming back to Sciscia did appoint Liutenants, in which number we all were, to the government of the divided winter stations.   

CHAP. 114. His care for the sick or wounded, his moderate government. Pannonia seeks a peace: their General's Baro and Pinetus yield themselves: the relics of the war are only in Dalmatia.  
O What an act (must I now relate) not glorious in the relation but of highest rank in a solid and real virtue, as also for benefit most commodious, in the experience of it most pleasing, and for humanity singular. There was not all the time of the German and Pannonian war, any one of us, or that were in quality before or behind us that was sick, whose recovery of health Caesar did not with such care provide for as if his mind infinitely distracted with so many other affairs had only bend itself to that one business. Those that wanted it had ever a chariot ready to carry them: his own litter was common, the ease whereof I among others felt. One while Physicians, another meat carfully dressed, another means to bathe, which only for that purpose were carried about with him, were ready to help the infirmity of any man, only his house and those of his family were wanting to the sick man; for the rest there was no lack of any thing that by the one could be desired, or by the other be performed. And now to this that (which every one who was there will acknowledge) as well as the rest which I have related: that he alone ever rode on horse back: he only and always in the summer expedition expedition did sup sitting with those which he had invited: To those that offended against the discipline of the war, as often as the precedent was not pernicious, he easily granted a pardon; Admonitions were frequent, chastisements sometimes; but punishment by death very rare: so he held a mean between winking at many things, and restraining of some. That winter the war went on prosperously: But the summer following, all Pannonia, the remainder of the war resting in Dalmatia, supplicated for war. That Nation proudly brave with so many thousands of able youth which but a little before threatened to bring Italy into servitude, bringing their arms which they used to wear, upon the river's side that is called Bathinus, and all of them in general prostrating themselves at the foot of the General. Baro and Pinetus their two most famous Leaders; the one taken, the other yielding himself; we shall, as I hope, relate in order, and in a complete history. In Autumn the victorious army was again bestowed in their winter stations, the command of all in chief was by Caesar laid upon Marcus Lepidus, a man both by birth and fortune next to the Caesars themselves, whom as far as any man did know or understand, so much he would both admire and love, and reckon him the ornament of those so great families, from which he was descended.   

CHAP. 115. Tiberius Ceasar turns upon the Dalmatians. Lepidus with much bravery, bringing his legions thorough diverse Nations: comes to Tiberius, and is for that service rewarded with triumphal ornaments: Dalmatia then quieted, when almost ruined.  
CAesar then turnded both his mind and arms to the other charge of the Dalmatian war. In which country what a Lieutenant he found for his use, of my brother Magius Celer Velleius, both his own and his father's professing it, did well testify, and the most princely rewards which Caesar when he triumphed, bestowed upon him, do print in memory of all men. In the beginning of summer Lepidus having drawn the army out of their winter garrisons, and marching toward his General Tiberius, through Nations that were as yet entire, not having felt the plague of war, and for that cause both stout and fierce, contending as well with the difficulties of nature, as the force of the enemy, with mighty loss of his opposers; wasting the country, burning the houses, killing the men, jolly with his victory, and loaden with booty, came to Caesar: which act if he had done when the Sovereign command had been in himself, he by right aught to have triumphed. Now for the same by the vote of the Senate agreeing with the judgement of the Princes, he was honoured with triumphal ornaments. That summer made an end of a most important war. For Dantisi and Desidates, the Dalmatians, being almost invincible as well by the situation of the places and mountains, as by the fierceness of their nature, and a wondrous hability in matter of the war, by the straits of the forests, were not now by the direction, but by the hand and sword of Caesar himself then brought to be quiet, when they were almost totally ruined. Nothing could I in that so great a war, nothing in Germany could I either see or admire more, than that the occasion of victory did never seem to the General so convenient as he would purchase it with the loss of his soldiers. And that what appeared to him most safe, he ever did repute fullest of glory, taking care of his conscience still before his fame, nor ever were the determinations of the Captain, governed by the opinion of the army, but the army by the providence of the Captain.   

CHAP. 116. A catalogue of diverse eminent men, and of highest merit in these wars.  
IN the Dalmatian war Germanicus being sent before into diverse places and those full of difficulty, did give many and great proofs of his valour. Quintus julius Posthumus also also of Consular quality, of high esteem for his diligent endeavours, and Governor of Dalmatia, was thought worthy of triumphal ornaments: which honour a Few y years befor●, Passienus and Cassus, men accounted of for some several virtues, had obtained in Africa. But Cossus transmitted the evidence of his victory with his surname to his son; A young man borne for a pattern of all kind of virtue: And Lucius Apronius being partner with Posthumus in all his actions, did in that service with excellent virtue merit those honours which within a while after he had obtained. I would that in matters of more consequence it did not appear how great the power of fortune is in every thing; but in this kind also it may be fully discerned what force she hath. For Sejenus, a man of disposition most like the ancient times, and one who always did temper the gravity of former days with humanity, in Germany, in Illiricum, and after a while in Africa, having had charge of principal account, wanted not merit but matter to procure him a triumph. And Aulus Licinius, Nerva Silianus, the son of Publius Silius, whom he that did not indeed understand him, did abundantly admire, (lest he that was the best of Citizens, and the most ingenious Captain should suffer no loss, being untimely snatched from him) was bereft of the fruit of the Prince's dearest friendship, and of having his honour perfected, and raised to the highest type of the glory of his ancestors. If any man shall say that I have sought an occasion of making mention of these men, he shall charge one that doth willingly confess it; for a just clearness without falsehood among good men will never be called a crime.   

CHAP. 117. News of Varus Quinctilius his defeature with three legions, three wings, and six Cohorts brought immediately after the end of the Dalmatian war: his character.  
CAesar had but now put an end to the Pannonian and Dalmatian war, when within five days after the perfecting so great a work, there came fatal letters out of Germany of Varus his being slain, three legions, as many wings and six Cohorts put to the sword, only in this fortune favouring us, that the General was not at that instant otherwise engaged. Both the business and the person enjoin us here to pause a while. Varus Quinctilius descended rather of a famous than a noble family, was a man of a gentle disposition, in his carriage quiet, neither in mind nor body stirring, more enured to the idleness of standing camps, than to the toil and labour of the war▪ And that he was no despiser of money, Syria showed, which he when he was poor entering when it was rich, he left poor, himself returning wealthy. He commanding the army in Germany, conceived them to be such as had nothing of men, but language, and the parts of the body, and that they which could not be tamed with the sword, might by the Law be reduced to quietness: with which inenttention passing into the heart of Germany, as if he had been among men that delighted in the sweets of peace, he spent the summer in hearing causes, and sitting in his Tribunal.   

CHAP. 118. The manner of the plot, and means of his overthrow by Arminius: the character of him. Has intents discovered to Varus by Segestes, but not believed.  
BVut they (which till he had found by proof he hardly believed) in their height of barbarism, most subtle, and a race of men borne for lying, counter-feiting pretended suits one after another, and one while provoking one another with injuries another giving him thanks for that he had ended them according to the Roman justice, and that their wildness did by the discipline before unknown to them, grow more civil, and those questions which were wont to be disputed by arms, were now decided by sentence, did bring Quinctilius into the deepest stupidity of negligence; So far as that he believed that he sat as the City Praetor in the market place, judging of causes, and not that he commanded an army in the midst of Germany. A young man then, noble by birth, valiant of his person, quick of apprehension, beyond the rate of a Barbarian of a nimble wit, by name Arminius, son to Sigim●rus, Prince of that Nation, whose aspect and eyes did denote the fervency of his spirit, being a continual follower of our colours in the former wars, and having obtained the freedom of the City of Rome, and to be made of the order of Knights, made use of the dulness of the Commander to his mischievous end: not absurdly concluding, that no man can be more easily overthrown than he that fears not at all, and that security is most commonly the forerunner of calamity. At the first therefore he drew a few, afterwards more into the fellowship of his design. That the Romans might be ruined, he both affirms and persuades them to believe: with their determination he couples action, and sets down a time for the treachery. This was discovered to Varus by a faithful man of that Nation, and one of high esteem, called Segestes. But the destinies were more potent than any counsel, and had wholly dulled the edge of his understanding; for so it is, that for the most part he that is preordained to fall into a worse fortune, doth spoil all good advice, and, which is the most miserable thing that can be, causes that to be thought worthily inflicted upon him what ever it be that befalls him, and chance becomes accounted to him for his fault. He therefore refuses to give credit to that relation. And professeth that he rates the hope of the good will borne him by his deserving of them. Neither did the Conspirators after the first discoverer, leave any room for a second.   

CHAP. 119. The execution with the loss of the whole army: Varus kills himself. Eggius bravely dies, Cetonius basely having yielded. Volumnius shamefully run away with the horse, yet so scaped not.  
THe manner of this bitterest calamity, than which besides the loss of Crassus in Parthia, the Romans never felt out of their own country any more grievous, as others in their complete works have done, so we shall also endeavour to express: now we must only summarily lament it, an army of the bravest, and for discipline, valour and experience, the prime one among the Romans, by the laziness of the Commander, the perfidiousness of the enemy, and the inequality of fortune being circumvented, when neither occasion was afforded to those wretched men of fight bravely as they would have done, and some being sharply punished for that they used both Roman courages and arms, hemmed in on every side with woods, with bogs, and with ambuscadoes, was totally cut in pieces by that enemy, whom they had always so killed like sheep, as one while their anger, another their pity did prescribe. Their Captain had more courage to die then to fight. For following the example of his father, and grandfather, he run himself through with his sword. Of the two Campe-masters, as noble a precedent as Lucius Eggius did set to other, Catonius did yield as base a one: who when the execution had slaughtered the far greatest part of the army, being the propounder of yielding had rather choose to die by the hands of the hangman, then in the fight. By'r Volumnius Lieutenantto Varus, in other things a quiet and good man, was the author of the vilest example; for leaving the foot without the assistance of the horse, he with the wings fled towards the Rhine. Of which fact of his, fortune took revenge, for he did not over-live those whom he had forsaken, but died a betrayer of his country. The rage of the enemy had torn the half burnt body of Varus, and his head, being cut off and carried to Maroboduns from whom it was sent to Caesar, was at length honourably buried in the sepulchre of his ancestors.   

CHAP. 120. Tiberius takes the war in hand, and with happy success and no loss having plagued the enemies, returns to his winter stations. Lucius Asprena his brave acts with two legions, and of Lucius Ceditius who sallied out of Alisone, and by force saved himself and his men through a multitude of enemies.  
THese news being reported Caesar flies back to his father, and as the perpetual defender of the Roman Empire assumes the business. He is sent into Germany, settles Gallia, disposeth of the armies, fortifies the guards of the standing camps. And valuing himself by his own greatness, and not by the rule of the enemy's confidence (which did threaten Italy with a war of the Cimbres and Teutones,) with his army he passed over the Rhine. Arminius being frighted (upon whom his father and his country was content to lay the blame,) he yet pierces farther into the country, makes his way thorough the frontiers, wastes their possessions, fires their houses, routs those which he encountered: and with infinite glory, and all those in safety which he carried over with him, returns to his winter stations. Let us here give a true testimonial of Lucius Asprenas his worth; who with the active and manly work of two legions which he commanded, serving as Lieutenant under his Uncle Varus, did preserve his forces free from so great a calamity. And by coming down in seasonable time to the lower wintering Camps did settle the then wavering minds of the Nations on this side of the Rhine Yet notwithstanding there are some that do believe, that as those which were living were by him secured, so the patrimonies of those which were slain under Varus, were by him possessed, and the estates of the ruined army (as far as he had a mind to) seized upon. The valour also of the Campe-master Lucius Ceditius, and those which being shut up with him in Alisone were by the innumerable forces of Germany besieged, is to be commended, who overcoming all difficulties, which by the want of necessaries being intolerable, the power of the enemy made unresistable, neither rashly resolving it, nor faintly putting it in execution, watching a fit opportunity, did with their swords make themselves a way, to return to their own party. By which it appears that Varus, a man indeed grave and meaning well, did rather ruin his army for want of the judgement that should be in a General, than for lack of courage, and bravery in his soldiers: when by the Germans there was all manner of cruelty used to the prisoners, Caldus Caelius, most worthy of his ancient family, performed a very brave act; who did so strain the folds of the chains, with which he was bound, about his head, as with the effusion of his blood and brains together, he breathed his last.   

CHAP. 121. Tiberius' prospering in the next years war equalled in command with Augustus, and triumphs over Pannonia and Dalmatia.  
THe same both virtue and fortune in the subsequent times did possess the soul of the General Tiberius, which at the beginning it was endowed with, all who having shaken the enemy's forces, by invasions of Sea and land forces; when he had quieted the affairs of Gallia, which were of greatest moment, and the enraged dissensions of the common people of Vienna, more by reprehensions than punishments, and the Senate and people of Rome, his father requiring that he mighthave over all the provinces and armies an equal authority with himself, had in the same decree comprehended him: for it had been absurd that they should not have been under his command, who were by him rescued, or that he that was the first in aiding them, should not be judged equally capable of the honour resulting from it: being returned to the City, did then enter in triumph (due indeed to him long before, but by the continuance of the wars till then delayed) over the Pannonians and Dalmatians. The magnificence whereof who will admire in Caesar, but the favour of fortune, who can but admire? For report had delivered, that all the principal Captains of the enemy were slain, but his triumph presented them to the people bound in chains. At which time it was my hap and my brothers to accompany him among the principal men and those which were honoured with rewards of special esteem. Or who among the other things in which the singular moderation of Tiberius Caesar doth clearly shine, will not wonder at this, that having without all question deserved seven triumphs, he was yet contented with three.   

CHAP. 122. Tiberius that had deserved seven triumphs, contented with three.  
FOr who can doubt but that for reducing of Armenia, and placing a King over it, upon whose head with his own hand, he put the Diadem, and for settling the affairs of the East, he ought to have entered the City in a triumph Ovant. And having conquered the Rhaetians, and the Vindelicians, to have entered in a Chariot. After his adoption then, with a continual war of three years standing, the forces of Germany being shattered, the same honour was both to have been presented to him, & by him accepted. And after the loss received under Varus, the same Germany being quickly with a most prosperous success of affairs laid flat upon the earth, aught to have adorned the triumph of this greatest Captain. But in this man thou canst not well tell whether to wonder more at his observing no mean in undergoing labours and hazards, or that he was so moderate in taking honours upon him.   

CHAP. 123. The death of Augustus at Nola in his 76. year.  
WE are now come to the time in which there was most cause of fear. For Caesar Augustus, when he had sent his Nephew Germanicus into Germany to make an end of the remnants of the war, and was about to send his son Tiberius into Illyricum, to settle with peace what he had subdued by arms, intending to follow him, and with all to be present at a show of wrestlers, which in his honour was by the Neapolitans dedicated to him, went into Campania. Although he had before felt some grudging of weakness, and the beginnings of a declination to the worse in his health, yet the strength of his mind labouring against it, he followed his son, and parting from him at Beneventum, himself went to Nola, where his malady growing daily upon him, when he knew (whom he must send for, if he desired that all should stand safe after him) he with all haste recalled his son to him. He with more celerity than was expected, flew back to the father of his country. Augustus then proclaiming himself secure, and wrapped in the embracements of his Tiberius, commending to his care, his, & his own works, nor now at all repining at his end, the fates did so appoint, being a little refreshed with the first sight and conference of him that was most dear to him, within a while his spirit being resolved into the first originals thereof, when Pompeius and Apuleius were Consuls in his seventieth and six year of his life, rendered his celestial soul back again to heaven.   

CHAP. 124. The fears of the people, upon his death wholly causeless, Tiberius refuses, and at length assumes the State.  
What men then did redoubt, what trembling there was in the Senate what confusion among the people, what the whole world feared in how narrow confines either of preservation or destruction we were placed, I that make so much haste have no leisure: and he that hath leisure cannot express. This alone I have to deliver from the common mouth of the people; That the City whose ruin we feared, we did not so much as find to be moved: and so great was the Majesty of one man, as neither for good men nor against bad, there was any need of arms; one only struggling (as it were) there was in the City, the Senate and people of Rome contending with Caesar, that he should succeed in his father's place, & he that he might rather live a private Citizen equal with the rest, than a prince in so eminent place. At length he was overcome more with reason then with the honour presented to him: when he saw, that what he took not upon him, would infallibly perish. To him only hath it befallen to refuse the Principality well near a longer time than others have borne arms to get it. After the returning of his father to the Gods, and the funerals of his body, solemnised with all humane honours, his name consecrated with divine ones, the first of his works as Prince, was to order the election of officers, as sacred Augustus had left written with his own hand. At which time my brother and myself being put in the list of those that stood Candidates for the Praetorship next after the noblest men, and such as had been high priests we gained this in it, that neither sacred Augustus commended any after, nor Tiberius Caesar any before us.   

CHAP. 125. A mutiny in Germany and Illiricum of the Legions there (the first governed by Germanicus) quieted by the direction of Tiberius.  
THe Republic did immediately receive the reward of both their advice and desire. Neither was it long concealed what he had suffered if we had not prevailed, or what we gained by obtaining of our wishes. For the army that served in Germany, and which was governed by Germanicus in person, as also the Legions which were in Illiricum with a certain rage and a vast greediness of confounding all things, sought a new General, a new state and in sum, would have also a new Commonwealth They were bold also to threaten that they would give the law to the Prince. They were about to determine what their entertainment should be, what the term of their service. From this they proceed to arms, their swords are in their hands, and almost did they rise to the height of lawless using them, only there wanted one to lead against the Commonwealth, not who should follow. But all these the readiness of their old Commander, forbidding many things with gravity, promising some others, and amidst the severe punishing of the authors, a gentle chastizing of the rest, in a short time laid on sleep and quite removed. At which time truly as Germanicus did things for the most part faintly, so Drusus being sent by his father against this fury of the Soldiers which was all of a light flame, using the former and ancient severity, with a course hazardous to himself in the act, and of pernicious precedent, with the same swords of the soldiers by which he was besieged, he punished those that beleaguered him, wherein he used principally the assistance of junius Blaesus; A man whom thou couldst not say whether he were of more use in the Camp, then disarmed in the City, who within a few years being Proconsul in Africa deserved and obtained triumphal ornaments, and the surname of Imperator (that is, sovereign Commander) & when he governed Spain & the army with his virtues, and in Illyicum with very brave discipline, as we said before, he kept them quietly in a most settled peace. Being abundantly furnished with the fairest goodness to intend that which was just, and with authority to perform what he intended. Whose care and fidelity, Dolabella also a man of a most generous singleness of heart did in all things imitate.   

CHAP. 126. A description of Tiberius his government for 16. years.  
THe business of these sixteen years seeing they are fixed in the sight and minds of all men, who would go about by parcels in words to deliver? Caesar had now consecrated his father, not by his command, but by religious devotion, and had not called him a god, but made him one. Fidelity was recalled into the pleading place, sedition turned out of the Market place, ambition from Mars his field, discord from the Senate, justice, equity, & industry, which were buried, and their place of residence not to be found, restored to the City. To the Magistrates was added authority; to the Senate, Majestrie; to the seats of justice, gravity; into all men was either infused a will to do well, or a necessity of doing so, imposed upon them; virtuous actions were honoured, bad ones punished; The mean man doth respect the great man, not fear him: the great one precedes the mean, but contemns him not. When was there ever a greater rarity of death? when ever a peace more delightful. Sacred peace being spread from the East through all the Climates of the West, and what ever place is bounded by the South, and the North, over all the corners of the whole world, doth in every place free them from the fear of robberies. The casual losses not of private men alone, but of Cities also, was by the munificence of the Prince, repaired; Cities of Asia re-edified; the provinces freed from the injuries of officers; For good men honour was very ready, for delinquents punishment was slow indeed, but yet some there was: favour is mastered by equity, ambition by virtue, for the excellent Prince, by doing well himself, doth teach his Subjects, and being greatest in power, yet by his example greater.   

CHAP. 127. Tiberius' his taking into his inwardest favour Aelius Sejanus following the precedent of Scipio and Augustus, Sejanus his character.  
IT is seldom that men of highest Condition do not use great assistances for the governing of their fortune, as the two Scipio's, the two Laelij whom in every regard they made equal to themselves, as sacred Augustus did Marcus Agrippa, and next after him Statilius Taurus: the meanness of their births being no impediment to their rising to divers Consullships and triumphs, & to very many Priesthoods, For it is true that great affairs do need great helpers, where in petty things scarcity doth not much impair them. And it conduceth to the public good that what is necessary for use, should also be eminent in honour, and that the benefit of the State be backed with authority. According to which examples Tiberius Caesar took, and still retains as his especial helper in all his principal charges Aelius Sejanus, whose father was a prime man of the order of Knights, but by his mother descended from families of the noblest quality, ancient and remarkable for many honours, as who had brothers, Cousins, and an Uncle of Consular rank: But himself a man most capable of fidelity and laboriousness, the fabric of his body well fitted to the vigour of his mind. A man of a most pleasing severity, and the ancient cheerfulness, in his fashion most like to those that do little: challenging nothing to himself, and by that means obtaining all things, ever valuing himself beneath the rate put upon him by others, in his aspect and carriage quiet, and of a vigilant spirit. In the prising the virtues of him the opinions of the City do this good while conted with the judgement of the Prince.   

CHAP. 128. The favour of Tiberius to Sejanus confirmed by the judgement of the people, with instances of the like formerly.  
NEither is this a new fashion of the Senate and people of Rome, to account that the noblest which is best: for even those of former ages, before the first Punic war, now three hundred years since, did raise Titus Cornucanius, a man of the first head, to the highest pitch, as, well by all other honours as by that also of the high Bishop, and Spurius Catullus by descent of the order of Knights, and presently Marcus Cato, and that new inmate of Tusculum, & Mummius the Achaean, they also promoted to Consul's places, Censorships and triumphs. They than that advanced Caius Marius, whose original is not known but by fix Consullships, so that he was without question the chief of the Roman name, they that did attribute to Marcus Fulvius so much as almost with but giving way to it he could make whom he would the chief man in the City: they that denied nothing to Asinius Pollio, which the noblest Romans must purchase with much sweat, did certainly think that greatest honour was to be bestowed upon him in whose mind was lodged the greatest virtue. The imitation of these our own Country examples did move Caesar to make experience of Sejanus: Sejanus to ease the Prince of part of his burden, and brought the Senate and people of Rome to this, that what they judged to be best, the same they would require for their safety.   

CHAP. 129. A summary of the carriage of Tiberius in many affairs toward Rhascupolis, Libo, Maroboduus, to Germanicus, the people, and in divers occasions.  
But having set forth, as it were in gross, the form of Tiberius his government, let us now reckon up the particulars. With what prudence did he call to him Rhascupolis the killer of Cotys his brother's son? using in that affair especially the industry of Flaccus Pomponius of Consular quality, a man borne for all things that were to be justly done, and rather with purest virtue deserving glory, then hunting after it? With what a gravity, as a Senator and judge, not as a Prince and Precedent, did he hear, and expedite causes? with what celerity did he ruin Libo, that ungrateful man, and one that did labour for innovations? with what principles did he instruct his Germanicus, and having seasoned him with the rudiments of his souldiourship, received him back the subduer of Germany; With what honours did he glorify his youth? the adornments of his triumph being correspondent to the greatness of the acts which he had performed? How often did he show respect to the people in a Congiary or Dole, and when by the Senate's appointment he might do it, how willingly did he perfect the tax of the Senate, so as he neither willingly did give any provocations to riot, nor did suffer an honest poverty to be deprived of honours. With how great honour did he send his Germanicus into the provinces beyond the Seas: with what power of his directions, employing as his Minister and assistant his son Drusus, did he compel Maroboduus that hung upon the frontiers of his Kingdom, (let me speak with pardon of his royal estate) like a serpent thrust out of the earth, with the wholesome medicaments of his advices to get him home again? How doth he hold him in, honourably but yet not securely? Of what importance was that war which being commenced by Sacrovir and julius Florus, he with a strange celerity and speed did suppress So that the people of Rome did know that they had conquered before they knew they were entered into a war, and the Messenger that brought word of the victory, came before him that told of the danger. The war also of Africa that was full of terror, and still greater by the daily additions to it, by his direction and advice was in a short time buried.   

CHAP. 130. A reckoning up of his workers and edifices: a complaint against those that conspired his ruin; as also for the death of his sons and nephew, for the forwardness of his daughter in law, and the loss of his mother.  
WHat works hath he founded in his own name, & in that of his family and kindred? with how religious a magnificence, and beyond the faith of any mortal man, doth he now build a Temple for his father? with how magnificent an equal temper of mind hath he repaired the work of Pompey which was consumed by fire? As he that, whatsoever is eminent in glory, doth as if it were of his blood think himself bound to maintain? with what bounty, both at other times, and now last of all, Mount Caelius being set on fire, did he out of his own estate repair the damages of all sorts of men by that accident? with how great quiet of men, doth he, without the fear of a press, a thing of perpetual and principal terror, provide for the supplies of his armies? If either the nature of men may bear it, or their meanness stretch so far as to complain to the Gods of themselves: what hath this man deserved, first that Drusus Libo should enter into treacherous purposes; then Silius and Piso, of the one of whom he settled the honours, and those of the other he increased? That I may pass to greater things, although he reckoned even these for the greatest, what he had demerited to make him lose his sons in their youth? what that his nephew by his son Drusus? we yet have spoken only of things to cause sorrow, we now must come to such as will procure blushing: with how many anguishs have these three last years (good Marcus Vinicius) rend his soul in pieces? how long hath his breast burned (and which is a most miserable thing) with a concealed fire: that by his daughter in law, by his nephew, he is compelled to grieve, to be angry and to be ashamed. The sadness of which time was augmented by the loss of his Mother, a woman superlatively eminent, and in every thing liker the gods than men, whose power no man ever felt, but either by the ease of his danger, or the augmentation of his honour.   

CHAP. 131. The conclusion, with a prayer for the preservation of the Prince and State.  
I Now must close up this work with a prayer. Thou jupiter Capitolinus, the Author and parent of the name of Roman; thou father Mars, thou Vesta the preserver of the perpetual fires, and what ever other Deity it be that hath raised this mass of the Roman Empire to this highest point of the world's greatness: You all, I do with the voice of all the people entreat, pray, and beseech, that you will keep, conserve, and defend this State, this peace, this Prince, and when he hath the longest age been resident among mortal men, appoint him successors, though with the latest, yet such as their necks may be able to bear the weight of the world's Empire, as bravely as we have found his to be; and let all the intentions of the people, be either pious * ⁎ *   
FINIS.   

LONDON, Printed by Miles Flesher, for ROBERT SWAIN, in Britaines-Burse at the sign of the Bible: 1632.   

Erratá.  
PAge 51. line 18. for strengthened, read straightened. P. 74. l. 12. for clifty, r. clifty. P. 86. l. 22. for quality, r. quality. P. 125. l. 16. for affronted, r. effronted. P. 127. l. 13. for General, r. Generals. P. 159. l. 24. for Pirates, r. parts. P. 179. l. 10. for one Paulus r. only Paulus▪ P. 198. l. 1. for Caius Crassus, r. Caius Cassius. P. 202. l 7. for cast off, r. cash. P. 203. l. 19 for reviving, r. ruining. P. 205. l. 8. for carting, r. caring. P. 264. l. 5. for tried r. tired. P. 274. l. 4. for tarired, r. tarried. P. 296. l. 4. for successful, r. successfully. P. 300. l. 18, for precise, r. precisely. P. 311. l. 17. for these, r. less. P. 320. l. 10. for his, r. this. P. 321. l. 10. for take, r. than. P. 331. l. 3. for enable, r. ennobled. P. 364. l. 18. for his inhabitants, r. his habitation.  
Faults of false pointing, or want of parentheses in due place, the understanding Reader will amend in reading.