THE ORDER AND usage of the keeping of a Parliament in England, AND THE DEScription of th'old and ancient City of Excester.  
Collected by john Vowel alias Hooker gentleman.   

Floret Virtus in aetaernum  
  

TO THE RIGHT WORSHIPFUL, grave and prudent, the Mayor and Senators of the most ancient and honourable City of Excester, john Vowel alias Hooker gentleman and Chamberlain of the same, wisheth a happy success in government with the long continuance thereof to the benefit of the public wealth and increase of worships.  
WHEN I DO THINK and consider (right worshipful) of the noble state and great majesty of the high Courts of parliaments of this Realm which for the exellencie and worthiness thereof, is of all true English men to be honoured and embraced: I do forthwith fall in great dislike as well with myself as with others, which being in learning ignorant, in wisdom week, in experience unskilful, and in every respect very unfit for such an honourable assembly, should be chosen and admitted to the same.  
For by the ancient orders and prescribed laws of this land: only such are tobe elected and to have place there as for gravity, wisdom, knowledge and experience, are reputed and known to be the most chosen and principal personages of the whole land and Realm. And this court being in authority highest, and in power chiefest: none should to be thorderers, judges and counsellors thereof, but such as in virtues and good conditions are answerable to the same.  
The order (therefore) among the Romans was that none should be received or allowed to be of their Senate house: unless he were grave in years, and well experienced in common affairs of the public wealth. The Lacedæmonians admitted none to be an Ephorus amongst them: but that he were a tried man for knowledge and experience. The Athenians would be assured that he should be wise and learned, that should be of their counsel.  
The like order also was and is within this Realm, the same being derived and taken chiefly from among the Romans, among and under whom: divers of th'old and ancient Kings of this Realm, have been bred and brought up.  
And by means of the wisdom, learning and knowledge, learned among them, have not only attained to the Sceptre of this realm: but also some of them have been the monarchs and Emperors of the whole world.  
These good Kings and Princes (I say) finding this land by disordered life, lawless liberty, and loose behaviour to be brought to an utter ruin, decay and desolation, no reason longer ruling, nor good order allowed, then as private affections and self-will would allow and like of: after many devices, consultations and attempts for redress, no way could be found so good, no remedy so present, nor help so speedy: as to erect and establish a Senate of the most grave, wise and expert personages of the whole Realm, called by the name of a Parliament. For as Patricius in his third Book, De institutione Reipub▪ saith. The best order of government of the common wealth: proceedeth always from th'old and ancient Senators, which are reputed and taken to be the fathers of the common wealth. For as fathers for their Children: so these for the common wealth are most careful and tender.  
And albeit the King or prince be never so wise, learned and expert: yet is it impossible for any one to be exact and perfect in all things, but a Senate of wise, grave, learned and expert men, being assembled in council together: they are as it were one body, having many eyes to see, many feet to go, and many hands to labour withal, and so sircum spect they are for the government of the commonwealth: that they see all things, nothing is hid or secret, nothing is strange or new, nothing is to great or weighty to them, but whether it be in causes of war, or of peace: they willbe well advised, and measure all things, with good reason, circumspection and policy.  
Moses' therefore, although (having talked with God face to face, he were above all others most wise, discreet and learned, yet not trusting all together to his own wits: made choice of all th'elders of Israel, and by their council did order and direct the publque state & common wealth of his people, and likewise being counseled by his father in law jethro, to provide among all his people, strong, courageous and valeant men, (and such as feared God, dealt truly, and hated covetousness) to be rulers over the people, to govern and judge them, he did so, only the greatest and weightiest matters which touched God: were brought before him alone.  
Wherefore according to the good profitable and ancient orders of the Romans and israelites: these good Kings do erect a Senate or Parliament. Laws are prescribed how the same should be kept, orders made what manner of persons shallbe elected and chosen for the same, and constitutions set foorth how and in what sort laws and ordinances shallbe made for the benefit of the common wealth. And surely these good and wholesome orders being put in ure and execution: the benefit thereof grew so much in short time, that there was as it were a Metamorphoses of the state of the public weal in those days, for what Sedition and contention had disordered: good order and concord recovered. What looseness and dissoluteness of life had marred: honest be haviour restored. What disobedience had decayed: loiable obedience amended. And finally what soever by any disorder was amiss: was by these means reformed and redressed: and the evils which were crept and brought in by ambition, covetousness, debate, malice or envy: were so reformed as that the people being better governed and instructed: would not be carried with every affection, neither yet prefer private profit and wilful lusts, before the common and public wealth.  
Lo, such are the fruits which grew of the parliaments, and thus doth it far in all estates where good men do rule, wholesome laws are made, and good order kept and observed, and so long do commonwealths flourish: as when princes do rule and govern by law, and people loyally obeying do live under law.  
Erasmus in his Book De institutione principis Christiani▪ saith, that good laws under a good Prince: do make a happy Realm and fortunate government. Cuius tum felicissimus est status, cum principi paretur ab omnibus, atque ipse Princeps paret legibus leges autem, ad architypum aequi et honesti respondent nec alio spectant, quam ad Rem communem in melius provehendam. Whose state is then most fortunate when the people do obey the Prince, and the Prince obeyeth the laws, and when laws be made just and right, and for the better advancement of the common wealth. And surely these are so in separable that in a good common wealth they cannot be dissevered, but a good Prince and good laws must be concurrant, for although it be a rule that Quod principi placet legis habet vigorem, & that Prince's hests are laws: yet the Ethnics themselves do hold th'opinion and affirm, that unless the laws be just and made according to the rule of wisdom, and for the common wealth: it is no law, for that is a law, Quod sapienti bonoque principi placet cui nil placet, nisi quod honestum, ac quod seniorum, iuditio atque sententia probatum est fore Republica.  
And surely in my opinion, if it behoveth Princes to be valeant in arms, and expert in martial affairs, whereby to with stand the enemy, and to repress the rebel: much more aught he to be wise and learned, that he knowing the laws and keeping the same, may the better govern his people in peace and keep them in dutiful obedience.  
Wherefore justinian the Emperor in the proheme to the instituts, hath this sentence. Imperatoriam maiestatem, non solum armis decoratam sed et legibus armatam esse oportet, ut utrumque tempus, et bellorum, et pacis, recte possit gubernari. an Emperor or a king aught not only to be skilful in feats of arms: but also to be well learned and instructed in the laws: that he may prevail against his enemy, as also peaceably govern his Subjects. It is also an old sentence, and for the worthiness thereof graven in Gold among the professors of the common laws of this Realm, Arma Regum Lex.  
And therefore the Egyptians did think it more honourable and commendable that Kings should be rather learned in good studies, then addicted to martial feats, and therefore their kings did with great diligence apply themselves to the studies of wisdom and knowledge, neither did any King among them think that he did or could govern well: unless (as in authority, so also in wisdom, virtue and learning) he did excel all the rest of his Subjects and people. Then if it be so necessary and expedient for the common wealth that the same be governed by learned and wise rulers, and guided by just and good laws: how happy, blessed & fortunate is this realm of England, which hath found both th'one & tother?  
For neither Athens with their Solon, and his laws. Sparto with their Lycurgus and his laws. Egypt with Mercurius and his laws. Rome with their Romulus and his laws. The Italians with their Pythagoras and his laws, and finally a number of other famous countries and worthy governors, of whom great advant is made: are not to be compared to this little isle and Realm, which in both respects hath passed and excelled them all. For the Kings and rulers thereof (not for a short time: but in the course of many hundrethes of years) have not been so valeant as wise, not so courageous as prudent, not so puissant as learned, and not so politic in the fields: as grave in the Senates. Likewise the laws, in equity most upright, in judgements most true, and in conscience most reasonable. The observation and keeping of which laws: hath heretofore preserved this Realm from foreign enemies, defended it from civil seditions, and kept the people in safety, so that is urified which Melanchton writeth of Solon. Denique vita hominum, tranquilla et honesta manebit: seruandi leges, dumpia cura manet.  
It resteth now that if we do mind to be the natural Children of so wise fore Fathers, the obedient Subjects of most worthy Rulers, the observers of most godly and wholesome laws: that like to our ancestors we do carefully and obediently in all dutifulness live after their race and dispose ourselves after their examples: for if we do once yield to the breach thereof, then be assured, the destruction of ourselves, the decay of our posterity, and utter ruin of our common wealth will shortly and immediately follow.  
For no longer shall our life be in safety: then we do dutifully obey the Prince and obediently observe the laws.  
The old and ancient Fathers in the former ages, were so strait in this point, that they would in no wise commit the lest breach of any law. For Chilo the Lacedaemonian, was of the opinion, that the common wealth could no longer endure then when the laws were firmly observed.  
Heraclitus of Ephesus saith, that Citizens are more bounden to fight for defence of their laws: then for keeping of their walls, for with out walls the City might stand, but without laws it could not continue, and yet both are to be defended.  
Archidamus saith, that in all well governed commonwealths: all degrees and estates of people are like obedient to the order of the laws as well the magistrate: as the inferior, & the King: as the Subject. Saint Paul saith, that he is not the just man, which only knoweth the laws: Sed qui factis legem exprimit which living under the law doth obey and keep the same. And surely if we English men would do the like, and follow the steps of such commonwealths, as whose states continued so long as they kept their laws, and also consider how this Realm hitherto, by that means hath been and is preserved: we shall not need to fear of our estate, doubt of our fall, or mistrust of our decay. Not foreign invations shall prevail against us, nor yet intestine seditions be able to annoy us, for such is the nature of the parliaments, that all mischiefs, inconveniences and evils are foreseen: and all good orders devised as before the common and public weal, no man of what estate so ever he be: can go awry or transgress his commission, but is under the order of that assembly, and of such ordinances as by the same are to be devised. For the King himself although he be the chiefest ruler, yet by the laws of this realm, he cannot establish order or make any law: but only in Parliament, and with advise and consent of all the estates and sages of the same, which law being kept, how can he with tyranny oppress his people, or with exactions ran sack and spoil his commons? If the noble man can be no farther allowed, then to do and speak that which shallbe liking to the King and his whole Parliament: what wrongs or injuries can he offer or minister? If no man aught to be a knight of the Parliament, unless he be Cinctus gladio: that is to say, wise, prudent, expert and politic in martial affairs: what wars can advisedly or rashly be taken in hand? if no man can be a Citizen or a Burgess there, unless he be ancient, wise, grave and resiant in the place for which he is chosen: what evil laws can pass and be concluded? yea what things amiss in any part of the Realm, shall not upon diclosing, forthwith and speedily be redressed?  
If Salomons wise and ancient senators aught to have place in Parliament: what shall the rash and young counsellors of Rohobohando there? If Moses by the advise of such ancient elders of Israel as were wise, valeant, dealt truly, feared God, and hated covetousness, did direct the people in judgement and govern them in justice: what shall children, yungmen, and such as neither fear god nor hate iniquity, which are of no experience or knowledge: sit in Senate of the wise, and give judgement among the grave and learned? Finally if the old Senators and wise Fathers, aught there to sit in ancient order and in grave manner: what place is there for punies, rash heads and young men, who having no learning, and less experience, are carried away (as a feather with the wind) with every light toy, making no account nor having any regard at all to the public weal?  
And surely that our parliaments should be kept in such order: the good ancient Kings of this realm with great advise did so ordain, and great penalties are prescribed, and punishments appointed against such as shallbe remiss in observing, or guilty in the breach thereof. If we therefore, for whose safety and preservation so good and wholesome laws, which have been made and heretofore observed, should degenerate from our forefathers, and be remiss or careless in the keeping of the same: let us be assured that as we shall right worthily, so shall we assuredly feel the smart thereof to the utter destruction of ourselves, the subversion of the common wealth, and decay of our posterity, for so hath it happened and be fallen to all the estates, kingdoms Realms, Cities and commonwealths, of all the world, whose destruction and decay began with the contempt and decay of their laws and orders.  
Where is the well governed estate of the Atheniences? What is become of the noble estate of the Romans? What is become of the prudent government of the Ephoros in Sparta? Nay what is become of the israelites the chosen people of God? are not they driven out of their own land, and become vagabonds through the whole world? are not they so loathsome that all sorts of people do in a manner shun and abhor them? It is an old saying: Felix quem faciunt aliena pericula cautum, happy is he that can beware by an other man's harm. Well, if their be any fear of God in us, if any zeal to our common weal, any care of our posterity, or accounted of our own safety: let us have an earnest regard to the preservation of that which is the preservation of us, Let us keep that which keepeth us, maintain that which maintaineth us, and defend that which defendeth us. Let us prevent and beware that in choice of the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses: none be chosen which are strangers to the common wealth, yung of years, week of discretion, and timerose to speak: but such as are grave, wise, ancient, and expert, fearing God, dealing truly, according to the ancient orders, laudable customs and prescribed laws of this Realm.  
And for as much as the orders, usages and customs of the parliaments of this Realm, are for the most part, and to most men hidden and unknown, and yet most expedient and necessary, that none should be ignorant of them: I have thought good upon considerations to make a collection of them, and finding some alteration and variety of the parliaments in these days, from them which were used in the elder days: I have made the description both of the one and of tother.  
The first and ancientest orders I have translated out of an old, and an ancient Latin Record, which I have of the Parlements kept in the time of King Edward the Son of King Etheldred, named Edward the confessor, about the year of our Lord 1046, which were duly for many years before and after his days kept and observed.  
The others are of mine own devise and collection, according to that which I saw and learned at the Parliament holden at Westminster, in the xiij. year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, Anno. 1571. at which I was present, being one (though unworthy) of the said house and assembly. I have been the more willing to set the same forth: because I know it most necessary and needful to be known, and that it toucheth the whole estate and common wealth of this Realm very near. For if the Rulers and governors of Cities and towns, do not more carefully look to the choice of their Citizens and Burgesses: their states may peradventure be in danger to be shaken, and their governments be in peril to perish.  
And as for zeal and good will to the whole common wealth, and my native Country, I have taken this little travail: so of bounden duty, I have thought good to offer and present the same unto you, partly that a Legiar & memorial of so worthy and necessary a matter: might remain and be among your Records, for the better instruction of yourselves, and all others which shall repair unto you for the same. But chiefly to yield myself unto you most humble and thankful, for your good will and tender affection towards me, for albeit you had the choice of sundry wise men, which (for their gravity, experience and knowledge far exceeding me) were more fit to have supplied a place in that honourable assembly: yet you of a good will conceiving the best, made choice of me preferring me before the wise, and joining me with the discreet, and although by means of sickness, the use of my speech not serving, I could not speak my mind in that pluce, as of duty and conscience I aught and would have done: yet in such credit of that assembly I was, that by a whole and a general consent of the Parliament: I was eftsoons chosen to be a commit in sundry matters of charge and importance, and they with whom I was joined, although they were personages of much honour, and great experience: yet such credit they gave to my words and so allowed of my sayings: that with good allowance they relied unto the same. Whatsoever credit or commendation, groweth to me hereby, I do, must and will, wholly impute it unto you. And therefore as one bounden unto you, and altogether dedicated to your service and commandment: I do offer this my simple and rude collection unto your worships, praying and beseeching you not to have respect to the simplicity, rudeness and slenderness of the matter offered: but to the good will of the offerer.  
I have before this attempted and begun to to draw and make a discourse, of the antiquity, estate and government of this City, thinking when I began: I should long ere this have absolved the same, and have offered it unto you. But in the middle of my travails, being by your consents, called to follow the weighty affairs of the right worshipful, Sir Peter Carew knight, in Ireland: I was cut of and dissapointed, sithence being returned, I have for the most part been so over charged with sickness, and mine affections have been and are so distempered: as that opportunity and power have not yet served to follow the absolving of that, which my good will and earnest desire wisheth.  
Nevertheless, having perused the description of this City, which was of mine own collection: I have upon the sight of more matter enlarged, augmented and brought the same to such a perfection, as for the time and matter sufficient. The imperfections (if any be) I will here after as occasion shall serve: supply and amend, in the mean time, having joined the same unto this, and thinking it moste meet to be offered unto you: I do most humbly pray you, accept the same in good part.  
The Lord God from whom cometh what so ever is good, and who directeth the counsels of the Just, and prospereth the devices of the godly: sand his holy spirit upon you, that you living in the fear of him, may hate iniquity, abhor covetousness, and without affection give just judgements, and in all truth, equity and justice: govern, rule and direct the people, over whom he hath made you the governors and Rulers, whereby his name may be glorified, the common wealth prospered: and you at length sitting with the xxiv Elders, may be crowned with them, and enjoy that peace and blessing which is prepared for such as execute justice and give true judgements.  
Post mortem Vita   

The old and ancient order of keeping of the Parliament in England used in the time of King Edward the confessor.  
FIrst the monition or summons of the Parliament aught to be made or done forty days before the beginning of the Parliament.  

The Summons of the spirituality.  
ALl Bishops, Abbots, Priors and all other great Clarks that hold by county or barony, by reason of their holding, aught to be monished, and also to come to the Parliament, and none other inferiors of the Clergy, unless their presence were profitable and necessary for the Parliament. And to those the King is bound to give their costis coming & abiding at the Parliament, and such inferior Clarks not to be monished to come to the Parliament. But the king was accustomed to sand his writs unto such discrete men, desiring them to come and be at the Parliament.  
Also the King was accustomed to sand his monitions or summons to the Archbishops, Bishops and other exempt persons, that is to say, Abbots, Priors, Deans and other ecclesiastical persons that have jurisdiction by such exemption and distinct privileges, that they for every Deanery and Archdeconry through England should elect and choose or cause to be elected & chosen, two discrete and wise proctor's of their own Archdeconry which should come and be at the parliament, there to sustain and allow, and to do that thing that every man of their Deanery or Archdeaconry might do if they were there in proper persons, & those Proctors so sent, for the Clergy: should bring with them their double proxies sealed with double seals of their superiors. The one of the proxies to remain with the Clarks of the Parliament: and tother to remain with the said proctor's, and under this manner the Clergy aught to be called to the Parliament.   

The summons of the Temporalty.  
ALso all and every Earl, Baron and their peers, that is to say, that have lands and rents to the value of an Earldom or of a whole Barony, that is to say, xx. knight's fees, every fee containing twenty pound land, which amounteth to iiij. hundred pound in the whole, or to the value of an whole Barony, that is to say xiij. fees: and the third part of a knight's fee, every fee accounted at xx. pound. which amounteth in the whole to iiij. hundred Marks. And no inferior persons of the Temporalty shall come to the Parliament by reason of his hold unless his presence be necessary and profitable, and they to be ordered for their charges at the king's costs, as is spoken of before of the inferior Clerks.   

The summons of the Barons of the five Ports.  
ALso the King aught to sand his writs to the warden of the five ports that he should 'cause to be elected or chosen for every of the said ports: two discrete & wise Barons that should come and be present at the Parliament, there to answer, sustain, allege and do all things concerning the said parliament, aswell as if all and every of the Barons were there personally. And these Barons so elect and chosen: shall bring with them their double proxies, double sealed with the common seal of the port. The one thereof to be delivered to the Clerks of the Parliament: and the other to remain with the said Barons so chosen and elected. And when it shall chance the said Barons (licence obtained) to depart: they were accustomed to have a writ sealed with the great seal to the warden of the five ports for their reasonable expenses done from the first of their coming to the Parliament, until the time of their departing and coming home, to be levied of the commonalty of every party having express mention made in the writ from the said first day of their coming: until the time of their licence obtained, and it was accustomed that mention should be made in the said writ what every Baron should take of the commons for a day, that is to say, some more, some less, a consideration and respect had to the honestest, for their tarrying, labours & expenses, and it was not accustomed that any certain sum was limited by the said Court.   

Of the knights of the Parliament.  
ALso the king was accustomed to sand his writꝭ to all the Sheriffs within the Realm, that they should 'cause to be chosen two honest, wise and discrete knights for every Sheer to come to the Parliament with such proxies, as is before spoken of the Barons of the five ports. But for the expenses of the said two knights for every sheer was not accustomed to be granted above xiij shillings four pence for a day.   

Of the Citizens of the Parliament.  
IN the like the Mayor of London and the sheriffs. The Mayor and Bailiffs, or the Mayor and Citizens of York, and all other Cities were wont to be warned that they for the commonalty of their cities should elect & choose two discrete honest & wise Citizens to come and be at the Parliament under the form as is spoken of before of the Barons and of the knights of the sheer. And the said Citizens were accustomed to be like and equal in their expenses for coming, abiding and returning to and from the Parliament as are the knights.   

Of the Burgesses of the Parliament.  
IN like manner the Bailiffs and wise men of the boroughs were accustomed, and aught to be warned that they should choose two discrete, honest, and wise Burgesses of themselves, and by them to come and be at the Parliament, in like manner as is spoken of the Citizens. But it was not accustomed that two Burgesses should have for their charges above x. shillings, & sometime not above vj. shillings eight pence. and that should be taxed by the Court, after the ability of the borough, and the honesty of the Burgesses.   

Of the two principal Clerks of the Parliament.  
ALso two principal Clerks of the Parliament shall sit in the midst of the justices which shall inrolle all plaints, and matters of the Parliament. And it is to be known that these two Clerks be not subject to any of the justices of England, nor that any justice hath any authority in the Parliament except he be assigned to any thing by the King, and Peers of the Parliament.  
And when they be assigned with other Suetors of the Parliament to hear and determine divers pleas and petitions to be finished by Parliament, yet the two Clarks to be immediate subjects to the King and Parliament in common, unless one of the judges or two be assigned to examine and amend their enrolling. And if the peers of the Parliament be assigned to hear & examine any special petition, after they have broken their matter: they shall give their sentence and judgement in the full Perlement, and the two Clarks inrolle the same, and all other plaints and judgements of the Parliament in the principal of the Parliament, and there to deliver those rolls to the Treasurer before the Parliament be finished.  
Provided that the said Clarks shall have a transumpt or Copy of it, if they list, and these two Clarks shall have for their expenses xiij. shillings and iiij. pence, unless they have any fees or offices by the king, and be daily waitors having meat and drink of the King's cost: and then they to have uj shillings and viij. pence every day during the Parliament.   

Of the five Clarks.  
ALso the King shall assign five Clarks, wise and approbate, of whom, the first shall attend the Bishops. The second the proctor's of the Clergy. The third the Earls and Barons. The fourth the knights of the Shears, and the fifth: the Citizens and Burgesses.  
And every of them shall have ij. shillings a day: unless they be the King's servants, and have sufficient living of the King, & then they to have but xij. pence the day, which Clarks shall writ all doubts between the King and the Parliament, and they to be at their counsels where so ever they be commanded. And in case they shallbe vacant: they shall help the two principal clarks to inrolle their business.   

Of the causes and doubts of the Parliament.  
WHen any breach, difficulty of doubt, or defuse cause of war or peace doth appear within the Realm or without, that case aught to be declared in writing in the full Parliament, there to be treated and disputed among the Peers of the Parliament, and if it be necessary: the King shall command or in the King's name it shallbe commanded that every degree, and the persons of every degree of the Parliament shallbe present in the parliament, and to the Clerk of every degree in the Parliament, the cause, breach and doubt shall be delivered, and by him at a certain place to be to them delivered and declared.  
And the upon they to study, imagine and consider how this doubt or breach may be provided for, as they in time coming shall make answer for the pręservation of the King, themselves, and the commons whose persons they do represent, and so in this behalf they shall make their answer or council to be written, so that every degrees answer and advisement heard: the whole Parliament to admit and allow the best and wisest council and thereafter to do, and whereas been divers opinions: then to incline to the more part of the Parliament.  
And in case there be any discord between the king and any of the estates, or between estates, whereby the peace of the Realm, or the people of the country might be disturbed: in this case if the King think it expedient, it aught to be commoned of, and reformed by the advise of all the Peers of the Realm. Or in case the King and Realm been troubled with wars, or a doubtful case be depening before the chancellor of England, or a defuse judgement be depending before the justices, and if in those the Peers of the degrees of the Parliament cannot agree: then the Earl Steward, the Earl Constable, and the Earl Martial, or two of them: shall elect xxv persons of every degree of the peers of the Realm, that is to say: two Bishops, three proctor's for the Clergy, two Earls, three Barons, five knights of the Shears, five Citizens, and five Burgesses, and these xxv may condescend into xij. of themselves, and these xij. into uj of themselves, and these six may condescend into three, but these three cannot condescend into a less number without the King's consent, and then those three may condescend into two, and the two into one, and after his opinion and determination: the matter shallbe ordered unless the King will descent as he may, and then may he and his council examine and amend the ordination, so it be unwritten and done out of the Parliament house without their consents.   

Of matters of the Parliament.  
THe matters whereof the Parliament is holden or kept: aught to be delivered into the Parliament, and to be called upon in manner of a calendar, according to every man's petition, and no respect to be had to any man's person: but that he who layeth first his bill in: shallbe first heard.  
In the Calendar of the Parliament every matter aught to be had in memory under this manner and form.  
First: of wars if their be any, of matters concerning the King and queens person, and of their Children.  
Secondly: of matters concerning the common weal, and to ordain new laws debarring th'old laws made in times past, whose execution have been prejudicial.  
Thirdly: the matters concerning the private weal, and these to be examined according to the file and Calendar as is before written.   

The days and hours of the Parliament.  
THe Parliament shallbe holden every day, Sundays, Allhallon day, all soul's day & the nativity of Saint john the Baptist excepted. And every feriall day it should begin at mid prime time, and that hour: the king is bound to be in the Parliament and all the peers of the Realm. On the holy days the parliament shall begin at the prime, because of the divine service should be first heard.   

The degrees of the Parliament.  
THe King is head and chief at the beginning and at th'end of the parliament, and to him no comparison is to be made, and so the King is one degree by himself.  
The second is of archbishops, Abbots and Priors, holding by baronies.  
The third is of the Proctors of the Clergy. The fourth of Earls Barons and other estates and gentles holding to the value of an Earldom or barony as is before written. The fift of Knights of the Shears.  
The sixth of Citizens and Burgesses, and so the Parliament is of six degrees. And it is to be noted that if any of the said degrees be absent after their first lawful monitions or summons: the Parliament is not of sufficient effect.   

The form of the Parliament.  
SIth it is showed under what form every man aught to be monished, and how long time the monitions should be, and what they be that should come unto it: it is to be known who they be that aught to be monished to come to the Parliament by reason of their offices. And also it is to be noted that the two principal Clarks of the Parliament for the King and his Council, and other secondary Clarks, of whom and of whose office mention shallbe hereafter made.  
The chief crier of England with his deputies, and the chief Porter of England, howbeit these two offices were accustomed to be occupied by one person, these aught to be there the first day of the Parliament.  
The Lord Chancellor of England, the Treasurer, the Chamberlain, the Barons of the Exchequer, the justices, all the king's Clarks and knights, with Sergeants at the Law of the king's retinue or fee: aught to be there the second day, unless they have a reasonable impediment or let.   

Of the beginning of the Parliament.  
THe King aught to be in the Parliament the first day and should sit in the midst of the high bench. The sixth day: the chancellor, the Treasurer, the Barons of the Exchequer and the justices were accustomed to record the defaults done in the Parliament in form following. The first day they must call all the Citizens and Burgesses of all England, and for lack of their appearance: a City shallbe amerced in a C. pound, and a borough a C. markis.  
The second day: they shall call knights of Shears, and in default of their appearance: the sheer shallbe amerced a HUNDRED pound.  
The third day: the Barons of the five ports, & after them th'other Barons, and then the Earls, and for lack of appearance of every Baron: they shallbe amerced a HUNDRED markis, and of an Earl: a HUNDRED pound, the like shallbe done to them that be Earls and Barons Peers, that is to say, as have Lands and rents to the yearly value of an Earldom or of a barony as is before expressed. The fourth day: the Proctors of the Clergy shallbe called, and for lack of their appearance: their Bishops shallbe amerced a HUNDRED marks for every Archdeaconry that maketh default.  
The fifth day: Deans, Priors, Abbots, Bishops and Archbishops, and for lack of appearance of an Archbishop: he shallbe amerced a HUNDRED pound, a Bishop, an Abbot and a Prior, which hold an whole barony: a HUNDRED marks.   

Of the Proclamations.  
THe first day of the Parliament: proclamation shallbe made first in the Hall or in the Monastery or some other open place where the Parliament shallbe holden or kept, and after in the City or Town openly that every man having Bill or Petition to be eranuned or determined in the Parliament that is should be laid in within five days of the beginning of the parliament.   

Of the preaching of the Parliament.  
AN Archbishop or some famous discrete and eloquent Clerk to be assigned by the Archbishop in whose province the Parliament shallbe kept and holden, shall preach on the first of the five days in the full Parliament & in the King's presence, and he shall begin when all the Parliament or the most part shallbe there assembled, & in his prison or prayer he shall require all the whole Parliament that they humbly beseech almighty God for the peace and tranquillity of the King and Realm.   

Of the Speaker of the Parliament.  
AFter the Sermon done: the L. chancellor of England or the chief justice elect, shall stand declaring in the parliament house, first generally and then specially the causes of the Parliament, and wherefore the same is holden.  
And it is to be noted that every man (the King excepted) shall stand while the said Speaker doth declare his matter, to th'intent that every man may hear him: & in case he do speak obscurely or darkly or so low that he cannot be heard: he must begin again, or else an other speak in his place.   

What the King shall say after the Speaker hath done.  
THe King after the speaker hath declared the causes of the Parliament: shall desire the spirituality and the Temporalty naming every degree, that is to say, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Archdeacon's, proctor's and others of the Clergy, Earls Barons, knights, Citizens and Burgesses, and others of the Temporalty, that they do diligently studiously and loovingly endeavour themselves to examine pertract and handle the causes of the Parliament, to the honour of God principally: secondarily to the King's honour, and lastly to the wealth of the Realm.   

Of the King's absence.  
THe King aught daily to be present in the Parliament, unless he be sick or diseased: and then he may keep his chamber, so that he lodge not out of the manor or town, where the Parliament is holden, and then he aught to sand for xij. persons of the great estates that be monished or summoned to the Parliament, whereof two to be Bishops, two Earls, two Barons, two Knights, two Citizens and two Burgesses, to see his person & to certify of his estate, & in their presence he aught to commit power to the Archbishop of the province, to the Lord Steward and to the chief justices, that they jointly and severally shall begin and continue the Parliament in the King's name, making express mention in his commission of his disease to th'other estates, and that the persons above named can express the same, for it is a perilous case and dangerous for the commonalty and Realm that the King should be absent from the Parliament: but only for bodily sickness.   

Of places and seats in the Parliament.  
FIrst as it is before said, the King shall sit in the midst of the bench, upon the right hand the Archbishop of Canterbury, at his left hand the Archbishop of York, and then Bishops, Abbots, and Priors in order, and then every man in his degree, and amongst his peers, and that this order be kept: the Lord Steward of England is bound to look unto, unless the King assign some other.  
At the King's right foot, the chancellor of England, the chief justice of England with his fellows, and their Clarks, that be of the Parliament. And at his left foot shall sit the Treasurer, the Chamberlain, the Barons of the Exchequer, the judge of the common place with their Clarks that been of the Parliament.   

Of the porters of the Parliament.  
THe chief Porter of the Parliament shall stand within the great gate or Monastery, hall or place, where the Parliament is holden and shall attend that no man enter into the Parliament except he be called for matters that he showeth in the Parliament. And it is expedient that the said Porter have knowledge of every man's name that shall enter into the Parliament, and if need require to have many porters under him.   

Of Criers of the Parliament.  
THe Crier shall stand without the Parliament door, and the Porter shall show him when and what he shall call. The king was accustomed to appoint his Sergeants at arms to keep the Parliament door, that no thrust, press or noise, were made there, by means whereof the Parliament might be letted, and that such thrust, press or noise might he avoided, and proclamation should be made that no person enterprise such things there, under pain of imprisonment, for by Law: the Parliament door should not be shut, but he kept by the Porter or Sergeant at Arms.   

Of the help for the King.  
THe King was not accustomed to demand help of his Realm but only for war that was instant, or for the creation of his Sons to be made knights: or his Daughters to be married, and these helps aught to be demanded in the full Parliament, and in writing to be delivered unto every degree, and they in writing to make answer. And if this help aught to be granted: then every degree of the Parliament should consent thereto. And it is to be known, that two Knights or two Citizens, or two Eurgesses which come to the Parliament, in granting or denying any thing demanded in the Parliament: have more authority than the greatest Earl in England. And in like case, two proctor's for the Clergy in one diocese: have more authority than their Bishops in things to be granted or denied in Parliament, and the reason is this. The King may hold his parliament for the commonalty of his Realm without Bishops, Earls or Barons, so that they have lawful summons and come not, for some time there was no Bishop, Earl nor Baron, and yet the King hide keep his Parliament, but of the contrary, if the commonalty of the Clergy and of the Temporalty be monished to the parliament as they aught to be by the Law, and for certain causes they do not or will not come, as if they pretend that the King hath not ruled or governed them accordingly, and do therein express wherein he hath not ruled them accordingly: in this case the Parliament which the King holdeth with the Bishops, Earls and Barons is of no effect, and therefore in all things that are to be granted, ordained, established or broken by parliament: the commonalty of the parliament of necessity must consent thereunto. For in the commonalty are contained iiij. degrees of Parliament, that is to say, proctor's of the Clergy, Knights of Shéers, Citizens of Cities and Burgesses of Towns, & these persons do represent the whole commonalty of England where as th'other estates do represent but their own persons.   

For bills and petitions of the Parliament.  
THe Parliament aught not to be ended whiles any petition dependeth undiscussed or at lest to whom a determinate answer is not made, and if the King permit the contrary: he is perjured, also no Peer of the Parliament shall depart from the same without licence obtained of the King and of his peers, which licence is to be obtained in open parliament, and to be recorded in roll of Parliament. And if it happen any of the Peers to be sick, during the Parliament so that he cannot come to it: then for three days he shall sand his excuse to the Parliament, but if after three days passed he come not: then two of his peers shallbe sent to him to see his person, and thereof to advertise the Parliament, and if any suspicion be had: these two Peers shallbe sworn to testify the very truth, and if it appear he have feigned himself sick: he then to be amerced as a fault for his not appearance at the beginning of the Perlement, and if he be sick then before: then he shall make a sufficient to appear in Parliament for him.  
No person of the Parliament can be excused having his health and memory.   

The ending of the Parliament.  
THe finishing of the Parliament must be assigned, appointed and openly proclaimed both in the Parliament, and within the palace of the Parliament. And if there be any will say, that he hath no answer of his bill delivered into the Parliament: then the Parliament to continued, but if no man so say: it is to be supposed that every man hath remedy or assigned how to have remedy by the Laws, and at the proclamation made, if there be no Bills to be laid in: the King may licence his Parliament.   

Of the Copies of the Records of the Parliament.  
THe Clerk of the Parliament shall deny to no man the copy of his process, but shall deliver unto every man that demandeth it, taking for every ten lines a penny.  
And if the party be poor and thereupon maketh his oath to have nothing: the roll of the Parliament shallbe ten inches broad. The Parliament shallbe kept wheresoever it shall please the King.  
THese orders in process of time did success, and were out of all use, few or no parliaments being kept, from the time of William the Conqueror, until the reign of King Edward the first, who by th'advise of his wise & learned counsellors prescribed a form & order how the parliaments within this Realm should be observed and kept, which orders also in the course of certain years grew out of use in many points, and the order here ensuing: is that which is in our days received and used.    

THE ORDER AND Usage how to keep a Parliament in England in these days, collected by john Vowel alias Hooker gentleman, one of the Citizens for the City of Exeter at the Parliament holden at Westminster Anno domine Elizabethae Reginae decimo Tertio. 1571.  

By whom and for what cause a Parliament aught to be summoned and called.  
THe King who is God's anointed being the head and chief of the whole Realm and upon whom the government and estates thereof do wholly and only depend: hath the power and authority to call and assemble his Parliament, and therein to seek & ask the advise, council and assistance of his whole Realm, and without this his authority: no parliament can properly be summoned or assembled. And the King having this authority, aught not to summon his Parliament: but for weighty & great causes, and in which he of necessity aught to have the advise and counsel of all the estates of his Realm, which be these and such like as followeth.  
First for Religion, for, for asmuch as by the Laws of God and this Realm, the King next and immediately under God is his deputy and Vicar in Earth, and the chiefest ruler within his Realms and dominons: his office, function and duty is, above all things to seek and see that God be honoured in true Religion and Virtue, and that he and his people do both in profession and life live according to the same.  
Also that all Idolatries, false Religions, heresies, schisms, errors, superstitions, and what so ever is contrary to true Religion, all disorders and abuses, either among the Clergy or the laity, be reformed, ordered and redressed.  
Also the assurance of the King and queens persons, and of their Children their advancement & preferment in marriages, the establishing of succession, the suppression of Traitors, the avoiding or eschewing of wars, the attempting or moving of wars, the subduing of Rebels, and pacifying of civil wars and commotions, the levying or having any aid or subsidy for the preservation of the King and public estate.  
Also the making and establishing of good and wholesome Laws, or the repealing and debarring of former Laws, as whose execution may be hurtful or prejudicial to the estates of the Prince or common wealth. For these and such like causes being of great weight, charge and importance: the King (by the advise of his council) may call & summon his high Court of Parliament, and by the authority thereof establish and order such good Laws and orders as than shallbe thought most expedient and necessary.   

The order and manner how to summon the Parliament  
THe King aught to sand out his writs of summons to all the estates of his Realm, at lest forty days before the beginning of the Parliament. First to all his Lords and Barons, that is to wit, Archbishops, Bishops, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, viscounts and Barons, and every of these must have a special writ, then to the Clergy, and the writ of their summons must be addressed to every particular Bishop, for the Clergy of his diocese, & all these writs which are for the Clergy: the King always sendeth to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, & by them they are sent and dispersed abroad to every particular Bishop within their several provinces, and so the Bishops give summons to the Clergy.  
Lastly, for the summoning of the Commons: he sendeth his writ to the Lord warden of the five ports, for the election of the Barons thereof, and to every several Sheriff, for the choice and election of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses within his county.   

How and what persons aught to be chosen for the Clergy, and of their allowances.  
THe Bishop aught upon the receipt of the writ sent unto him for the sumoning of his Clergy: forthwith to summon and warn all deans and Archdeacon's within his diocese to appear in proper person at the Parliament, unless they have some sufficient and reasonable cause of absence, in which case he may appear by his Proctor having a warrant or proxy for the same.  
Then must he also sand the like summons to the Dean and Chapter of his Cathedral Church, who shall forthwith assemble their Chapter and make choice of some one of themselves to appear in their behalf, and this man thus chosen: must have thrir commission or proxy.  
He must also sand out his summons to every Archdeaconry and peculiar, requiring that the whole Clergy do appear before him, his chancellor or Officer at a certain day, time, and place, who being so assembled: shall make choice and election of two men of the said Clergy to appear for them, and these shall have their commission or proxy for the same.  
These Proctors thus to be chosen aught to be grave, wise, and learned men, being professors either of Divinity or of the ecclesiastical Laws. and that can, will, and be able to dispute in cause of controversy, convincing of heresies, appeasing of Schisms, and devising of good and godly constitutions concerning true Religion, and orders of the Church.  
These Proctors (thus elected) aught to have reasonable allowances for their charges, according to the state, quality, or condition of the person, as also a respect had to the time, the proctor's of the Dean and Chapter are to be paid out of the Exchequer of the Cathedral Church. The Proctors of the Clergy are to be paid of the Clergy, among whom a collection is to belevied for the same, according to an old order used among them.   

How and what manner of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses aught to be chosen, and of their allowances.  
THe Sheriff of every County having received his writꝭ: aught forthwith to sand his precepts & summons to the Majors, Bailiffs, and head Officers of every City, Town corporate, Borough, and such places as have been accustomed to sand Burgesses, within his County, that they do choose and elect among themselves two Citizens for every City, & two Burgesses for every Borough, according to their old custom and usage. And these head Officers aught then to assemble themselves and the Alder men and comen council of every City or Town, & to make choice among themselves of two able and sufficient men of every City or Town, to serve for and in the said Parliament.  
Likewise at the next County day to be holden in the said County after the receipt of this writ, the Sheriff aught openly in the Court of his Shéer or County, between the hours of viij. and ix of the fore noon: make Proclamation that every free holder shall come into the Court, and choose two sufficient men to be Knightis for the Parliament, & then he must 'cause the writ to be openly and distinctly read, whereupon the said free holder's then and there present: aught to choose two Knights accordingly, but he himself cannot give any voice, neither be chosen.  
These elections a foresaid so past and done: there aught to be several Indentures made between the Sheriff & the free holder's of the choice of the knights, and between the Mayor and the head Officers of every particular City & Town of the choice of their Citizens and Burgesses, and of their names & of their mainperners and Sureties. Of these Indentures, the one part being sealed by the Sheriff: aught to be returned to the Clerk of the Parliament, and th'other part of the Indentures, sealed by such as made choice of the Knights, and such as made choice of Citizens and Burgesses under the several common seals of their Cities and Towns: aught to remain with the Sheriff, or rather with the parties so elected and chosen.  
The charges of every knight and Citizen was wont to be a like, which was xiij. shillings four pennies by the day, but now by the Statute it is but viij. shillings, that is, to every Knight, & every Citizen iiij. shillings, & to every Burgess the old usage to have u shillings, but now it is but iij. shillings & iiij. pence limited by the Statute, which alowaunces is to be given from the first day of their journey towards the Parliament, until the last day of their return from thence. Provided that every such person shallbe allowed for so many days as by journeying xxuj. mile's every day in the Winter, and thirty. miles in the Summer, he may come and return to and from the Parliament.  
In choice of these Knights, Citizens and Burgesses: good regard is to be had that the Laws & customs of the Realm be herein kept and observed, for none aught to be chosen: unless he be resiant and dwelling with in the Shéer, City or Town, for which he is chosen. And he aught to be a grave, wise, learned, skilful, and of great experience in causes of policies, and of such audacity as both can and will boldly utter and speak his mind according to duty, and as occasion shall serve, for no man aught to be silent or dumb in that house, but according to his talon he must and aught to speak in the furtherance of the King and common wealth.  
And the Knights also aught to be skilful in martial affairs, and therefore the words of the writs are that such should be chosen for Knights as be Cincti gladio, not because they shall come into the Parliament house in armour, or with their Swords: but because they should be such as have good experience, and knowledge in feats of War, and of martial affairs, whereby they may in such caces give the King and Realm good advise and council, likewise they aught to be Lay men and of good fame, honesty, and credit, being not outlawed, excommunicated, or perjured, or otherwise infamose, for such persons: aught not to have place or to be admitted into the Parliament house.   

The degrees of the Parliament.  
IN times passed there were six degrees or estates of the Parliament, which every of them had their several officers and ministers of attendance, but now the same are reduced into four degrees. The first is the King, who in his parsonage is a full and whole degree of himself, and without whom nothing can be done.  
The second degree is of the Lords of the Clergy and of the Temporalty, and are all called by the names of Barons.  
The third is of knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, and these be called by the names of the commonalty.  
The fourth: is of the Clergy which are called by the name of conudcation, and these persons have no voice in the Parliament, neither can they do any thing other than to entreat in causes of Religion, which from them is to be commended to other estates.   

Of the places and houses of the Parliament.  
AS it lieth in the King to assign and appoint the time when the Parliament shall begin, so that he give at the lest forty days summons: so likewise he may name and appoint the place where it shallbe kept, but wheresoever it be kept, th'old usage and manner was that all the whole degrees of the parliament, sat together in one house, and every man that had there to speak: did openly before the king and his whole Parliament, but hereof did grow many inconveniences, and therefore to avoid the great confusions which are in such great assemblies: as also to cut of th'occasions of displeasures which eftsoons did happen, when a mean man speaking his conscience freely, either could not be heard, or fell into the displeasure of his betters, and for sundry other great griefs, did divide this one house into three houses, that is to wit, the higher house, the lower house and the convocation house.  
In the first: sitteth the King, and his Lords spiritual and Temporal called by the name of Barons, and this house is called the higher house.  
The second is: where the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses do sit, and they be called by the name of Commons, and this house is called the lower house.  
The third is: where the prelates and Proctors of the Clergy sit being called by the name of the Clergy, and this house is called the convocation house, of every of these houses: their orders and officers, we will briefly subvect and declare particularly in order as followeth.   

Of the higher house.  
THe higher house (as is said) is where the King and his Barons do sit in Parliament, where the King sitteth highest, and the Lords and Barons beneath him each man in his degree, the order is this. The house is much more in length then in breadth, and the higher end thereof in the middle is the kings seat or Throne hanged richly with cloth of estate, and there the king sitteth all ways alone. On his right hand: there is a long bench next to the wall of the house which reacheth not so far up as the King's seat, and upon this sit the Archbishops and Bishops every one in his degree. On his left hand: there are two like benches, upon the inner: sit the Dukes, Marquesses, Earls and viscounts. On the other which is the hindermost & next to the wall: sit all the Barons every man in his degree. In the middle of the house between the Archbishop's seat and the Duke's seat: sitteth the Speaker, who commonly is the Lord chancellor, or keeper of the great Seal of England, or the L. chief justice of England as pleaseth the King, who doth appoint him, and he hath before him: his two Clarks sitting at a Table before them upon which they do writ and lay their Books. In the middle room beneath them: sit the chief justices and judges of the Realm, the Barons of the Exchequer, the queens Sergeants and all such as be of the King's learned Council, either in the common Laws of the Realm: or of the Ecclesiastical laws, and all these sit upon great Wool sacks, covered with read cloth.  
At the lower end of all these feats is a bar or a Rail, between which and the lower end of the house: is a voided room serving for the lower house, and for all Suitors, that shall have cause and occasion to repair to the King or to the Lords. This house as it is distinct from the others: so there be distinct Officers to the same belonging and appertaining, which all be assigned and appointed by the King, and all have allowances for their charges at the King's hands, of which Officers what they are, what is every of their offices, and what allowances they have: shallbe written in order hereafter.   

Of the Officers of the higher house and first of the Speaker, and of his office.  
THe chiefest Officer of the higher house: is the Speaker, who is appointed by the King, and commonly he is the Lord chancellor or keeper of the great Seal, or Lord chief justice of England, his office consisteth in divers points.  
First: he must on the first day of the Parliament, make his oration in the higher house, before the king, his Lords and commons, & then & there declare the causes why the King hath summoned that parliament, exhorting and advising every man to do his office and duty, in such sort as may be to the glory of God, honour of the King, and benefit of the common wealth.  
Also he must make one other oration, but in way of answer to the Speakers Oration, when he is presented to the King.  
Likewise he must make the like, on the last day of the Parliament, and you shall understand that upon these three days: he standeth on the right hand of the King near to his seat, at a bar there appointed for him, but at all other times: he sitteth in the middle of the house as is before said.  
When he hath ended his oration upon the first day: he must give order unto the lower house in the King's behalf, willing them to repair unto their house, and there (according to their ancient order and customs) make choice of their Speaker,  
All Bills presented unto the higher house: he must receive, which he hath forthwith to deliver to the Clerks to be safely kept.  
All Bills he must 'cause to be read twice before they be ingroced, and being read three times: he must put the same to question.  
If any Bill put to question do pass with their consent: then the same must be sent to the lower house, unless it came first from thence, and in that case: it must be kept until the end of the Parliament.  
If any Bill be denied, impugned, and clear overthrown: the 〈…〉 more to be thenceforth received.  
If 〈…〉 be put to question, and it be doubtful whether side is the greater and giveth most voices: then he must 'cause the house to be divided, and then judge of the Bill according to the greater number.  
If any Bill be imperfect or requireth to be amended: he must choose a certain number of that house, as he shall think good, and to them commit that Bill to be reformed and amended.  
If any Bill or message be to be sent to the lower house: it is his office to make choice of two of the King's learned council there being to be the messengers thereof.  
If any Bill or message be sent from the lower house: he must come from his place to the bar & there receive the same, and being returned to his place and every Stranger or messenger departed: he must disclose the same to the Lords.  
Item if any disorder be committed or done in the house by any Lord or other person: he aught with the advise of the Lords to reform the same, but if it be among the Lords, and they will not be reformed: then he must forth with advertise the King.  
Item he aught at the beginning of the Parliament: to call by name all the Lords of the Parliament, and likewise at other times as he seeth occasion, whose defaults aught to be recorded, and they to pay their fines unless they be dispensed with all by special licence from the King, or have some just and reasonable cause of absence.  
Item he must see and 'cause the Clarks to make true entries and true records of all things done there, and to see that the Clarks do give and deliver the copies of all such Bills there read to such as demand for the same.  
Item he shall keep the secrets and cause and command every man of each degree in that house to do the like.  
Also he aught not to go any where, but the gentleman Sergeant aught to attend upon him, going before him with his Mace, unless he be Lord chancellor for then he hath a Sergeant of his own.  
His allowance that he hath is at the King's charges.  
Also for every private Bill that passeth and is enacted: his hath x. pound for his part.   

Of the chancellor of the higher house.  
THe chancellor is the principal Clerk of the higher house, and his charge is safely to keep the records of the Parliament and the Arts which be past.  
All such Statutes as be enacted: he must sand to the King's several Courts of records to be enroled, as namely the Chancery, the king's Bench, the common place, and the Exchequer.  
All such Acts as are to be imprinted: he must sand to the Printer.  
All such private Acts as are not imprinted, if any man will have the same exemplified: he must transmit the same to the Lord chancellor to be engrossed and sealed, and for the same, he to take the fees appointed and accustomed.  
He hath for his allowance an ordinary fee for term of life of the King.   

Of the Clarks of the Parliament.  
THere be two Clarks, the one named the Clerk of the Parliament: and the other named the Clerk of the Crown. The Clerk of the Parliament his office is to sit before the Lord Speaker, and to read such Bills presented as he shallbe commanded.  
He must keep true records and true entries of all things there done and to be entered.  
If any require a copy of any bill there: he aught to give the same receiving the ordinary fees.  
If any Bill after his ordinary readingꝭ, be to be engrossed he must do it.  
The council of the house he may not disclose.  
At the end of the Parliament: he must deliver up unto the chancellor, all the Acts and records of that house, saving he may keep a transumpt and a copy thereof to himself.  
He hath his allowance of the King.  
Also for every private Bill which is enacted: he hath three pound.  
Also for every Bill whereof he giveth a copy: he hath for every ten lines a penny according to the custom,  
THe Clerk of the Crown: his office is to supply the place and the room of the Clerk of the Parliament in his absence, and hath in all things the like charges and profits, as the Clerk aught to have.  
He must give his attendance to the higher house from time to time and do what shallbe enjoined him.  
All such Acts as be not imprinted, if any man will have them exemplified under the broad Seal: he must exemplify them, and have for the same his ordinary fees.  
These two Clarks at the end of the Parliament: aught to be present in the house, and within the lower bar at a board before them, their faces towards the King, and there the one must read the bills which are past both houses: and the other must read the consent or disagreement of the King.   

Of the Sergeants or porters of the higher house.  
THere is but one Sergeant which hath the charge of keeping of the doors, for though there be divers doors: yet the keepers thereof are at his assignment.  
He aught to see the house be clean and kept sweet.  
He aught not to suffer any manner of person to be within she house, so long as the Lords be there sitting, other than such as be of the learned council, and of that house, and except also such as come in message from the lower house with Bills or otherwise, and except also such as be sent for, and be admitted to have any thing there to do.  
Also he must attend and go always with his Mace before the Speaker, unless he be Lord chancellor, or keeper of the great Seal, for than he hath a Sergeant of his own.  
He aught to keep safely such prisoners as be commanded to his ward, and to fetch or sand for such as he shallbe commanded to fetch.  
This Porter or Sergeant hath besides his ordinary fee: a standing allowance for every day of the Parliament.  
Also he hath for every private Bill which is enacted: xl. s.  
Also he hath for every prisoner committed to his ward: a certain allowance for his fees.  
Also he hath of every Baron or Lord of that house, a certain reward.   

Of the lower house.  
THe lower house (as is said) is a place distinct from the others, it is more of length then of breadth, it is made like a Theatre, having four rows of seats one above an other round about the same. At the higher end in the middle of the lower row: is a seat made for the Speaker, in which he always sitteth, before it: is a table board, at which sitteth the Clerk of the house and there upon layeth his Books, and writeth his records. Upon the lower row on both sides the Speaker: sit such personages as be of the kings privy council, or of his chief Officers, but as for any other: none claimeth nor can claim any place, but sitteth as he cometh, saving that on the right hand of the Speaker, next beneath the said Councils: the Londoners and the Citizens of York do sit, and so in order should sit all the Citizens accordingly. Without this house: is one other in which the under Clarkꝭ do sit, as also such as be Suitors and attendant to that house, and when so ever the house is divided upon any Bill: then the room is voided, and the one part of the house cometh down into this to be numbered.   

The office of the Speaker of the lower house.  
THe chief or principal Officer of this house: is the Speaker, and is chosen by the whole house or the more part of them, he himself being one of the same number, and a man for gravity, wisdom, experience, and learning: chosen to supply that Office during the time of the Parliament, and is to be presented to the King the third day following.  
His Office is to direct and guide that house in good order, and to see the ordinances, usages, and customs of the same to be firmly kept and observed.  
When he is presented unto the King sitting in his estate royal in the Parliament house, for the purpose: he must then and there make his oration in commendation of the Laws and of the Parliament, which done: then he hath in the name of the house of the commons: to make to the King three requests.  
First: that it may please his majesty to grant that the commons assembled in the Parliament may have and enjoy the ancient privileges, customs and liberties as in times past have appertained and been used in that house.  
Then that every one of the house may have liberty of speech, and freely to utter, speak and declare his mind and opinion to any Bill or question to be proponed.  
Also that every Knight, Citizen and Burgess, and their servants, may have free coming and going to and from the said Parliament, as also during the time of Parliament, and that they, nor any of their Servants nor retinue: to be arrested, molested, sued, imprisoned, or troubled by any person or persons.  
And lastly, that if he or any other of that company, being sent or come to him of any message, and do mistake himself in doing thereof: that his Majesty will not take the advantage thereof but graciously pardon the same.  
He must have good regard and see that the Clerk do enter and make true records, and safely to keep the same, and all such Bills as be delivered into that house.  
He must on the first and third day, and whensoever he else will, call the house by name, and record their defaults.  
All bills to be brought and to be presented into that house: he must receive and deliver to the Clark.  
He aught to cause and command the Clerk to read the Bills brought in, plainly and sensibly, which done: he must briefly recite and repeat th'effect and meaning thereof.  
Of the Bills brought in he hath choice, which and when they shallbe read: unless order by the whole house be taken in that behalf.  
Every Bill must have three readings, and after the second reading: he must 'cause the Clerk to engross the same, unless the samr be rejected and dashed.  
If any Bill or message be sent from the Lords, he aught to 'cause the messengers to bring the same unto him, and he to receive the same openly, and they being departed and gone: he aught to disclose and open the same to the house.  
If when a Bill is read, divers do rise at one instant to speak to the same, and it cannot be discerned who rose first: then shall he appoint who shall speak, nevertheless every one shall have his course to speak if he list.  
If any speak to a Bill and be out of the matter: he shall put him in remembrance and will him to come to the matter.  
If any Bill be read three times, and every man have spoken his mind: then shall he ask the house whether the Bill shall pass or not, saying thus, as many as will have this Bill pass in manner and form as hath been read: say yea, than the affirmative part say yea, as many as will not have this Bill pass in manner and form as have been read: say no. If upon this question the whole house or the more part, do affirm and allow the Bill: then the same is to be sent to the higher house to the Lords. But if the whole house or the more part do deny the Bill: then the same is dashed out and to be rejected, but if it be doubtful upon giving of voices, whether side is the greater: than must a division be made of the house, and the affirmative part must arise, & depart into the utter room, which (by the Sergeant) is voided before hand of all persons that were there, and then the Speaker must assign two or four to number them first which sit within, & then the other which be without, as they do come in, one by one, and as upon the trial the Bill shallbe allowed or disallowed by the greater vumber: so to be accepted as is before said.  
If upon this trial the number of either side be like: then the Speaker shall give his voice and that only in this point, for other wise he hath no voice.  
Also if any of the house do misbehave himself, and break the order of the house: he hath to reform, correct, and punish him, but yet with the advise of the house.  
If any foreign person do enter into that house, the assembly thereof being sitting, or do by arresting any one person thereof, or by any other means break the liberties and privileges of that house: he aught to see him to be be punished.  
Also during the time of the Parliament: he aught to sequester himself, from dealing or intermeddling in any public or private affairs, and dedicated and bend himself wholly to serve his office and function.  
Also he aught not to resort to any noble man, counsellor or other person to deal in any of the Parliament matters: but must and aught to have with him a compitent number of some of that house, who may be witnesses of his doings.  
Also during the time of Parliament: he aught to have the Sergeant of Arms with his mace to go before him.  
Also he hath the liberty to sand any offender, either to Sergeant's ward, or to the Tower, or to any other prison at his choice, according to the quality and quantity of the offence.  
He hath allowance for his diet, one hundred pounds of the King for every Sessions of Parliament.  
Also he hath for every private Bill passed both houses and enacted: five pounds.  
At th'end, and on the last day of the Parliament: he maketh his oration before the King, in most humble manner declaring the dutiful service, and obedience of the Commons then assembled to his Majesty: as also most humbly praying his pardon if any thing have been done amiss.   

Of the Clerk of the lower house.  
THere is only one Clerk belonging to this house, his office is to sit next before the Speaker, at a Table upon which he writeth and layeth his books.  
He must make true entry of the records and Bills of the house, as also of all the orders thereof.  
The Bills appointed unto him by the Speaker to be read: he must read openly, plainly and sensibly.  
The Bills which are to be engrossed, he must do it.  
If any of the house ask the sight of any Bill there, or of the book of the orders of the house: he hath to deliver the same unto him.  
If any desire to have the copy of any Bill: he aught to give it him, receiving for his pains after ten lines a penny.  
He may not be absent at any time of sitting, without special licence.  
He aught to have for every private Bill passed and enacted: forty shillings.  
He hath allowed unto him for his charges (of the King) for every Sessions: ten pound.   

Of the Sergeant or porter of the lower house.  
THe Sergeant of this house is commonly one of the King's Sergeants at Arms, and is appointed to this office by the King. His office is to keep the doors of the house, and for the same: he hath others under him, for he himself keepeth the door of the inner house, where the commons sit, and seeth the same to be clean.  
Also he may not suffer any to enter into this house during the time of the sitting there, unless he be one of the house, or be sent from the King or the Lords, or otherwise licensed to come in.  
If any such person do come: he aught to bring him in, going before him with his Mace upon his shoulder.  
If any be committed to his ward: he aught to take charge of him, and to keep him in safety until he be required for him.  
If he be sent for any person or to go in any message: he must leave a substitute behind him, to do his Office in his absence.  
He must always attend the Speaker, and go before him, carrying his mare upon his shoulder.  
His allowance (during the time of the Parliament) is xij. d. the day of the King's charges.  
Also he hath of every Knight and Citizen: ij. shillings and vj. pence, and of every Burgess, ij. shillings.  
If any be commanded to his ward: he hath of every such Prisoner, by the day uj shillings and eight pence.  
If any private Bill do pass and be enacted: he hath for every such Bill twenty shillings.   

Of the Convocation house.  
THe convocation house, is the assembly of the whole Clergy at and in some peculiar place appointed for the purpose.  
But as the Barons and Lords of the Parliament have their house several and distinct from the Commons: even so the Archibishops and Bishops do sequester themselves and have a house several from the residue of the Clergy. And this their house is called the higher Convocation house, the other being named the lower Convocation house. Both these houses have their several Officers, orders and usages, & each Officer hath his peculiar charge and function, as also certain allowances, even as is used in the Parliament houses of the Lords and commons.  
The Archbishops and Bishops do sit all at a Table and do discourse all such causes and matters as are brought in question before them, either of their own motions: or from the higher Court of Parliament, or from the lower house of Convocation, or from any private person. Every Archbishop and Bishop sitteth and taketh place according to his estate and degree, which degrees are known by such degrees and offices in the Church: as to every of them is assigned, for one hath the parsonage of a Priest, an other of a Deacon, this is a Subdeacon, he is a Sex, ten and so forth, as such officers were wont to be in the Church.  
The Bishops do not sit at the fore noon, but only at the after noon, because they being Barons of the higher house of parliament: do resort and assemble themselves there at the forenoons with the Temporal Lords.  
The Convocation house of the rest of the Clergy: do observe in a manner the like orders as the lower house of the commons do use, for being assembled together on the first day with the Bishops: are by them willed to make choice of a Speaker for them, whom they call the Prolocutor, when they have chosen him: they do present him unto the Bishops, and he thus presented: maketh his oration, and doth all things as the Speaker of the lower house for the Commons doth, as well for the ordering of the Clergy and of the house, for his order in sitting, the order in speaking, the order of recording the things done among them, and all other such like things.  
And this is to be understanded, that the whole Clergy can deal and entreat but only of matters of Religion, and orders of the Church, which their doings & conclusions cannot bind the whole Realm: unless they be confirmed by Act of Parliament, but yet sufficient to bind the whole Clergy to the keeping thereof, so that the King (who is the supreme governor of both estates) do consent and confirm the same. And forasmuch as by knowing the orders of the Parliament house: you may also know the orders of both the Convocation houses, which are like and correspondent to the others. These shall suffice for this matter.   

Of extraordinary persons which aught to be summoned to the Parliament.  
BEsides the personages of the former degrees which aught to be summoned to the parliament: the King also must warn and summon all his counsellors both of th'one Law and of th'other and those have their places only in the higher house, namely the two chief justices and their associates, of the King's bench, and the common places, the Barons of the Exchequer, the Sergeants, the Attorney, the Solicitor, the Master of the Rolls, and his fellows of the chancery.  
The offices of these personages are to give council to the King and Parliament in every doubtful cause according to the Laws.  
Also if any Bill be conceived and made disorderly: they aught to amend and reform the same, upon order and commaundemet to them given.  
Also they must attend to come and go at the commandment of the King and Parliament.  
Also they may not speak nor give advise: but when they be asked and put to question.  
Also they have no voice in Parliament: because they are commonly counsellors to the same.  
They are all retained at the King's charges.  
Likewise all officers of the Parliament are to be summoned, as namely the chancellor of the Parliament, the Clarks, the Sergeants, the Porters and such others, who likewise are retained at the King's costs. Of their offices and charges, it is already particularly declared.   

Of the days and hours to sit in Parliament.  
ALl days of the week are appointed saving and excepted the Sundays and all principal feasts, as namely the feasts of All hallown day, Christmas, Easter, Whitsuntide, and Saint john the Baptistꝭ day, & also such other days as the Parliament by consent shall appoint and assign.  
The beginning is at eight of the clock in the morning, and doth continue until xi of the clock.  
They do not sit at after noon, for those times are reserved for Committees and the Convocation house.  
In the morning: they begin with the Common prayer, and tyranny which are openly read in the house.   

Of the King, his office and authority.  
Having declared of all the estates, degrees, and personages of the Parliament: it resteth now to speak also of the King and of his office, who is all in all, the beginning and the ending and upon whom resteth and dependeth the effect and substance of the whole Parliament, for without him and his authority: nothing can be done, and with it: all things take effect, nevertheless when he calleth and assembleth his Parliament: there are sundry orders which of him are to be observed, and which he aught to see to be kept and executed, or else the Parliament surcesseth to be a Parliament and taketh not his effect, of which orders: these be the chief which do ensue.  
First: the King aught to sand out his summons to all the estates of his Realm, of a Parliament assigning & appointing the time, day and piace.  
Also his summons must be at the lest forty dyaes before the beginning of his Parliament.  
Also he must appoint and provide all such officers as aught to attend the Parliament, who must be found at his charges.  
Also the King aught not to make any choice, or 'cause any choice to be made of any Knight, Citizens, Burgesses, Proctors of the Clergy, Speaker of the common house, or Prolocutor of the Convocation house: but they must be elected and chosen by the laws, orders and customs of the Realm, as they were wont and aught to be, and the King's good advise yet not to be contemned.  
Also the king aught to grant, permit, and allow to all and every of the estates and to every particular man, lawfully elected and come to the Parliament all and every the ancient freedoms, privileges, immunity, and customs during the Parliament: as also during the times and days coming and going to and from the Parliament, but yet the same humbly to be requested of his highness by the Speaker in his oration at the beginning of the Parliament.  
Also the King in person aught to be present in the Parliament three days at the lest during the time of the Parliament, that is to say, the first day when the whole estates according to the summons make their appearance, which is called the first day of the Parliament. On the second day when the Speaker of the common house is presented, which is counted the beginning of the Parliament. And the third day which is the last day when the Parliament is prorogued or dissolved, for upon these days: he must be present, unless in case of sickness, or absence out of the Realm, for in these caces: the King may summon his Parliament by commission, and the same is of as good effect, as if he were present in person, and as for any other days: he is at his choice and liberty to come, or not to come to the Parliament.  
Also the King aught to propone unto the Parliament house in writing all such things and matters of charge, as for which he calleth the said Parliament, and accordingly as the same shall then by the consent of all estates be advised, concluded and agreed, so the King either hath to allow or disallow the same, for he can (of himself) neither add nor diminish any Bill, but accept the same as it is presented unto him from the estates of the Parliament, or else altogether reject it.  
Also the King as he doth prefix and assign the day, and time when the Parliament shall begin: so also he must assign and appoint the time when the same shallbe prorogued or dissolved, which aught not to be as long as any matters of charge, weight or importance be in question, and the same not decided nor determined.   

Of the dignity, power and authority of the Parliament and of the orders of the same.  
THe Parliament is the highest, chiefest, and greatest Court that is or can be within the Realm for it consisteth of the whole Realm, which is divided into three estates, that is to wit, the King, the Nobles, and the Commons, every of which estates are subject to all such orders as are concluded and established in Parliament.  
These three estates may jointly and with one consent or agreement: establish and enact any Laws, orders, & Statutes for the common wealth, but being divided, and one swerving from the other: they can do no thing, for the King though he be the head, yet alone: cannot make any Law, nor yet the king and his Lords only, nor yet the King and his Commons alone, neither yet can the Lords and the Commons, without the King do anything of avail. And yet nevertheless if the King in due order have summoned all his Lords and Barons, and they will not come, or if they come they will not yet appear, or if they come and appear, yet will not do or yield to any thing: then the King with the consent of his Commons (who are represented by the Knight's Citizens and Burgesses) may ordain & establish any Act or Law, which are as good, sufficient and effectual: as if the Lords had given their consents.  
But of the contrary, if the Commons be summoned, and will not come, or coming will not appear, or appearing will not consent to do any thing, alleging some just weighty and great cause. The King (in these caces) cannot with his Lords devise, make, or establish any Law, the reasons are these, when parliaments were first begun and ordained: there were no Prelates or Barons of the Parliament, and the Temporal Lords were very few or none, and then the King and his Commons did make a full Parliament, which authority was hitherto never abridged, again every Baron in Parliament doth represent but his own person, & speaketh in the behalf of himself alone.  
But in the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses: are represented the Commons of the whole Realm, and every of these giveth not consent only for himself: but for all those also for whom he is sent. And the King with the consent of his Commons: had ever a sufficient and full authority to make, ordain, & establish good & wholesome Laws for the common wealth of his Realm, wherefore the Lords being lawfully summoned & yet refusing to come, sit or consent in Parliament: cannot by their folly abridge the King and the Commons of their lawful proceeding in Parliament.  
The Lords and Commons (in times past) did sit all in one house, but for the advoiding of confusion: they be now divided into two several houses, and yet nevertheless they are of like and equal authority, every person of either of the said houses being named, reputed, & counted a péer of the Realm, for the time of the Parliament, that is to say, equal, for Par, is equal. And therefore the opinion, censure and judgement of a mean Burgess: is of as great avail: as is the best Lords, no regard being had to the party who speaketh: but the matter that is spoken.  
They be also called Peers as it were Fathers for Pier, is a Father, by which is meant that all such as be of the Parliament: should be ancient, grave, wise, learned and expert men of the land, for such were the Senators of Room, and called Patres conscripti for the wisdom and care that was in them in governing of the common wealth. They are also called counsellors, because they are assembled and called to the Parliament, for their advise and good council in making and devising of such good orders and Laws as may be for the common wealth.  
They, therefore which make choice of Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, aught to be well advised that they do elect and choose such as being to be of that assembly, and thereby equal with the great estates: should be grave, ancient, wise, learned, expert & careful men for their commonwealth, and who (as faithful and trusty counsellors) should do that which should turn and be for the best commodity of the common wealth, otherwise they do great injury to their Prince and common weal.  
Also every person of the Parliament during the times of the Parliament, and at his coming and going from the same: is free from all troubles, arrests and molestations, no action or suit taking effect which during that time is begun, entered, or commenced against him, in what Court so ever the same be, except in causes of Treason, Murder and Felony, and except also executions in Law, awarded and granted before the beginning of the Parliament.  
Also every person having voices in Parliament: hath free liberty of speech to speak his mind, opinion and judgement to any matter proponed, or of himself to propone any matter for the commodity of the Prince and of the common wealth, but having once spoken to any Bill: he may speak no more for that time.  
Also every person once elected and chosen a knight, Citizen or Burgess & returned: cannot be dismissed out of that house, but being admitted: shall have his place and voice there, if he be a Lay man. But if by error a man of the Clergy be chosen: then he aught and shallbe dismissed, also if he be excommunicated, outlawed or infamose.  
Also every one of these houses aught to be incorrupt no briber nor taker of any rewards, gifts, or money, either for devising of any bill or for speaking of his mind: but to do all things uprightly, and in such sort, as best for the King and common wealth.  
Also every one aught to be of a quiet, honest, and gentle, behaviour, none taunting, checking or misusing an other in any unseemly words or déds, but all affections set a part to do and endeavour in wisdom, sobriety & knowledge, that which that place requireth.  
Also if any one do offend or misbehave himself: he is to be corrected and punished by the advise and order of the residue of the house.  
Also all the Prisons, wards, jails within the Realm and the keepers of the same: are at the commandment of the Parliament for the custody and safe keeping or punishment of all and every such Prisoners as shallbe sent to any of them by the said Palrement houses or any of them, how beit most commonly the Tower of London is the prison which is most used.  
Also if any one of the Parliament house be served, sued, arrested or attached by any writ, attachment or minister of the King's bench, Common place, Chancery, or what Court soever within this Realm: the party so troubled and making complaint thereof to the Parliament house: then forth with a Sergeant at Arms, is sent to the said Court, not only advertising, that the party so molested is one of the Parliament house: but also inhibiting and commanding the Officers of the said Court to call in the said process, and not to deal any further against the said party, for the Parliament being the highest court, all other Courts yield and give place to the same.  
Also as every one of the Parliament house is free for his own person, for all manner of suits to be commenced against him: so are also his Servants free, and not to be troubled nor molested, but being troubled: have the like remedy as the Master hath or may have.  
Also no manner of person being not one of the Parliament house: aught to enter or come within the house, as long as the sitting is there: upon pain of imprisonment or such other punishment; as by the house shallbe ordered and adjudged.  
Also every person of the Parliament aught to keep secret and not to disclose the secrets and things spoken and done in the Parliament house, to any manner of person unless he be one of the same house: upon pain to be sequestered out of the house, or otherwise punished, as by the order of the house shallbe appointed.  
Also none of the Parliament house aught to depart from the Parliament: without special leave obtained of the Speaker of the house, and the same his licence be also recorded.  
Also no person being not of the Parliament house: aught to come into the same, during the time of the sitting, so every one coming into the same: oweth a duty and a reverence to be given when he entereth and cometh in.  
If a Baron or a Lord come and enter into the higher house: he aught to do his obeisance before the cloth of estate, and so to take his place.  
Also when he speaketh: he must stand bore headed, and speak his mind plainly, sensibly, and in decent order.  
If any come in message or be sent for to the higher house: they must stay at the inner door until they be called in, & then being entered: must first make their obeisance, which done: to go to the lower end of the house & their to stay until they be called, and being called: they must first make one low courtesy and obeisance, and going forwards must in the middle way make one other low courtesy, and then being come forth to the Bar: must make the third courtesy, the like must be done at the departure.  
Also when any Knight, Citizen, or Burgess doth enter and come into the lower house, he must make his dutiful and humble obeisance at his entry in: and then take his place. And you shall understand that as every such person aught to be grave, wise and expert: so aught he to show himself in his apparel, for in times past: none of the counsellors of the Parliament came otherwise then in his gown, and not armed nor girded with weapon, for the Parliament house is a place for wise, grave and good men, to consult, debate, and advise how to make Laws, and orders for the common wealth, and not to be armed as men ready to fight, or to try matters by the Sword: and albe it the writ for the election of the Knights, have express words to choose such for Knights as be girded with the Sword, yet it is not meant thereby that they should come and sit armed: but be such as be skilful in feats of Arms, and besides their good advises: can well serve in martial affairs. And thus the Roman Senators used, who being men of great knowledge and experience as well in martial affairs, as in politic causes, sat always in the Senate house, and places of council in their Gowns and long Robes. The like also was always and hath been the order in the parliaments of this Realm, as long as the ancient Laws, the old customs, and good orders thereof were kept and observed.  
Also if any other person or persons either in message or being sent for, do come: he aught to be brought in by the Sergeant & at the first entering: must (following the Sergeant) make one low obeisance, and being passed in the middle way: must make one other, and when he is come before the Speaker: he must make the third, and then do his message, the like order he must keep in his return. But if he do come alone or with his learned council, to plead any matter, or to answer to any objection: he shall enter and go no farther then to the Bar within the door, and there to do his three obeysaunces.  
Also when any Bill is committed, the Commits have not authority to conclude: but only to order, reform, examine, and amend the thing committed unto them, and of their doings they must give report to the house again, by whom the Bill is to be considered.  
Also every Bill which is brought into the house: must be read three several times, and upon three several days.  
Also every Bill which upon any reading is committed and returned again: aught to have his three readings unless the Commits have not altered the bill in any substance or form, but only in certain words.  
Also when any Bill upon any reading is altogether by one consent rejected, or by voices after the third reading overthrown: it aught not to be brought any more to be read during the Sessions of Parliament.  
Also if any man do speak unto a Bill and be out of his matter: he aught to be put in remembrance of the matter by the Speaker only and by none other, and be willed to come to the matter.  
Also whensoever any person doth speak to any Bill: he aught to stand up, and to be bore headed, and then with all reverence, gravitte, and seemly speech, to declare his mind. But when so ever any Bill shallbe tried either for allowances, or to be rejected: then every one aught to sit, because he is then as a judge.  
Also every Knight, Citizen, and Burgess before he do enter into the Parliament and take his place there: aught to be sworn and to take his oath, acknowledging the King to be the supreme and only governor of all the estates within his Realm as also to renounce all foreign Potentates.   

The order of the beginning and ending of the Parliament.  
ON the first day of the summons for the Parliament, the King in proper person (unless he be sick or absent out of the Realm) being appareled in his royal and Parliament Robes: aught to be conducted & brought by all his Barons of the Clergy and laity, and the Commons summoned to the Parliament, unto the Churrh, where aught a Sermon to be made by some Archbishop, Bishop or some other famous learned man. The Sermon ended: he must in like order be brought to the higher house of Parliament, and there to take his seat under the cloth of estate, likewise every Lord and Baron (in his degree) aught to take his place.  
This done: the Lord chancellor or he whom the King appointeth to be the speaker of that house, maketh his oration to the whole assembly, declaring the causes why & wherefore that Parliament is called and summoned, exhorting and persuading every man to do his best endeavour in all such matters as shallbe in the said Parliament proponed as shallbe most expedient for the glory of God, the honour of the King, and the common wealth of the whole Realm. Then he directeth his talk, unto the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, advertising them that the King's pleasure is, that they do repair to their house, and there according to the old and ancient custom: to choose and elect some one wise, grave, and learned man among them selves to be Speaker for them, and giveth them a day when they shall present him to the King. And these things thus done: the King ariseth, and every man departeth. This is accounted for the first day of the Parliament.  
THe second or third day after, when the Speaker is to be presented: the King with all his Nobles (in like order as before) do assemble again in the higher house, and then come up all the commons of the lower house, and then and there do present their Speaker unto the King. The Speaker forthwith maketh his dutiful obeysaunces: beginneth and maketh his oration before the King, and prosecuteth such matters as occasion serveth, and as is before recited in the office of the Speaker, and this done: every man departeth. And this is accounted for the beginning of the Parliament, for before the Speaker be presented, and these things orderly done: there can no Bills be put in, nor matters be entreated of.  
LAstly when all matters of weight be discussed, ended and dermined: the King commandeth an end to be made.  
And that day the King, his Nobles and Commons do again assemble in the higher house, in their Robes, and in like order as is before recited, where the Speaker maketh his oration, and is answered by the Lord chancellor or Speaker of the higher house. Then all the Bills concluded and passed in both houses, that is to say, in the higher house of the Lords, and in the lower house of the commons, are there read by the titles, and then the King giveth his consent or descent to every of them as he thinketh good. And when the titles of all the the Bills are read: the Lord chancellor, or Lord Speaker by the King's commandment, pronounceth the Parliament to be prorogued or clean dissolved. And this is called the last day or the end of the Parliament, and every man is at liberty to depart homewards.    

The names of all such personages as aught to appear and be in the Parliament.  

In the higher house.  
¶ The King.  
The Lord Speaker.  
A Proctor for the kingdom of France.  
A Proctor for Scotland.  
A Proctor for the Duchy of Aquitane.  
A Proctor for the Duchy of Guienne.  
A Proctor for the Duchy of Angewe.  
The Archbishop of Canterbury  
The Archbishop of York.  
The Bishop of London.  
The Bishop of Durham.  
The Bishop of Winchester.  
The Bishop of Chichester.  
The Bishop of Exeter.  
The Bishop of Elye,  
The Bishop of Coventrie.  
The Bishop of Rochester.  
The Bishop of Sarisbury.  
The Bishop of Welles.  
The Bishop of Norwich.  
The Bishop of Lincoln.  
The Bishop of Worcester.  
The Bishop of Herford.  
The Bishop of Oxford.  
The Bishop of Gloucester.  
The Bishop of Peterborough.  
The Bishop of Bristol.  
The Bishop of Westchester.  
The Bishop of Carliel.  
The Bishop of Saint David.  
The Bishop of Saint Ass.  
The Bishop of Bangor.  
The Bishop of Landaffe.  
The Duke of Norfolk.  
The Marquis of Northampton  
The Marquis of Winchester.  
The Earl of Arundel.  
The Earl of Shrewsbury.  
The Earl of Oxford.  
The Earl of Derby.  
The Earl of Rutland.  
The Earl of Cumberland.  
The Earl of Worcester.  
The Earl of Bath.  
The Earl of Warwick.  
The Earl of Leicester.  
The Earl of Suffer.  
The Earl of Huntingdon.  
The Earl of Penbrook.  
The Earl of Harford.  
The Earl of Sowthampton.  
The Earl of Bedford.  
The viscount Montagew.  
The viscount Hereford.  
The viscount Bindon.  
The Lord Sowch.  
The Lord be la ware.  
The Lord Aburgaveny.  
The Lord Awdeley.  
The Lord Barkley.  
The Lord Morley.  
The Lord Cobham.  
The Lord Dakers of the South.  
the Lord Dakers of Gudeslond.  
The Lord Gray.  
The Lord Scroop.  
The Lord Latimer.  
The Lord Sturton.  
The Lord Clinton.  
The Lord Dudley Baron of Dudley.  
The Lord Lomeley.  
The Lord Mountioy.  
The Lord conies.  
The Lord Mountegle.  
The Lord Windsor.  
The Lord Wentworth.  
The Lord Sands.  
The Lord Vaus.  
The Lord Mordant.  
The Lord Borough.  
The Lord Bray.  
the Lord Wharton.  
The Lord Rich.  
the Lord Crumwel.  
The Lord Euere.  
the Lord Stafford.  
The Lord Darcy of Menel.  
the Lord Willoughby.  
The Lord Paget.  
The Lord Darcy of Chiche.  
the Lord Chandoys.  
The Lord of Loughborough.  
the Lord S. john of Blastowe.  
The Lord Buckhurst.  
the Lord Hunsdon.  
The Lord of Effingham.  
the two chief justices.  
The Barons of Th'exchequer.  
the King's Attorney.  
The King's Sergeants at Law.  
the King's Solicitor.  
The King's learned Counsel.   
Likewise every such person whom the King endoweth and honoureth with the degree and estate of a Baron aught to be summoned to the Parliament and to have place there among the Barons according to his degree.  
And yet nevertheless the Son of a Duke, of a marquess, or of an Earl, though he be a Baron (his Father yet living) he shall not have a place in the Parliament: except he be otherwise honoured either by the King or be advanced by means of some Marriage to the degree of a Baron.  

In the lower house.  
¶ The County of Bukingham. ij. Knights.  
The County of Midlesex. ij. Knights.  
the County of Bedford ij. Knights.  
The County of Cornewail. ij. Knights.  
the County of Cumberland ij. Knights.  
The county of Cambridge ij. Knights.  
the County of Chester ij. Knights.  
The county of Derby ij. Knights.  
the County of Devon ij. Knights.  
The county of Dorset ij. Knights.  
the County of Essex ij. knights.  
The county of York ij. Knights.  
the County of Gloucester ij. Knights.  
The county of Huntingdon. ij. Knights.  
the County of Hertford ij. Knights.  
The county of Hereford ij. Knights.  
the County of Kent ij. knights.  
The county of Lincoln ij. knights.  
the County of Leicester ij. knights.  
The county of Lancaster ij. knights.  
the County of Monmouth ij. knights.  
The County of Northampton ij. knights.  
the County of Nottingham ij. knights.  
The county of Norfolk ij. knights.  
the County of Northumberland ij. knights.  
The county of Oxford ij. knights.  
the County of Rutland ij. knights.  
The county of Berkshere ij. knights.  
the County of Surrey ij. knights.  
The county of Stafford ij. knights.  
the County of Shropshéer ij. knights.  
The county of Sowthampton ij. knights.  
the County of Suffolk ij. knights.  
The county of Somerset ij. knights.  
The county of Sussex ij. knights.  
the County of Westmoreland ij. knights.  
The county of Wiltshéer ij. knights.  
the County of Worcester ij. knights.  
The county of Warwick ij. knights.  
the County of Mongomerie j Knights.  
The county of Radnor j Knight.  
the County of Dinghby j Knight.  
The county of Pembroke j Knight.  
the County of Cardigan j Knight.  
The county of Mayoth j Knight.  
the County of Carmarthan j Knight.  
The county of Carnarvan j Knight.  
the County of Brecknock j Knight.  
The county of Glamorgan j Knight.  
the County of Anglesey j Knight.  
The county of Merioneth j Knight.  
¶ The City of Earlile ij. Citizens.  
The City of Chester. ij. Citizens.  
the City of Excester ij. Citizens.  
The City of York. ij. Citizens  
the City of Gloucester ij. Citizens.  
The City of Hereford ij. Citizens.  
the City of Canterbury ij. citizens.  
The City of Rochester ij. citizens.  
the City of Lincoln ij. citizens.  
The City of Westminster ij. citizens.  
the City of London ij. Citizens.  
The City of Norwich ij. citizens.  
the City of Oxford. ij. citizens.  
The City of Winchester ij. citizens.  
the City of Bristol. ij. citizens.  
The City of Bath. ij. citizens.  
the City of Chichester ij. Citizens.  
The City of Salisbury ij. Citizens.  
the City of Worcester ij. Citizens.  
The City of Coventrie ij. Citizens.   

The Barons of the five Ports.  
¶ Hastings. ij. Barons.  
Winchelsey ij. Barons.  
Rye. ij. Barons.  
Rumney. ij. Barons.  
hieth. ij. Barons.  
Dover. ij. Barons.  
Sandwich. ij. Barons.   

Burgesses.  
¶ Bedford town. ij. Burgesses  
Buckingham town. ij. burgesses  
Wickham, ij. burgesses.  
Ailisbury, ij, burgesses.  
New Windsor, ij, burgesses.  
Reding, ij, burgesses.  
Wallingford, ij, burgesses.  
Abingdon, ij, burgesses.  
Launceston, ij, burgesses.  
Leskerd, ij, burgesses.  
Lestuthiel, ij, burgesses.  
Dunhevet, ij, burgesses.  
Truro, ij, burgesses.  
Bobmin, ij, burgesses.  
Helston. ij, burgesses.  
Saltashe, ij, burgesses.  
Camelford, ij, burgesses.  
Portlowe, ij, burgesses.  
Grounpound, ij, burgesses.  
Perin, ij, burgesses.  
Tregonye, ij, burgesses.  
Tresenna, ij, burgesses.  
Saint jyes, ij, burgesses.  
Saint Germain's, ij, burgesses.  
Saint Michael, ij, burgesses.  
Foy, ij, burgesses.  
Saint Maws, ij, burgesses.  
East Loo, ij, burgesses.  
Cambridge, ij, burgesses.  
Derby town, ij, burgesses.  
Totries, ij, burgesses.  
Plymouth, ij, burgesses.  
Barstable, ij, burgesses.  
Plimpton, ij, burgesses.  
Tavistock, ij, burgesses.  
Dartmouth, ij, burgesses.  
Poole, ij, burgesses.  
Dorchester, ij, burgesses.  
Lime, ij, burgesses.  
Melcombe, ij, burgesses.  
Weymouth, ij, burgesses.  
Birtport, ij, burgesses.  
Shaftisbury, ij, burgesses.  
Warham, ij, burgesses.  
Colchester, ij, burgesses.  
Maldon, ij, burgesses.  
Kingston upon Hul, ij, burgesses.  
Knaresborough, ij, burgesses.  
Scatborough, ij, burgesses.  
Ripton, ij, burgesses.  
Haydon, ij, burgesses.  
Boroughbridge, ij, burgesses.  
Tusk, ij, burgesses.  
Aldeborgh, ij, burgesses.  
Beverley, ij, burgesses.  
Cicester, ij, burgesses.  
Huntingdon, ij, burgesses.  
Saint Alb●ns, ij, burgesses.  
Lempster, ij, burgesses.  
Maidstone, ij, burgesses.  
Boston, ij, burgesses.  
Grimesby, ij, burgesses.  
Stampford, ij, burgesses.  
Grantham, ij, burgesses.  
Leicester, ij, burgesses.  
Lancaster, ij, burgesses.  
Preston in Aldernes, ij, burg.  
Liverpool, ij, burgesses.  
Newton, ij, burgesses.  
Wigan, ij, burgesses.  
Clithero, ij, burgesses.  
Monmouth, ij, burgesses.  
Northampton, ij, burgesses.  
Peterborough, ij, burgesses.  
Berkley, ij, burgesses.  
Higham ferry, ij, burgesses.  
Nottingham, ij, burgesses.  
East Stratford, ij, burgesses.  
Lin. ij, burgesses.  
Yermouth, ij, burgesses.  
Thetford, ij, burgesses.  
Castle, ij, burgesses.  
New castle upon tine. ij, burr.  
Morepeth. ij, burgesses.  
Barwick. ij, burgesses.  
Woodstock, ij, burgesses.  
Banbury, ij, burgesses.  
Sowthwark. ij, burgesses.  
Blenchingly, ij, burgesses.  
Rigat. ij, burgesses.  
Gatt●n. ij, burgesses.  
Lichféeld. ij, burgesses.  
Stafford, two, burgesses.  
New castle under Line. two, burr.  
Tamworth, two, burgesses.  
Shrewisbury. two, burgesses.  
Bridgenorth, two, burgesses.  
Ludlow, two, burgesses.  
Great wenlock, two, burgesses.  
Sowthampton. two, burgesses.  
Portesmouth. two. burgesses.  
Peterfeeld. two. burgesses.  
Stockbridge, two. burgesses.  
Christ's Church, two. burgesses.  
Ipswich, two. burgesses.  
Dunwich, two. burgesses.  
Oteford, two. burgesses.  
Aldborough, two. burgesses.  
Sudbury, two. burgesses.  
Ey. two. burgesses.  
Welles. two. burgesses.  
Taunton. two. burgesses.  
Bridge water, two. burgesses.  
Minhed, two, burgesses.  
Horsham, two. burgesses.  
Midhurst, two. burgesses.  
Lewes, two. burgesses.  
Shereham, two. burgesses.  
Brember, two. burgesses.  
staining, two. burgesses.  
East Gréenstéed, two. burgesses.  
Arundel, two. burgesses.  
Apleby, two. burgesses.  
Wilton, two. burgesses.  
Hindon, two. burgesses.  
Heytesbury, two. burgesses.  
Westbury. two. burgesses.  
Calf, two. burgesses.  
devices, two. burgesses.  
Chipenham, two. burgesses.  
Malmesbury, two. burgesses.  
Bodwin the great two, burgesses.  
Ludgarsail, two. burgesses.  
Old Salisbury, two. burgesses.  
W●tton basset, two, burgesses.  
Marleborough, two. burgesses.  
Wiche. two. burgesses.  
Warwick, two. burgesses.  
Mongomery. i, burgess.  
Radnor, i, burgess.  
Dinghby, i, burgess.  
Pembroke, i, burgess.  
Cardigan, i, burgess.  
Flint, i, burgess.  
Carmarthan. i, burgess.  
Carnarvan, i, burgess.  
Brecknock, i, burgess.  
Cardiff, i, burgess.  
Bew moris, i, burgess.  
Harford west, i, burgess.   
As the King (by advancing any man to the honour of a Baron) doth enlarge and augment the number of the Lords of the higher house: so doth he also increase the number of the lower house, when he doth make and erect any new County, or incorporate any Borough, or Town, so that in his letters Patents he doth nominate them by the name of a Burgess.  
And therefore when so ever the King doth call his high Court of Parliament: the writs of summons must be sent out for choosing of Knights, in the new Counties, and Burgesses in the new incorporated Boroughs or Towns, aswell as to the other old and ancient Cities, and Towns, and every of them shall (upon such summons) be bound to appear and have the full privileges belonging to a Knight or a Burgess of the Parliament.  
Post mortem vita   

¶ THE Description of the City of Excester, COLLECTED AND GAthered by john Vowel alias Hooker, gentleman and Chamberlain of the same City.   


Floret virtus in aeternum    

THE DESCRIPTION OF the City of Excester, collected and gathered by john Vowel alias Hooker, gentleman, and Chamberlain of the same City.  
EXcester or Exeter is a famous and ancient City, being the Metropole and Emporium of the west parts of England, situated in the Province called Devonia, which is Devonshéer. Of the first foundation thereof (by reason of the sundry invations of foreign and strange nations, and of their hostilities and mortal wars, in burning and destroying this City) there remaineth no certain memorial, neither among the records of the said City, nor yet in any other writer. But most certain it is that it was first builded by the Brutes or Britons, for the names which they gave unto it: 
Brutus.  are yet at these presents had in remembrance, as well among the chronographers of this Realm: as also among the Cornish people, who sometimes were one with this Province, but are now in a Province of themselves and borderers to this, being the remanent of the blood of Brutus.  
For when Cadwallader King of this land by reason of a great famine and Pestilence, 
Cadwallader.  was enforced to forsake the same and flee into little Britain (which now is under the dition of the French King) divers and most part of his people fled also, some into Wales and some into Cornwall, where ever sithence they and after them their posterity have remained and continued.  
The old chronographers, 
Corinnia.  searchers, and writers of antiquities, do find that this City was called Corinia, and thereof the Monastary of this City was called Ecclesia Coriniensis: which name if it were first given as it should seem by Corineus, who after the arrival of Brutus into this land, was made the first Duke of these two Provinces of Devon, and Cornwall, and who then after his own name called it Corinia, but now Corinibia, whereof this City ever hath been and is the Metropolie and Emporium and always parcel, sometimes of the kingdom, then of the Duchy, & after wards of the Earldom, and now again the Duchy of Cornwall, out of all doubt it is of no less antiquity than the said names do import.  
The Britons in their tongue call it by sundry and divers names. The first and eldest in remembrance in their speech is Cairpenhulgoyte, 
Cairpenhulgoit.  that is to say, the prosperous chief Town in the wood, as it doth appear by Geoffrey of Monmoth and Ponticus Virimus. It was also called Penhaltcayr, that is to say, 
Penhaltcair.  the chief City or Town upon the hill, as appeareth in the traverse between the Bishop, Dean, and Chapter of this City, and the Mayor and commonalty of the same: in a long suit concerning their liberties.  
But the names which the Cornish people do at these presents remember & retain are Pencayr, 
Pencayr.  Cayrruthe, Cayrriske. Pencayr is to say the chief City. 
Cayrruth.  Cayrruthe signifieth the read City, 
Cayrriske.  taking that name of the soil of the ground whereupon it is situated, which is read. Cayrryske is the City of Iske being so called, and taking his denomination of the River which fleeteth by the said City called in British Iske. And of this name Hovedon in his Chronicle maketh mention saying thus,  
Anno domini. 877. Excercitus danorum, ab warham nocte quadam federe dirupto ad Exancester diverterunt quod brittannice dicitur Caerwiske. Ptolomeus the famous Astronomer, who was about the year of our Lord 162. (Coel being King of this land) nameth the City Isca and the River Isaca. 
king Coil  And Bale the searcher of antiquities, following the same opinion doth also name the City Isca and the in habitant or dweller therein Iscanus. 
Bale.  But under correction and with reverence be it said, a man may think that Ptolomeus being in Alexandria, and so far distant from this Realm was happily misinformed: or else the Printer mistaken because it is most likely that the River should be called Isca according to the British speech in those days when it was called Isca, which name by transposing of two middle letters doth yet remain, being now named Icla or Ecsa. But whatsoever Ptolomeus or Baleus censures and judgements be herein: it is most certain, that the names which the Britons gave were of longest continuance, and this City called by their dominations by the space of xv. hundred years until the coming of the Saxons, the picts, and Scots into this Realm, which was about the year of our Lord 450, for they as they prevailed and conquered: did always altar and change the names of all places and Towns, accounting it a great part of their glory and renown to give new names of their own device, or of their own native countries, for so writ the chronographers.  
Picti, Scoti, Angli, Daci et Normandi, in hac insula rerum potiti, cuncta immutarunt, pro trophaeis habentes, Locis a se devictis nova imponere nomina. Wherefore as of all other Cities and Towns (few excepted) so of this also they changed and altered the old names and called it Muncketon, 
Muncketon.  by which name it was so called by the space of three hundredth and odd years, until the time and coming of King Adlestane. For he about the year of our Lord 932. 
Adlestane.  being much grieved with the Rebellion of the Cornish people, because they refused and denied to acknowledge him for their lawful King: did bend his power, and conducted his army against them, and (with force when he had subdued them) returned to this City, and for a perpetual memory to this common wealth, whiles he sojourned himself therein: repaired and new builded the City and the walls thereof, which before with force and fire were utterly destroyed. And then altered and changed the name thereof calling it after the name of the River Esseterra or Exeterra, 
Exeterra.  that is to say Exeter. For so writeth Polidorus. Est Exonia urbs Devonie comitatus loco precelso ad occidentem versus posita abluiturque flumine Exi, a quo nomen habet.  
Others therebe which name it Excestrum, 
Excestre,  and thinketh it to be so called of the River which is named Exestrum, for this writ they Clarissima urbum est Excestria, que ab amni Excestro, qui eandem preterfluit, est sic nuncupata.  
I find it also in an old written Chronicle that it is named Exancestria or Exancestre, 
Exancestre.  which name should seem to be so given, by the Sarons at their abode and being in this land, for commonly the names which they gave to such Towns, Cities and Forts as they either builded or re-edified, did end in Cestre as Chestre, as Glocestre, Lecestre, Manchester, Winchester, worcestre, Oscestre, Colchestre, Cicestre, Ilcestre, Bicestre and this City of Exancestre with others, for Cair in British, and Cestre in Saxony, is in English a Fort, Town or Castle.  
This City is walled round about, and so is thought was from the begininig. It is all together four square, but declineth towards a roundness, and containeth in circuit or compass xuj. hundred whole paces, after five foot to the pace, which accounting one thousand paces to a Mile: is a mile and half and some what more.  
The situation of it is very pleasant and amenous, being set upon a little hill among many hills, the country round about being Mountanose and full of hills. It is pendent towards the South and West parts after and in such sort, that be the Streets never so foul or filthy: yet with a shower of rain they are cleansed and made sweet. And albeit commonly hills are dry: yet nature is so beneficial to this hill that it is full of springis, and by that means every part of the City is furnished with wells and Tyepittes, the commodity whereof hath well appeared in sundry times of necessity, but especially in the late Commotion which was in the year of our Lord 1549. for though then the enemy by spoiling of the Pipes, whereby water was conveyed to the fountains of the City from certain Springs distant not a Mile from the same, did abridge them of that water: yet most comfortably did they enjoy the wells and Tyepittes within the walls, which abundantly fléeted with waters to the satisfying of all the people therein.  
There are also within this City certain Fountains called Conduits, unto which through certain canalis or Pipes of Lead, waters are conveyed from Springs rising out of certain places and fields without this City, and these waters are of most price, the same by reason of the carriage being purified and made lighter than the waters springing within the City, and by that means more fit for the dressing of meats. Of these Fountains one being of great antiquity, and of late réedifyed, standeth in the middle of the City at the meeting of four principal Streets thereof, and whereof it taketh his name, being called the Conduit at Quarterfoys of Carsoxe, and this serveth each part of the City a like.  
At the higher part of this City, is a very old and ancient Castle called by the name of Rugemont, that is to say the read hill, taking that name of the read Earth whereupon it standeth. The Cite of it is eminent, and above both the City and country adjoining, for they do all lie as under the lée there of. It hath a goodly prospect towards the Seas, for between that and it is no hill at all, it is strongly ditched round about, and was so builded (as is thought) by julius Caesar▪ or rather by the Romans after him, 
Caesar.  for they had their recourse to it for their defence and refuge many years.  
The same also was sometimes the Palace of such Kings, as to whom the Kingdom of west Sex or west Saxons was allotted unto. After that: it was the habitation of the Earls of Cornwall, and last of all to the Dukes of Exon, and of Cornwall, for to those estates: the signiory of this City did appertain, the same being parcel sometimes of the Earldom, but now of the Duchy of Cornwall It. is now in marvelous ruin and decay, not easily by force to be gotten, were it réedified and environed.  
At the lower end and part of this City, without the walls: fleeteth a goodly River called in British Iske. Ptholomeus by misinformation calleth it Isaca, but the old writers name it Esse, Exe, Exa or Excestrum, which names be yet retained.  
It hath his spring or head in a certain Moer or desert, distant from this City near about xxiv. miles called Exemore: it floweth into the main Seas, but by the way is increced with sundry Rivers, Brooks and Lakes, namely: Creedy, Collome, and others, in it is great plenty of Salmon, Trout, Peal, dace, Pike, and other fresh water Fish, which are had in the less price for that the Seas being so near: do furnish the City and the country abundantly with sundry kinds of Sea Fish most delicate. The main Sea itself is not distant from the City above eight miles out whereof cometh an Arm serving for the Port of the same, which sometimes as appeareth by old and ancient records: did flow up to the walls of the City, where both Ships were wont to be laden and unladen, of all kind of Merchandise at a proper place appointed for the same, which at this presents keepeth his old and ancient name, being callen the Watergate.  
The decay thereof happened in the year of our Lord 1312. 
Courtney  by one Hugh Courtney the third of that name, and Earl of Devon who being offended and incensed against this City, his wrathful humour could not be satisfied unless he might impair the state of that common wealth, and therefore seeing and understanding among other commodities, the use of the Haven to be one of the chiefest: did never quiet himself until he had destroyed the same. Wherefore in the year of our Lord 1313. being the fifth year of the reign of King Edward the second, he enterprised his pretenced devise and mischief.  
For where as the Lady Awmerle Countess of Devon his Ancestrix, had builded certain Wears upon the River of Exe, th'one within the manor of Exminster, being in the west side of the River and th'other within her manor of Topsham, being in the East side of the River: leving between the said two wears, a certain aparture or open room of thirty foot, through which all Botes, Ships and Vessails without let might have their usual passage and repassage, towards and from this City. The said Earl to abridge & destroy this commodity: did levy & build a new Wear in the said open place, stopping, filing and quirting the same with trees, timber and Stones, in such sort that no vessail could pass or repass.  
After him Edward Courtney Earl of Devon and Nephew to the said Hugh did not only maintain and continue the fact of his ancestor and grandfather, by daily repairing and defending the same: but also working an utter destruction for any passage for Ships thenceforth to the City, under pretence to build certain Milles, did erect and make two other wears, the one Saint james overthwart the River, and the other at Lamperford, by means whereof, not only the City sustained the whole loss of their haven: but the whole Country adjoining, for which injuries upon complaints made, writs and commissions of inquiry were sent out, & the said Earls for the same by verdict and presentment, at several times found guilty, but such was his authority and power: that it availed nothing.  
Nevertheless the said Earl Hugh (the water course unto the City thus destroyed) builded a place called a Key, for the charge and discharge of all Wares and Merchandise within that port, at a Town of his own called Topsham, distant from the City about three miles, from whence ever since all wares and Merchandises have been carried and recaryed to and from the City by Horse, Cart or Wain, though to the gain of the Earl and his Tenants: yet to the great trouble and hindrance of this City and merchants thereof. Nevertheless the port hath evermore, & yet doth retain his old and ancient name, being called the Port of this City of Exon, and always hath been and presently is a tribute paid unto the City for all kinds of wares and Merchandise discharged within that Port, and called by the name of the petty & town custom.  
And albeit the water course thus destroyed, can hardly be restored to his old pristinate & natural estate, for that through long continuance the old course cannot be discerned: yet now at length after many attempts and great expenses, a water course and passage begun in the year. 1564. is recovered, and by sluices, Botes and vessailes of xx. tons tied are brought to the City, and there discharged at the old and ancient place called the Water gate. Where is builded a fair and a large Key or Wharf, as also an engine called a Crane fit for the purpose.  
Within this City were sometime but few parish Churches, but when that Innocencius tertius, in the year of our Lord 1198. had established the Article of transubstantiation adding the same to the Symbol, as appeareth in the Decretal, titulo de summa trinitate, canon, firmiter, them his next successor Honorius, Anno. 1218. did not only confirm the same: but also decreed Reservation, Candlelight and praying for the dead as appeareth Decret. titulo de celebratione missarum, canon, sane cum et sane cum creatura, by which means the number of Priests did not only increase: but Churches also in all places began daily to be builded. And therefore in this City in the year of our Lord, 1222. being the uj year of Henry the third, the parish Churches therein were limited out and augmented to the number of xix. Churches within the City and suburbs of the same. And most certain it is, that in times past they were livings competent and sufficient to maintain an Incumbent, but that kind of Religion now avoided & the Gospel preached: the livelihods are so small as not sufficient to maintain a poor Clerk or Scholar, which is the cause that so many of them dooly vacant without Incumbents.  
Besides these parish Churches, 
Church of Exon.  there was also a Monastery sometime of Monks of Saint Benet's order, but sithence a Cathedral Church being very fair and sumptuously builded, with free Stones, and the Pillars of grey Marble, standing and situated in the East part of the City, 
Ethelwolphus.  which as some do report that Etheldred the third Son of Echelwolphus should first found and build. Some think that King Edgar did it, truth it is that both the said Kings builded every of them a house of Religious persons within this City, 
Etheldred  but the first was utterly burnt and destroyed by the Danes: and th'other in process of time united to the Monastery, 
Edgar.  which now is a Cathedral Church, which is most certain and true that King Athelstane the Son of King Edward the elder did both found and build it, as it doth plainly appear in the history of the said Church where it is written. Athelstanus subiugatis cornuquallen sibus reversus est ad civitatem que antiquitus Muncketon vocabatur, nunc autem Exeter, ac ibi sedens Anno. 932. non tam lacerata eiusdem Civitatis maenia reparabat, quin et mansum quoddam dedit ad fundandum Monasterium pro monachis Deo et Sancto Petro famulantibus. This King besides his expenses & charges in building of this Church (which at the first was but small) placed therein monks of S. Benettes order, provided livelehodes for them, and made unto them a governor and Ruler called by the name of an abbot, towards whose livelihodes he gave Morckshull and Treasurers Bear, which at these presents do yet remain being annexed to the dignity of the Tresurership. The Church thus begun: Kings, Princes, and noble men (from time to time) were gladly contributors to the absolving and finishing of the same. For about lxxx. and odd years after Adlestene. King Knoght called Cahutus or Canutus at the sugestion of one of his Dukes named Athelred, 
Canutus  did confirm and grant to Athelwolde (than Abbot of the said Church) & to his successors, many and sundry privileges and liberties, under his Letters patents, dated the second year of his reign. Anno domini. 1019.  
After him near about thirty. years King Edward the confessor removed the monks unto Westminster, 
S. Edward,  and made this a Cathedral Church, removing the Sea then at Crediton to this City, making Leofricus Bishop thereof, as appeareth by his letters Patents dated the viij year of his reign, 
Leofricus  An. 1050. Howbeit the Monk of Bury and Polidorus & others, do affirm and writ that the settling of this Bishop's seat in this City, was in the xij. year of Wiliam the Conqueror, for thus they writ. Habitum est Londini sub Lanfranco Antistitum et sacerdotum comitium, quo decretum est, quod aliquot sedes Episcopales, que in opidulis et pagis ante fuerant, in urbibus et locis celeberrimis, collocarentur, quo factum est, ut Bathonia Lincolnia, Sarisburia, Exonia, Cestria et Cicestria urbes, huiusmodi, novis Episcoporum domiciliis sunt nobilitate. But the reverence of these writers reserved, this cannot be so of this Church, the Charter thereof witnesing the contrary, & declaring how that King Edward & Edith his wife did put Bishop Leofricus in possession of this Sea themselves.  
Likewise William the Conqueror in the third year of his reign. Anno. 1069. did not only confirm the former Charter, but also at the instance and suit of William wareweste then his Chaplain and after Bishop of the same Sea, did give unto it the signory of Plimpton, Brampton and S. Stephens, in Exeter, which the said William being Bishop did distribute, giving Plympton to the cannons there, Brampton was afterward annexed to the Deanery, but Saint Stephens with a Court Baron to the same, was always reserved to the Bishop and his successors, whereby they are Barons and so Lords of the Parliament. It was also enlarged from time to time, with possessions, revenues, buildings, riches & privileges, by Kings, Princes, Prelates, Bishops, and sundry others, as hereafter I shall particularly touch & declare by God's grace at large in a particular Book thereof. And this one thing is to be noted, that albeit there were near iiij. hundred years distant from the foundation to the absolving thereof: yet is so uniformly and decently compact, as though it had been builded at one instant.  
The Bishop is distinct from the cannons, both in house and revenue, his livelihods being no parcel of that which doth appertain to the Church and cannons. It was sometimes of great large revenues, but the more part thereof prodigally hath been exhaunsed by a wasteful Bishop.  
The Bishop and cannons have very fair houses which are situated about the Church and Cemitory, and are enclosed every night, by shutting fast of certain gates, whereby they claim themselves to be exempted from the jurisdiction of the City. In the middle thereof: is a very fair Conduct or fountain, where into waters by certain pipes are conveyed from certain places out of the City, and the same from thence conveyed to the Bishops, and some of the cannons houses.  
The City itself is very populus, & was sometimes chiefly inhabited with Clothier's or Clothworkers of broad clotheses, serving much for the Spanish and South Countries, which were of such goodness and substance: as that the names of them do yet continue in these parties, but now it is chiefly inhabited with merchants, Kersey Clothier's & of all sorts of Artificers, among whom the Merchants are the chiefest & the wealthiest.  
The government of this City was sometimes by four Bailiffs called Provostres, but shortly after the Conquest: there was ordered a Senate of xxxuj, and in these latter days of xxiv. persons of the most sober, grave and wisest Commoners and franchised men of the same, of which number one was and is yéerly choose to be the chiefest governor for the year following and is called by the name of a Mayor.  
This Mayor associated with the foresaid four Bailiffs, hath the discerning of and in all manner of actions betwixt party and party, & for which he keepeth on every Monday a Court in the Guild hall of the said City, but the Bailiffs having the like jurisdiction: do according to their old and ancient customs keep the like Courts, being distinct from the Mayor at all days and times when them best liketh, which their Court: is called by the name of the Provostres, Court, for Provostres was their first names. Thus the Mayor and Bailiffs both jointly and severally have jurisdiction to discern in causes between party and party, but if the matter do touch the Prince, the Crown, the common peace, or the state of the City and the common wealth of the same: then the same are decided and determined either by the Mayor and justices, or by the Mayor and common Council, or by the Mayor himself, or by some other Officer or officers according to the nature or quality of the cause or matter. But because it requireth a large discourse to describe the government of the common wealth of this City, the charge of every several Officer, the diversity of officers, their several jurisdictions, with a number of other things incident to their charges: I do mind hereafter by God's grace, at large to set the same forth in such sort that all estates and degrees, and every particular Officer and other person within that City shall know his charge, Office and duty, and what to every of them appertaineth.  
In the mean time: let it suffice that partly through good government and partly of a civil inclination, the people of this City as very obsequions and obedient to the Queen and her laws, and have in great reverence and awe, their governors and Magistrates for the time being. And this one thing is not so strange as notable, that even from the beginning, they have from time to time been careful for their common wealth, & most vigilant for the preservation thereof, which as in time of peace they did well rule & govern: so also in the troublesome times and unquiet estates they have most valiantly defended against the incurtions and assaults of their enemies, as by the sundry Histories it may appear.  
For Arviragus, 
Arviragus.  King of this land minding to stay the Realm in his ancient liberties: denied to pay to the Romans the tribute which they demanded, wherefore Claudius the Emperor sent Vespasian the Duke of the Roman Army into this Realm, either to recover the tribute or to subdue the land. This Vespasian is he who in the xxiv. year after this did besiege and destroy Iherusalem, wherefore the Duke landing in Torbay which was then called Totonesium littus, came to this City, laid siege to the same, with continual assaults and batteries for eight days. Arviragus the King being then in the East parts and hearing of this: gathereth his Army and power, marcheth towards this City and encountereth with the enemy. The Roman after long fight (not able to prevail) endeth the matter by composition, and because this shall not seem to be a devised and feigned matter: I will writ the words of four sundry Histories. The Chronicle of the Cathedral Church of the said City hath these words Anno dom. 49.  
Vespasianus, cum Romano exercitu civitatem nunc voca tam Exeter octo diebus obsedit: sed minime prevaluit, Aruirago Rege Civibus auxilium prestante.  
Gaulfride of Monmothe writeth thus. Vespasianus a Claudio missus est, ut Aruiragun vel pacificaret, vel Romanae subiectioni restitueret: cum igitur in portu in rutupi applicare Vespasianus cepisset: obuiavit ei Arviragus, atque prohibuit ne portum ingrederetur retraxit itaque se vespasianus a portu illo, retortisque velis in littore Totnesio applicuit: nactus de inde tellurem Kayerpenhulgoite que nunc Exonia vocatur obsessurus eandem adivit cumque diebus octo eam obsedisset, superuenit Arviragus cum exercitu suo, preliumque commisit: die illa valde laceratus sunt utrorumque exercitus: sed neuter est potitus victoria: mane autem facto, mediant Gen wissa Regina concords effecti sunt. Matthew of Westminster writeth. Arviragus Britannorum Rex in tantam prolapsus est superbiam quod Romanae potestati noluit diutius subiectione parere: Vespasianus igitur a Claudio missus, cum in rutupi portu applicare incepisset, Arviragus illi obuians prohibuit ne ingrederetur: ac Vespasianus retortis velis in Totonesio littore applicuit: et civitatem que Biitannice Kayer penhuelgoite nunc autem Exonia appellatur obsedit: elapsis inde septem diebus Arviragus superuenit, preliumque cum Romanis commisit et utrorumque exercitu valde lacerato, mediant Genwissa Claudii filia, duces amici facti sunt.  
In the History entitled, Nova Cronica de gestis Anglorum a Britonibus usque ad Henricum sextum: in effect is written the like. Vespasianus a Claudio missus est ut Aruira gum pacisicare vel Romani ditioni restitueret, cui obuians Arviragus prohibuit ne terram suam ingrederetur: timens Vespasianus armatorum cohortem retraxit seseretortisque velis in Totonesio littore est appulsus, atque urbem Exone obsedit: post septem dies superuenit Arviragus: prelium committitur, laceraturque utrorumque exercitus, sed neuter potitur victoria: demum mediant Genuissa Regina reconciliati snnt.  
It was also in many troubles and great perplexities in the uncertain and troublesome estates of this Realm, when some times the romans, sometimes the Picts, sometimes the Scots & sometimes the Saxons made their incursions & wars upon & in this land, by reason whereof the Records & memorials of the states in those days were for the most part lost and consumed. And yet nevertheless Matthew of Westminster writeth the it was besieged by Penda King of Mercia. 
Edwin.  An. 632. in the time of Cadwallin one of the last Kings of the Britons. The history is Edwin the Saxon King of the Northumber's, having wars against Cadwalline or Cadwallo, did so prevail and had such conquests over him, 
Cadwalline,  that he was fain and driven to forsake his Realm of Wales and flee into Ireland: where Cadwallo being careful to recover his land & country: repaired his Army and gathered a new force, and often times did attempt to land there within his own country, but all was in vain, for Edwin was ever in readiness and always resisting him would not suffer him to land in any place.  
For this Edwin had about him a certain man named Pellitus who was a Magician & skilful in Necromancy, and by his science and Art: did forshow & declare unto Edwin what things were doing and attempted against him.  
Cadwallo having such evil success: was in utter despair to recover or avail against Edwin, wherefore he sailed into Armorica now called Britain unto the king thereof named Solomon to whom he disclosed his miserable estate & fortune, as also complained much of Pellitus & of his sorceries. When these two Kings had consulted of the matter: it was at length concluded & thought best, that some witty and bold man should be sent over and give the attempt to kill Pellitus, whereupon Brienus Nephew to king Cadwallo taketh upon him to attempt this matter, & appareling himself in poor man's weed: saileth over into England and traveleth unto York where King Edwin lay & kept his Court. And there he joined and accompanied himself among the poor people, whose custom and manner was to lie about the King's gates, at dinner and Supper times, awaiting for the Alms after Dinner and Supper. Pellitus being the King's Alomener and having the charge to distribute the alms: cometh forth and setteth the poor people in order. Brienus by his being there: watcheth his time to work his feat, and suddenly in the press of the people, with his weapon which he had prepared for the purpose: thrusteth Pellitus into the body and killeth him, and forth with (the thing in such a throng not perceived) shifteth himself away privily, and through woods, thickets, hills and Dales, cometh to Exeter, where he discloseth and declareth unto the Britons what he had done, they glad and rejoicing hereof, and hoping that now their King Cadwallo would return: do prepare and make ready both themselves and the City aswell for the resisting of their enemies: as also for the receiving and aiding of their King.  
Penda hearing of this injury done to King Edwin his country man, and minding to revenge the same: gathered a great army of Saxons, marcheth unto Exeter and besiegeth the same round about, minding the utter subversion of the City, and nation, but the Citizens and Britons manfully withstanding his force: defended both themselves and their City, until that king Cadwallo (being hereof advertised) did with his force come over, who not only rescued & delivered both his City and country: but also joining battle with his enemies gave them the overthrow.  
3 It was also in great trouble in the time of King Alured or Alphred the fourth Son of Ethelwolphus, 
Alphred  for Polidorus and others do writ that in the fifth year of the said kings reign: the Danes concluded a peace with the King, and gave hostages for the keeping thereof, notwithstanding contrary to the same, most perfidiously they assembled themselves and with all haste marched towards this City & perforce entered & took the same.  
Daci etenim qui Religionem et fidem pre suo commodo postponendam ducebant Londino se moventes maximusiti neribus Exoniam proficiscuntur: urbemque per vim capiunt. but long they enjoyed no rest there: for the winter passed, the King to be revenged of their perjury: marched towards the said City with his power, which the Danes understanding, and not able to abide the vexation and trouble of the Citizens: would not abide the end, but fled some to Dartmouth, & there took shipping, who were in a tempest at the Seas for the most part drowned, some fled to Chipenham or as sun writ to Bristol, whom the king so hardly pursued that he never gave over until he had overcome them, and slain their Captains, Hubbert and Hungar.  
4 Likewise in the xix. year of the reign of the saidking, the Danes contrary to their faith, pledges and promises did again come to this City and laid siege to the same. Danorum Excercitus Anno. 877. ab warham nocte quadam federe dirupto ad Exeancestre diverterunt quod Britannici dicitur Cayerewise at audito Regis adventu: ad puppes fugerunt, et in mare predantes manebant.  
5 It was also besieged by the said Danes in the xix year. of king Elgered. Anno. 1001. For the Danes which were then in normandy hearing of the good luck, success and great spoils their company in England had in every place, and their teeth set on edge therewith: suddenly prepared their Ships to sail & come over, and as it chanced they landed upon the costs of Devon and forthwith took their journey and marched towards this city of Exon, thinking to have found them napping, and to have taken them unwares and upon a sudden. Sed Civibus viriliter resistentibus recesserunt, the inhabitants and people of Devon, Somerset and Dorset hearing thereof in all haste assembled themselves minding both to rescue the City, as also to encounter and adventure the field with the Danes. And meeting with them as they were coming from the siege of the City: joined battle with them at a place called Pinho distant about iij, miles from the City, where was a cruel fight and a great slaughter had between them. And thus doth Hovedon also testify for saith he, Memoratus paganorum exercitus de Normannia in Angliam revectus ostium flwii Eaxe ingreditur et mox ad extinguendam urbem Exancestre egreditur sed dum murum illius destruere moliretur ac civibus urbem viriliter defendentibus repellitur: unde nimis exasperatus more solito villas succendendo agros depopulando hominesque cedendo, per domnoniam vagatur: quare domnanienses in unum congregati, in loco qui dicitur Pinho certamen cum eyes ineunt.  
King Sweno being in Denmark & advertised hereof, 
Sweno.  as also how King Eldred alias Etheldred or Egelred, had caused all the Danes in the Realm suddenly in one night to be slain, being much grieved their with: did provide & prepare an army for the revenge thereof, and in the year. 1002. landing into divers parts of this Realm did most cruelly spoil the land, slay the people and bring the whole estate to an unspeakable misery. But at length (receiving a tribute for peace) returned home again into his own country, howbeit the Citizens of Exon hearing of this cruelty used in the East parts: made themselves strong and prepared the City in readiness to withstand the force of such an enemy, if happily he should attempt hostilite and force against them. But the Dane being returned home and knowing nothing of this preparation: one Hugh than Earl of Devon, (as Princes lack no fawners) sent his letters into Denmark to King Sweno, certifying him both of the state & wealth of this City, and of the great preparation made therein to withstand him, persuading him not to sustain such a matter, and as Coles willbe soon enkindled: so forthwith the Dane was in his heat, and prepared all things in a readiness to work his will against this City.  
Wherefore the year following being the year of our Lord 1003. he landed upon the costs of Devon and Cornwall, with a huge host and marching towards this City gave and laid siege to the same in the beginning of August and continued until the xiv. of the kalends of September, during which time, though the assaults were often fierce and cruel: yet there wanted no stomach in the Citizens to withstand the same. But in continuance of time when they saw themselves week, Victuals to fail, the fire round about them, their walls beaten down, themselves daily slaughtered and murdered, and with this their decay, the enemy to be the stronger, and yet in all their distress their king Eldred fled into normandy having no care for their miseries, nor preparing rescues, for their aid and secure: it was no marvel though in so heavy a case they were amazed and astonished, & yet consulting & considering with themselves that Sweno was a Dane, a cruel enemy, a bloody murderer & a very usurper, having no other title to the Realm of England but tyranny: did with one consent agreed and conclude never to yield or give over as long as any were left alive, which might withstand such an enemy, wishing rather to die in truth, and for their common wealth: then to live with reproach and infamy, and to depart rather with mortal Fame: then to be miserable slaves to an usurping tyrant. When therefore after man● long assaults they were spent and few or none left alive to withstand so mighty & so many enemies: the Dane on the xxvij of August entered the City, and when he had served his bloody appetite, in murdering the poor widows and Children: he spoiled the City, burned the houses, razed the walls, beaten down the Temples, and left nothing which either by sword, fire or spoiling might be consumed.  
And so Renolph writeth. Daci cum suo Rege Swano Excestriam venerunt et urbem funditus destruxerunt, nulla re incolumi relicta, que aut ferro aut igne poterat vastari: et omnia spolia cineribus tantum relictis secum deportaverunt.  
The like words Henry of Huntingdon in the sixth Book of his histories, writeth in this sort. Anno dom. 1●03, Daci ira exarserunt, sicut ignis quem sanguine velit aliquis extinguere: advolantes igitur quasi multitudo locustarum quidam Exestriam venerunt, et urbem totam funditus destruxerunt, et omnia spolia secuin, cineribus tantum relictis deportaverunt. Hovedon also writeth. Rex danorum Swein per iniuriam et proditionem Normanici comitis hugonis quem Emma Domnaniae prefecerat, civitatem Exon infregit spoliavit murum ab orientali usque ad occidentalem portam destrux it et cum ingenti praeda naves repetiit. 
William Conqueror.   
6 It was also besieged by William the Conqueror in the first year of his reign Anno. 1068.: for when he first entered the land using by dent of Sword all hostility: this City entering in league with the nobility and Towns of this Country, did conclude and promise', each to the other to withstand the enemy to the uttermost, & accordingly did prepare for the same, but when the Conqueror had prevailed and subdued almost the whole Realm, and understanding that this City would not yield: sent his Army from London and besieged the same, and perceiving the siege to continue: marched himself as far as Salisbury towards the same. In the mean time, the Citizen's advertised that the whole Realm had yielded, and seeing their confederates to shrink daily from them: and by that means they to war daily weaker and weaker, being not able to withstand so great a power and Army as was round about them: did by way of entreaty offer conditions of peace, and submitted themselves to the King, who according to their composition received their submission, & after a grievous fine taken: did restore the City unto them again. But in token of his conquest: he altered the Gates of the castle, and swore all the people to be his liege Subjects.  
Hovedon in his History maketh mention that King Harold's wife should be within the City during this assault & besiege, for these be his words, Hyeme imminente Rex Will helmus de Normania in Angliam rediit et Angliae importabile tributum imposuit: deinde in domnomam host●●●er profectus est ad civitatem Excestriam quam cives et nonnulli Anglici ministri contra illum retinebant et obsedit et in fregit: Githa vero commitissa matter scilicet Haroldi Regis Anglorum, ac soror Swani Regis danorum cum multis de civitate fugiens, evasit, e● Flandriam petiit: cives autem dex tris acceptis regi se dederunt.  
7 Also in the second year of King Stephen. 
King. Stephen,  Anno. 1137. the Lords and Peers of the Realm remembering the oath they had made to King Henry the first, to whom they swore to be true to Maude the King's daughter and to her heirs (and yet contrary to the same had sworn themselves to King Stephen:) began to repent themselves, and consulted how to restore Maude the Empress, wherefore assembling together in armour did divide themselves and took sundry Cities & Castles. 
Baldwin Ridivers.   
And Baldwin Ridivers Earl of Devon with force of Arms took this City, whom King Stephen pursuing: did drive him out of the same to the Islle of Wight then his Lordship. But the King when he had received the City into his faith: did march towards the Isle of Wight, and taking the same, did banish the said Earl. But Maude the Empress remembering this City for this faith did enlarge the liberties, for whom ever after an aniversary was kept at the charges of the City. howbeit some say that this Baldwin took Oxford or Westchester, and not Excester and from thence fled to Wight.  
8 It was also in some trouble in the xi. year of King Richard the second. 
King Richard.  Anno. 1387. For a controversy being befall between the King and his Uncles, 
Duke of York.  the Dukes of York and Glocestre, none were then so much in the King's favour as Robart Vere Marquis of Doublin, Michael Dalapool Earl of Suffolk, and others of their faction: whom the King commanded to collect and assemble an Army, 
Duke of Glocestre  in and for his defence against his uncles, but they, whether they mistrusted their own part, or whether they were minded to make themselves stronger, leving their journey towards London came to this City, the Duke's understanding the same: 
Vere.  pursued them with all speed, and at this City joined battle and fought with them, but the Marquis and the Earl trusting better to their feet then to their hands: 
Delapole.  did privily flee away into Scotland, and from thence into flanders where they died.  
9 It was also in great troubles in the time of King Edward the fourth, 
Lord Dinham.  for in the x. year of his reign. Anno. 1469. when the states of King Henry the vj. and King Edward the fourth were doubtful. The Duchess of Clarence, the Lord Dinham, 
Lord Fitzwarren.  the Lord Fitzwarren and the Baron of Carewe with others, who took part with Henry the vj. came to this City accompanied with a thousand fight men, the Duchess being great with child, 
Baron of Carewe.  and lodged in the Bishop's place. But Sir Hugh Courtney Knight, who favoured and was of the part of King Edward, hearing of this: raised an army of his friends and Allies, besieged the City, broke down the Bridges, and stopped all the ways coming towards the same, by means whereof no Victuals could come to the market. And being encamped about the City, sent unto the Mayor requiring him either to open the Gates: or to deliver the gentlemen which were within.  
The gentlemen which were within, they of their parties either mistrusting the Mayor or Commons, or not willing to be ruled under his government: requied the keys of the gates to be delivered into their custody, and all things to be done as at their appointment.  
In which perplexity and doubtful estate: the Mayor and his brethren consulting, did resolve and determine neither to yield to the request of them which were without nor yet to satisfy their requests which were within, but pacifying both parties with such honest and quiet means as they might, did conclude to keep the City and themselves, as to their allegiance appertained to the use of the Crown, wherefore forthwith they rampired the Gates, fortified the Walls, and armed their Soldiers and set all things in good order, leaving nothing undone, which might be for the preservation of the state and common wealth of the City. But in small process of time, the provision waxed short, and victuals began to be scant, where of it was feared a famine would ensue, the same being so hard a thing, as so great a number of people would not endure and abide. Yet notwithstanding partly by the good peswasions of the Magistrates, and having a regard of their own duties and estates, and hoping this troublesome time would not long endure: did continue firm and trusty in their cause, until at length by way of entreaty and mediation of certain Canons of the Close, 
Duke of Clarence,  the siege was after xij. days removed and raised, whereupon very shortly did ensue the field at Edgecourt, where the Duke of Clarence, and the Earl of Warwick (be●●ng put to the worst) did flee to this City, 
Nevel earl of Warwick.  entering in the third of April, lying in the Bishop's Palace for a few days, until they provided Ships at Dartmouth fit for their passage to calais.  
The King having understanding which ways his enemies were gone: followed and pursued them with an army of xl. thousand men, and came to this City the xiv. of April. Anno. 147●. but he came to late the Duke and the Earl being gone to the Seas before his coming, wherefore the King after he had reposed himself here three days: returned.  
10 It was likewise in great trouble, 
king Henry.  being besieged the x●j. year of the reign of King Henry the seven. Anno 1498. by one Parkin Warbeck, who in the beginning of September came to this City and encamped it, with Ordinance battered the walls, fired the gates, undermined the walls and sealed the same, but by the noble courage of the Citizens: he had small success, being manfully resisted until such time as the King advertised thereof: did sand the Lord Edward Courtney Earl of Devon, and the Lord William his Son, with other Noble men, who rescued the City and delivered it from the enemy.  
11 Finally and last of all it was besieged in the third year of King Edward the sixth. 
King Edward.  Anno. 1549. by the Commons of Devon and Cornwall, who not contenting themselves with the state of Religion then established: clustered themselves in companies, appointed to themselves Captains, and minded by their force to undo that which the Prince by Law and Act of Parliament had established, wherefore to redeem all such places of force, wealth, and defence, into their own hands, which might in any respect, serve for their aid and defence: came to this City the second of july. 1549. and encamped them selves about the same in great numbers, during the time of their abode & besieging: great troubles arose, sometimes assaultꝭ made, sometimes the gates fired, sometimes the walls undermined, some times skirmishes made & some great laromes to defend the walls against scaling, finally nothing was left undone, which the enemies might devise for the obtaining of their purpose. And albeit there wanted not lusty stomachs of the Citizens to withstand this outward force, yet in process of time such scarcity of Vitualles did increase, & Bread warred so scant: that the people began to wax weary and loath to abide the extremity thereof, which was so extreme, that it was feared either that the people must yield to the enemy: or perish with famine. How beit the Magistrates (though sorry in such destesse) yet having a special regard of their duty toward the Prince, and their charge to the common wealth, left no means unsought to quiet the people and stay them in their duty and obidience. Wherefore comforting the people with fair promises, and liberal relieving their necessities: did in such sort and order handle the matter, that every body with one assent was resolved in hope of some speedy relief to abide the end, and in no wise to give place to the ●●●mye: but to continued faithful to the Prince, and trusty to ●heir common wealth. And yet in the mean while the governors left no devices and provisions which might be for the relief and comfort of the poor hungry bellies, wherefore the corn and Meal consumed: they caused of course and old refused Bran, bread to be moulded up in clotheses, for otherwise it would not stick together. Also they caused some excurtions to be made out of the City, for the praying and taking of such cattle as were near about the walls, which being taken: was distributed among the poor. Likewise the Prisoners in captivity were contented to be satisfied with such victuals, as could be provided, and albeit man's nature can scarcely abide to feed upon the flesh of a Horse: yet these poor men were fed therewith and well contented.  
The noble King and Council advertised of this distress: did at length after xxxv days, sand the honourable S. john Russel Knight, Lord Russel, Lord privy Seal, and afterwards Earl of Bedford, with a company and band of Soldiers, who after sundry conflicts had with the enemies: came to this City the vj. of August, reskewing and delivering the same from the enemy, and set them at liberty. For the which as God was most worthy of all praise and glory: so is the same his deliverance at this present had in perpetual memory the vj. of August being a holy day in the remembrance thereof.  
Thus this little City which in antiquity is not inferior to other: hath from time to time felt the smarts and changes of all times, and endured great troubles, dangers, extremities and perils, and yet God regarding their faith & obedience to their Prince and common wealth before all other sacrifices: hath defended an preserved them always rewarding them with immortal Fame, for which his great benefits, his name be praised for ever and ever.   

The sundry and several names of the Ci●●. of Excester, and the interpretation of the same.  
COrinea or Corinia, is the first and eldest name of this City, and so named by Corineus who arriving with Brutus into this land, and seizing or taking land upon these west parteꝭ: was (by brutus) Lord of the same. And he then building City (as is thought) called it by his own name Corinia which being so: then is this City one of the first Towns or Cities builded by the Britons in this land.  
Cayrpenhuelgoite, is compounded of four words. Cayr is a Fortress or a walled Town, pen is a head or the chief of any thing, howel is good luck, prosperity or knowledge, goyed is wood, a forest or timber work, now these put together after the English phrase: is the prosperous chief Town in the wood.  
Penhaltcayr is compounded of three words, Pen is the head or chief, halt is high, a top of hill, or the brim or edge of a thing. cayr is a Town walled or a Fortress, these put together, do signify the head Town or City upon the Hil.  
Pencayr is compounded of two words, of Pen and Cayr, which signify the chief City.  
Cayrruthe, Cayrrith, is compounded of Cair and Rith, Rith is tawnish or a dark read, and so it signifieth the read town, City or Fort.  
Cayrriske is likewise a compound of two words, Iske signifieth a fresh water, also a quill or a wing, but in this place: it is the name of the River which fleeteth by the City, and so 〈◊〉 signifieth the City of Iske.  
Isca was also the name of the Town, and Isaca the name of the River which fleeteth by it, as Ptolomeus and certain latter writers following him: do suppose & writ, though it should seem rather the City to be called Isaca, and the River Isca.  
Muncketon was so called by the Saxons, but upon what reason: it doth not appear, others then that they did at their coming change and altar the names of all or most part of places in this land, giving new names either of Towns or places of the Country from whence they came, or of their own devise: or else King Etheldred or King Edgar when they had builded each of them a Monastery for Muncks: did give that name.  
Exeter was the name which King Adelstane gave unto it when he sojourned in this Town calling it so of the river Exe, and then it is to say Exeterra the town or soil of Exe.  
Exancestre is thought to be so called by the Saxons, who commonly and for the most part named such Forts and holds as they builded by this word Cestria, as Cicestria, Dorcestria, Osestria and many other like, for Cestir in the Saxon tongue is a Fort, a Town or a City.  
Excestrum or Excestre is the name most now in use, and so named (as some writ) of the River, which they writ to be named Excestrum,